Preparation Guide NSC 2012

Preparation Guide

12th National Selection Conference of EYP the Netherlands 10 – 12 February 2012, Amsterdam

Topic overviews Overviews The overviews are written by the Committee chairpersons to serve as background material.

They aim to identify the key issues at stake while synthesising the topic area. The objective is naturally to keep these overviews as balanced as possible, yet they may not receive unanimous consent. It should be noted that the EYP strongly encourages independent thinking so feel free to disagree!

Keywords The non-­‐exhaustive list of keywords intends to facilitate searching for information, may it be documents, news items or articles, at different types of search engines, news websites and encyclopaedias.

Research Links As regards the suggestions for research links, the list is by no means exhaustive. Rather than citing individual links, we have preferred indicating links to websites where several relevant documents and articles can be found. Please note that the EYP is not responsible for the contents on various websites; the texts reflect the opinions of their authors only.

We wish you a successful preparation and interesting reading!

Milda Šabūnaitė

President of the session

Wim van Doorn

President of EYP the Netherlands

Barteld Nanninga & Tom Hofland

Head-organisers of the session

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Information resources on the European Union The European Union The Gateway to the European Union: http://europa.eu.int/

Introduction to the EU The European Union at a glance: http://europa.eu.int/abc/index_sv.htm What does the EU do? http://europa.eu.int/abc/index2_sv.htm How is the EU organised? http://europa.eu.int/abc/index3_sv.htm Europe in 12 lessons: http://europa.eu.int/abc/12lessons/index_sv.htm The history of the European Union http://www.historiasiglo20.org/europe/index.htm

Institutions Introducing the EU institutions and other bodies: http://europa.eu.int/institutions/ European Commission: http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/ Council of the European Union: http://ue.eu.int/ European Parliament: http://www.europarl.eu.int/

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Committee topics Committee on Culture and Education (CULT) With growing recognition of the importance of cultural diplomacy: How can the EU broaden the scope of its cultural policies and successfully promote the Union’s core values, such as democracy, human rights protection and equality, through cultural initiatives?

Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I (LIBE I) A common European identity: a core European value or an out-dated concept? With the rise of nationalist right-wing movements across Member States, what actions should the EU take to reaffirm and strengthen its citizens’ trust in the European idea, and create a more unified, inclusive and tolerant society?

Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs II (LIBE II) The Occupy movement in Europe: an expression of direct participatory democracy? How should the EU respond to the dissatisfaction of its citizens, and how should it react to the growing activity of civil movements across Europe in order to ensure that the voices of its citizens are being heard?

Committee on Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) Further expansion or more integration? Witnessing growing levels of civic scepticism towards the European project as a number of existing Member States struggle through severe economic instability, should the EU continue to expand its borders or should it rather focus on deeper integration of its current Member States?

Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) In the light of the UK opting out of the recently proposed fiscal union pact, how much control should the EU have in regulating national fiscal policies?

Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL) Two years after celebrating the European year to combat poverty and social exclusion, 1 out of 7 European citizens still face the risk of living in poverty. What means should be taken to achieve efficient reduction and efficient eradication of poverty and social inequality across the EU? Committee on Climate Change (CLIM) With a global commitment to sign a legally binding agreement on reducing greenhouse gas emissions achieved in Durban, how can the EU maintain its leading role in future negotiations on the specifics of the agreement in order to ensure an effective fight against climate change?

Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET)

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With the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights stating that the violence committed by the Syrian government against its citizens has amounted to “crimes against humanity”, how should the EU best respond to this ever growing crisis?

Committee on Culture and Education (CULT) With growing recognition of the importance of cultural diplomacy: How can the EU broaden the scope of its cultural policies and successfully promote the Union’s core values, such as democracy, human rights protection and equality, through cultural initiatives?

Overview: The EU is known as a global actor that primarily uses instruments of soft power, rather than military action, to achieve its agenda. Even though in existence for decades, the term “cultural diplomacy” has recently been getting more recognition as an effective tool of soft power employed by the EU in its internal and external relations. Today, culture is no longer considered to be a policy area that focuses merely on providing citizens with aesthetic value and entertainment; cultural policy is increasingly acknowledged to be an effective diplomatic tool used to implement political agenda, promote values and even apply pressure on other states.

Inside the EU, culture plays a strong role in promoting cross-border cooperation, unity and inclusion, and diminishing perceived differences between member states. This way, cultural projects contribute to the unity within the EU borders and promote dialogue between its members. Externally, culture is often used as a connecting thread between states which otherwise subscribe to very different values. Today, the EU focuses its cultural policy on engaging with authoritarian regimes, states in conflict, and countries undergoing civil war. By developing cultural relations with these states, the EU paves the way for further cooperation in trade and politics. Such activity is outlined in the EU Culture Programme and the European Agenda for Culture, which names making culture a key component of EU international relations as one of its key objectives. It works on incorporating cultural projects and institutions into its international relationships, promoting inter-cultural cooperation and using it as a diplomatic tool to strengthen political links.

Currently, the EU is witnessing a debate on whether the role of cultural diplomacy should be strengthened by creating new structures of cultural diplomats and cultural institutes abroad in order to substantiate the EU’s cultural and diplomatic presence abroad. Some argue that this would significantly strengthen the EU’s presence as a global actor; others maintain that it is merely an attempt to expand the European bureaucratic mechanism even further with no real benefit to the Union. How can the EU make sure that its cultural policy uses its full potential as a diplomatic instrument?

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In order to analyse this topic, delegates will have to consider how effective the Culture Programme and the Agenda for Culture have been in meeting their objectives, and what more can be done to establish cultural policy as a key tool in EU’s external relations and internal cooperation. This discussion is impossible without first considering what values the EU aims to promote using its cultural activity, and what image of the Union it wishes to transcend to other states. Finally, how much moral right does the EU have to project its value system onto other states, when arguably these values are diminishing within its own borders?

Keywords: culture, EU cultural policy, cultural diplomacy, soft power, Culture Programme, Agenda for Culture Links http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/content/20101203STO05908/html/Culturaldiplomacy-To-sell-European-culture-and-values-globally http://ec.europa.eu/culture/our-programmes-and-actions/doc411_en.htm http://ec.europa.eu/culture/our-policy-development/european-agenda_en.htm http://www.europarl.europa.eu/committees/en/CULT/home.html http://ec.europa.eu/culture/documents/culture_gov_eu_extern_relations.pdf http://www.labforculture.org/de/users/site-users/site-members/site-committors/sitemoderators/lidia-varbanova/51495/37552 http://www.europe.org.uk/index/-/id/265/ http://www.euractiv.com/culture/lawmakers-want-europe-drive-cultural-diplomacy-news503296 http://www.culturaldiplomacy.org/pdf/case-studies/cd-eu.pdf http://www.epc.eu/pub_details.php?cat_id=6&pub_id=1383 http://www.europe.org.uk/index/-/id/265/

by Dirk Hofland (NL) & Milda Šabūnaitė (LT)

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Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs I (LIBE I) A common European identity: a core European value or an out-dated concept? With the rise of nationalist right-wing movements across Member States, what actions should the EU take to reaffirm and strengthen its citizens’ trust in the European idea, and create a more unified, inclusive and tolerant society?

Populist anti-immigration parties are on the rise all across Europe. Politicians like Timo Soini in Finland, Geert Wilders in The Netherlands and Pia Kjaersgaard in Denmark seem to be unstoppable. Taking the growing popularity of these nationalist parties into account, the panEuropean identity might seem far from achievable. A research paper by the European Commission in 2010 showed that almost 50% of the EU citizens felt more negatively than positively about a joint European future. Therefore we need to ask ourselves: does our generation believe in a united Europe, or is the European dream fading in our minds?

Along with the Charter of Fundamental Rights, inclusion, tolerance and equality lie at the very heart of European values. With the open borders and free movement of people within the Union, national identities became somewhat less relevant, bringing the concept of being ‘European’ into the picture. However, witnessing the EU struggle through the Eurocrisis and the financial difficulties of its members, European citizens are seen to be losing confidence in the idea of a united Europe, and returning to expressing support for the benefit of their national state rather than the well-being of the EU as a whole. This played a key role in setting the scene for the rise of nationalist parties, who used the situation to promote their own ideas based on protecting the national identity and the nation state instead of cross-border cooperation. While protecting national values might not necessarily be negative, many of their arguments come with undertones of intolerance and discrimination, which are quick to spread across the continent. How can the EU tackle the often disproportionate radical opinions?

The EU’s Stockholm Programme for 2010-2014 is a programme that is aimed at the protection of fundamental rights of the citizens, with focus on minority rights and integration schemes, as well as the development of the European citizenship concept. The Programme has received both praise for its attention towards improving equality and security of EU citizens and criticism for being too protective of the EU’s outside borders and immigrants. In order to analyse the topic well, delegates will have to look at this and other instruments the EU uses to ensure equality and justice within its borders and promote the idea of European citizenship, evaluate their effectiveness and assess what needs to be adjusted in the future to ensure that the EU maintains its unity, cross-border cooperation and protection of its citizens.

After the attacks in Norway this summer, Secretary-General of the Council of Europe Thorbjørn Jagland said that the old saying “all nationalism originates from something bad, and will lead to something bad” was proved to be true. While the sentiment here is strong, it may be important to consider whether nationalist ideas are inherently damaging by their nature, or if they become damaging to the society at a certain stage. Where is the line between

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patriotism and nationalism, and where does the European identity fit in when compared to the national identity? Can the EU regain its citizens’ trust in its values, and should the European identity develop to become a defining aspect of the Union?

Keywords: Common European identity, nationalism, right-wing movements, united in diversity, national identity, far-right parties, social unrest, social policy, European unification process, European citizenship, multiculturalism, patriotism, populism.

Links: Educational papers: -

National identity and the idea of European unity: http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic162929.files/F_Eurosceptism/Smith.pdf

Official sites: -

Citizens in the EU, what is being done to engage: http://ec.europa.eu/citizenship/index_en.htm

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European Commission: Eurobarometer 73, public opinion in the European Union: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb73/eb73_first_en.pdf

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Intolerance, prejudice and discrimination. A European report. http://library.fes.de/pdffiles/do/07908-20110311.pdf

News articles: -

A unified Europe would be great for Eurocrats: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/columnists/alasdair-palmer/8570237/A-unifiedEurope-will-be-great-news-for-the-Eurocrats.html

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Van Rompuy comments on the rise of nationalism in Europe in an article from 2010: http://www.todayszaman.com/news-226877-eu-president-warns-against-risingnationalism-in-europe.html

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Is more actively involved citizens the answer? http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/eu/8565000/Tony-Blair-EUneeds-elected-president-former-PM-says.html

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Hungary, a product of nationalism or centralisation of power? http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/jan/17/viktor-orban-hungary-eu-legalaction

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Eurosceptisism in Britain: http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2012/jan/02/toryeurosceptics-lib-dems-europe

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Populists representing ordinary people mistrust Brussels. Has the European identity ever been popular within European citizens?: http://www.economist.com/node/21536873

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Populist anti-immigration parties on the rise: http://www.economist.com/node/18398641

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Is populism dangerous in today’s society? http://www.eurotopics.net/en/home/presseschau/archiv/magazin/politikverteilerseite/populismus_2007_10/debatte_populismus_2007_10/

Other articles: -

Are there such a thing as common European values?: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu/

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The American interest: European identities part I http://blogs.the-americaninterest.com/fukuyama/2012/01/10/european-identities-part-i/

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George Orwell, Notes on Nationalism: http://orwell.ru/library/essays/nationalism/english/e_nat

by Yves Haverkamp (NL) & Victoria Wilkinson (NO)

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Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs II (LIBE II) The Occupy movement in Europe: an expression of direct participatory democracy? How should the EU respond to the dissatisfaction of its citizens, and how should it react to the growing activity of civil movements across Europe in order to ensure that the voices of its citizens are being heard?

Overview: “We are the 99%” is a slogan that echoed across the globe as the Occupy movement announced its no-tolerance attitude towards the greed and corruption of the wealthy 1%. Is this movement, and the rapid support gained by other similar movements in recent times, indicative of the growing dissatisfaction amongst citizens towards established political systems?

As increased levels of civil unrest cropped up around Europe over the last months, with riots in the UK and public demonstrations in Greece among others, the EU has no alternative but to consider the question of what stance it should take in response to such movements. To what extent should it respond to the calls of such civic action, and how seriously should their demands be considered? Should the EU encourage civil movements to participate in the political decision-making by forming conventional political parties, as the True Finns movement did in Finland, or should they remain in the non-governmental sector and act as watchdogs? What platform would work most efficiently in helping these movements effectively present their goals, and maintain a dialogue with the political decision-making bodies about their implementation? These are some of the questions the delegates of LIBE II will have to consider in order to find the answer to the topic at hand.

The right to freedom of assembly is one of the core values of the EU, protected by the European Convention of Human Rights and recognised as a fundamental part of democracy.

However, it could be argued that too generous an approach to civil campaigns could bring about an even steeper rise of radical movements demanding their share in decision-making process. It is therefore important to consider that while some civil movements provide an accurate representation of societal malaise, others are too radical and narrow to get recognition in ways other than protesting.

How can the EU prevent the freedom of assembly and freedom of political participation from being abused by radical groups? How can we strike the right balance between considering different viewpoints, allowing them aid the decision making process, and giving them the power to dictate the decision-making process by pressuring the legislature? With these questions in mind, time is ticking for Europe to respond. Whatever action it chooses to take, the EU must be clear on how much it is willing to listen to the voice of its citizens, how it can respond most effectively and what are the best methods to ensure that the exchange of ideas takes the step from talk to action.

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Keywords: participatory democracy, uprisings in Europe, civil movements, Occupy movement Links: On the Occupy movement: http://www.occupytogether.org/occupy-wall-st/ http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2011/10/occupy-wall-street-3 http://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/seasia/whatis/book.php Democracy in Europe? http://www.pol.gu.se/digitalAssets/1313/1313735_lectoral-accountability.pdf http://www.cap-press.com/pdf/waters_fm.pdf On Freedom of Association and Assembly: http://www.coe.int/lportal/web/coe-portal/article11?dynLink=true&layoutId=697&dlgroupId=10226&fromArticleId= http://www.osce.org/odihr/43618 The European Citizen’s Initiative: http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/secretariat_general/citizens_initiative/index_en.htm http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/secretariat_general/citizens_initiative/docs/eci_flowchart_en.pdf

by Zahra Runderkamp (NL) & Gráinne Hawkes (IÉ)

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Committee on Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) Further expansion or more integration? Witnessing growing levels of civic scepticism towards the European project as a number of existing Member States struggle through severe economic instability, should the EU continue to expand its borders or should it rather focus on deeper integration of its current Member States?

Overview: On 9 December 2011, Croatia finished its negotiations for its accession to the EU and is predicted to become the 28th member of the European Union by the end of June 2013.

However, with the European debt crisis still taking its toll across the continent, many have expressed concern about expanding EU borders even further. According to opinion polls, about a third of Croatians themselves do not seem confident about the benefits of joining a Union that is struggling to deal with its current financial situation and find collective agreement on its economic future. Is the EU in a position to accept new Member States, or should it focus on sorting out its existing internal issues in the nearest future?

Recent negotiations over the Fiscal Union Pact have clearly shown that while some Member States, like France and Germany, are fully committed to promoting further integration of EU states, fiscal and otherwise, other countries are reluctant to hand over even more of their national decision-making power to centralised EU governance. After witnessing its struggle to take effective action during the economic crisis, it is understandable why states would be reluctant to give the EU even more responsibility over making decisions. At the same time, it can be argued that further integration is the only future for the EU if it seeks to maintain its status as an international economic and political player; if the existing Member States cannot find agreement on what the future of the Union should look like, it will be complicated to achieve any kind of progress.

Expanding European borders would mean accepting even more states whose opinions have to be taken into account during similar negotiations, arguably making the policy-making processes even more complicated. Secondly, As most of the potential new members are Balkan states that are struggling to maintain financial stability, the EU might have to allocate even more of its resources to supporting their economies. Eurosceptics raise a valid question: can we afford expansion?

Widening or deepening? Does ‘the more the merrier’ principle apply to this case, or should EU leaders take a step back, reassess and strive for a more homogeneous social, economic and political Union maintaining its current borders?

Keywords: enlargement, integration/disintegration, debt crisis, fiscal/monetary union, national sovereignty, accession, candidate countries, potential candidate countries, consolidation, EU coordination.

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Links

News Articles Euro in crisis: The Financial Times: http://www.ft.com/indepth/euro-in-crisis Europe’s Debt Crisis – A Timeline: The Wall Street Journal: http://online.wsj.com/public/resources/documents/info-EZdebt0210.html A Timeline of the European Union: BBC News: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3583801.stm Merkel Urges Euro Fiscal Union to Tackle Debt Crisis: BBC News: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-15997784 Official Articles European Commission – Enlargement Policy: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/thepolicy/countries-on-the-road-to-membership/index_en.htm European Commission – Enlargement and How does it work?: http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/how-does-it-work/index_en.htm Video Links EU Summit Will Not End Euro Problems: Infrastructure for Integration: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WyKQ0N1Oc5I Rehn Sees 'political will' for Further Economic Integration in EU: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LFWin2u8JbA

by Megan Wennekers (NL) & Dimitris Zacharias (GR)

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Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) In the light of the UK opting out of the recently proposed fiscal union pact, how much control should the EU have in regulating national fiscal policies?

Overview: The EU Summit held in Brussels on 9th December 2011 had a goal to make amends for the ineffective past summits on the Eurozone debt crisis. The summit held a vote on a so-called European Fiscal Compact, which aims to tighten the economic and fiscal policies of the Member States. British Prime Minister David Cameron vetoed the deal to review existing EU fiscal treaties, arguing that it did not provide sufficient safeguards for the economy of the UK and specifically London, often considered Europe’s financial capital. Because of the veto, the Summit resulted not in an amendment to EU treaty but in an inter-governmental agreement that was not bound by any EU treaties. The remaining 26 Member States signed the agreement.

The current Fiscal Union Pact creates a template fiscal policy for all Member States. In other words, there will be a common policy for the imposition of taxes as well as the interest rates of the individual Member States. In theory, a coordination of such extensive coordination should lead to increased certainty in the markets, because the countries’ budgets will be more sustainable and realistic, leading to much smaller budget deficits. Consequently, this certainty will result more efficient and effective public spending, as each Member State will have a much clearer idea of what part of their national budget they will be able to allocate to each sector.

However, as has been seen in the past, policies often do not work in practice as well as they do in theory, and may have various drawbacks. For example, a Member State must follow the fiscal policy put in place by the EU, even though this may not be the best possible solution for the particular situation that Member State is in at the time.

Overall, UK’s veto ignited a heated discussion within the EU on the actual benefits of the Pact to the individual Member States’ economies, whether the EU should have much power in regulating fiscal policies of its members, and whether the sovereignty of Member States is undermined by EU-wide fiscal policies. Clearly, these are very intricate issues that need to be handled with caution, requiring both a short-term and a long-term cost analysis. Any future vetoes by the Member States on EU policy proposals add to a loss of confidence in the EU both in the global market and internally, and might even bring about certain Member States opting out of the Union.

When the euro was first introduced back in 2002, its main goal was to increase the ties between the financial markets of the Eurozone. With the introduction of the euro as the common currency for the then twelve Member States, there has always been a strong

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discussion about the effect of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), which was set up in order to guarantee economic stability and growth within the Union by setting up certain fiscal criteria that Member States must meet. The current debate over the Fiscal Union Pact revives the long-existing discussion over the effectiveness of the SGP and the EU’s fiscal policy, debating the role EU should play in governing individual state economies.

Keywords: Fiscal Union Pact, fiscal policies, budget deficit, European Union Veto, Eurozone, inflation, sovereignty, GDP, common policy, EU summit Links: Article commenting on the EU summit - http://www.economist.com/node/21541840 Description of fiscal governance and what it entails http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/db_indicators/fiscal_governance/index_en.htm Britain’s reaction to the veto - http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-16134496 Economic and fiscal policies http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/economic_governance/index_en.htm

by Karim Ben Hamda (NL) & Panyiotis Ataou (CY)

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Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL) Two years after celebrating the European year to combat poverty and social exclusion, 1 out of 7 European citizens still face the risk of living in poverty. What means should be taken to achieve efficient reduction and efficient eradication of poverty and social inequality across the EU? Overview:

Within the EU borders, about 80 million people (16% of the EU population) live in poverty.

Statistically, this means that they live on an income below 60% of the median average household income of their country. The situation is equally complicated in the field of social equality - integration of socially vulnerable groups, housing and protection against financial exclusion due to over-indebtedness.

Both inequality and poverty are heavily impacted by the economic situation of the Union and each individual country. In times of financial instability this becomes even clearer, as people all over Europe are being thrown out their homes and removed from their jobs. After more than 10 years since the topic was first addressed, is there anything the EU can do to turn around the negative trend?

Rising employment rates, ensuring inclusion and protection of the socially vulnerable and impoverished EU citizens are at the core of the EU 2020 Agenda. Through the European platform against poverty and social exclusion established in 2010, the EU coordinates Member States’ efforts to tackle poverty and inequality through setting EU-wide targets, providing funding and promoting cases of good practice. As part of the EU social policy, the strategies to combat poverty and social inequality are created on the EU level, but the responsibility for the implementation is shared between the EU and the individual Member States, who incorporate the goals set by the EU into their national legal systems and strategies for tackling poverty, inequality and social exclusion. Therefore the EU’s ability to directly influence the situation is somewhat restricted, which is why its strategies and agendas focus largely on target-setting and coordination of national policies.

The EU social policy in the field of poverty reduction and social inclusion is supported by two key instruments. The European Social Fund (ESF) is the main financial instrument used by the EU to promote economic and social cohesion. The budget and the strategy of this fund are negotiated between the Member States, the European Parliament and the European Commission on a 7 year cycle basis. The current budgeting cycle, ending in 2013, will have given the ESF around 10% of the EU budget on employment-enhancing projects. As negotiations for the upcoming cycle begin, Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion László Andor urged Member States to support the plans to increase the ESF by €84 billion in the 2014-2020 cycle in order to better respond to the increased levels of the poverty and inequality as a result of the financial and economic crisis.

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The second instrument is the European Platform which works towards achieving the Europe 2020 Agenda goal to lift at least 20 million people out of poverty and social exclusion by the year 2020. Since 2011, the Platform works in coordinating social policies among Member States, incorporating poverty reduction and social integration plans in other policy areas and exploiting the potential of the social economy.

In sum, Europe 2020 goals are ambitious, but achievable. It will require EU-wide coordination, an innovative and active approach and commitment by the EU and each individual member state. When debating the topic, delegates of EMPL should consider what means the EU should employ in order to achieve the target set in the agenda, and maintain the levels of poverty and social exclusion from plummeting even more.

Keywords: poverty, social exclusion, vulnerability, equality, Europe 2020 Strategy, unemployment Links: http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=115&langId=en (Employment Committee, European Parliament) http://ec.europa.eu/employment_social/2010againstpoverty/index_en.htm (European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K4GefJVTV_A (“We must pay more attention to inequality and poverty”, Van Rompuy) http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?langId=en&catId=751 (European Platform against Poverty and Social Exclusion) http://www.poverty.org.uk/summary/eapn.shtml (Poverty and Inequality in the European Union, The Poverty Site) http://www.eapn.eu/ (European Anti-Poverty Network) http://www.mpips.gov.pl/en/presidency/events/event/the-first-annual-convention-of-theeuropean-platform-against-poverty-and-social-exclusion-/ (The First Annual Convention of the European Platform against poverty and social exclusion) http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32008H0867:EN:NOT (Commission Recommendation of 3 October 2008 on the active inclusion of people excluded from the labour market) http://www.poverty.org.uk/summary/eapn.shtml (Laeken Indicators, The Poverty Site) http://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/show.do?dataset=ilc_di11&lang=en (S80/S20 Income

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quintile ratio, Eurostat) http://news.bbc.co.uk/democracylive/hi/europe/newsid_9636000/9636417.stm (MEPs call for EU minimum income to tackle poverty, BBC News) http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/apr/30/eu-poverty-reduction-targets (“EU must act now to reduce poverty”, The Guardian) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CxF1AfBuZI0 (President Barroso welcoming the "VIVA EUROPA 2010" initiative)

by Jara Verkleij (NL) & Lorenzo Parrulli (IT)

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Committee on Climate Change (CLIM) With a global commitment to sign a legally binding agreement on reducing greenhouse gas emissions achieved in Durban, how can the EU maintain its leading role in future negotiations on the specifics of the agreement in order to ensure an effective fight against climate change?

Overview: “Those who are absolutely certain that the rise in temperatures is due solely to carbon dioxide have no scientific justification. It's pure guesswork.” – Henrik Svensmark, director of the Center for Sun-Climate Research at the Danish Space Research Institute (DSRI)

Today’s scientific evidence shows that the major part of rising CO2 levels can be attributed to human activity. If we fail to join forces in effectively combating climate change, the consequences will be devastating for every living being on the planet.1 Europe has now committed to reduce its emissions by at least 25-40% below 1990 levels by 2020.2 The CLIM topic considers how the EU can not only best adhere to the goals it has, agreed to but also set a shining example to other countries.

After a number of UN conferences on climate change proving seemingly unproductive, the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action, created in December 2011, presents a long-awaited breakthrough in collective global agreement regarding the follow up of the Kyoto Protocol, expiring in 2012. The agreement establishes the future direction of a climate regime whilst bringing all parties, from both the developed and developing world, onto one track.

Recognising the emissions gap, it tries to resolve the difficult conflict between equity and environmental integrity. It further reconfirms the long-term global goal of limiting the warming of the Earth to 2°C and additionally provides an option for strengthening the goal to 1.5°C. The success of the Durban agreement is currently unclear, as success can only be determined by countries honouring their commitments to work collectively on this global issue in the coming years. If the EU wishes to keep its leading role in the fight against climate change, it is imperative that we concentrate on a comprehensive and sustainable policy framework.

The Emissions Trading System (ETS) is the EU’s cornerstone in tackling climate issues.

However, due to an oversupply of emission certificates as an indirect result of the economic crisis, prices of allowances have plummeted. Consequently, ambitions to invest in sustainable, low-carbon technologies have slowed down drastically. Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), when coupled with energy efficiency and renewable energy technologies, are expected to make an important contribution to meeting global greenhouse gas emission targets.

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http://unfccc.int/files/press/backgrounders/application/pdf/press_factsh_science.pdf http://unfccc.int/files/meetings/durban_nov_2011/decisions/application/pdf/cop17_durbanplatform.pdf

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Transport is responsible for around a quarter of the EU’s greenhouse gas emissions, thus making it the second biggest greenhouse gas emitting sector. While emissions in other sectors decreased by 15% between 1990 and 2007, emissions from transport increased by 36%.

Deforestation is accountable for approximately one quarter of global greenhouse gas emissions, while growing forests have the capacity to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. However, depending on the size, environmental conditions and biodiversity, such new forests can have varied affects in combating CO2 levels.

The EU aims to pursue the role of an international role model in combating climate change and lead a promising way towards ecological, social and economic sustainability. Which innovative solutions will ensure the achievement, implementation and sustainability of the EU’s ambitious goals? With the need for further multilateral climate negotiations, how can the EU encourage developing countries in particular, to follow its example? How can European citizens be integrated in this process? The most important question is therefore: how can the EU make sure that its environmental action sets an example, and helps bring about to overall improvement in the fight against climate change?

Keywords: Durban Platform for Enhanced Action, Emissions Trading System (ETS), Kyoto Protocol, Sustainability, Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), Global Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Fund (GEEREF), Renewable Energy Sources, UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Links: Durban Climate Change Conference: http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245/php/view/documents.php (Durban official documents) http://unfccc.int/files/meetings/durban_nov_2011/decisions/application/pdf/cop17_durbanplat form.pdf (Durban Platform for Enhanced Action) http://insights.wri.org/news/2011/12/reflections-cop-17-durban (Outcome of Durban negotiations) EU Climate Policies: http://europa.eu/pol/clim/index_en.htm (European Climate Policies) http://ec.europa.eu/clima/policies/ets/index_en.htm (Emissions Trading System) Others: http://www.co2storage.org.uk/ (What is CSS; CSS in the UK)

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http://ec.europa.eu/energy/publications/doc/statistics/ext_co2_emissions_by_sector.pdf (CO2 Emissions in Europe)

http://seri.at/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/WP6_Scenarios_Storyline_Report_Cover.pdf (Scenarios for a One Planet Economy in Europe) http://geeref.com/ (General information regarding the Global Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Fund) http://unfccc.int/essential_background/the_science/items/6064.php (UNFCCC fact sheet concerning climate change)

by Charif van Zetten (NL) & Maria-Anna Grasl (AT)

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Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) With the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights stating that the violence committed by the Syrian government against its citizens has amounted to “crimes against humanity”, how should the EU best respond to this ever growing crisis?

Overview: In a region gripped by the Arab Spring, Syria is the latest country currently attracting the world’s attention. After reports of disproportionate violence against regime opponents, Syria was expelled from the Arab League. Daily mass protests demand the overthrow of the Ba’ath Party, which has been in power since 1963. In response, the Syrian Government began deploying tanks and snipers as a means to quell the public uprising. Overall, much of the trouble relates back to disagreements between the variety of ethnic groups that the Syrian society consists of. Bashar Al-Assad, the Syrian leader, hails from one of the minorities, the Alawite, who make up only 12% of the Syrian population.

According to some commentators, the tension between Assad’s supporters and the protesters puts Syria on the verge of a civil war. Over 15,000 refugees have already sought asylum in Turkey. The conditions in these camps are poor. To prevent refugees from fleeing the country, Syria has installed landmines and control posts on the borders with Turkey and Lebanon.

Some argue that Al-Assad has made concessions, and that comparing the list of initial demands and the reforms are now taking place, Syria is slowly but surely moving towards a seemingly more progressive future. However, many of the changes are seen to be quite superficial by nature – the reforms are not constitutional, and it is debatable how much impact they will actually have.

The US and the EU have an intense dislike for Al-Assad and the Alawite rulers, who are closely allied with Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. China and Russia have been blocking action by the Security Council; Russia‘s annual weaponry sales with Syria amount to €3.1 billion. So far the actions taken by the EU consist of economic sanctions - EU has stopped importing oil from Syria as of November 2011. Oil accounts for about 25% of Syria's income, and EU Member States take about 95% of its oil exports. The EU has also called for Assad to step down, and a number of EU States have officially recognised the Syrian National Council as a legitimate government body. However, there has been no recourse to military action along the lines of the NATO intervention in Libya (which had the backing of the UN Security Council).

After imposing economic sanctions on Syria, what further measures can the EU implement to protect interests of its own and those of the Syrian people? Should the EU stay on the margins and avoid getting involved in the situation, or take a solid stance? How could the EU encourage more decisive action from the UN without endangering its crucial relationships with Russia and China? Should military action be considered as a potential response even if it

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is sanctioned by the UN? Finally, if the EU does stand by, can we really claim to be true defenders of democracy and human rights? Delegates of AFET will have to consider these questions among others in order to come up with a balanced and well-constructed answer to this complex international issue.

Keywords: EEAS, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, NATO, President Assad, Arab Spring, MENA (Middle East and North Africa), Security Council, Syrian National Council, Sanctions, Human Rights Links: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2011/04/2011419135036463804.html http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-14759416 http://euobserver.com/24/113877 http://euobserver.com/13/113245 http://euobserver.com/24/32544 http://www.businessweek.com/news/2011-12-14/security-council-urged-to-act-as-un-raisessyria-death-toll.html http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/06/10/us-syria-war-idUSTRE7592T320110610 http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/0,,contentMDK: 20196595~pagePK:146736~piPK:226340~theSitePK:256299,00.html http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/02/world/middleeast/united-nations-says-syrian-unrestamounts-to-civil-war.html

by Moira Lanters (NL) & Niall Murphy (IÉ)

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