Urban design strategies of deviation. Towards a resilient Tietê valley. São Paulo by Evelien Lambrechts

URBAN DESIGN STRATEGIES OF DEVIATION. TOWARDS A RESILIENT TIETÊ VALLEY, SÃO PAULO

Authors Evelien Lambrechts Michaël Stas Benjamin Vanbrabant Matthias Vanhoutteghem Promotor Prof. Dr. ir. Bruno De Meulder Co-promotor Yuri Gerrits Local Promotor Eliana Rosa De Queiroz Barbosa Readers Guido Geenen Christian Nolf

Urban design strategies of deviation. Towards a resilient Tietê valley, São Paulo

Eindwerk aangeboden tot het verkrijgen van het diploma Master in de Ingenieurswetenschappen: Architectuur Promotor Prof. Dr. ir. Bruno De Meulder Co-promotor Yuri Gerrits Local promotor Eliana Rosa De Queiroz Barbosa

Academiejaar 2013-2014 Master in de Ingenieurswetenschappen: Architectuur

Evelien Lambrechts Michaël Stas Benjamin Vanbrabant Matthias Vanhoutteghem

ÂŠ Permission for Use of Content:

The authors herewith permit it that the present dissertation be made available for consultation; parts of it may be copied, strictly for personal use. Every other use is subject to strict copyright reservations. Particular reference is made to the obligation of explicitly mentioning the source when quoting the present dissertationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s results. Leuven, 2014 All images presented in this booklet are, unless credits are given, made or drawn by the authors.

ÂŠ Copyright KU Leuven Without written permission of the promotors and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to dept. ASRO, Kasteelpark Arenberg 1/2431, B-3001 Heverlee, +32-16-321361 or via e-mail to secretariaat@asro.kuleuven.be. A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests.

2013-2014

Preface

K.U. Leuven Faculteit Ingenieurswetenschappen

Master’s thesis file

Students: Evelien Lambrechts Michaël Stas Benjamin Vanbrabant Matthias Vanhoutteghem

Title: Urban design strategies of deviation. Towards a resilient Tietê valley, São Paulo.

Studio São Paulo II focuses on the future prospects of the Tietê valley. This unruly area in the vicinity of downtown São Paulo holds the legacy of both a floodplain and industrial corridor and is currently in a critical stage of transformation. As generic real estate developments have been relentlessly consuming land for the past decade, the Valley is now put forward as the strategic redevelopment area for the city. However, rising flood problems amongst other water issues repeatedly paralyze the valley as the Tietê River reclaims its territory. This thesis aims to acknowledge the true identity of the Tietê’s deprived floodplain by providing an analysis on the current conditions and processes in the Valley, followed by a series of resilient design strategies. The proposed strategies have the ambition to create a framework for future phases of transformation whilst resolving current and future water issues. Four individual design projects further explore these strategies within qualitative development scenarios.

Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Master in Engineering: Architecture.

Promotor: Prof. Dr. ir. Bruno de Meulder Co-promotor: Yuri Gerrits Local promotor: Eliana Rosa De Queiroz Barbosa

Abstract:

Preface

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT We would like to thank all the people that have made the outcome of this thesis possible:

To Bruno De Meulder, our promotor, for his critical reflections and expertise upon our works which remarkably added in the outcome of this thesis. To Yuri Gerrits, our co-promoter, for his motivation and inspiring guidance, his critical opinions and well appreciated encouragements throughout the entire process of this design research. To Christian Nolf and Guido Geenen, for their critical insights during instructive sessions and meetings. To Studio São Paulo I, for their remarkable research that allowed us to better understand the city and the conditions of the site, for their help and introduction. To all the people we met in São Paulo, especially to Jeroen Stevens, Jonas Knapen, Luis Guilherme Milioni, Odilon Queiroz and Anne Loeckx, for their contributions; curricular and extra curricular. To VLIR for the financial support that allowed us to travel to São Paulo. And last but not least to our parents, for the given opportunies and to our families, friends and fellow students for their continuous support.

A first and honest appreciation goes to Eliana Rosa de Queiroz Barbosa, our local promoter, for welcoming us in São Paulo and guiding us throughout our stay. Her advice and guidance during our fieldwork aided in a better understanding of the city and in both the Brazilian and Paulistano lifestyle and culture. Thank you for arranging all the meetings with the municipality and the university, for showing us around, for introducing us to all the amazing people that helped us gather information about São Paulo. Your friendship and guidance allowed us to experience a unique fieldwork trip.

STUDIO SÃO PAULO II

Studio São Paulo II is the second generation that engages with an urban design research in São Paulo. During 2012-2013, the first Studio São Paulo analysed the Valley of Tietê a first time. This collective research acknowledged the unruliness and otherness of the area as a unique quality and tried to be as precisely as possible on the problem statement and potential. Four main chapters unravelled the specific character of the valley, shaped by a strong bundle of linear structures: the river, the railway and road system. River, non-river historically explored the process from river to canal to sewer. In parallel, Space of flows analysed the implementation and impact of the railway and road infrastructure. Public ground, civic value focussed on the discrepancy between the public realm and the Valley as a space of gates, followed by Scale mass-fragmentation, a final chapter on tissue, scale, and processes of transformation. Subsequently, five design explorations further investigated this cherished otherness of the Valley. This second studio continues the research of the Tietê Valley, complementing last year’s work with a stronger focus on the undeniable water issues that strike the metropolis. This research tries to understand the drainage and sewage systems and explores them within the larger frame of greater São Paulo, linking the current occurrences and causes of especially floods to a series of decisions and interventions undertaken during the previous century. The goal of this second research by design is to explore instruments of water management on different scales and levels in relation to the ongoing developments in the Valley by proposing a series of qualitative development scenarios.

Preface Urban design strategies of deviation. Towards a resilient Tietê Valley, São Paulo

SStudio uò o São Paulo uo

Studio São Paulo

Exploiting deviations in the valley of Tietê São Paulo

CONTENT The unruly territory of the Tietê Valley in the vicinity of downtown São Paulo marks an exception within the endless urban expansion of the city. From being a natural floodplain of the meandering Tietê River towards an industrial corridor shaped around a polluted canal, today this territory still holds the legacy of both, as it is currently in a critical stage of transformation, erasing its structuring scars. For the past decade, generic real estate development has been relentlessly consuming large parts of the valley’s land, creating islands of isolated condominiums within a mishmash of warehouses, industrial leftovers and working class neighbourhoods. Only recently the current administration put the Valley forward as part of the city’s most important strategic redevelopment area: Arco do Futuro. In the upcoming decade, the complex and fractured tissue of an industrial past will be transformed into a landscape of housing and offices, creating jobs and increasing São Paulo’s much needed housing stock near the city centre.

However, São Paulo is facing other major challenges. Flash floods and bursting watercourses repeatedly restrain the city. Due to insufficient water management, the uncontrollable urban expansion, climate change and the negligence of the issues by politicians and inhabitants, these problems only escalate. And yet, the city’s administration has targeted one the most flood prone areas, the Tietê Valley, to transform into a densely populated area. This collective research consists out of six chapters and acknowledges the true identity of the Tietê’s deprived floodplain. The first three chapters provide an analysis on the city’s water issues of the past and present, while casting a critical glance on the taken measures. After an atlas as an intermediate chapter which situates flooding and other geographical conditions within the area of research and the administrative and geographical borders of greater São Paulo, a fifth chapter depicts the past, present and future urban processes in the Valley itself, followed by an analysis of the area’s specific hydrography and water issues. The final chapter proposes a series of resilient design strategies, which have the ambition to create a framework for future phases of transformation whilst resolving current and future water issues. Four individual design projects further explore these strategies within qualitative development scenarios, each on different scales and well-considered sites in the Tietê Valley. Together they contribute to a larger vision on water management in the Valley within the ongoing urbanization.

Framing São Paulo situates the city geographically and in relation to its watercourses. A few impressions, divided in different themes, give a brief introduction to the biggest metropolis of the Southern hemisphere. A history, neglected or forgotten is a narrative on the discrepancy between São Paulo’s urban expansion and its shifting watercourses. From the first settlements until now, it discusses the measures in the city’s hydrography and the ambiguous relation between the Paulistanos and their rivers. Water issues actualizes the present water problems and elaborates in depth about the duality of the flood problems in the city. Facts and numbers are presented to allow a scientific approach towards the current and upcoming water issues threatening the city. Atlas situates the Valley within a larger frame. It maps water related structures within the existing natural and administrative borders, namely: the Alto Tietê Basin, the city of São Paulo and the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo. This atlas can be consulted independently as additional information, related to the research in the other chapters. Tietê Valley elaborates on the peculiar character of the river’s deprived floodplain. This chapter will provide an understanding of the current conditions and processes of the Valley, along with an analysis of the area’s hydrography and causes of flooding. By exploring both urban and hydrological structures, we will put São Paulo’s most recent redevelopment strategy into perspective as well as setting it up against a thorough academic proposal on macro drainage. Riverplain proposes a vocabulary of resilient design strategies that acknowledge the true character of the Valley. Together they form a vision or scenario for a resilient Tietê Valley, which is above all focussed on sustainable water management in accordance with the area’s underlying identity and upcoming developments. Finally, four individual design projects are introduced. Each of them explore the conceptual propositions and strategies within a specific site, scale and theme. Together, these design scenarios all contribute to a larger vision for the Tietê Valley, serving as a framework for future development, while regenerating the Valley as a Riverplain.

Preface

This collective research frequently shifts between different scales of the metropolis. We distinguish two different types of boundaries: administrative borders and natural borders. The first determined by political movements, the latter by topography and hydrography. It is important to understand on what scales the following narrative handles as they often overlap and have significant importance in certain past decisions of the city. By zooming in and out between the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo and São Paulo city itself, we alternate between different administrative borders. Furthermore we look at the natural borders of the Alto Tietê basin and the valley of Tietê. These presented scales create a framework in which particular topics will be discussed. Following icons will refer to the discussed area and provide a better link between different maps and figures while reading the book.

Alto Tietê basin 5985 km² The Alto Tietê water basin is almost coterminous with the MRSP and houses 99,5% of its population. This massive human occupation is accompanied by large-scale water infrastructures, including dams, pumping stations, canals, tunnels and inter-basin transfers. São Paulo City 1523 km² 11.316.149 (7216 inh./km²) São Paulo city is the administrative centre of the MRSP and houses the largest population in South-America. It forms the economic and demographic heart of greater São Paulo, and even Brazil. Tietê valley The Tietê valley is determined by the 725m elevation line and stretches along the NorthWest of São Paulo’s city centre. Within this boundary lies our specific area of research, covering approximately 20 km²

MRSP (Metropolitan Region of São Paulo) 8050 km² 19 677 506 inh. The MRSP is a politically defined area. It includes 39 municipalities, of which São Paulo City is the largest. It is among the 5 largest metropolitan areas in the world.

FRAMING SAO PAULO

A HISTORY, NEGLECTED OR FORGOTTEN?

Founding São Paulo Vila de São Vicente

42 42

Hygienic interventions and sanitation measurements An ambiguous relationship Rectifying the Tamanduateí river First manipulations of the Tietê river

46 46 50 58

Coffee, the railroad and industrial ideology Immigration and the abolishment of slavery Spatial Segregation Hydropower First interventions Projeto Serra 12

Urban embellishment Proposals for the valley of Tietê Plano Avenidas

Post 60’s Crystalization

60 67 68 80 82 82 85 88 94 96 98 101 105 110

Urban expansion

112

Timeline

114

TIETÊ VALLEY

185

Geography of rain Climate and weather in São Paulo

118 118 122 126 129 130

Arco do Futuro

186

Morphology of the Valley Deviation of Tissue

188 192 194 200 206 208 210 222 236 241 243

Bursting riverbanks The strength of water Piscinões Future of wet feet Climate change Heat island Growing vulnerability

132 132 137 138

Days of drought Water production systems Cantareira Water reservoirs and aquifers Hydropower and water

140 140 143 144 148

Black river Polluting past and present Contaminated water systems

150 150 152

Road infrastructure Density Functions Districts, Identities? Patches and obstructions Scale of transformation Future prospects Retaliation of water Dual threat ‘Urban’ drainage Permeability Case study of a watershed

156

ATLAS

248 250 256 258 264 266 268

Hidroanel

270

RIVERPLAIN

275

Arco Tietê - Valley of Tietê

276

Strategy for resilience Water spaces Typologies of protection Crossing the Valley Stitching the Valley

278 280 288 290 292

Visions

298

159 Urban Transport vectors Topography Topography Watersheds Geology Geology Annual rainfall Flood prone areas Declivities Flood control Water quality

162 164 166 168 169 170 172 174 176 178 180 182

Preface

117

WATER ISSUES

First situation of S達o Paulo in its geographical location and the larger system of basins and watercourses is given. Furthermore a general impression of this multi-layered city is framed by the use of some themes, complemented with inputs of our own experiences and impressions of this city, as some of them will be reflected in the later projects.

Framing Framing S達o S達o Paulo Paulo

Tietê river São Paulo

Paraná river

Framing São Paulo

As for many other cities, the presence of a large river has been determining for the foundation of São Paulo. Its central city is situated between the rivers Tietê, Tamanduatei and Pinheiros. The Tietê, the city’s main river, runs inland due to complex geomorphological conditions. It crosses the State of São Paulo diagonally, flowing from the Serra do Mar in the South-East towards the North-West, where it confluences with the Paraná river. The Paraná runs through the whole of Paraguay before it flows into the Atlantic Ocean near Buenos Aires, Argentina. Located in the South-East of Brazil, the State of São Paulo is the country’s major industrial and economic power. With over 41 million inhabitants, its population is larger than any of the other twentysix states. The Metropolitan Region of São Paulo is located in the South-East of the state and is composed of 39 Municipalities, of which São Paulo City is the largest (recognisable by its boundaries in the shape of a dog) [1]

[1] GOVERNO DO ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO, “A world called São Paulo”, s.d.

State of São Paulo [based on RIBEIRO, Eduardo Gianni Dutra, FAU USP, 2008]

Metropolitan Region of São Paulo

Turvo/Grande S.J. Dos Dourados

Paraná river

Baixo Pardo Grande

Baixo Tietê

Sapucai Grande

Waterways in São Paulo state

Pardo Aguapel

Tietê/Batalha

Peixe Tietê/Jacaré

Pontal do Paranapanema Medio Paranapanema

Mogi-Guaçu

Tietê river Piracicaba/Capivari Jundia Paraiba do Sul

Alto Paranapanema

Medio Tietê

Alto Tietê

Baixada Santista Riberia do Iguape Litoral Sul

[SILVA, R.T, 2012]

Tietê runs with a gentle slope of only 0,17m/km through the State of São Paulo. [1] Its basin consists of six hydrographical sub-basins, covering a total area of 77.474 km2. [2] One of them is the Alto Tietê Basin, located in the South-East of the state. With an area of 5985 km2 it almost coincides with the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo. More than 37% of the basin’s territory is urbanised and encompasses 99.5 % of Greater São Paulo’s population. Consequently, it is the richest and most populated basin in Brazil. [3]

[1] ADORNO, V., Tietê uma promessa de futuro para as aguas do passado, Secretaria de Cultura Sp, Brasil, 1999. [2] BUCALEM,M., Plano diretor de drenagem e manejo de aguas pluviais de São Paulo PMAP-SP, Prefeitura de São Paulo Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano, São Paulo, 2012.

[3] JOHNSSON Rosa Maria Formiga and KEMPER, Karin Erika, Institutional and policy analysis of river basin management- the Alto-Tietê river basin São Paulo Brazil, World Bank, 2005.

Framing Sﾃ｣o Paulo Alto Tietﾃｪ Basin

Tietﾃｪ river

Tamanduatei river Pinheiros river

[PREFEITURA DE Sﾃグ PAULO, 2013]

“São Paulo is, increasingly, an octopus whose tentacles stretch further and further outwards, making it impossible to provide efficient public transport. The tentacles head in all directions. To the west, where the corporate world, gated communities and high- rise buildings proliferate. To the north, east and south, where, despite the hundreds of empty pockets, abandoned buildings and waste land in the centre of the city, the poorest people seek housing on the edge of the city, polluting areas that should be environmentally preserved, and contaminating the reservoirs that provide the metropolis’ drinking water.” [1] [1] LORES, Raul Juste, “The Mirage and its Limits”, Living in the Endless City, Phaidon Press Ltd, London, 2011.

Framing S達o Paulo 21 [based on YAHOO maps, 2011]

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Flying by helicopter is the fastest way for politicians and businessmen to travel throughout the city of São Paulo. 24 Busses don’t have any time schedule as the perpetual congestion makes it pointless. An attempt to improve this situation is ‘expresso tiradentes’, which is an elevated expressway exclusively for busses,.

In order to tackle this major congestion problem, the city should give priority to public transport. The current underground, train and bus system is overcrowded and insufficient to cover the whole city. Plans to extend the subway system already existed, but didn’t get sufficient priority under pressure of the car dominance. Current policies seem to finally understand the importance and advantages of a railoriented public transport network.

Framing São Paulo 25

Daily, 5.4 million vehicles circulate in São Paulo. Providing infrastructure for all these cars and a total population of 22 million is a tremendous challenge, demanding large scale interventions. Avenues, highways and viaducts appear everywhere throughout the city, accommodating these enormous flows. Because of the dominant carculture, INFRASTRUCTURE has always been a priority, ignoring nature and the city’s foundations. Most infrastructural interventions end up being brutal scars throughout the city without proper integration or consideration of their impact on the neighbourhoods they are planned in. Even though the car-oriented infrastructural network is tremendous, it is insufficient. The urban landscape is almost constantly congested by traffic, causing São Paulo to have the world’s largest helicopter fleet. Flying is the fastest way to travel throughout the city, independent of the chaos beneath. [1]

Pedestrians and cyclists often have to forge their own path in this car dominated city.

[1] MEURS, Paul, Brazil Contemporary, NAi Publishers, Rotterdam, 2009.

Congested roads are a common thing in São Paulo, especially during rush- hour.

São Paulo’s most discussed infrastructural intervention in the city centre is the ‘Minhoção’. Built over an existing avenue, this giant linear figure slices merciless through the central territory, causing fragmentation and discontinuity. Since 1976 it is closed for traffic at night and on Sundays. [1] In the dense urban fabric with just a few open spaces, this harsh concrete infrastructure became an extremely valuable public space. This elevated structure offers other perspectives on the city and creates a space of shared citizenship. Its temporal use and the daily transformation from a violent infrastructure into a popular place for cyclists, joggers, informal vendors, football playing kids and many others make this elevated structure so interesting. [1] BARBOSA, E., Minhocão Multiples Interpretations, ‘Vitruvius’, 147.03 ano 13, 2012.

26 The Minhoção runs brutally through three central and denslely populated neighbourhoods, passing just a few metres away from some of the facades alongside this avenue.

Framing S達o Paulo 27 Each day after 9:30 p.m., this harsh concrete ribbon turns into a valuable public space, loved by cyclists, joggers, children and many others.

A consequence of São Paulo’s rapid growth is a notable inadequacy of PUBLIC SPACE. The uncontrollable expansion of the city made valuable open or green spaces a rare element in this city’s endless fabric. This lack of proper public spaces is also closely connected with social segregation, fear, criminality and many mono-functional projects. Shopping malls, cinemas, sport clubs, restaurants and clubs become the ‘public’ spaces for the average middle and high class Paulistans. Public space is discontinuous. The way it is being experienced and perceived has changed during the last century. For example, during office hours the city centre is characterised by an accumulation of both people and programmes but after the employees have gone home, it becomes an empty ‘noman’s land’. One of the exceptions is the wide boulevards of Avenida Paulista. The presence of museums, cultural buildings and the movement of many commuters turn it into a vibrant space, which is often even crowded on weekends. 28

[1] MEURS, Paul, Brazil Contemporary, NAi Publishers, Rotterdam, 2009.

a loved meeting place for a large community of skateboarders.

The public character of the Memorial America Latina isn’t fully exploited. It looks like a desolated plaza due to São Paulo’s urge of fencing everything.

Framing S達o Paulo 29 The MASP, designed by Lina Bo Bardi, is an important addition to the diversity of Avenida Paulista. Its fascinating structure creates a sheltered

Generally there is a constant longing for more qualitative public space. A pleasant sidewalk to stroll around is almost enough to create a public space in this car-dominated city. An otherwise marginal place can be charged with a certain public functionality. This is often complemented with types of informal activities and business. The city is sometimes referred to as a grey and endless concrete jungle. This results from the inadequate 3.5m2 of green space per inhabitant (Curitiba 13,6 mÂ˛/hab, New York 14,3 mÂ˛/hab, London 18,1 mÂ˛/ hab [1]). Parque Ibirapuera is the most popular and famous park of the city. The park functions on the scale of the city due to its proper integration and good accessibility. This turns it into a favourite refuge for many Paulistans. [2] [2] MEURS, Paul, Brazil Contemporary, NAi Publishers, Rotterdam, 2009.

Framing S達o Paulo 31 Informal business, like this burger- tent, charge an otherwise marginal space with a certain public character.

Framing S達o Paulo

Since the 1970’s - 1980’s, São Paulo has experienced an increase in urban crime and a lack of democratic openness that have influenced the city. The proliferation of violent crime generated a SENSE OF INSECURITY among the city’s inhabitants. The city established new social patterns, changed spatial configurations and the ways of conceiving public and private spaces. Strategies of protection and marking differences were used, among which the construction of walls and fences is the most emblematic one. [1] Various social groups, and especially the upper class, used this fear for violence and feeling of unsafety to justify their ways of exclusion and withdrawal from traditional city quarters. They would move to exclusive, fortified enclaves as the ‘gated communities’ that gained popularity in the mid- 1980’s. The biggest and most famous ones are the Alphavilles. This process of urban segregation went hand in hand with the privatisation of security, which became a very profitable industry. 34

[1] CALDEIRA P. R., Teresa, ‘CITY OF WALLS, Crime, segregation and Citizenship in São Paulo’, Los Angeles, London, 2001

‘Cracolândia’ (derived from ‘crack‘) is a commonly used name for a region in the city center of São Paulo, that after working hours is dominated by drug users. The talk about crime, that is part of the proliferation of this feeling of unsafety, often refers to this area.

Framing S達o Paulo 35 Walls with cameras and electric wires on top of it, marking the difference between what is public and private became a common sight in this city.

Framing S達o Paulo

A history,

neglected or forgotten

From the first settlements to the sprawling metropolis, São Paulo’s unruly urban expansion has always been the main motive for manipulating the city’s watercourses. The emphasis on development eventually lead to large-scale interventions in the hydrology of the Alto Tietê basin. The decisions behind these interventions now have considerable repercussions on the contemporary city. It is therefore important to understand which social and economic processes are at the root of these interventions and how the perception towards the rivers changed over the past centuries. Following chapter elaborates on the history of the city with a strong focus on the story behind the transformation of rivers and watercourses, which is inextricably linked to the problems the city faces today.

A history

Salvador

Brasilia

São Paulo

Paraná river

Buenos Aires

Tietê river

FOUNDING SÃO PAULO Vila de São Vicente

In 1532 a group of Portuguese Jesuits climbed the Serra do Mar mountain range to expand their mission of propagating religious beliefs among the indigenous people living in the “the New World”. As they continued their journey towards the interior, they discovered a “very healthy and fresh land with good waters”; the Piratininga Plateau[1]. The area of the plateau was defined by the Tietê river, flowing inland towards the confluence with the Paraná river, and thus forming an ideal base for future explorations. The watercourses of the plateau shaped a mosaic of hills, fluvial terraces and floodplains. [2] The soft topography caused the tropical rivers to expand horizontally, changing the water levels frequently. The first settlements were built on the flat hilltops between River Tamanduateí and its tributary Anhangabaú; protected from flooding and attacks from the indigenous tribes. There, the primitive settlement of São Vicente was founded[3], surrounded by a scenic landscape of rivers and floodplains as a respected natural border. The indigenous names of the rivers were kept.

Farmers and small groups of indigenous people that were put into slavery mainly inhabited the settlement, forming a small agriculture. An attempt to establish a large agricultural economy based on the cultivation of sugar cane and labor of slaves didn’t quite succeed as the colonists didn’t manage to reconcile these aspirations with their inland expeditions. Bandeiras, as the expeditions were called back then, intended to enslave indigenous tribes and exploit the land of Minais Gerais to obtain precious metals and stones. By the end of the 17th century, the village gained control over a region that was larger than the current state of São Paulo. At turn of the 18th century, São Paulo was considered a city, although its dimensions were still very limited. [1] [1]GOVERNO DO ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO, The Colonial Period

Paraná

settlements next to the Paraná River. [based on: SOUZA, Jonas Soares de; MAKINO, Miyoko, 2000]

Serra de Cantareira

900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0

Tietê

São Paulo, Piratininga plateau

A history Rio Grande

83 km

Serra do Mar

Santos

Pinheiros

rivers cut-off meanders creecks urban tissue 0 200m

1km

Anhangabaú

Bexiga

acu

Sar

Tam

and uate í

ê et Ti São Paulo

A history

HYGIENIC INTERVENTIONS AND SANITATION MEASURES In the early 1800’s the occupied territory of the city was still limited by the Tamanduateí river. Apart from being a geographical fringe, the river played an important role in the daily lives of the inhabitants. Besides being an important transport mode, the river and its floodplains were also essential elements of spatial organization and used for leisure and other daily activities.[1] -

By the time the city’s expansion already reached the banks of the river, hygienic issues became apparent. The strong relationship between the inhabitants and the river became rather ambiguous as the absence of a well thought sewage system had indirect consequences for the health of the inhabitants. During floods, the high water carried sewage from the city to the floodplain where it remained stagnant due to the soft topography and slow flow rate of the rivers. The accumulation of domestic waste in the valley polluted the water in the floodplains. Therefore, the fluvial areas of the meandering rivers turned into infectious places causing several epidemics and diseases, like yellow fever. [2]

46 rivers meander creecks intervention floodplain 0

500m

baĂş

anga

Anh

xig

A history

A history “Around 1820 and even several decades later, the city was periodically isolated by the flooding of its two nearby rivers . The winding Tamanduateí , flooding the Carmo Floodplain , inflicted 'annoying fog , humidity, defluxos and rheumatism ', while depriving the city of productive land .”

In the minds of the inhabitants, the floods were rather negative events, threatening the population’s health. While they blamed the annual rains for this problem, it was actually the lack of knowledge in sewage management that created the bad sanitary conditions. In an attempt to improve the poor sanitation, measures were taken in the Carmo Lowland. In 1810 the city implemented a ditch in the centre of the floodplain to decrease the amount of stagnant waters during floods. By 1827, the sanitarian conditions had worsened and plans were made to rectify the Tamanduateí in order to increase its flow-rate. Eventually, in 1840, the Tamanduateí was rectified over the section called ‘the seven turns’. However this rectification allowed the implementation of some landfills and streets like Rua 25 de Março [1], water transport became impossible due to the narrow section of the new constructed channel. At that time, the interventions were mainly about safeguarding the crossing of the plain and to ensure the usability of the area as a place for activities, rather than expanding the city. [2]

rivers old river course creecks bridges 0

500m

aĂş

An ha

Bexig

Carmo b ridge

A history

Suppressing the existing meanders, however, was insufficient to regulate the water flow of the Tamanduateí. The floods in the Varzea do Carmo weren’t decreasing and it became harder to obtain water for domestic use.[1,2] Therefore, the former river course was partly retaken, now flowing closer to the urban fabric again. For new sanitarian measures, proposals were made for straightening both the Tamanduateí and the Tietê River. Baron Domingos Antonio Rayol stated the main reason for these projects: “The landfill in the Tietê and Tamanduateí floodplains meant the most complete improvement in this part of the city. It provided sanitarian necessities, urban embellishments and a larger agglomeration in this area”. [1]

The planned interventions were always supported as improvements of health conditions, while it was quite obvious they had underlying interests or reasons to be implemented. Altering the river’s trajectory allowed land encroachment through landfills and the construction of new streets. However the city was at the verge of expanding towards the flood prone areas, the occurring floods were still a natural phenomenon, not yet a direct consequence of the expanding urban territory. The main idea of the previous interventions was to prevent and reduce floods in order to create better sanitary conditions. According to Souza & Sampaio the river and their floodplains needed the following three main interventions: straightening the Tietê river, which would allow a higher discharge speed;

the construction of protection dykes, which would safeguard the surrounding area from flooding; and the straightening of the Tamanduateí and covering of the Anhangabaú creek which was necessary to extend the urban fabric along the watercourses. By tunneling the Anhangabaú creek, avenues could be implemented following,the flat topography along the former river course. Many other creeks will be covered according the same principle. Between 1893 and 1914, the entire stretch of the Tamanduateí River was channeled from the confluence with Tietê River until Bairro Cambucy. At this time the city already saw the opportunity of the soft topography of the riverbanks to implement roads. Some parts of the floodplain already had a guiding character as structural entities in the urban structure of São Paulo. The Carmo floodplain has always been a big void adjacent to the Tamanduateí River, limiting the city’s expansion. With the rectification of the Tamanduateí in 1914, this area was reshaped into a park, now called Parque Dom Pedro II.

A history

Interventions in the Tietê river were undertaken in a far slower process. Since the river was located at a larger distance from the city centre and , it was not a direct object of concern. Later on, when the expansion of the city started to reach its floodplains, neighborhoods rose from Belenzinho until Barra Funda. Some (Souza & Sampaio & Ferraz) insisted the necessity of interventions in the Tietê floodplain. In this light, Rodrigues Fonseca proposed in 1893 the rectification of the Tietê River. It mainly focused on flood defense by means of 4,5m high dike. However, the city lacked financial funds and the large rectification project wasn’t prioritized by the ruling class. [1] In its short existence (1882-1998), the CSE[2]started in 1892 to address the flood problem in order to clean the watercourses. Generally these interventions focused on the rectification of some of Tietê’s meanders to increase its flow rate and drain the floodplains. Eventually the CSE was responsible for the rectification of three parts of the river: the island of Inhahumas, the channel Osasco and channel Anastacio. [3;4]

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

[2] CSE: Comissão de Saneamento do Estado de São

A history

CHANGING PERCEPTION AND VALORIZATION OF THE FLOODPLAIN While the fledgling metropolis was rapidly approaching its natural borders, rectification and the discharge of waste in the rivers were considered as tools to improve the city and provide in its sanitarian necessities. Soon the urban expansion reached the threshold of flood prone areas. The Paulistanos devalued the rivers from significant water sources to holdbacks for the booming city,. This demanded a constant transformation and appropriation of land. Soon the urge to urbanize these lowland areas could no longer be restrained. São Paulo’s prosperity and expansion owes a great deal to its position during the 19th century as a predominant strategic centre for the province’s rural economy. Due to very poor soil conditions surrounding the city but very fertile ground more towards the hinterland, production and export of crops as cotton, sugar cane and especially coffee became the economic propellant of the region. This flourishing trade was the driver for a notable expansion of the city of São Paulo and it constituted a large urban network within the province. [1]

Because of the establishment of rural elites and thriving coffee trade, whose trading house was based in the city, São Paulo became an important economic and political centre. The large commodity production of the hinterland gave rise to the construction of the first railway network by the British company São Paulo Railway. Inaugurated in 1867, the network connected Jundiaí with the port of Santos. Within a short period of time, several other railways were built by the profits of farmers or by foreigners with the expectation of hauling coffee.[1;2] The deployment of the railroad was an impetus to the consolidation of a network of cities, articulated by the constant flow of passengers and goods from the interior to the port of Santos.[3]. Due to its strategic location at the crossroads of routes, organized by the railway infrastructure, São Paulo underwent a significant spatial expansion. The city would become the capital of a unified national market. [4]

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

A history

A history â&#x20AC;&#x153;The commerce of coffee did not only generate the demand for industrial production, it also paid much for the economic and social overhead necessary to make domestic manufacturing profitable. Railroad construction was entirely a function of the coffee expansion.â&#x20AC;? (Dean W., 1991)

Jund ia i

Until the mid 19th century, the urban landscape of São Paulo covered mainly the areas surrounding the hills, avoiding flood prone areas. Although some small transformations of rivers and floodplains, such as Tamanduateí and Anhangabaú river, already took place due to the city’s growing importance, the city as an agricultural trade post didn’t require radical transformation of these areas yet, as it also lacked economic resources to fund large hydrographical interventions.[1] For reasons of technical feasibility, the railways were implemented parallel to the watercourses on the threshold of the floodplains of the river Tietê and Tamanduateí. Gradually, the locations along the floodplains were no longer considered unsuitable for urbanization. The commercial code, which determined the conditions for the establishment of private companies and corporations, and the land law, which introduced private ownership of land, were the stimulant to a forceful market driven development.[2] In just a matter of time, stations became urban centralities and industries, related to the agricultural production such as processing and packaging of coffee beans [3], started to shape the body of the railroad. These favourable transport facilities and proximity to the watercourses propelled many other industrial activities like potteries, extracting resources as mud and other minerals directly from the river.[4]

floodprone areas 725m topographical line planned neighbourhoods railroad 0 200m

1km

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

[4] SEABRA, O., Meandros dos Rios nos Meandros

ailw

Bra

tio

sta

rac

San

725

eí

uat

and

Tam

baú nga ha An

Bexiga

Tietê

Luz railway station

tos

A history

A history At the end of the 19th century, coffee production started to stagnate due to unstable prices by the external market.[1] Although agricultural economic activities remained strongly present until the first decades of the 20th century, an emergent industry rises and takes precedence. The industrialists, or in other words the ruling urban class, considered the city as a powerful platform for economic growth. This accumulation of capital demanded a vast transformation of the urban territory. From the 1870’s and throughout the 20th century, this new industrial economy, accompanied by an industrial ideology, spread its ideals through the whole urbanization process of São Paulo. Poor housing conditions, low wage labour and spatial and cultural dominance characterized this profit driven ideology. It marks the start of transformations of the floodplains and interventions within the city’s large-scale hydrography.[2] [2] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

Immigration and the abolishment of slavery

2011..

The flourishing economic circumstances of São Paulo, experienced in the late 19th century, went hand in hand with an intense demographic growth. The city went from 31.385 inhabitants in 1872 to 239.820 in 1900. This growth was partly the consequence of an inflow of foreign immigrants, encouraged by the economic movements and national public policies from countries such as Italy, Portugal and Spain. Some of them where thoroughbred entrepreneurs, getting an enormous and quick capital accumulation; while others, desperately poor, came to work on the farms in the hinterland.[3] However, the main origin of the city’s demographic boom was the abolishment of slavery on May 13th 1888. Many slaves abandoned the countryside in a quest for a better life in the city. This movement not only caused an immense transfer of population but also a change in political predominance from rural to urban areas. In that sense, 1888 is considered to be the year of transition from a rural era into an urban-industrial era.[4]

The demographic pressure on the expansion of the urban tissue is inextricably linked with the industrialization process and the continuously growing urban labour market. Between 1889 and 1900, over 850.000 new workers found their way to the state of SĂŁo Paulo, of which 192.000 to the city itself.[1]

For several decades high flood risk and additional consequences such as diseases, infected water and costs of flood damage forced the Paulistanos to respect the meandering rivers and their territory. However, from 1880â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s on, demographic pressure and the need for rapid urbanization started to create a shift in the perception towards the floodplain as a topographical border. The railroad with its significant position along the former border between the city and nature played a major role in this shift. Many industrial activities gathered around the tracks, including housing for workers. Around 1888, actual plans were made to systematically urbanize these flood prone areas for such neighbourhoods, serving the adjacent industries. Some examples of these neighbourhoods are Bom Retiro, Luz en BrĂ s.[2] By the end of the 19th century, large parts of the city already became homogenous. Urban voids were in general restricted to the valleys as the map depicts.

[2] KOGAN, M., The Socio-Environmental History of the

A history

A history By 1895, some of these working-class neighbourhoods were already drawn, though most of them just a few meters above the flood prone areas. Both maps of 1895 and 1905 show that the neighbourhood of Bom Retiro had dangerously approached or even crossed the border of the Tietê floodplain, lying between 722 and 724 meters. By 1910, the city had already expanded towards the Tietê floodplain. More recent maps show that the urban growth towards flood prone areas continues. [1]

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

ALTITUDE 10 10 10 15 15 10 11 29 9 24 14 15 6 12 1 29 2 25 14 27 16 20 1 20 26 20 12 1 6 12 19 14 15 20 27 13 18

724

MAR FEB MAR MAR JAN APR FEB FEB FEB NOV APR FEB APR MAR MAR FEB FEB FEB MAR FEB JAN DEC JAN MAR JAN JAN FEB MAR FEB MAR MAR DEC DEC JAN FEB MAR FEB

723

1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929

D Level

722

721

2,45 2,43 2,93 2,20 2,12 2,20 2,10 2,69 2,54 3,10 2,04 2,26 2,48 3,13 2,81 2,30 2,19 2,38 2,31 2,35 2,53 1,82 1,41 2,12 1,9O 1,30 2,49 1,63 2,10 2,82 3,10 1,94 1,84 2,70 2,10 2,04 3,45 3,00

2,00

1,00

0,00

LEVEL AT PONTE GRANDE (REF. LEVEL: 720,50M)

A history

The occupation of the floodplain was not just occasional, nor neutral. It marks the socio-environmental dimension of the floods. Not only did the water reach the city, also the city reached the water. The poor population was pushed towards these cheap lands in the outskirts of the young city, increasing the risk of diseases with the proximity of infectious stagnant waters in the floodplain. [1]

“While the city grew into the lowlands, with its working class neighbourhoods; on the other hand, the city expanded also into available hills, such as the new bourgeoisie neighbourhoods Campos Elísios, Higienópolis and Paulista Avenue.” (KOGAN, G., 2013)

A history

A history â&#x20AC;&#x153;The formation process of neighbourhoods, in function of the constitution of social classes, is symmetrical: while the mass of immigrants is concentrated in the lowlands, edging the hills, the south- and east sides; there start to appear some residential neighbourhoods, that climbed the hills seeking for higher and healthier ground (HigienĂłpolis) until it reaches the summit, where Paulista Avenue is foundedâ&#x20AC;? (Fausto, 1976)

Immigrants and former slaves primarily occupied plots near the river. The rich lived in healthier places, overlooking the lowlands. In 1891, with the inauguration of Paulista Avenue, the highest part of the city started being occupied by coffee barons and immigrants enriched by the economic prosperity. It was the symbol of the urban expansion driven by the bourgeoisie. [1]

Between the cracks of this social segregation, slums and illegal settlements nestled in the interstices of small streams and drainage channels in the vicinity of the city centre. Consequently, these hitches would eventually be the target of state interventions with the construction of roads and urbanization of the floodplains. [2]

A history

From 1920 on, there is a shift in the process of social and spatial segregation. Since the urbanization continued fiercely, soon the good dry lands on the hills adjacent to the city centre were almost completely consolidated. In a quest for new land to feed the urban sprawl, the floodplains offered great potential, merely because its proximity to the wealthier areas of the city centre. This leads to the transformation of flood prone areas into good dry lands. In the following decades, the city expanded towards the river Pinheiros and across the river Tietê. [1] Due to the demographic pressure on the demand of land, some of these floodplain plots could not any longer be considered external to the city centre. These areas became desirable for several uses, not only marginal working class neighbourhoods. A shift in floodplain occupation happens: the floodplain should not anymore be relegated to working class, but valorised, improved, to host different uses and supply demand for dry, healthy and central plots. Nevertheless, a lot of plots remained empty because of the high flood risk, namely in the Tietê valley. These flood risks were limiting the capital and spatial expansion. [2] Large hydro works were now in an imminent stage, ready for construction. Epidemics and flood destruction became reasons to urbanize the rivers, increasing the plot stock and underlining land valorization. 80

“The straightening process of the rivers, and consequently the sanitation of the valleys is a “process of producing urban land”, which the social agents involved knew quite well.” (Seabra O., 1987)[3]

In the emerging city of the 1920’s, the working class could no longer afford to live in the valuable and drained floodsplains close to the city centre. They were forced to divert to distant neighbourhoods, demanding an extension of the transport system. [2]

[2] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

A history consolidation of the central region

First interventions

Demographic growth was not the only actor stressing the urbanization process of floodplains and watercourses. It was mainly due to the industrialization, and its required conditions, that the landscape underwent profound transformations in the light of improving and accelerating capital reproduction. Apart from the implementation of a high-speed transport network, one of the most essential conditions to the industrialization process was a sufficient power supply. The many watercourses surrounding S達o Paulo have a high potential for the production of electricity. In 1886, The Paulista Electricity Company was launched to meet with the increasing energy demand of the booming industrial landscape. In 1899, the generation and distribution of electricity was privatized by transferring it to the Canadian company of S達o Paulo Tramway, Light and Power Company, better known as Light.[1]

In 1900, Light built the first tramway in S達o Paulo. The energy, produced by a limited number of small thermoelectric plants, was used to run the tramway while the surplus was sold to large private consumers. Due to the exploding demand, Light needed to increase its production radically.[2] The concessions released by the State allowed the company to launch an ambitious hydroelectric power generation project, that involved several interventions in existing watercourses, altering their hydrology thoroughly.

2006.

A history [1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

In 1902, Light undertook the project of Parnaíba dam, 33km downstream of São Paulo along the Tietê River. The commissioning of the dam cleared the path for an exponential industrial development in São Paulo. The engineers knew from the beginning that a reservoir more upstream of the dam was a necessity to guarantee the continuous flow, especially during dry season. [1] In 1906, the company initiated the construction of Guarapiranga dam, a tributary near the riverhead of the Pinheiros. From 1902 on, São Paulo suffered from several great floods, affecting recent urbanization in flood prone areas. Especially the events of 1902 and 1906 were very uncommon and can therefore be associated with the inauguration of Parnaíba dam.[2]

“The plant at Parnaíba and the Guarapiranga reservoir mark the beginning of the intervention of Light in the entire basin of Alto Tietê in order to make the large-scale production of electric energy with large profit rates possible. In fact viable, the logic of maximizing profits conditioned even the technical decisions and suppressed any type of consideration about the social impact caused by operating the hydro-electric system. Therefore, the periodic flooding of the large Paulistano rivers, a natural phenomenon during the rainy season, had become more destructive in the way Light was administering its reservoirs, maintaining them as full as possible.” (Jorge, 2006)

A history Soon after the inauguration of Parnaíba dam and power plant, Light had to struggle to keep up with the continuously rising energy demand. In 1912, the same year Light put the Paulo Souza power plant into function, a strong energy crisis struck São Paulo due to severe drought. [1] It was a first call for a drastic expansion of Light’s energy capacity.

In 1922, the American engineer Billings came up with a radical proposal for the transformation of the hydrological regime and river morphology: Projeto Serra. Depicted by the graph below, the plan would revert the flow of the River Pinheiros upstream by a series of pumping stations towards the edge of the Serra do Mar mountain range. There, a total of 14 new reservoirs would be constructed so Light could continuously exploit the enormous energetic potential of the 700m vertical drop. The hydroelectric power plant of Cubatão, at the foot of the mountain range, was in that era one of the biggest of its kind. [2]

A history

During the drought of 1924-1925, São Paulo faced another energy crisis, even worse than the one of 1912. This event and the fact that Light wanted to ensure its monopoly after the inauguration of a new power plant by the Italian company Brasital, triggered the execution of Projeto Serra. Meanwhile, in 1925, the Rasgão power plant along the river Tietê was put into service. By that time, Light had already purchased most of the land for the construction of a dam that would increase the water level of the Tietê river in order to create higher pressure to invert the flow of Pinheiros. Due to a strong influence in the municipality, the company acquired the right of some tributaries and the concession to rectify the Pinheiros River and use it for hydropower in just a matter of time. From now on, Light controlled the flow of the river, according to the power generation purposes. Privatizing the river influenced the whole macro drainage system of São Paulo. The 2249 state law of 27th December 1927 declared a floodable areas as a “public need”, allowing Light to expropriate large parts of land adjacent to the river that were subjected to flooding and exploit transport services on it. The edict also stated that the company could sell these expropriated lands. [1] This gave rise to a perverse use of water and land by Light, illustrated by the following event.

Between December 1928 and February 1929, Light deliberately exploited the heavy rainfall and consequently the floods, to demarcate this area of public need which fit them by decree. Although the rainfall of that period was not exceptional, the outcome was catastrophic. On the 18th of February 1929, Light opened the floodgates of the brimming Billings and Guarapiranga reservoirs while closing the Parnaíba dam. The generated wave flooded the entire valley of Pinheiros and the backwater even reached the Tietê and Tamanduateí riverbanks. [2] It was considered the worst flooding in the history of São Paulo. Although the opening of the floodgates was noticed, this act of malice was not confirmed by Light and thus people blamed the river for the floods. It is said that this deliberately imposed move was executed to enlarge the area subject to expropriation. The perimeter of this area was previously limited by the Water Code of 1934 to the line of average flooding. [3] Using the date of the graph of flood events, this line would have been defined around 722,85m altitude; significantly lower than the 723,95m water level of the 1929 floods. Therefore, in 1937, Light proposed an expropriation plan using the 1929 reference level to define flood prone areas, demarcating an even wider zone along the river. The company also took advantage of several loopholes in the dicey Landand Water laws of 1850 to maximize potential profits. With the final arrangements of 1957, Light seized a total of 20.779.443m² of land, of which they only safeguarded 4.016.360m² for the public need.[4] The company gained excessive profits by subdividing and selling the rest of this supposedly flood prone land for further exploitation. [5] Eventually the Projeto Serra was fully operational by 1950 with the completion of straightening river Pinheiros.

[1] SEABRA, O., Meandros dos Rios nos Meandros do

A history

90 0 200m

1km

A history

The generation of power established one of the most important pressures for the urbanization of watercourses. Lightâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s operation in the hydrology of SĂŁo Paulo revealed an insoluble paradox between flood control and energy generation. In fact, water levels should be maintained as low as possible to mitigate flooding, while high water levels were required to secure a continuous energy production by anticipating on possible periods of drought, leaving minor drainage capacity. Because the whole water management system of the Alto TietĂŞ basin was operated by Light, and the reservoirs were inside the city, flood management and power generation were irreconcilable in which the industrial ideology clearly gained the upper hand, indirectly supported by the municipality.

A history river. At that time, the control dam at the intersection of

[based on MONTEIRO, L. Jr., PREFEITURA de Sﾃグ PAULO and PREFEITURA DE Sﾃグ

Urban Embellishment

In the beginning of the 20th century, the city changed its vision on future development to attract foreign investors and improve the city in favour of the upper class citizens. Great European cities were considered as examples for the new image the growing metropolis should carry out. Since Light had the concession of the Pinheiros River, the city focussed on the Tietê and its adjacent lands. From the 1920’s on, the urbanization pressure increased rapidly and pushed the city to expand even further towards the floodplain of the river Tietê. The transformation of this lowland went hand in hand with the engineering of canals for hydrological benefit, but also the architecture of the big avenues and the development of large scale industries. The municipality back then could be accused of having a certain opportunistic character. A high potential of land valorisation was clearly the main reason to intervene in the water system of the city. Valorising the floodplain of the Tietê river was an opportunity for the city to expand; The Tietê river became the main focus for interventions in São Paulo’s water system. [1]

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

Apart from the embellishments, the actual flood problems were still present in the city. In 1922 the Commissão de Melhormamentes (Commitee of improvements) was founded to guide future development in the Tietê valley. Based on the Committee of Sanitary Interventions, they proposed several plans for the improvement of the Tietê river and the surrounding floodplains. These projects used the recurrence of flooding as a reason to valuate cheap lands adjacent to the river. However these flood prone areas were maily occupied by poor or the working class, they were still not considered to be habitable due to bad sanitation. The incraesing value of the lowlands became a reason for the city to extrude these people towards the surrounding periphery. Thus flood prevention was above all linked to the land valorisation, allowing an increase of capital for the city. Projects related to economic benefits for the city always had a significant ideological character. [2]

A history visible for the entire valley.

Compared to the former interventions in the water system of the city, the project for the Tietê had a different socio- environmental dimension and a considerably large scale. The impact of this project on the city would have great consequences on the rest of São Paulo. In 1923 new projects were proposed for the rectification of the Tietê. These were different from the previous interventions as such that these new projects tried to incorporate new engineering concepts and socio-environmental pressures. [1] In his plans for the Tietê River, Ulhoa Cintra proposed big linear parks next to the Tietê river as backbones for future development. The river would be lowered and flanked by dykes to protect the surrounding areas. [2] His proposal was one of the first in the history of the city where the river was actually regarded as a quality for new urbanization and vise versa. Notwithstanding the fact that Cintra’s idea wasn’t about valorising the bordering areas, tackling the flood problem was still connected with the increased outcome of available lands after the straightening. Flood defence measures were inevitably connected with valorisation. [1]

In 1923, the Tietê river became the official target for intervention of the Municipality. Francisco Rodrigues Saturnino de Brito was the sanitairy engineer put in charge of the project. In his proposition, the aligned parks from Cintra were transferred to the responsibility of smaller projects, bounding the river. A marginal road was prioritised in order to create a good connections within the city but also within the entire state. Remarkable in his design where the big ponds next to Ponto Grande. According to his vision the dams should be part of the urban drainage/flood defence during the rainy season. “However, Saturino ended to support an urbanization that was invading floodplains and transformed the rivers as capital accumulation platform, as high -speed mobility and energy generation.“(Kogan, G., 2013)[1]

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

2014

A history

Plano avenidas

In order to anticipate future growth of the city, Prestes Maia (Maior of São Paulo) and Ulhôa Cintra developed in the 1930’s a new road transport scheme, based on European urban plans. The main road axes, avenues, were implemented using the hydrography. Plano avenidas combined its transport scheme with Brito’s plans for the rectification of the Tietê River. The implemented road structures at both sides of the river would become important transport vectors, contributing to the transport system throughout the city. In the last plans for the canalization the Tietê, the canal is narrowed from 90m until 70m. The big lakes that were proposed at the Tamanduateí river connection were removed from the plan because they were considered a loss to municipal grounds. The opportunity of these kind of structures could improve the embellishment, as earlier proposed, or they could have been used as retention basins to deal with extreme rainfall. In fact Brito’s proposal was a good step to anticipate on future flood problems. [1,2] In the collaboration with Maia, Cintra’s beautiful vision of parkways changed into a strict engineering approach. Two very wide avenues, marginais, separate the river from the rest of the city. The large scale expansion imposed and the demanded road infrastructure increased not only the impermeability but also the amount of run-off water in the city. The urban fabric or economic expansion predominated the urban drainage yet once more. [2]

[2] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of

A history

100

A history 101

During the rectification of the TietĂŞ river, the urban territory underwent a rapid peripheral expansion. This new unruly urbanization towards the outskirts of the city was both socially and above all environmentally problematic; not only did the present network of public transport not reach these regions, the removal of surface vegetation was detrimental to large-scale drainage. As embankments were removed and ended up, untreated, in the channel and large amounts of sediment waste were transported by runoff water to the rivers, the annual sedimentation level increased from 10,000mÂł to 1,5 million mÂł in just 23 years. The rectification showed a clear shift in the urbanization process of the city as straightening removed the unique geographical conditions of the meandering rivers. Before 1940, the topography defined the expansion of the city, restraining occupation of floodplains and valleys. The territory of the lowlands had been transformed into a juxtaposition of meshes, rather disconnected due to the lack of a sufficient urban infrastructure. [1]

102

1km

A history

After the completion of straightening Tietê river, flooding worsenend and proliferated along the Tietê, Pinheiros and Tamandauteí. In 1963, a commission was installed to discuss the causes of flooding in which Prestes Maia, who was serving his second term as mayor of the city, gave an important speech.

104

“The increasing urbanization of the entire area upstream of the Tietê and ABC[1] causes a worsening situation - higher flow rates, unable to retain excesses and a consequent siltation, every time when the water reaches to urbanization, which requires roads, embankments, deforestation, floodplain landfills and consequent disappearance of pockets that can hold the water and safeguard partly the sediment from erosion. Landfills and recent unconsolidated streets without sidewalks arise and multiply in the upper Tietê and ABC Zone¹. Due to industrial development and urbanization, it creates tragic conditions for the economy, because this city has no control over these areas, whose economic and urban development can hardly be contained by their own municipal laws and efforts” (Maia P., 1963) [1]

This moment is considered a turning point in which the municipality attempted a more effective approach to tackle the flood problem. It introduces a period of administrative reoganisation and hydrological interventions with a strong focus on floodcontrol.

Maia points out the way the process of the urban expansion intensifies the recurrent flood problems. He pleads for a collective effort of the various regions affected with the problem to tackle the issues and also to revise the existing limitations of state action. The Commission of Floods, established in 1963, suggested to continue the channelling of river Tietê and the establishment of a municipally owned company that was in charge of all matters relating to the rivers and works in the Alto Tietê basin while increasing state participation: the DAEE (Departamento de Aguás e Energia Elétrica). In 1968, an agreement, known as Hibrace, was established between the DAEE (State Department of Water and Electric Energy), the Department of Business Services, Public Works of the State and a consortium involving various civil engineering companies for the development of a large study involving the Alto Tietê basin and Santos. The report pointed to the urgent need to implement regulating reservoirs in the headwaters of the basin and to extent the canalization of Tietê to increase its flow rate. Works on this latter started in the same year and were finalized in 1983 with the canalization of the sections between Vila Maria and Penha dam and between Osasco and Edgard de Souza, respectively on the East and West end of the already canalized stretch.

A history

POST 60’S

Since the macro-drainage was no longer a municipal concern, the plumbing works ended up being defined by the design of the road system, which was the responsibility of the municipal government. Based on the recommendations of Hibrace, the sections of the plumbing had the sole purpose to cope with fast flowing runoff, without taking flooding into account. There was a general lack of understanding of the impact of the drainage pattern that was executed, which, together with the application of inadequate methods and parameters for the specific structures, led to a situation where “in most cases the sewer was designed without relying upon any technical standard, which facilitated the acceptance of projects of dubious effectiveness, not to mention a total destandardization of criteria in the country “ [1] From the 60’s on, the municipal government began planning improvements in the already densely populated floodplains. Examples of these interventions were: continuing the rectification of waterways, removing sedimentation in the canals, deploying sewer collectors and the construction of the road network with connections for micro drainage. These works relate to the significant change in the role of the state, which now offered lines of credit to finance specific works of sanitation and drainage in urban areas.[2]

106

In 1974, the municipal council hired the company Coplasa for a survey of the watersheds in São Paulo. They established the link between drainage and treatment of streams and the deployment of the road system. As Travassos stated, Coplasa calls for an urgent channelization of streams in urbanized areas. According to him, the project of Coplasa aimed to hide “not very beautiful” rivers, which, besides the visual advantage allow an extension of the planned avenues.[3] The report of Coplasa proposed the deployment of roads in the valley bottom as “a good example of rational exploitation of the floodplain”. Of the 93 canalization projects, 68 will be closed in corridors. Since all streams discharge to one of the major rivers, the increase of flow rate due to canalization will have a significant effect on the major drainage system. Since the flow rate of these major streams needs to be increased accordingly there will be an increase of flood peaks. [4] 1971marked the beginning of a long dispute between two plans regarding macro drainage for the whole metropolitan region: the socalled “integrated solution” and the Sanitation plan for greater São Paulo: Sanegran. Eventually, Sanegran prevailed but due to the enormous costs of execution and lack of political will, the project was never executed. The city even lacked funds for the works of the metropolitan beltway, which where put on hold until recently. In 1978, the Secretary of Public Roads presents the Municipal Drainage Program, which coordinated the implementation schedule of a large sewage network with the construction of large road infrastructure works. Despite the explicit linking of drainage problems in the metropolitan region with the treatment of the canalized Tietê river, the municipal drainage projects and the sanitation of streams pointed to channeling of these streams and a fast deployment of roads in the valley bottom.

“ The plumbing projects in watercourses of the program of the municipality seemed to have been treated as a by-product of the road construction program that started with the Programa de Obras Viárias (Program of road-works) to be implemented in the years 1976-1978 . It lacks understanding between the municipality, the DAEE and Emplasa (São Paulo Company of Metropolisan Planning). Most pipes are, when open laterally coated concrete and buried when executed in reinforced concrete, designed for rainfall with a return period of 10 to 25 years, high flow rate, without special care of their discharge in the major rivers. There were also no studies for alternative solutions, as well as economic studies, etc. . Anyway, they are not elaborate designs in accordance with good engineering and don’t give rise to an appropriate selection policy due to the lack of options.”

A history

Comparing 1976 with the floods of 1980 confirms the increase of flood peaks. Indeed, the floods of 1980 generated flow rates much higher in Tamanduateí and Tiête even with less intensive rainfall. A technical report developed by the city of Sao Paulo in 1983 presents a vision even more critical on a set of closed canneled streams in the city . The report states :

From the great floods of 1983, Emplasa formulates an emergency program in 1984 to control flooding in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo, on the basis of the data of recent floods. A year later, in 1985, ‘O problema das inundações na Grande São Paulo: situação atual e implementação de diretrizes de drenagem’ (Estado do São Paulo, 1985) proposes to measures to combat floods and establishes the zoning of a strip of protection in the valley bottom and a more restricted strip along the banks of the water body; disciplining the occupation of areas of medium and high slope; and further provides guidelines for drainage in accordance with the degree of urbanization of the area. Meanwhile, interventions on the main macro drainage network continued. By the time the Tamanduatí was deepened to accommodate larger flows, in 1986, the DEAA proposed the extension of the through of the Tietê river by deepening and widening. Eventually, It took almost 20 years to complete the project. During the mid 90’s the DEAA made a study for the reversal of the river Tamanduateí towards the Billings reservoir to mitigate the consequences of flooding. This rather radical proposal required the construction of several tunnels and a set of detention reservoirs. In 1992, Eletropaulo completed a study called Calha do Pinheiros to increase the section of river Pinheiros.

108

[1] 10 anos Plano diretor de Macrodrenagem da Bacia

A history

In 1998, the master plan for macro drainage for the Alto TietĂŞ basin entered into force by the DAEE and the state of SĂŁo Paulo. The plan provided a strategy for future interventions regarding flood control up until 2020. The main concepts were: correct analysis of the hydrology, a broad and integrated vision for the whole basin, retention of rivers and streams near their headwaters, increase flow capacity of watercourses and the preservation of forest and floodplains. Today, many interventions have already been conducted under this policy, such as the construction of new reservoirs and retention basins and the canalisation of several streams in order to regulate flow-rates. Although, most of these interventions focussed on hard-core concrete engineering, there were very few local interventions to give space to the river. According to the evaluation of the plan in 2008, flood-control of the main watercourses of the Metropolitan Region were of great benefit to public health, the road network, economic activities and environmental conditions as it gave rise to environmental education and an increased public awareness as well. [1]

It is important to frame the history of the development of the city, related to its main rivers. In the different stages of development, water always played a significant role in the evolution of the metropolis. While floods have often been put forward as reasons for interventions in the city’s hydrology, the underlying objectives were always politically charged, driven by the industrial ideology and capital reproduction. By blaming “nature”, the government tried to set a de-politicized and naturalized view on the flood events as all humans were victims and the process of urbanization was neutral: deprived of environmental reactions, power relations and social struggles; deprived of history.

110

As Kogan states, the approved and conducted interventions of the past have considerable repercussions on the contemporary city: “The projects, plans, discussions, political disputes, construction works and also the floods, become, in the present, crystallizations of past. The impact of these earlier processes in the city is huge. Actually we can say that the city is a consequence of its history and, not differently, the present floods are consequence of these historical processes.” Apart from the fact that these interventions remain strongly visible in the landscape, their concepts and political strategies are also still dominant. As the image of city of the 1920’s has almost completely disappeared, the floods are still imminent to the daily life in São Paulo, exacerbated by the increased impermeability of the extensive urbanization and interventions in the city’s hydrology. Not only the flood situation remained very similar, the approach for “solutions” or at least mitigation of the problems are still very identical to that of the early 20th century. For instance, in 2009, São Paulo suffered from extreme flooding. Because the urban water management system was supposedly saturated and the city wanted to minimize the cost of damage and economic losses, city management decided to flood Jardim Pantanal; a poor neighborhood near the outskirts of São Paulo. This added another tragic chapter to the history of flood disaster in São Paulo. [1] As floods became major interconnected events, the effect of rain on a certain location began to be perceived in many other parts of the metropolitan area. More than a century after the first hydrological interventions, São Paulo is still doing the same thing: urbanizing floodplains, covering rivers with or without roads, controlling water in favor of the dominant classes, expelling low income populations to flood prone areas and, if necessary, flooding them. As the rivers reclaim their territory and flashfloods terrorize the city, São Paulo has to rethink and reinvent its toolbox to tackle impending flooding events.

[1] KOGAN, G., The Socio-Environmental History of the

111

A history

112

A history

During the past century, the enormous economic prosperity that arose from the coffee trade pressurized the urban expansion and watercourses of São Paulo. Soon, the city became one of the largest agglomerations of the Southern hemisphere. In a struggle to keep up with this spontaneous growth, the city’s commitments to development resulted in large-scale interventions in the hydrology of the Alto Tietê basin. The following maps show this tumultuous relation.

NATURAL BORDER / RESTRICTION

SANITATION MEASURES - infected water

1810 Small ditch implemented in the floodplain

1842 Rectification of Seven turns to improve sanitation

1868

Straightening Tamanduateí from Tietê unti Carmo floodplain

HYDROPOWER - water for en

VALORISATION and URBAN EMBELLISHMENT

114

1532 Portuguese Jesuits climb the Serra do Mar to explore the hinterland

1500

1890 First occupations of the floodplains: Bom Retiro, Luz, Bràs

1600

1700

1800

1500 Portugal colonists discover Brazil.

1867 Inauguration of the São Paulo Railway, the first railroad crossing the coastal range between São Paulo and Santos

1650 The rivers Tiête, Tamanduatei and Pinheiros intertwine and hereby create the floodplain of the city.

Water problems

Timeline

This timeline sketches the course of the history of São Paulo in relation to its rivers. The different stages, explained in this chapter are used to frame the underlying reasons for the interventions in the city’s water system.

A history 1898 - 1905 1905

Rectification of Covering of channel Osaco, Anhangabaú il Anastacio, Creek island of inhumas by CSE

nergy

1902 Parnaiba Dam

1906-8

Guarapiranga Dam

1912

1914 Straightening Tamanduateí from Tietê until Bairro Cambucy is completed

1914

1922

Canalization of river Pinheiros Completion Billings reservoir

After heavy rainfalls Tiête and Pinheiros river overflowed and Sao Paulo suffered the worst flood in history.

1924

T - floodplain as opportunity for city’s expansion

1950

1929

Energy Parnaiba proposal by crisis due power- billings Reversal to drought plant of the flow of the Pinheiros São Paulo suffers from a huge electricity shortage

1960

1922 - 1925

Tiête river has been rectified.

Comissão de melhoramentes do rio Tietê: First proposals to intevene in the Tietê floodplain between Osaco and Penha (proposals of Cintra and Britto) Post 60’s

1963 Speech Prestes Maia

1970

1990

A lot of institutions regarding sanitation and inspection, such as Sabesp, were founded

A campaign was put up to mobilize the inhabitants of São Paulo in the struggle for cleaning the Tietê.

1996

2009

The government of Municipality decides the state of São to flood Jardim Paulo implanted the Pantanal to keep the Program of Improve- rest of the city from ment, to create a flooding permanent basic sanitation system in the region of the sources of the Tietê

19.956.590 19.889.559 19.200.000

17.878.703

16.583.234

15.444.941

1930

The Plano de Avenidas was proposed by Prestes Maia.

12.588.725

1900

1910

1920

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

2020 11.376.685 11.253.503 10.886.518 10.434.252 9.839.436

8.139.730 8.493.226

On the 13th of May 1888, slavery was abolished nationwide.

1925 The Light Company started to purchase land in the floodplain of the Tiête.

A laboratory analysis confirmed that the Tietê water was no longer fit to swim in

1988

1970

Inauguration of Barra Funda station

Minhocão was built.

1992

1990

All the assets of Light passed to the state government of São Paulo.

CPTM originated from joining several railways.

5.924.615 4.791.245

3.666.701 2.659.327 2.198.096 1.564.818 1.326.261 579.033 239.820 64.934

Population

1888

1944

116

Water issues As a consequence of rapid and unrestrained urban growth, São Paulo has been unable to provide adequate infrastructures and is now facing challenges of increasing significance. Many of them are related to the metropolitan region’s water issues. Although the system of rivers and reservoirs has an undeniable role in the city’s uncontrollable expansion, it became one of its victims. Floods occur more frequently, paralysing parts of the city for hours. On the other hand, dry periods are increasing as well, causing a ‘virtual’ contradiction between water abundance and shortage. Rivers and water resources are highly polluted, making the water provision of the city even harder. Urban storm water runs down the streets in great volumes and velocities. It is through these events that the river and its water revenge their neglection during the history of this ‘young’ city.

GEOGRAPHY OF RAIN Climate and weather in São Paulo

ref. History p. 42-43

ref. Atlas p. 174-175

ref Atlas p. 166-167

São Paulo is located at the Capricorn Tropic Line, which climatologically makes the division between the Tropics and the Southern Temperature Zone. Most regions along this line are arid or semi- arid but due to the city’s location at the Piratininga- plateau, with an average altitude of 760m above sea level, and a distance of only 70km from the Atlantic Ocean, the region’s climate rather is a subtropical highland variety of an ocean climate (Cwb according to the Köppen classification). [1] This indicates a climate with higher temperatures, dry winters and rainy summers. The Alto Tietê basin has an average annual temperature of 19°C and an average precipitation of 1400 mm/ year. [2]

118

Global warming has caused the surface temperature of the Atlantic Ocean, in front of São Paulo, to rise with one degree Celsius between 1950 and 2000. A consequence of this seemingly small temperature rise is an increase in evaporation from the ocean, causing the sea breeze to contain even more moisture. As a result of the Alto Tietê basin’s complex geomorphology, enclosed by the Serra do Mar in the South- East and the Serra do Cantareira in the North- West, this has an effect on the weather over the city. In the afternoon the sea breeze is hot and moist, as it rises over the mountains and reaches the Megalopolis, being the reason why most of the rain falls on the MRSP between the middle and end of the afternoon, after 3p.m. or 4p.m. Moreover, the city’s built morphology with a lot of towers and tall buildings and the interconnected heat island effect alter the direction of winds and may cause the sea breeze to rise above certain areas in the metropolitan region and hereby favouring the formation of local rain clouds. Urban air pollution can as well advance the occurrence of storms over the city. During rainfall, which occurs mainly during the rainy season from October until March, more than 30mm of precipitation can fall down from the sky in only 30– 45 minutes, resulting in flash floods, whose occurrence is hard to predict. [4]

[1]CAMPOS, Daniel, OLIVEIRA, Antonio, “A ocupação das varzeas no alto tiete e a reprodução deste modelo urbano na bacia do rio baquirivu guaçu, guarulhos e aruja”, GEOUSP - espaço e tempo, 2012, N° 32, 198-213. [2]JOHNSSON Rosa Maria Formiga, KEMPER, Karin Erika, Institutional and policy analysis of river basin management- the Alto-Tietê river basin São Paulo Brazil, World Bank, 2005.

[3] PIVETTA Marcos, “From drizzle to downpour”, Pesquisa Fapesp, 2012, Nr. 195. [4] NOBRE Carlos A. et al., ‘Chapter 11: Vulnerability of Brazilian megacities to climate change: The São Paulo Metropolitan Region (RMSP)’, Climate Change in Brazil, economic, social and regulatory aspects, Ipea, Brasília, 2010, pp. 198-219.

Water issues 20

150

100

monthly precipitation 2008 vs average ( based on a period of 30 years) min/max temperature ( average based on period of 30 years) [based on data Weathersparks and World Meteorological Organization, 2014]

째C

119

200

average

2008

250

120

121

Water issues

Due to fast and uncontrolled urbanisation, large areas of the Alto Tietê basin were covered with concrete. Vegetation and watercourses have been suppressed, leading to an impermeable city. According to the state of São Paulo, the urban area of MRSP has increased by a factor 12 in seven decades, from 200km2 in 1930 to 2407 km2 in 2002. [1] Together with some important decisions, Such as the occupation of the Tietê floodplain, this makes that São Paulo has to cope with increasing flood problems. A significant consequence is that the city’s urbanisation is partly the cause of increased flooding as well as its main victim. Due to this seemingly endless and impermeable concrete slab, rainwater cannot infiltrate into the soil, but is transferred towards lower areas. [2]

ref. History

The areas most susceptible to flooding mainly consist of the floodplains with slopes of less than 5% and has in general always been linked with their occupation [Ostrowsky, 1991; Nobre et al., 2011]. According to DAEE (Department of water and Electrical Energy) problems worsened as more side streams were turned into channels, often covered by a road. Despite all interventions already undertaken, flooding has increased in frequency and intensity over time.

ref. Atlas p. 167-177

[1] SILVA DIAS Maria A.F. et al., ‘Changes in Extreme daily rainfall for São Paulo, Brazil’, Climatic Change, Volume 116, Springer, 2013, Issue 3-4, pp 705-722. [2] PIVETTA Marcos, ‘From drizzle to downpour’, Pesquisa Fapesp, 2012, Nr. 195. [3] NOBRE Carlos A. et al., ‘Chapter 11: Vulnerability of Brazilian megacities to climate change: The São Paulo Metropolitan Region (RMSP)’, Climate Change in Brazil, economic, social and regulatory aspects, Ipea, Brasília, 2010, pp. 198-219.

122

Another cause of the city’s water issues are the sometimes too restricted dimensions of the drainage channels, that are inadequate to handle the water flow in case of heavy or even moderate rains. They are also not adapted to exclude waste materials that are sometimes blocking these drainage channels. The inadequate capacity and accumulations of waste cause the occurrence of street flooding. [3]

mm/ year

million inhabitants

2000

1800 15 1600 10

1400 1200

5 1000

1930

1940

1950

1960

annual percipitation vs urbanisation [based on DIAS S., 2012]

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

Water issues 123 The impermeable city, August, 2013]

124

“Every year at this time, when the rains are heavier and more frequent, the rivers and creeks of the city of São Paulo become visible and we are reminded of them when they thrust out to the streets the excess water they can no longer carry. Rivers are simply responding to the way in which they have been molded over many decades. “People say that a river that washes everything away is violent, but no one says the banks that compress them are violent,” [BRECHT, B., s.d.] [1] [1] FIORAVANTI, Carlos, ‘Between Concrete Walls’, Pesquisa Fapesp, 2013, Nr. 214

125

Water issues

Bursting riverbanks

ref. History p. 50

The Tietê was a meandering river that naturally flooded its riverbanks before it was rectified, its borders began to be occupied and soils were sealed with concrete. Floods were a common thing in the life of the early Paulistanos and were even considered as a spectacle during a certain time. São Paulo often seems to forget her rivers’ true nature. Once in a while, after extreme or longer periods of rainfall, the river bursts its banks, reminding the city of its original territory and natural flood area. The increased flooding often appears in the media as extreme events due to climate change. But one has to acknowledge that it is mainly by the occupation of the alluvial plains that floods and the vulnerability of the city towards them have increased.

126

In days of downpour, rainwater doesn’t infiltrate into the soil but runs down to the underground galleries and accumulates with storm water and runoff into the streams, ultimately ending up in the Tietê. The city’s main river bursts its banks when it suddenly receives a large volume of water from its tributaries, which can add many million litres of water to the Tietê’s flows in a few seconds. As a consequence of the large difference in flow, speed and strength, between the water of the Tietê and that coming from the tributaries, the river isn’t able to drain this extra water volume fast enough, causing the river to rise and eventually flood its banks. Because of this hydraulic phenomenon the Tietê river needs a side area to absorb this extra water volume in order to prevent it from flooding. Between 2002 and 2006, a large project was set up to dredge the river and increase its capacity by making the canal deeper and add extra space on the sides. This project partly decreased the frequency of the river floods, but did not resolve their occurrence. [1]

[1] MASSARU WATANABE, Roberto, ‘TIETÊ - O grande vilão das Enchentes em São Paulo’, São Paulo, 2010, (http://www.ebanataw. com.br/roberto/rotary/tiete.php) [Last consulted 22-05-2014].

Water issues 700 600

Q [m 3/s]

500 400

382.42

300 200

172.17

125.54

104.92

Marginal Tietê has burts its banks, 2009

127

98.50

100

95.42

average daily water load of Tietê River collected in 2011. [ based on FABHAT, 2011]

700 600

Q [m 3/s]

500 400 300 200 100 0 J

average daily daily waterwater load load of Tietê river River collected in 2011, average of Tietê collected in 2011. [ based on FABHAT, 2011] [based on FABHAT, 2011]

31-Dec

3-Dec

17-Dec

19-Nov

5-Nov

8-Oct

22-Oct

24-Sep

10-Sep

27-Aug

13-Aug

30-Jul

16-Jul

2-Jul

18-Jun

4-Jun

7-May

21-May

9-Apr

23-Apr

26-Mar

26-Feb

12-Mar

12-Feb

29-Jan

1-Jan

15-Jan

128

Water issues Due to uncontrolled land use, floods are becoming more severe along side streams and the problem is being transferred to the floodplains of Pinheiros and Tietê, disturbing flows since the main traffic veins of São Paulo are exactly located along these rivers.

Policies of suppressing streams between concrete walls and turning them into large roads, have given rise to situations of strong runoff along these routes in urbanised areas. They occur in dense areas as well as in the outskirts of the metropolitan region and are characterised by large accumulations of water with great destructive force and drag. The affected areas show a social inequality in the vulnerability to flooding. Loss of lives occurs more in the peripheral areas where informal settlements occupy steep slopes, while material losses are more located in urban neighbourhoods. [1]

[1] NOBRE Carlos A. et al., ‘Chapter 11: Vulnerability of Brazilian megacities to climate change: The São Paulo Metropolitan Region (RMSP)’, Climate Change in Brazil, economic, social and regulatory aspects, Ipea, Brasília, 2010, pp. 198-219, [2] BRAGA Benedito, The Metropolitan Region of São Paulo,pp.206-213,

It should be noted that any future hydraulic intervention in the city’s main rivers Tietê and Pinheiros will be of little efficiency, if nothing is done in the contributing sub-basins (watersheds). There is also a need to act on a more local scale, according to watershed and floodplain systems. One of São Paulo’s largest challenges in urban water management of the metropolitan region is control of flooding. [2]

hydrograph post-urbanisation impermeable surface

hydrograph pre-urbanisation permeable surface time

Hydrographs for a basin in pre- and post-urbanization situation [based on MONTEIRO L., 2011]

129

The strength of water

São Paulo is embedded in a complex topography with hills and floodplains, resulting in storm water of great volumes and velocities in days of heavy rainfall. Due to the impermeability of the city’s surface, water accumulates and flows faster than it would in areas with natural vegetation. This type of flooding causes severe damages to buildings and infrastructure, as well as other forms of material damage and puts the lives of people living in riverside areas or on steep hills at risk. Flash floods and landslides are considered as the most severe of extreme events occurring in the MRSP. Landslides are likely to occur on slopes with above 30 degrees declivity and instability of the hills, usually triggered by rainfall of 100mm/ day.

Piscinões

ref Atlas p. 180-181

In 1998, a large plan for macro drainage (Plano Diretor de Macrodrenagem) for the Alto Tietê Basins was created. Its main objectives were to tackle the floods that afflict the MRSP. One element of the plan was to build large detention reservoirs, called ‘Piscinões’, for damping of the flood peaks. They provide extra capacity to the city’s waterways and urban drainage. After heavy rainfall this excess water is slowly released in a controlled manner. In 2009 there were already 42 large detention reservoirs constructed in Greater São Paulo, managed by the state and the municipalities. All together they have created an extra capacity of 8 million m3. These interventions form a considerable solution in order to tackle the urban flood problems. However, they also cause certain associated problems. [1] Often informal settlements in the periphery are evicted to make space for these enormous reservoirs, preventing flooding downstream. They create voids in the urban fabrics. Proper maintenance and good planning are important to avoid a decrease of their efficiency, caused by sedimentation and the accumulation of urban waste¬. [2] The Piscinões are of great significance and efficiency in combatting the floods, but aren’t a sufficient solution. Detention is an effective strategy and is interesting to be applied on several scales.

130

[1] OKSMAN, Carol et al., ‘Piscinões na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo: Análise Crítica da Situação Atual’, São Paulo, 2009. [2] NUNES, Geraldo, ‘Sobrevoamos os piscinões porque a cidade já enfrenta problemas com as enchentes’, newspaper Estadao,

Water issues 131

Piscinão at Av. Eliseu de Almeida (Pirajuçara) –113.000 m3.

The only Piscinão within the central city is a gigantic catacomb constructed underneath Praça Charles Miller. With a capacity of 74 000 m3 it detains storm water from the Pacaembu watershed.

FUTURE OF WET FEET Climate change

Globally, climates have evolved in the last century as a result of natural and anthropogenic influences and have caused changes in precipitation patterns and rainfall intensity. As water is the medium through which the effects of climate change are noticed and experienced the most, many countries and especially large urbanised areas have noticed changes in extreme rainfall events and flooding. This unleashes impacts of increasing severity in Latin America’s largest Metropolis. Studies on climate change and rainfall extremes in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo conducted in the last years, show an increase in total precipitation and more extreme rainfall events, now also causing storms to occur in winter, normally a dryer season. On the other hand, the number of days with light rain has decreased, causing longer dry periods. The events of extreme rainfall, outside the known rain season, catch the population by surprise. Projections up to the year 2100 indicate a further increase in frequency and intensity of heavy precipitation. 132

These changes in weather extremes are a result of natural climate variability but in a certain way they are also influenced by strong urbanisation in the MRSP. Before the 1950’s the number of days with precipitation > 50mm was virtually non- existing. Usually there were between 2 and 5 days per year exceeding this 50mm of rainfall but by 2000- 2010 this number increased significantly. [Nobre et al. 2011]. [1]

[1] MARENGO Jose A. et al., ‘Observed and projected changes in rainfall extremes in the Metropolitan Areas of São Paulo’, Climate Research,Vol. 57, 2013, pp. 61-72.

900

Total monthly precipitation [mm]

700 500 300 100 -100 -300 -500 -700

1935

1940

1945

1950

observation at the IAG USP station 1933-2010

1955

1960

projections 2010-2100

1965

1970

1975

20 year moving average

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

95% probability of occurance of extreme rainfall or drought

observations and projections of monthly precipitation in São Paulo [based on MARENGO et al., 2013]

015

Water issues 140 123 120

125

123

112

110

100 85

60 42

20 0

5 1 Decade of 1940

2 0 Decade of 1950

Decade of 1960

Decade of 1970

Decade of 1980

>=100mm/2days

>50mm

>30mm

Decade of 1990

Decade of 2000

133

frequency

83 80

>100mm/1day

Index value

incidents of heavy rainfall in Sao Paulo per decade (mm/day from 1933 to 2009) [based on NOBRE et al., 2010]

2020

2025

2030

2035

2040

2045

2050

2055

2060

2065

2070

2075

2080

2085

2090

2095

2100

134

São Paulo

São São São Paulo Paulo Paulo

São Paulo

flood risk hotspot (hazard + high vulnerability)

extreme flood hazard

significant flood hazard

projected increased extreme percipitation

Water issues 135 Flood at Rua Frederick Steidel, in the west of S達o Paulo, January 2014

136 [based on Prefeitura da Cidade de S찾o Paulo,1999] heat

24 24,5 25 25,5 26 26,5 27 27,5 28 28,5 29 29,5 30 30,5 31 31,5 째C

island effect S찾o Paulo

Besides the effects of global climate change, there is also the influence of the urban heat island that arises through dense urbanisation, creating a significant local heat source. Temperatures can differ up to 7.5°C between the centre and unoccupied natural areas in the periphery. Both effects influence each other and were found to largely explain the increase in rainfall extremes in the MRSP between 1933- 2010 [Silva Dias et al. 2012]. [1] The moist sea breeze coming from the ocean interacts with the urban heat island that induces local air circulation and enhances buoyancy, facilitating in convective cells and turning the metropolis into a rain magnet. [2]

Water issues

Heat island

137

[1] MARENGO Jose A. et al., ‘Observed and projected changes in rainfall extremes in the Metropolitan Areas of São Paulo’, Climate Research, Vol. 57, 2013, pp. 61-72. [2] PIVETTA Marcos, ‘From drizzle to downpour’, Pesquisa Fapesp, 2012, Nr. 195,

inundated streets of Santa Cecilia, São Paulo, during a storm in the afternoon, january 2014

Growing vulnerabilty

138

In 2008, according to the United Nations, we crossed a threshold with more than 50% of the world’s population living in urbanised areas. According to future projections, this percentage could reach up to 60% by 2030. The largest growth will occur in developing countries. In Latin America a large majority of people is living in cities. In Brazil this represents 80% of the population. This suggests that more people will be affected by natural hazards and flood events triggered by increasing amounts and intensities of precipitation. A projection model of urban expansion for the MRSP assumes that by 2030 São Paulo’s urbanised area will have undergone a growth of approximately 38.7%, according with a total area of 3254.23 km2. Of these urban expansion areas 20% would be susceptible to natural disasters caused by heavy rainfall, and 4% of the new areas would be in high-risk zones for landslides. The continuing urban growth will also have a significant effect on the urban heat island. In this way these projections suggest that today’s situation is maybe just a prologue of a wet future. [1] [1] NOBRE Carlos A. et al., ‘Chapter 11: Vulnerability of Brazilian megacities to climate change: The São Paulo Metropolitan Region (RMSP)’, Climate Change in Brazil, economic, social and regulatory aspects, Ipea, Brasília, 2010, pp. 198-219.

Water issues 139 Av. Roque Petroni Júnior, São Paulo, 18 March 2014

DAYS OF DROUGHT Water production systems

Brazil is considered a country rich in water, which disposes by estimation of around 12% of the world’s surface water resources. It has a water availability of 40 000 m3/inhab/year. This impressive number is not more than a cover for an extremely uneven distribution of water recourses. The Southeast, which forms the heart of Brazil’s industrial economy and also its highest agriculture, houses 73% of the country’s population on only 11% of the territory with just 10% of its water resources. [1] Conflicting demands from multiple consumers and deterioration of the water quality results in an increasing pressure on the region’s water resources. These issues are of increasing severity since the city has to cope with dry periods occurring more frequently, although it also experiences an increase in rainfall and flood events. 140

The Alto Tietê Basin’s total water consumption considerably surpasses the water availability in the basin. Rapid and uncontrolled urbanisation had significant impacts on water resources and quality and developed into a series of complex water issues. Providing water for nearly 22 million people and their activities in a densely urbanised area is a tremendous challenge. The fast pace of urban growth caused the water demand to

The growing urban demand forced São Paulo to import water from neighbouring basins in the 1970’s. The MRSP is provided with water by eight supply systems, which in total produce 73.2 m3/s. The water production systems Guarapiranga/ Taquacetuba, Alto Tietê, Rio Grande (Billings), Rio Claro, Alto Cotia, Riberãoda Estiva and Baixo Cotia are supplying the MRSP with 40.2 m3/s of water. The Cantareira system that diverts water from the Upper Piracicaba and Capivari Basin supplies the other 33 m3/s (45.1%) [SABESP 2014]. [2] [1] JOHNSSON F. R.M., KEMPER K.E., Institutional and policy analysis of River Basin management, the Alto Tietê River basin, São Paulo, Brazil, world bank policy research paper 3650, June 2005 [2] BRANDT, Katharina, ‘Participation performance of the (Sub-) Committees in the Alto Tietê watershed and their impact on water management in the metropolitan region of São Paulo’, Karlsruhe, 2013.

situation of water supply systems in March 2014; Cantareira lowest sinds beginning of measurements

20,5% 45%

increase exponentially, from 5 m3/s in 1940 to 65 m3/s by the year 2000. Estimations made by the Department of Water and Electrical Energy (DAEE) say these numbers have grown towards a need of 73.8 m3/s for public water supply in the MRSP, of which the municipality alone uses 31.7 m3/s. [FABHAT 2011] Of this total water demand, 46% is used for urban consumption, 37% for industrial-, 1% for agricultural- uses and 16% assigned to other uses. [2]

19% 7% 5,5% 3%

total production of the water supply systems by Sabesp

Cantareira

less than 20%

Alto Tietê

between 30 and 50 %

Guarapiranga

between 70 and 80 %

Rio Grande Rio Claro Alto Cotia

between 50 and 60 % above 90%

Water issues 141 area supplied by (m3/sec)

Cantareira

Alto TietĂŞ

Guarapiranga

Rio Grande

Rio Claro

Alto Cotia

1,2

production (m3/sec) 33 population (milion) 33 rainfall in march 2014 193,3 184,1

average rainfall history 175,4 158,4

accumulated rainfall march 2014

158,4 152,3 152,9 119,4

237,8 184,7

239,5 225,5

[based on SABESP, 2014]

res. Jaguari

res. Cachoeiri

-ci

on illi

P oS ct

L/s

res. Paiva Castro

m 30

res. Atibainha

142 SĂŁo Paulo city

situating the Cantareira water system, which crosses the borders of Alto TietĂŞ to supply the MRSP

[based on SABESP, 2014]

By a series of 5 reservoirs, interlinked by tunnels, water is transported over a course of 70km, reaching until the state of Minas Gerais, to supply nearly half the demand of the Metropolitan Region. This high dependence of Greater São Paulo to the Cantareira system makes it more vulnerable to situations of drought, as occurred in February- May 2014. Over recent years the Piracicaba basin has undergone rapid growth, significantly increasing its own demand for water as well as increasing the rate of pollution of its rivers. [1] As the Cantareira system is the largest and main reservoir for the water provision of greater São Paulo, more days of drought will have significant consequences. This situation of water scarcity enlarges the conflict of water between the water swallowing Alto Tietê basin and the Piracicaba basin.

Water issues

Cantareira

million L/sec

143

[1] BRANDT, Katharina, ‘Participation performance of the (Sub-) Committees in the Alto Tietê watershed and their impact on water management in the metropolitan region of São Paulo’, Karlsruhe, 2013.

40 30 20

IN OUT

2013

2014

water rate in and out the Cantareira water system [based on ANA (Agência Nacional de Aguas 2014)]

Ground water extraction and aquifers

Infrastructures and water facilities of 32 out of 39 municipalities are built and operated by SABESP (Companhia de Saneamento Básico do Estado de São Paulo), one of the largest sanitation companies in the world. Although water consumers in the Alto Tietê basin are mainly supplied by superficial waters (92%), extraction from groundwater in aquifers is an important alternative provider in situations of scarcity. Industries are the largest group that extracts groundwater from wells (35%), followed by private residences/ condominiums (25%) and services (24%) [FUSP 2009]. In recent years a significant and worrisome increase in groundwater exploitation has been noted. Partly as a result of SABESP’s price policy and a lacking control of groundwater use. Uncontrolled groundwater abstraction can contribute to lowering of the water table and increase risks of contamination that could expand to the most protected zones of the aquifer. [1]

144

Further urbanisation and demographic growth will only increase the danger of water scarcity. Other solutions will be needed in the middle and long term, such as water demand management, reuse, and expanding existing system capacity or constructing new systems. [2] A new water diversion system is planned to exploit water from the Rio Ribeira de Iguape micro basin in the Rebeira valley, which is situated approximately 80km south of the city. This project will be of great expense and will only ensure water supply for the MRSP until 2020. [3] Future climate projections note that the amount of precipitation will not only increase but also change its pattern, leading to more days of extreme rainfall, but also an increase in dryer periods, which will create a paradox between water abundance and scarcity.

Consequences of more days of drought are an increasing difficulty in the water provision for the MRSP, rising electricity prices and reduced navigability of the Tietê- Paraná, being an important trading route. [1] BRANDT, Katharina, ‘Participation performance of the (Sub-) Committees in the Alto Tietê watershed and their impact on water management in the metropolitan region of São Paulo’, Karlsruhe, 2013. [2] JOHNSSON F. R.M., KEMPER K.E., Institutional and policy analysis of River Basin management, the Alto Tietê River basin, São Paulo, Brazil, world bank policy research paper 3650, June 2005 [3] DE FREITAS, Glauco Kimura, case study nr.5 from “shifting course: Climate Adaptation for Water Management Institutions”, WWF, Geneva, 2010

Water issues 145

AQUIFER SYSTEMS Cenozoic Bauru Serra Geral Guarani Passe Dois (Aquitard) Tubarรฃo Paranรก Precambrian [based on HIRATA et al., 2006]

146 Dam of BraganĂ§a Paulista, SĂŁo Paulo. The Cantareira basin dropped to 18.2% of its capacity. It reached its lowest level in history. 19 february 2014

147

Water issues

Hydropower and water ref.. History p. 82-...

148

The struggle for drinking water in the metropolitan region is in conflict with the influential hydropower sector. In the 1920s and 1930s, the Guaraparinga and Billings reservoirs were built mainly for power generation purposes. For this purpose the Alto Tietê – Cubatão complex diverted the flow of the Pinheiros river, pumping large volumes of water into the Billings reservoir (with a capacity of 1 billion m3) to be used by the Henry Borden hydropower plant, taking advantage of the hydraulic head of 700m from the coastal mountain range. Because of fast growth of Greater São Paulo, the water demand rose exponentially and the Guarapiranga reservoir became necessary for water supply in the late 1940s and later in the 1970s also the Billings reservoir was used. Sanitation measures failed to expand at the same rate as the population growth, resulting in severe pollution of these rivers and consequently of the Billings reservoir. Even though the delicacy of both drinking water provision systems was recognised by engineers and politicians, the priority of these reservoirs was always given to hydropower generation [Rocha, 2002; Keck, 2002; Alvim, 2003]. Under increasing pressure from environmental groups, the state revised the priority of the Billings reservoir for urban supply. Pumping of water from the Pinheiros to Billings has been suspended

since 1992, except when required for flood control. However, the struggle for water continues since the high-energy demand remains an issue. The Guarapiranga reservoir’s main function is to supply the city. An isolated part of Billings is used for the supply of some municipalities in the MRSP, but it mainly serves the production of electricity. [1] São Paulo’s water security problem is not only a matter of its availability but also of water quality. The construction of reservoirs is perhaps an inadequate way to provide Greater São Paulo of water. In addition the protection and restoration of springs and headwaters is required. Less than 50% of its inhabitants have access to treated water. A future increase in extreme rainfall is likely to enlarge the risk of public health problems if the bad water quality of the city’s main rivers is not tackled. [1] JOHNSSON F. R.M., KEMPER K.E., Institutional and policy analysis of River Basin management, the Alto Tietê River basin, São Paulo, Brazil, world bank policy research paper 3650, June 2005

Water issues 149 Henry Borden hydropower plant

BLACK RIVER Polluting past and present

One of the main reasons why Sao Pãulo only manages to cover half of the demand of the MRSP is the high rate of pollution of its main water systems: Tietê, Pinheiros, Ipiranga, Anhangabaú and Tamanduateí rivers, and the Reservoirs Billings and Guarapiranga. Degradation derives from lacking and inadequate wastewater treatment and diffuse pollution, caused by pollutants from the streets, which are transported to the rivers in case of rain. [1] Every day 134 tons of inorganic waste, mainly originating from factories, end up in the river.

150 ref. Atlas p. 182-183

For decades, São Paulo’s urban rivers were choking in waste from its growing population and economy. In the 1980s waste from 33 000 industries and sewage from 13 million people was released mainly untreated into the rivers. The Tietê was biologically murdered, being dead as far as 260km downstream from São Paulo city. The level of degradation was threatening public health and the livability of the city, becoming intolerable. Strongly mobilised by the media a large campaign was set up to move the municipality and state to clean up the rivers Tietê and Pinheiros. [2] In 1991 the Projeto Tietê was launched with the goal of treating 50% of the total wastewater by 1996. The project is trying to improve sewage collection and treatment through drastic expansion of the sewer collection network and constructing new interceptors and treatment plants, next to expanding the capacity of existing systems. [3] By now, the third stage of the Tietê project is initiated and sets goals to increase sewage collection to 87% and treatment to 84% by 2016 [SABESP 2011]. This goal shouldn’t only be achieved by the construction of large water treatment plants, but complementing systems and new ways of collection and treatment have to be investigated. Besides mechanical water treatment plants, more natural filtering systems can be explored. These could be implemented in more local smaller and flexible treatment facilities.

[2] THE ECONOMIST, ‘Pollution in Brazil:The silvery Tietê, 2011’,.

[3] HERMANN, R.M.; FERREIRA B. jr., PINTO B., Case Study VI The upper Tietê Basin, Brazil, pp. 7

people protesting against pollution at Tietê river

Water issues Dam Pirapora

Dam Penha

Dam Edgar de Souza Biritiba Mirim

Billings reservoir

151

Guarapiranga reservoir

high pollution rate (lack of odor and presence of some aquatic life) very high pollution rate (lack of oxygen)

[based on SABESP and FABHAT, 2014 ]

Contaminated water systems

ref. Atlas p. 178-179

Garbage of a notable number of households in Greater São Paulo is thrown directly into watersheds, causing clogging and sedimentation. Additionally, solid waste is captured by runoff water and carried by watercourses to lower terrain, where it is deposited. In general, these sites are located in the Tietê floodplain with its notably lower declivities. With flash floods occurring more often due to increase of intense rainfall, reservoirs and watercourses encounter severe damage, as they are not designed to exclude garbage and other forms of contamination. [1]

152

Although general coverage of the sewage water collection system in the territory of the Alto Tietê Basin is considered as reasonable, it is necessary to note that until the beginning of the twenty-first century less than half of this collected wastewater was treated before being released into the rivers. [2] By 2011, 76% of the collected sewage water was treated [SABESP 2011]. There is a discharge of 50m3/s of untreated urban and industrial wastewater, to the drainage system. [3] “One of the most polluted areas of the Alto Tietê Basin corresponds exactly to the fluvial plain of the Tietê, Tamanduatei, Pinheiros and Aricanduva River basin, among others around the central area of MRSP.”

ref. Framing São Paulo p. 16

The water quality of the Tietê river varies greatly along its course of 1100 km before it joins with the Parana river, crossing six large water systems, among which the Alto Tietê Basin. As part of the Paraná- system (the second largest river system in Latin- America) many water supply systems are (in)directly affected by the pollution of São Paulo’s main rivers. In Biritiba Mirim, a city east of São Paulo at the streambeds, the water quality is good, but as the river flows through the MRSP the quality decreases significantly, turning the Tietê into a black and oily flow, containing no oxygen. Its penetrating stench is almost unbearable. 455 km downstream of the city of São Paulo one can again measure a good quality index. The Pirapora reservoir and its surroundings receive the largest pollution load in the Alto Tietê Basin after it has past the MRSP [Cetesb 2011]. [2]

Urban expansion and lacking policy to control it, in combination with high-income concentration around the centre and in certain neighbourhoods have fostered informal housing to arise. These people of mainly low- income settled in areas of least resistance, forgotten by others. As the city grew, she expanded further towards the South, where informal settlements have been occupying protected areas around the Guarapiranga and Billings reservoir for several decades, and more recently also around the reservoirs of the Alto Tietê System. [4] Lack of sewage collection and treatment together with the disposal of solid waste and increasing impermeability of the soil contribute to the contamination of these water resources, complicating even more São Paulo’s attempt to fulfil its water demand and control flooding problems. [1] NOBRE Carlos A. et al., ‘Chapter 11:Vulnerability of Brazilian megacities to climate change: The São Paulo Metropolitan Region (RMSP)’, Climate Change in Brazil, economic, social and regulatory aspects, Ipea, Brasília, 2010, pp. 198-219. [2] BRANDT, Katharina, ‘Participation performance of the (Sub-) Committees in the Alto Tietê watershed and their impact on water management in the metropolitan region of São Paulo’, Karlsruhe, 2013. [3] BRAGA Benedito, The Metropolitan Region of São Paulo,pp.206-213, [4] JOHNSSON F. R.M., KEMPER K.E., Institutional and policy analysis of River Basin management, the Alto Tietê River basin, São Paulo, Brazil, world bank policy research paper 3650, June 2005

Water issues 153 sewage collection service rate 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 [based on SABESP 2011]

collected sewage treatment rate

82 81 80 79 79 78

2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006

76 75 74 72 66 63

154 Informal settlements have been occupying protected areas around the Billings reservoir that are susceptible to flooding. Lack of sewage collection and treatment together with the disposal of solid waste and increasing impermeability of the soil contribute to the contamination of these water resources, complicating even more SĂŁo Pauloâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s attempt to fulfil its water demand and control flooding problems.

155

Water issues

156 50m

92,52 R$ million = total loss Brazil

Sao Paulo City (SPC) Rest of SPMR (SPMR)

100m

Rest of Sao State (RSP)

218,19 R$million

150m

Rest of Brazil (RB)

350,46 R$ million

546,17 R$ million

200m 0

100

200

300

[based on HADDAD; TEIXEIRA, 2013]

400

500

600

Besides the losses and inconvenience experienced by the citizens of São Paulo, the floods have consequences that surpass the city boundaries, affecting the economic sectors of the whole metropolitan region as well as in other parts of the state and country. Households, industrial and commercial activities, public and private services and the urban transport system, all suffer from the flood events. Through an increasing concentration of people and economic activities around São Paolo during the past decades, impacts and economic losses have increased substantially. As São Paulo is Brazil’s economic engine, contributing in 18.9% (2008) (33% state of SP by SABESP 2011) of the Gross Domestic Product of the whole country, the city is directly involved in 14.1% of all trade flows throughout the country, including those with international trade partners. [1] Economic losses in the country’s main economic and financial centre are directly related to the shutdown of production and the transportation system on affected sites. Firms within the radius of 100m from a flood point are directly affected by it. Depending on the severity of the flood a larger area suffers direct discomfort. Generally the tertiary sector (around 90%) is heavily and directly affected, especially services, commerce and transport. According to estimations each flood event in São Paulo reduces the Gross Domestic Product by one million Brazilian reais. This sums up to a total loss of over 700 million reais per year for the whole country. (1 Brazilian reais, R$ equals about 0,32 euro) [2] In situations of severe flooding causing the Tietê and Pinheiros to overflow, the city is paralysed as its main expressways that have come to a stand still, leading to significant traffic jams. Cargo and employees arrive way too late at their destination or simply don’t reach it at all. Also public transport is often blocked in these situations, limiting the mobility of many of the city’s inhabitants. This leads to a lot of time lost in work and education, and decreases São Paulo’s competitiveness, as that of Brazil.

Water issues Not only the floods but also the high pollution rate of the city’s rivers have significant economical consequences, mainly connected to its partly- ‘virtual’ water scarcity. The risk for water shortage causes the prices for water to increase in dry periods but because of the interwoven relation between water and São Paulo’s electricity production through hydropower the city’s energy security also comes in danger and electricity prices rise as well. In addition to rising prices, water dependent industries are strongly suffering under these droughts and sometimes have to shut down their activities, which causes considerable losses. [3] The lack of water is also affecting the state’s agricultural economy, which is the largest in Brazil. Losses are estimated in the production of sugar cane, the main crop of the state, soybeans, coffee, peanuts, corn, on citrus, milk and vegetables. In coffee production, the IEA - Institute of Agricultural Economics of the State of São Paulo - estimated losses of 10 % to 20 %. Another problem connected to the lack of rain is the reduced navigability of the Tietê- Paraná, which is an important trade route. A low water level reduces the capacity to transport cargo by one third, from 6000 to 4000 tons. Besides these economical consequences, the floods in urban areas also have impacts on human health, housing prices, transport infrastructure and other negative effects. As tendencies show that São Paulo water issues will become more pressing, its economic consequences will rise as well. [1] HADDAD, Eduardo A.; TEIXEIRA Eliane, ‘Economic impacts of natural disasters in megacities: [2] BRADSHAW Amanda, ‘Flooding and Planning for Climate Change in São Paulo, Brazil’, São Paulo, 2013. [3] NIELSEN, Stephan, ‘Sao Paulo Biggest Water-Supply System May Run Dry Within 45 Days’, Bloomberg, 2014.

157

THE COST OF FLOODING

158

Atlas The following chapters will dwell on a specific area of São Paulo: the Tietê Valley. In order to provide a deeper insight in the current geographical identity, a series of maps will frame the studied area within the larger context of São Paulo: the City of São Paulo, the Metropolitan Region and the Alto Tietê Basin.

160

Atlas

URBAN - 162-163 [based on NASA 2010]

TRANSPORT VECTORS -164-165 [based on Google Maps 2014]

TOPOGRAPHY - 166-167 [based on FABHAT 2011]

TOPOGRAPHY - 168 [based on SPUrbanismo]

WATERSHEDS - 169

[based on Prefeitura de Sao Paulo]

GEOLOGY - 170-171 GEOLOGY - 172 [based on FABHAT 2011]

ANNUAL RAINFALL - 174-175

[based on Laboratório de Climatologia e Análise Ambiental – UFJF http://www.ufjf.br/ labcaa/2012/06/06/da-garoa-a-tempestade-artigo-de-marcos-pivetta/]

FLOOD PRONE AREAS - 176-177

[based on data from Center for Emergency Management - CGE / PMSP 2010, used to create the HAND model by Nobre et al.]

DECLIVITIES - 178-179 [based on FABHAT 2011, Prefeitura de Sao Paulo]

FLOOD CONTROLL - 180-181 [based on SILVA, 2012]

WATER QUALITY - 182-183 [based on SABESP, 2011]

161

[based on FABHAT 2011]

162

Atlas Atlas 163

MRSP Alto TietĂŞ SP City

10 km

164 164

165 165

Atlas Atlas

166 166

167 167

Atlas Atlas

168 168

169

Atlas

170 170

171 171

Atlas Atlas

172 172

173

Atlas

174 174

175 175

Atlas Atlas

176 176

177 177

Atlas Atlas

178 178

179 179

Atlas Atlas

180 180

181 181

Atlas Atlas

Guaraú 33 m3/s

Parque Novo Mundo 2.5 m3/s

Barueri 9.5 m3/s Baixo Cotia 0.9 m3/s

São Miguel Paulista 1.5 m3/s

ABC 3 m3/s Alto Cotia 1.2 m3/s 182 182

Engenheiro R. J. da Cota e Silva 14 m3/s

Rio Grande 5 m3/s

Atlas Atlas 10 km Suzano 1.5 m3/s

Casa Grande 4 m3/s

Ribeirรฃo da Estiva 0.1 m3/s

183 183

Taiaรงupeba 10 m3/s

184

Tietê Valley In addition to the analysis of Studio São Paulo I, the following chapter offers a thorough analysis of a specific area of São Paulo, the Tietê Valley. The area is currently in a critical stage of transformation and part of a larger development plan of the city. A focused study of the current conditions of the Valley will put future plans concerning this territory into perspective and provide better insight in what the valley is today and will or could be tomorrow.

186

ARCO DO FUTURO Today, São Paulo finds itself at a critical junction. The perverse model of endless urban expansion towards the unequipped periphery as well as crime, waste, pollution and the lingering poverty in the overcrowded slums keep hold of the city. By 2030, almost 60% of the world’s population will be living in cities. While currently 87% of the Latin American population already lives in urbanised areas, São Paulo needs to alleviate its problems in order to meet these future demographic movements.[1] In this light, Fernando Haddad¹proposed an ambitious main development plan for the city as the showpiece of his campaign for office: Arco do Futuro (Arch of the ¹ Maior of São Paulo from 1/1/2013 - ... Future). The project includes the already existing so²Urban Operations (Operações Urbabanas): A set of called ‘urban operations’² that have been implemented interventions and coordinated actions by the municipal in the city’s master plan of 2002. Haddad aims to government, with the participation of owners, residents, promote a new form of urban development towards a permanent users and private investors, with the objective of more balanced city regarding urban, environmental, achieving an area of structural urban transformations, social improvements and environmental enhancement. economic and social perspectives.[2] By creating [PREFEITURA DE SÃO PAULO, “Operações Urbanas Consorciadas”] new jobs and housing closer to the vast city centre, the proposal would elevate the city out of wretched poverty by 2020 and bridle peripheral expansion.[1]

ref. Water Issues p. 119 ref. Water Issues p. 137

In order to accomplish the desired project, the process of public-private partnership (PPP) will be regulated as well as a need to orient future public investments towards the new model of urban development. The appropriate use of the

DENSITY

Tietê Valley

aimed area marks a long-term strategy for São Paulo. However, its development needs to be addressed immediately in order not to miss the opportunities for a strategic redevelopment. [2] One of the most prioritised and critical sections of the seemingly homogeneous industrial landscape of Arco do Futuro is the project of Arco Tietê. Covering a wide region embracing the urbanised Tietê floodplain and located in de vicinity of the city centre, the area will be the first step in the implementation of the ambitions of Arco do Futuro. The maps below show the obvious potential of the targeted area of Arco do Futuro and Arco Tietê: low to moderate densities followed by relatively low land prices.

[1] CASSIBRY, K., “Arco do Futuro”, The Borgen Project [2] PREFEITURA DE SÃO PAULO, “Arco do Futuro”

187

ref. History p. 64

The area of this future development is framed by three structural elements, which have historically been subjected to great transformations to support the industrialisation process of the metropolis: river Pinheiros and Tietê, the railroad and old industrial sites whose restructuring could open up new uses for the city. A new conformation focused on densification must be directed towards this territory: the demised industries should support new productive uses and give rise to the construction of housing, especially to meet the high demand for social housing; the public transport network should be expanded and provide better connections to the existing systems; and the waters and parks should be accompanied by adequate public spaces that should mitigate problems of urban drainage and the heat island effect and at the same time be an important asset to everyday public life.

LAND VALUE

188

Tietê Valley

MORPHOLOGY OF THE VALLEY Defined by the 725m-perimeter, the Tietê valley is almost completely enclosed by the boundary of Arco Tietê. The aerial picture depicts the distinct otherness of the valley in terms of tissue, grain and infrastructure. The following section further explores the origin, structuring elements and current conditions of this specific urban morphology.

189

aerial picture looking over the valley towards the city centre

190

191

TietĂŞ Valley

192

Tietê Valley 193

Deviation of tissue

São Paulo’s tissue consists of a juxtaposition of different grids and development patterns, resulting from the progressive and lucrative subdivision of land during the first half of the 20th century. Within this seemingly illegible mishmash, the Valley distinguishes itself by its lawless character with remarkable and abrupt differences in proportion and layout of tissue resulting from the industrialisation process. Historical footage depicts the formation process of the ‘otherness’ of the Valley. 0 200m

1km

ref. history p.. 101

1930 ref. History p. 64

194

Most of the Valley is still empty due to the high risk of flooding. The railroad forms a body of infrastructure exploring the threshold of the Tietê floodplain. East, the expansion of the city centre has crossed the railroad and approaches the Tietê River. West, nuclei of urbanisation start to expand around the railway stations. Meanwhile several factories find themselves a suitable piece in the floodplain. At that time, three main roads served as a safe connection between the city and the hinterland. A secondary road system parallel to the railroad started to be established, traversing the Valley and interconnecting the main roads and scarce developments. Tietê River wetlands meanders tissue main axes electricy lines edge of the valley

0 20m

100m

TietĂŞ Valley 195 Sara Brasil, 1930

1958

196

As the consolidated city had already reached the border of the railroad, the completion of rectifying Tietê River marks the start of the urbanisation process in the Valley. The main access roads became central to this process, as well as the railway stations. However this did not include any significant densification since the exploitation of the area facilitated mostly industrial activities with only a minor growth of the already established neighbourhoods inside the Valley. Notwithstanding, large parts still remain vacant due to unqualified soil. Meanwhile, the ref. History p. 98 plans of Plano Avenidas are became reality with the construction of additional axes crossing the Valley and marginal roads alongside the Tietê, structuring the area together with the dubious subdivision of land. 1930 Tietê River 1930 wetlands 1930 meanders 1930 tissue main axes electricy lines edge of the valley

0 20m

100m

TietĂŞ Valley 197 Geoportal Brasil, 1958

2011

198

Today, the Valley is almost completely urbanized. The railroad marks a distinct morphological boarder between the city and the Valley. The area is characterised by the strong presence of industrial infrastructure together with large institutional facilities. Apart from some minor exceptions, residential neighbourhoods are located in the fringes of the Valley. Large transport vectors took place of the former access roads, intersecting and subdividing the valley. Noticeable is the implicit presence of the old meanders in the urban fabric. 1930 TietĂŞ River 1930 wetlands 1930 meanders 1930 tissue old axes electricy lines edge of the valley

0 20m

100m

TietĂŞ Valley 199 YAHOO Maps, 2011

200

Tietê Valley 201

Roadinfrastructure

Today, the Tietê Valley forms an essential part of São Paulo’s high capacity transport network. It has one of the busiest sections of the Marginal Tietê and includes several main access points towards the citry centre. These latter subdivide the valley along with Avenida Marquês de São Vicente, a major road parallel to the railroad. main access road to the city centre Marginal Tietê

0 200m

1km

ref. Atlas p. 164

202

203

TietĂŞ Valley

204

205

TietĂŞ Valley

206

Tietê Valley The valley is characterised by a very low overall density due to the large share of industrial infrastructure. Yet, over de past decade the strong border between the city and the valley has started to show signs of yield with the emergence of large islands of residential development touching ground within the ocean of decaying industries. The map depicts the frontline of high-rise, waiting to conquer the Valley. 0 - 40 inhab/km² 40 - 3.500 inhab/km² 3.500 - 6.500 inhab/km² 6.500 - 10.000 inhab/km² 10.000 - 15.000 inhab/km² 15.000 - 22.000 inhab/km²

0 200m

1km

207

Density

208

TietĂŞ Valley The map of functions confirms the low density and otherness of the valley: a scattered industrial landscape with small residential areas in its fringes. High-rise residential development gradually fills in de gaps of the vanishing industrial facilities. Noticeable is the fact that these islands are mostly located far from the equipped areas at the edges of the Valley. residential: horizontal, low standard residential: horizontal , medium/ high standard residential: vertical, low standard residential: vertical, medium/ high standard commerce and services industry and warehouses commerce and service mixed with industry residential and commerce/services residential and industry/warehouses public facilities education vacant land other

0 200m

1km

209

Functions

210

TietĂŞ Valley 211

Districts, identities?

Apart from a physical subdivision, the Valley is subdivided by administrative borders, crossing the railroad and neglecting in some way the areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s specific otherness. Notwithstanding, these borders each mark a certain character within the Valley itself. 0 20m

100m

212

Tietê Valley dwellings in Lapa de Baixo

Lapa is one of the oldest neighbourhoods of São Paulo, known for its industrial past related to the railroad. Most inhabitants of this district are descendants of immigrants, industrial proletarians or engineers. Today the district is a vibrant and mostly residential area. The railroad creates a hitch in the tissue, dividing Lapa into Alto da Lapa in the South and Lapa de Baixo in the North. The latter is a more proletarian neighbourhood, that appears as a small village in the city, characterised by working-class housing and small-scale industries. Alto da Lapa inhabits a more wealthy class. It is a neighbourhood in transformation with a mix of new high-rise buildings within the original low-rise tissue. A busy commercial centre in the vicinity of the railroad, also referred to as Central Lapa, serves the local communities. ‘Mercado da Lapa’ and the shopping street of ‘Rua Doze de Outubro’, from the key elements of this area. Besides commercial activities, Central Lapa functions as a centre of flows: trains, busses, transit traffic and pedestrians, adding up to the lively atmosphere.

213

[LP] Lapa

crossing the railway, with a view on Alto da Lapa

214

[BF] Barra Funda

The district of Barra Funda covers a large area of the former Tietê floodplain. Due to high flood risks and marshy lands it was one of the last areas to be developed in the Valley. At the edge of the district, the railroad formed a body of industrial facilities with a large rail yard as a focal point. After a gradual decay of Barra Funda’s industrial strength, the neighbourhood revived at the end of the 80’s with to the construction of Barra Funda Terminal, one of the city’s largest transport hubs, as well as a new major cultural stronghold: Memorial America Latina. Soon, many large institutional facilities, as well as offices and big box industries, established themselves near the station amongst other small commerce and services. [1] Today, big figures such as the criminal- and labour court, Memorial America Latina and the remainders of a theme park characterise the dispersed industrial tissue. In the last decade, Barra Funda has been the target of a series of new developments. The emerging real estate and office buildings transform the area rapidly into a generic composition of towers, fenced and secluded from its surroundings. [1] BRUNELLI et al., ‘Série Historias dos Bairros de São Paulo, Barra Funda’, 2006.

TietĂŞ Valley 215

new developments

Barra Funda Terminal

216

Tietê Valley North of the railway

ref. Framing São Paulo p. 26

Thanks to its prime location and land stock, Santa Cecilia used to establish the mansions of rich coffee barons and industrials. However, from the 1930s on, the neighbourhood started showing signs of decay as a result of disinterest of the higher classes, the arrival of new lower class inhabitants and the construction the Minhocão in the 70s. In mid-90s the private sector saw the advantages of the devaluated area for redevelopment: renovating the old buildings and developing new residential high-rise. [1] Today, Santa Cecilia is marked by a large disparity between the areas North and South of the railroad. As the South is still in a state of embellishment, with new vertical developments sorted around well-equipped commercial streets; the North was until recently not able to attract investors due to the bad overall characteristics of the former working-class neighbourhood. Now low land prices are the deciding factor. Demarcated by two main access roads to the city centre, the area is characterised by a hodgepodge of low-rise housing, mixed with small commercial activities, workshops, and warehouses. [1] JORGE, C., ‘Série Historias dos Bairros de São Paulo, Santa Cecillia’, 2006.

217

[SC] Santa Cecilia

South of the railway

typical dwelling of former immigrants

218

[BR] Bom Retiro

ref History p. 68

By the end of the 19th century, Bom Retiro was known as the entry gate for immigrants arriving at Luz railway station. Meanwhile, the area became an important industrial section. Many industries settled in the vicinity of the railroad and established housing for the working class. From the 60s on, factories started to be replaced by a vibrant and colourful textile industry which is today still very active and ran by a well-established Korean community. [1] In general, this part of Bom Retiro is perceived as a rather unsafe neighbourhood since the vibrant commerce during the day contrasts with the gloomy atmosphere on Sundays and at night due to little housing, homelessness and rampant crime. Adjacent to the commercial streets, residential areas with a wide variety of housing typologies characterise the neighbourhood. The tenements date from the industrial period and still exhale the influx of European, mostly Italian, immigrants. In the meshes of the tissue, symbols of the industrial past are still present, pending for reuse or demolishment. [1] KLOTZEL, â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;o Bom Retiro ĂŠ o mundoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; [film] 2006.

old factory of carmaker Ford

textile shops 219

TietĂŞ Valley

decaying warehouses near Marginal Tietê

220

[PT;FO;LM;CV;SA] North

ref. p. 211

Until the beginning of the 20th century, Tietê River and iets floodplains isolated the North of São Paulo from the rest of the city. Central to this area lies the neighbourhood of Santana, which developed rapidly due to the industrialisation and the wealth of coffee trade. Today, Santana serves as an important residential and commercial district with qualitative housing and high-rise. [1] The large plain of Campo de Marte Airport and the neighbourhood of Casa Verde flank the district. The latter, a middle class residential area, provides the transition towards Limão, Freguesia do Ó and Pirituba. Generally stated, these neighbourhoods primarily facilitate industrial uses with low-class- and social housing in its fringes, as well as some informal settlements. Along the main axes crossing the valley, small businesses and workshops create a ribbon of commerce. More up North, a power line parallel to the river marks the borderline between big box industries and housing. [1] SP FILM, ‘Santana, História do Bairro de São Paulo’ [film]

residenial area in Casa Verde

TietĂŞ Valley 221

powerlines and development in Freguesia do Ă&#x201C;

commercial activity along one of the main axes

I. II.

III.

222

TietĂŞ Valley informal demarcation aggressive obstruction

0 20m

100m

223

The layering of tissue, transport, density, functions and neighbourhoods determine an informal subdivision within the valley. This patchwork of identities is an expression of its specific otherness. The boundaries of all patches differ from one another: sometimes created by obstructions within the urban tissue, sometimes by abrupt changes of fabric or the crossing of roads. The following case study of 400x400m samples will illustrate three different obstructions causing the subdivision of patches.

224

Edificio Curtume is perceived as one of the most significant landmarks in the Valley. The extraordinary building with a length of over 200m runs along an impervious stretch of nomanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s-land, used for a power line that spans the Valley. This slender armature serves as a strong physical demarcation between social tenement housing and an industrial site in state of transformation.

tenement housing

225

TietĂŞ Valley

226

227

TietĂŞ Valley

228

TietĂŞ Valley The process of lucrative subdivision of land and different ownerships mark a curious formation of fabric in the Valley. Located amidst a large industrial area, an odd rectangular figure imposes unusual constraints to the surrounding tissue. This odd obstruction serves as a blind spot in the tissue and public territory. Today, it provides space for a mishmash of leftover uses such as a scrap-yard and a large blue tent that accommodates a local religious community.

229

II. Parque Industrial Thomas Edson

230

231

TietĂŞ Valley

III. Barra Funda 232

Patch-creating identities are sometimes strongly related to the abrupt contrast between types of fabric. As an example, the triangular island of working-class houses originating from the former industrial activities has gradually shaped the surrounding developments. Today, this â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;piĂ¨ce de resistanceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is perceived as an oddity in the surrounding fabric. One can question how long this obstruction can abide the pressure of new redevelopment.

ref. p.194

233

TietĂŞ Valley

234

235

TietĂŞ Valley

Scale of transformation In de last decade, the valley has been undergoing several transformations on different scales. Whereas in the densely built city centre, obsolete residential buildings and dilapidated houses get demolished in favour of monofunctional residential high-rise buildings, the diverse patchwork of building typologies, plot sizes and tissue in de valley allows a much more striking transformation. All over the Valley large real estate developments are popping up as building plots are created by wiping out demised industries or exploiting the scarce empty land. The results of this proliferated development throughout the valley are rather shocking. Just about all new residential projects follow the same distasteful principle of vertical gated communities like isolated pixels in the existing urban tissue, confining future strategic development and intensifying the existing obstructions. The following three samples are examples of the scale and context of the ongoing transformations in the valley.

236 II

III I

TietĂŞ Valley

1. Barra Park

2008

237

This development is located in the middle of a dense residential/commercial working class neighbourhood with a strong presence of industrial leftovers and warehouses. The plot is currently under development as a whole but used to be subdivided by several warehouses of different ownerships. In the near future, two 27-story high towers with a pedestal of parking lots will rise from the middle of this working class neighbourhood.

2012

2007

238

In the middle of an established industrial site, next to the remarkable glass factory of Saint-Gobin, an old factory recently has been replaced by new residential development. While the original plotstructure is maintained, the contrast between both aerial pictures speaks volumes.

2012

TietĂŞ Valley

III. Perdizes

2008

239

In 2011, the construction of one of the biggest real estate development projects the city has ever seen started in the valley. Since time immemorial, this piece of land has been empty and a desired target for real estate brokers. Because of the immense scale, the city couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t allow to turn the land into another isolated condominium. Therefore a large part of the area should be kept public. The result is an orchestrated subdivision of the land with a public park, enclosed and hidden by a ring of residential high-rise.

2012

240

TietĂŞ Valley 241

FUTURE PROSPECTS Is this the trajectory future development should continue to follow? Does the scale and character of the Valley ask for more unconventional interventions based on the richness of this area, instead of the current generic development and increasing homogenisation of SĂŁo Paulo? Will the ambitions of Arco do Futuro to generate a more balanced city ever see the light as the ongoing development mainly includes vertical gated communities for the higher social classes? Once more we can ask ourselves how the future of the valley will look like. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to pledge for a development that acknowledges the otherness and needs of the valley.

242

Tietê Valley 243

RETALLIATION OF WATER Sandwiched by marginal roads or tunnelled by underdimensioned channels, São Paulo’s rivers and waterways recurrently reclaim their territory, paralysing the valley and the entire city. Since the waterways are barely visible anymore due to the excessive water- and infrastructural works during the past century, the Paulistanos have almost completely lost their fascination or abomination, as well as the understanding of the city’s hydrology. Therefore, in case of heavy rainfall, flooding, flash floods and the relentless force of water coming from uphill, surprises and seizes the people with all consequences that will entail.

244

Tietê Valley

MORPHOLOGY OF THE FLOODPLAIN

245

The Arco Tietê perimeter covers the complete area of what used to be the natural floodplain of the Tietê River. Today, the submergible areas, which used to mitigate flooding, completely disappeared. Therefore, floods pose a direct threat to the urbanised tissue adjacent to the river. In the following paragraphs we will substantiate the causes of inundation by further exploring the underlying water structures and topographic features of the Valley.

246

247

TietĂŞ Valley

Dual threat

In case of heavy rainfall, storm water from higher areas of the city flows towards the floodplain. The accumulation of these large volumes of water creates severe flood problems, causing flash floods and local flood points in the valley and elsewhere in the city. After long periods of severe rain showers, the water level of the rivers could reach their limits and flood adjacent land according to the topography. This dual threat of water coming from the river as well as the city encapsulates the former floodplain.

248

249

TietĂŞ Valley

250

TietĂŞ Valley 251

Flooding of the TietĂŞ River threatens the tissue according the geographical height. History has shown that the water level could rise form an average 716m above sea level until 724m. The map depicts the flood prone areas, with topographical depression situated around existing creeks.

0 20m

100m

252

253

TietĂŞ Valley

254

255

TietĂŞ Valley

256 ref. Atlas p. 169

An hidden network of streams and creeks form the backbone of several watersheds, draining the water towards River TietĂŞ and River Pinheiros. The longitudinal cross-section of the valley depicts the structure of these natural watersheds.

0 20m

200m

1km

100m

257

TietĂŞ Valley

258

Tietê Valley ref. Atlas p. 178

limits watershed open creek creek with potential to re-open creek covered by roads creek covered by other flood point

0 20m

100m

259

As previously stated, flash floods are caused by the relentless force of large volumes of water coming from uphill the city. The capacity, permeability, surface area and topographical declivity of the watersheds are ever determining for this issue. Since most of the creeks are channelled and often underdimensioned, they are unable to cope with the velocity and volume of storm water. Consequently, these systems are easily oversaturated. The map depicts the so-called ‘Pontos Alagamentos’, or flood points, notified by the inhabitants and mostly concentrated around the covered creeks. Important to keep in mind is the fact that this type of flooding mostly doesn’t last longer than just a couple of hours, until the drainage system has capacity again.

262

Lapa, 2010

Avenida Marquês de São Vicente, 2011

flotos flashfloods

260

261

TietĂŞ Valley

Tietê Valley Bom retiro, 2011

263

Avenida Marquês de São Vicente, 2011

264

Tietê Valley 265

Apart from the dimensions of drainage channels, it is important to detain water as long and as high as possible. Green structures help mitigating the problems by functioning as local sponges or allowing infiltration, which depends on the type of soil. Noticeable is the lack of green in the consolidated tissue of the Tietê valley’s watersheds. Since most of the surface is covered by concrete and asphalt, the infiltration capacity of the underlying geology does not have much influence.

0 200m

1km

ref. Atlas p. 172

266

Mitigation Case study of a watershed

A closer look on a specific watershed gives insight in the urban drainage management. Although the area includes a large park with a possibly high drainage-capacity, its contribution remains limited due to the low buffer capacity and high declivity rate of a much larger area at higher altitude.

200m

1km

aerial view

TietĂŞ Valley 267 topography and watermanagement

tissue and green structures

more than 30mm rain/day

Following graphs show the stages of flooding with a roughly estimated possible recurrence period based on the graph of the amount of percipitation over a century by Nobre. ref. Water Issues p. 133

daily during rain season

268 weekly during rain season

monthly during rain season

TietĂŞ Valley

more than 100mm rain/day

269

once or more every rain season

every 10 years

increasing reccurency

270

HIDROANEL In 2009 a study was issued by the Waterway Department of the State Secretariat for Logistics and Transportation to explore the technical, economic and environmental pre-viability of a Metropolitan Waterway Ring that would connect the existing reservoirs and watercourses, reducing the city’s environmental footprint significantly. [1] Developed by the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism and Grupo Metrôpole Fluvial, the project contains a network of navigable canals with Tietê and Pinheiros River and the main reservoirs as its backbone. The construction of a 25km long artificial canal adds up to 170km of urban waterways embracing a large area of the metropolitan region: the Hidroanel. The project marks an important change in the mentality towards São Paulo’s urban watercourses: whereas the city formerly turned its back to the rivers, they now become central elements of focus. The National Politics for Water Resources considers water as a public good and a limited natural resource that must be rationalised and diversified in a manner to allow its use by everyone. [1] In this light, the project is based on the idea of multiple uses of water. In order to reinforce the public character of São Paulo’s water, the main rivers will be transformed back into transport vectors with their margins as qualified public space. Besides using the urban rivers for transport of passengers and cargo, leisure and tourism, the Hidroanel will be a large contribution to macro drainage and the public awareness towards water management.

Tietê Valley Simultaneously, the rivers would become axis of planned urbanisation with the ports as urban centralities. To anticipate on the recurrent flood problems the transport of waste would include mostly sediments from the canals and lakes to maintain optimal flow rate and capacity. Furthermore, the foreseen locks and reservoirs will provide excess buffering for floodwater in addition to the existing piscinões. [2] ref. Water Issues p. 130 ref. Atlas p. 180

Hidroanel in numbers: 170 Km / 20 Locks / 3 subsystems / 3 tri-ports 14 trans-ports / 60 eco-ports / 36 dredging-ports 4 mud-ports / 24 passengers ports [1] FAU USP, ‘Articulação Arquitetônica e Urbanística dos Estudos de Préviabilidade do Hidroanel Metropolitano de São Paulo’, 2011 [2] GREENPORT, ‘São Paulo Waterway Ring’, 2012

271

The economic viability is justified by the transportation of urban waste, which corresponds to the integrated management of waste by the National Waste Policy of 2010. It includes collection, transportation, transhipment, treatment and environmentally adequate final destinations. [1] A network of ports along the Hidroanel directs this sequence of actions: cargo is deposited at the ‘origin ports’ after being transported through the canals in the direction of the ‘destination ports’. These latter, the ‘Tri-ports’, select, recycle, process, reutilise and incinerate the waste. According to the study, the policy of zero landfill should be feasible by the year 2040. [1]

Arco do Futuro

272 Hidroanel

TietĂŞ Valley

REFLECTION

Indisputably, future climate changes will cause an increment in frequency and intensity of heavy rainfall, resulting in an aggravation of the current water issues. History illustrates how the industrialisation and urbanisation mortgaged the drainage capacity of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main watercourses. Later hydrological interventions have shown to be insufficient as the need for drainage capacity continuously rises. Therefore, the current plans of the municipality towards water management should be revised in order to pave the way for the realisation of new, large and sufficient, strategies like Hidroanel. Apart from the integration of flood mitigation and a proven economic viability, the idea to centralise areas of dense urbanisation around the planned ports could merge with the ambitions of Arco do Futuro, creating a resilient foundation for future development, supported by an ingenious transport network.

ref. p. 186

ref. p. 236

One can question the chances of success of Arco do Futuro as the pursuit of profit of the actors of the PPP may overrule the general ambitions of the project. (which is already showing signs of yield or failure in on-going developments.) Therefore we plead for a densificationoriented development based on a well-determined urban-drainage strategy that focuses on safeguarding and creating space for water buffering on different scales, adapted to local conditions.

273

Hidroanel shows a series of very ambitious and drastic interventions. As it is now, according to the plans of Arco do Futuro, the moment for radical urban (re-) development, this may as well include the opportunity to actually implement the large-scale strategy of Hidroanel.

274

Riverplain This final section proposes a series of resilient design strategies for the Valley, acknowledging the true character of this territory. The strategies aim to mitigate flooding and guide future development and will serve as a basis for four subsequent individual design projects.

276

Riverplain 277

Arco TietĂŞ - Valley of TietĂŞ

Endorsing the need for densification, a series of urban design strategies aims to increase resiliency of the Valley. Based on safeguarding land and creating capacity for water, the developed strategies have the potential to create an armature for future phases of transformation: the Riverplain. The revival of water as a visible aspect of the Valley will raise awareness for its true character, while opening up opportunities for qualitative and sustainable redevelopment. 0 200m

1km

STRATEGY FOR RESILIENCE The process of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;cut & fillâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; operations forms the basis of all following strategies. It has the opportunity to reshape the Valley, creating an archipelago of safeguarded areas amongst others that provide capacity for water. ref. Valley p. 222-223

The identities of each patch in the Valley determine the scale, phasing and rate of this topographic manipulation. A gradually shaped mosaic of height differences maintains the current patchwork of the Valley, leaving the roads as traces through the landscape, becoming small streams in case of severe floods.

278

CUT FILL 279

Riverplain

WATER SPACES System of resilient elements in the Riverplain, determined by the morphology of the valley.

280

281

Riverplain

Redistributors

ref. Valley p. 256-257

Running along the edges of the valley, parallel to the river, these excavated linear structures cross several watersheds systems. They have the ability to detain and redistribute water. According to the drainage capacity of the watersheds, they regulate the flow of runoff water coming from higher urbanised areas towards the TietĂŞ River. The redistributors could be a significant addition to the overall water capacity of the city. Existing elements such as the railroad and a ribbon of no-manâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;sland owned by the power company offer great potential for the implementation of this strategy.

282

283

Riverplain

Arteries The arteries, or tributaries, form the backbone of the watersheds, connecting the different water spaces of the Riverplain. Reopening these covered structures increases their capacity and enhances the awareness of the water issues. By the use of natural banks, the arteries will reintegrate biodiversity and improve the overall water quality. The attachment of expansion areas further enhances its integration within the Valley. It opens up possibilities to program attractive local public spaces and serve as a certain warning system for impending floods. Purification systems along the arteries clean the runoff water coming from the city.

284

Riverplain 285

These stepped basins are connected to the main arteries and purify runoff water by using specific vegetation. In case of severe flooding, the purificators create extra detention capacity.

Sponges By detaining storm water locally as long as possible, sponges increase the overal drainage capacity. The collected water can be stored, purified or re-used for grey water purposes such as irrigation and sanitation. The implementation of this strategy offers a wide variety of potential outcomes, of which some of them may include infiltration depending on the local conditions. Leftover spaces within consolidated tissues can be used to manage storm water and serve as public space.

286

Riverplain

Wetlands

287

Wetlands are constructed ecosystems with potential purification capabilities. These systems mitigate both flooding from the river as well as flash floods. They primarily create a bypass for the river, controlling the water level of the TietĂŞ permanently. Secondly, they buffer runoff water coming from the city

TYPOLOGIES OF PROTECTION In case of saturation of the proposed water management systems, the valley will inevitably flood. Therefore an urban trimline is introduced, imposing adaption measures to resist the possibility of flooding. These adaption measures are illustrated by the different typologies of protection.

Dyke

288

Dry feet / Wet feet

Threshold

Island

Riverplain Safeguarding established tissue by constructing a bank that rises above the flood risk perimeter.

289

Allowing flooding by imposing adaption measures of old and new building.

Tissue at the threshold of the floodplain, safeguarded due to the original topography.

Islands created by the cut & fill operations, safeguarded from floods, allow strong densification.

CROSSING THE VALLEY

290

Riverplain 291

Braces In order to safeguard the existing main access roads to the city, they are integrated in the typology of the dyke. These braces of transport and protection span and accentuate the entire Riverplain. The body of the dyke can accommodate pedestrian crossings, car parks and underground lines, enhancing the existing transport network and connectivity in the Valley.

STITCHING THE VALLEY

292

Riverplain ref. Valley p. 194

The first roads connecting the hinterland to the inner city crossed the valley, assumingly following the most favourable path, least affected by flooding. Today, these axes are still present in the current tissue with great accessibility to the existing railway stations. Revitalising the significance of these figures opens up opportunities to guide future transformation in the Valley. Therefore a conversion of the former access roads into strong public axes is proposed, spanning the entire valley between both redistributors, supported by public transport, commerce, public facilities and adequate public space. These new urban centralities will connect the islands of densification, creating a resilient platform for transformation.

293

Historical traces as public axes

294

Landscape / Concrete spaces In between the densely urbanised public axes, parallel green structures shaped by the arteries serve as backbones for leisure.

295

Riverplain

296

Riverplain Riverplain is the capstone of this exploration by research and design. It is the outcome of applying several of the proposed strategies on the area of research. The following figure is a representation of the insights acquired throughout this thesis on the logics and complexity of both urban and hydrological structures in the Valley. It depicts the relationship between densification, the built program and water issues and explores potential building- and landscape typologies. The proposed Riverplain is not to be understood as a blueprint or masterplan, but rather a scenario; the product of a system based thinking on how water management could set out the lines and patches for new phases of transformation. Finally, we present four individual design projects, each exploring a different site and a different strategy on urban development and water management. Together they contribute to a larger vision for the TietĂŞ floodplain, adding up to a more profound comprehension of the Valley itself and moreover, the Riverplain.

297

VISION(S)

298

299

Riverplain

300

Riverplain

WATERCHAMBER

Evelien Lambrechts Exploiting cavities in the fabric of Lapa de Baixo.

IMPLUVIUM

SUTURE Matthias Vanhoutteghem Etching the blueprint for a tissue in transformation [RE]TRACE Benjamin Vanbrabant Exploring the edge condition of a lost river mark.

301

MichaĂŤl Stas An exploration of the railway as redistributor of urban hydraulics.

302

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