Fianna Fáil Defence Policy ; A Force for Good

JULY 2015

A FORCE FOR GOOD A Credible Defence Policy

Seán Ó Fearghaíl TD SPOKESPERSON ON DEFENCE

Contents Summary

Page 1

Introduction

Page 2

The Department of Defence and the Defence Forces

Page 4

Strategic Security Issues

Page 5

Defence Forces Strength, Equipment and Deployment

Page 6

Defence Forces Balance

Page 8

The Triple Lock

Page 9

The Reserve

Page 10

Overseas Service

Page 12

United Nations Training School Ireland

Page 14

The Defence Forces as an Investment and Resource Centre

Page 15

Representative Associations

Page 16

Emergency Planning

Page 17

Fianna Fรกil acknowledges and thanks the Defence Forces for its permission to use the pictures within this document.

Summary of Key Measures  An increase of 1,000 to 10,500 personnel across the Army, Air Corps and Naval Service by 2021  The restoration of a three brigade structure in the Army by reestablishing the Western Brigade  Develop the Reserve Defence Force – up to 4,100 Reservists  Defence to be a lead portfolio in Cabinet  Expand the UN Training School based at the Curragh Camp to develop a major international academy for peacekeeping  Enable PDFORRA and RACO to take up associate membership of the ICTU  Retain the Triple Lock

Expenditure & Costings Our defence spending is very low, even by the standards of neutral countries. At €640 million in 2014, the Defence estimate (excluding military pensions) amounted to just 0.35 pc of GDP (0.4 pc of GNP). Such a low level of resources is not ultimately consistent with a credible defence policy

We estimate that the commitments of 1,000 extra permanent Defence Forces personnel and 2,400 extra reservists, would involve additional expenditure in the region of €43 million. Obviously such recruitment would take place over a five year term. So in the first year of a five year term we would expect additional expenditure in the region of €9 million.

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Introduction The Defence White Paper 2000 was a milestone in Irish Defence Policy. It was the first such policy instrument of the state. However, in the years since, then the notion and understanding of security and defence in the world, within Europe, and in Ireland, is much changed. The political and security landscape ‘On Island’, in our ‘Neighbourhood’, and within and adjacent to the European Union is less certain. The community of nations’ quest for international peace and security, enshrined in the United Nations Charter (UNC), is increasingly threatened.

Fianna Fáil supports Ireland’s policy of military neutrality. This neutrality entails not joining existing military alliances but does not infer neutrality in the furtherance of United Nations (UN) mandated or authorised international peace and security, or the increasingly complex nature of new and emerging threats. A greater awareness of the duties and responsibilities of sovereign states who declare themselves to be neutral, as enshrined in customary international law in the Hague Conventions, needs to be created. Postures of neutrality or being non-aligned in international discourse are not one and the same thing.

Historical notions of ‘Threat and Defence’ for Ireland need revisiting, redefining and expansion. Security of the state is required on land, at sea, and in the air. It is a core necessity of sovereignty, indivisible from traditional notions of security, and interwoven with Ireland’s foreign policy, economic interest, trade and diplomacy. The threat to the security of a state can be external or internal. It impacts on our international relations positioning, foreign direct investment, economic and trade expansion, international prestige and influence. New threats from transnational extremism, cyber insecurity, intra-state violence, expansionist nationalism, are but some of the new visitors troubling this requirement of national and international security wellbeing. Ireland is not immune to these existing and newly emerging threats, even at home.

An Garda Siochána is the primary guarantor of State Security ‘On Island’. The Defence Forces play a concurrent but separate role in supporting the achievement of this. These roles include, inter alia, a discrete national and international intelligence and counter intelligence service, explosive ordnance and toxic materials reconnaissance and disposal, critical national infrastructure security, maintenance of essential national services, drug and contraband interdiction at sea and in the air, 2

cyber security corporate knowledge and capability. These sample roles compliment the essential requirement of the maintenance of capability by the Defence Forces in its mandated Conventional Roles.

A central component of Ireland’s foreign policy is the deployment of Defence Forces personnel on United Nations (UN) mandated or authorised missions under Chapters Six, Seven and Eight of the UN Charter. These missions are either directly mounted by the UN, or increasingly by Regional Organisations such as the EU, the African Union (AU) or NATO on behalf of the UN. Traditional notions of peacekeeping have changed. New operational realities dictate changed operational tempos and outcomes. Political, diplomatic and public notions of Defence Forces involvement on such missions require convergence with this new reality. Increasingly, Defence Forces deployments need to be seen as part of Ireland’s interwoven foreign policy overlap with diplomacy, international influence and reach, trade, aid, development, economic interest and human rights furtherance ambitions.

The State’s Defence Policy, its implementation and resourcing, must be appropriate.

A second White Paper on Defence is due for imminent publication. From drafts we have seen there is much of merit in it, especially on threats, risks, and the international/national horizon, including the modern security challenges in all their manifestations. We look forward to its publication and we believe there should be regular reviews and progress reports on its implementation. For our part, Fianna Fáil again commits itself to a Defence Policy that is measured, fit for purpose, appropriately resourced, and which allows the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces to go forward with confidence in an ever changing world of new and emerging threats.

Since 1992 the Defence Forces has had eight reorganisations/reviews. That is on average one every three years. It is little wonder that the Defence Forces is recognised as being to the forefront of Public Service transformation. However, there is a significant downside to this. It has resulted in turmoil and relocation, uncertainty and confusion for the members of the Defence Forces. Such tensions and family displacements are not conducive to optimum operational viability, certainty and good morale. The Defence Forces has been an easy target for cost cutting, its unreserved loyalty and professionalism perhaps taken advantage of. Policy has become a matter of fitting the Defence Forces into a particular budget envelope. That is not policy making but the emasculation of the Defence Forces by stealth. The Defence Forces now needs stability, policy and resource certainty. Fianna Fáil is committed to this necessity.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl T.D. Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Defence 3

The Department of Defence and the Defence Forces The Constitution and the Defence Act, as amended, are the cornerstones of the regulation of Defence in Ireland. The Department of Defence and the Defence Forces are separate organs of Defence. They are both independently statutorily underpinned and provide respectively Policy Advice and Military Advice to the Minister for Defence and Government.

Military professionals need to be allowed play a meaningful and worthwhile role in the formulation of policy advice to Government. Standing formal structures incorporating the Department of Defence, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and the Defence Forces are required in order for policy advice to the Minister and the Government to be comprehensive and practitioner inclusive on all issues, particularly relating to overseas service.

The current Government does not value the components of our Defence establishments. Its decision in March 2011 to assign the Defence portfolio as a subsidiary role to the Minister for Justice indicated an essential state security oversight knowledge deficit. Developed democracies ensure that the two uniformed services of a State do not report to a single Government Minister for reasons of prudent state security oversight. In 2014, this Government, as a consequence of a Cabinet reshuffle, copper fastened this reduced prestige of the Defence Forces by again assigning Cabinet Defence responsibility to a subordinate ministerial profile.

Fianna Fรกil believes that the restoration of Defence as a lead portfolio in Cabinet would be a clear affirmation of the value we as a State must place on our Defence Forces.

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Strategic Security Issues Identification of national strategic risk for Ireland is primarily a function of two Government Departments, the Departments of An Taoiseach (DOT) and Defence (DOD). In practice its functionality and credibility of effective response capability is questionable. The present core documents, the yearly A National Risk Assessment 2014 (DOT) and A National Risk Assessment for Ireland 2012 (DOD), are documents focused on formulating risk assessment and the required risk mitigation responses rather than apportioning responsibility for delivery oversight. It is process driven rather than output focused. While the DOT document is ‘high’ strategic, listing risk under Economic, Environmental Geopolitical, Societal, and Technological, drawing on the World Economic Forum Global Risk Report 2014, the Department of Defence document lists risk under four alternative headings of Natural, Transportation, Technological and Civil. This disconnect does not inspire confidence in a matter of such gravity. Fianna Fáil in Government would resolve such anomalies as a matter of priority, ensure full spectrum listing, identify mitigation measures and assign action responsibility. The planning and staging of meaningful national exercises would form part of such mitigation measures.

Ireland must continue to be vigilant with regard to the latent threat that the State faces from various paramilitary or ‘dissident’ threats from elements still active on the island whether overt, covert or pseudo- political. While current intelligence and threat assessment would indicate a benign situation, our security services must at all times retain the capacity to deal with such risks.

Terrorism is a world-wide reality which necessitates comprehensive analysis and response preparedness. This threat has many guises. The Defence Forces provides the State with unique skillsets and response capability developed organically, and informed by the accumulation over many decades of corporate knowledge of the countries, peoples, customs, cultures and languages from whence a significant proportion of the threat emanates.

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Defence Forces Strength, Equipment and Deployment It is Fianna Fåil policy to have a Defence Forces incorporating an All Arms Light Infantry Army in three territorial brigades headquartered in Dublin, Cork and Athlone, coupled with Air Corps and Naval Service components appropriate in strength and equipment to Ireland’s island status, coupled with its UN and EU roles.

The Defence Forces acts as a guarantor of State sovereignty, and provides contingency capability response to its Government assigned roles and taskings.

Government mandated roles for the Defence Forces must be matched with the policy platforms and financial resources to ensure attainment and continuation of this contingency military capability for those roles at home and overseas.

The current allowed strength of the Defence Forces at 9,500 has stretched its ability to fulfil its national and international assigned roles, maintain a credible contingent capability, and fulfil its required overseas rotations. Fianna FĂĄil in government is committed to restoring the Defence Forces to strength of 10,500 personnel across the Army, Air Corps and Naval Service over a five year term. This includes the restoration of the Army to a three brigade structure by re-establishing the 4th Western Brigade based in Custume Barracks, Athlone.

The geographical deployment of the Defence Forces is uneven. Concentrating the majority of the Defence Forces in the East and South of the Country removes the traditional place of the military with and from Irish society, ignores organisational linkages and histories, and erodes geographical and family military service traditions.

This results in loss of State visibility. It is neither strategically nor militarily sound, taking the political and security reality of the Island into account.

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Military service has positive personal, community, societal and state benefits for those who serve in the Defence Forces for long or shorter terms. Life skills accumulated by service at home and abroad are transferrable to business, industry, commerce, sporting and cultural organisations. Leadership, across the rank structures, is inculcated in those who serve. Those tangible and latent skillsets are now needed more than ever in our businesses, industries, and communities, urban and rural. Our society is less homogenised than in earlier decades. Service in the Defence Forces is a resource for the teaching and inculcation of the tenets of good citizenship. This positive aspect of the State resource that is the Defence Forces needs to be looked at most positively in the strategic decision making, resource allocation and strength and recruiting policies.

Modern emergency planning and contingency resourcing all identify that inter agency operations are the way forward. The Defence Forces are no different in this regard, especially as they are tasked in countering diverse specified threats against the State as the only state agency with the unique capability and capacity to respond.

These increasing threats range from attacks on oil and gas rigs in Irish territorial waters, targeting of off- shore wind farms, organised criminal smuggling and human trafficking at sea and in the air, or critical national and international underwater communications networks linking and connecting Ireland to the outside world.

Ireland’s geography and sea to land linkages to North America and Europe will ensure in perpetuity that such responsibilities and vulnerabilities are constant. Since 2012, the Air Corps has provided medical emergencies air ambulance transportation and this service must continue with the Air Corps being utilised. A ramping up of the participation of the Air Corps in national Search and Rescue (SAR) service provision needs to be reassessed in light of the cost to the State of this privatised service provision. An independent Value for Money (VFM) audit on this service provision is overdue.

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Defence Forces Balance Fianna Fáil believes that for an island nation, our Naval Service is underdeveloped and undervalued. Comparable nations, such as New Zealand, have a much greater maritime component in their Defence Forces.

Furthermore, Ireland’s maritime area has expanded from 410,000 sq. km to 1 million sq. km since the publication of the White Paper in 2000.

Over the next ten years, Fianna Fáil believes that we should give serious consideration to expanding the Naval Service in the context of enhancing our maritime security.

The Naval Service should have two to three additional ships at sea. Ideally, two of these ships should be frigate class – ships that can have a helicopter on board and also accommodate approximately a platoon of 30 to 40 soldiers.

At the end of 2012 the Naval Service numbered 1,058 in strength. We should look to expand it to 1,500-1,600 during the next decade and we would make a start on this over the next five years.

In tandem with this, we would also look to develop the air capacity of the forces. The Air Corps rotary wing fleet could be expanded to include additional helicopters, especially over ocean models with greater troop carrying capacity, without requiring increases in the Air Corps establishment. Experiences in such overseas missions as the EUFOR mission to Chad and the Central African Republic have demonstrated the need and requirement to have accessible and appropriate rotary wing capacity in difficult situations and terrains.

We believe that not only should the Minister for Defence be assigned the Marine portfolio as was the case between 1993 and 1997 but that the remit of the Department of the Marine be expanded to include the maritime responsibilities currently assigned to the Department of Transport. This would bring maritime security and security at our ports under one Minister at Cabinet. We will also examine the benefits and cost savings of establishing a Single Maritime Agency responsible for defence, security and all emergency eventualities that may arise around our coast.

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The Triple Lock Fianna Fáil believes in the retention of the Triple Lock of UN mandate or authorisation, Government and Dáil approval, prior to committing Defence Forces personnel on overseas service. Ireland has correctly conferred primacy to the UN since joining in 1955, working with other UN members in supporting international action in areas such as disarmament, peacekeeping across its full spectrum, humanitarian/development actions and human rights implementation. We are strong and committed supporters of collective security through the UN. The Nice Treaty of 2002, with the associated Seville Declaration, endorsed Ireland’s stance. This emphasis on and support of the UN is not one we should lightly discard. The UN is correctly the seat of international law and legitimacy.

We are conscious of the opposition to the Triple Lock mechanism from some political, academic and military commentators. To date we believe that there is overwhelming public support for the mechanism. The five permanent member countries of the UN Security Council need to support or abstain for a UN mission to be mandated or authorised prior to deployment. This can result in geopolitical and geostrategic power-plays at the UN having potential negative consequences for a proposed appropriate UN force deployment. While conscious of this potential resultant negative consequence for urgent or necessary deployments being delayed or impeded at the UN, Fianna Fáil will continuously monitor such possibilities and keep its policy under constant review.

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The Reserve Fianna Fáil values and supports the Reserve Defence Force and commits to both its retention and its development over the lifetime of the next government.

The Reserve in its many differing guises and postures over the decades has served the State well if, in truth, in an unrecognised and undervalued way. Its worth, particularly during the thirty years of the Northern Ireland conflict, has not been heralded in an appropriate manner. At that time throughout Ireland, but most particularly in Border counties and communities, it afforded the opportunity for young people to join a legitimate organ of the State when the opportunity of joining other illegal organisations abounded. It was a useful resource in providing the State with remote ‘eyes and ears’, local knowledge and resources. The Reserve has been in decline for some time. The service of members of the Reserve is entirely voluntary.

At a time when Government policy is one of encouraging and supporting volunteerism, the possibility of volunteering for Reserve service has been all but eliminated, especially in rural Ireland.

We recognise the enormous social value that the Reserve – and its spirit of volunteerism – provides to communities where there is an RDF unit and the value it provides for young people in the area in terms of development and providing a positive outlet for young people. Reserve service for countless young men and women was for many decades their first formal engagement with the State. This was invaluable in the creating and perpetuation of active citizenship for them, gave direction and focus to those who served. It afforded them opportunities to be exposed to best practice in physical pursuits, individual deportment, vocational skills, and personal responsibility.

Fianna Fáil commits itself to energetically reinvigorating the Reserve, extending its geographical reach, and ensuring that all citizens have a Reserve unit within touching distance of their homes in order to overturn the now obvious concentration of the Reserve in urban areas and adjacent to occupied Defence Forces barracks.

We will give the Reserve Defence Force a defined role which is essential for both its future development and indeed the morale of the organisation. We know that RDF members want greater involvement and we will ensure they get it.

Members of the RDF will become an integral part in the decision-making process surrounding future RDF activities, such as the selection of dates for training camps and career courses, etc. Any boards or panels established to make decisions on matters relevant to the RDF will have select RDF personnel as members of such boards/panels.

We will devolve control of recruitment back to the Reserve Defence Force, and will ensure that the organisation can recruit up to its establishment number over the course of a five year term.

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We will arrange for the facilitation of recruitment by – where possible – testing applicants in their regional locations, rather than requesting them to travel great distances to manned barracks in order to attend, for example, fitness testing, and facilitating these events by arranging them outside of normal working hours where possible. Furthermore, where applicants are required to travel to manned barracks for testing, military transport will be made available to them, RDF points of contact will be established for recruitment applicants, and dedicated military-Garda liaison personnel will be appointed to ensure the smooth and timely processing of all security vetting.

We will examine the possibility of RDF members serving overseas, perhaps in a specialised capacity that gives recognition to the fact that RDF members are ‘civilian soldiers’ – perhaps best suited to interact with local populations as a type of Peace Corps – and come with specialised skill sets such as IT, education, language, diplomatic, negotiating, international relations, physical fitness and training (i.e. sports scientists and nutritionists), medical, ordnance and engineering skills, etc., that are not necessarily available or practical to maintain in the PDF. In order to facilitate recruitment and retention in the RDF we will legislate to ensure that members of the Reserve do not face any employment barriers to participation in the Force.

We will review the possibility of the Reserve taking on some administrative roles and/or barrack duties within the Defence Forces, in order to free up Permanent Defence Forces personnel for more front line activities.

We will launch an education campaign – both on a public level, and within the Permanent Defence – in order to inform both parties as to the value of the RDF. RDF members have a significant range of civilian skills and qualifications that are not currently properly utilised by the Defence Forces. An action plan will be brought forward to address this.

The 2012 Value for Money report abolished the gratuity for RDF members in order to see the RDF maintained at 4,000+ all ranks and provided with 41,000 paid working days per year. This was never honoured, and we will ensure that these figures be attained.

Fianna Fáil believes that Columb Barracks, Mullingar, should be designated at the National Headquarters of the Army Reserve where all initial and continuing annual training of the Reserve would take place. All ‘specialist’ and ‘integration’ training would take place in the ‘twinned unit’. Independent Reserve Units would also do their annual training in Columb Barracks.

Fianna Fáil is committed to increasing the strength of the Reserve to over 4,000 over a five year term. Within this we believe the naval component of the reserve should at least be doubled to 400.

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Overseas Service Ireland has a long tradition of overseas service in support of UN or UN mandated deployments in pursuit of international peace and security since the first DF deployment abroad in 1958. The Defence Forces now also provides personnel to the EU standby Battlegroup rapid response brigades, even though no EU Battlegroup has to date deployed into a mandated mission. Overseas service deployments by the Defence Forces are a pivotal element of both Irish Foreign Policy and for the attainment of Defence Forces operational capability across a wide spectrum of challenging military, geopolitical and geostrategic environments. Defence Forces personnel of all ranks have and continue to excel in any overseas deployments be they at the strategic, operational or tactical levels. The continued participation of DF units, contingents, and individual Defence Forces members, is essential for individual and unit professional development, unit operational viability and cohesion.

When contingents deploy they must be in formations of sufficient strength and makeup that the leadership functions of all ranks and military specializations are fully maximized. Deploying numbers of small units in different missions concurrently is not consistent with optimum operational capacity advancement or outputs once deployed. A mix over time of ‘ground holding’ and ‘mission rapid reaction’ unit operational postures is the most beneficial strategically to the Defence Forces and the missions they operate with. The deployment of personnel from both the Air Corps and Naval Service in cohesive unit strength, along with their aircraft and ships as required, must be progressively and positively pursued as a means of Ireland contributing specialist unit capability to UN, UN mandated or Chapter Eight missions.

The nature, range, rationale and operational posture for overseas deployments since 1958 have migrated substantially over the decades while the connection in the Irish public mind-set of why such deployments occur has perhaps remained static.

Frequently, and perhaps traditionally, they have been perceived by the public as being mainly as a form of ‘armed humanitarianism’. This perception needs to be 12

dispelled. Military service, most especially in the trouble spots of the world where the Defence Forces now deploys, is a dangerous and challenging military environment for which Irish military personnel need to be trained, armed, equipped, resourced, led and supported appropriately.

On-going Defence Forces deployments in the Middle East, the Balkans and recently in Africa have increased linkages to Ireland’s international wish to reinforce its political and diplomatic platforms and visibility, along with its concurrent economic, business connectivity and trade ambitions. This ambition and action is consistent with Irelands place in the world, as a valued and trusted UN and EU member, and most especially in keeping with the recently published DFAT ‘The Global Island; Ireland’s Foreign Policy for a Changing World’. The challenges and consequences of conflicts in countries like Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and the Middle East in general, for instance, do have consequences and effect for Ireland, its economic interests, business development and trade, and its people. This connectivity needs continuous emphasis.

The decision making process at Defence Forces, Departmental and Government levels, in identifying when and where Defence Forces contingents and personnel deploy overseas, needs renewed focus. UN deployments result in repatriation of finance to Ireland by the UN for making Defence Forces units or individuals available for their missions under the UNs Reimbursement model. However, all deployments under Chapter Eight missions are governed by the Costs Lie Where They Fall model, or all costs paid for by the country providing the troops. The latter model results in a direct cost to the Exchequer. A mix of both UN and Chapter Eight missions is essential for Ireland’s international prestige and evidence of its continued international engagement. Token contributions of Defence Forces personnel to Chapter Eight missions are not an optimum use of personnel Defence Forces or resources.

Concerns have been raised over the use of Lariam as an antimalarial drug for members of our Defence Forces serving in areas where malaria is a problem.

Research has shown that the drug can increase the risk of mental health problems for those that use it. We believe that the use of Lariam must end.

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United Nations Training School Ireland The United Nations Training School Ireland was established in 1993 as a constituent of the Military College at the Curragh to draw on Ireland’s unique peacekeeping experience. Peacekeeping is a generic and often misunderstood term encompassing traditional UNC Chapter Six missions, the now more usual Chapter Seven Peace Enforcing missions, but increasingly Chapter Eight ‘Regional Organisations’ mounted UN mandated cooperation missions. The School studies developments in military peacekeeping doctrine and practice, conducts training courses and seminars to enhance capability in DF personnel deploying overseas, and to train Irish and international military and civilian personnel for international missions.

There is significant undeveloped potential in UNTSI and in the potential of the DF to more substantially to the strategic, operational, and tactical advancement of deploying, operating and repatriating from international military missions. This potential can and should be accomplished in co-operation with the UN and Regional Organisations, for the overdue international positioning and expansion of UNTSI, particularly where Ireland has niche internationally renowned expertise in areas such as Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) for instance. Other military niche areas where Ireland has lead expertise should be identified and offered as a resource in international military efforts in peace advancement. The School should be properly resourced in personnel, budget and strategic direction and oversight, and correctly marketed as a major academy for international peace and security education, practitioner corporate knowledge, and humanitarian/development practitioner education. A joint venture co-operation with a third level institution should be explored.

Fianna Fáil also commits to developing diplomatic skills for personnel on overseas peacekeeping missions to build on good work already being done in this area.

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The Defence Forces as an Investment and Resource Centre The potential for the commercial and enterprise private sector in Ireland to collaborate with the Defence Forces in areas of innovation, research and development, business start-ups and job creation is underdeveloped and not being allowed reach its maximum potential. Since 1971 for instance, the DF, in collaboration with Irish industry, has been at the leading edge in the development of Remotely Operated Vehicles (ROVs) for bomb disposal and decontamination research. These developments led to varying offshoot ROVs being developed for non-military applications to the benefit of Irish industry. More recently Remotely Deployable Platforms (RDPs) technology is being trialled in the Defence Forces for Irish businesses, with the full support of Enterprise Ireland (EI). The contribution of the Naval Service to the iMERC maritime project has been immense. The Air Corp can be a beacon for collaboration with industry if allowed to do so. Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS), or more commonly known as Drones, have been operational in the Defence Forces since 2004 for service at home and overseas. The use of this technology throughout all arms of the Defence Forces is worthy of energetic research. Its usage is increasingly expanding into areas such as operational supply and re-supply, forward medical investigation, data and information gathering and troop movement oversight. All have linkages to business and industry research and development.

The Defence Forces has been to the fore in several recent collaborative Irish bids for EU funded FP7 and Horizon 20/20 research programmes with, for instance, the National University of Ireland, Galway (NUIG) Research and Innovation Centre and its Security Research Group, An Garda SiochĂĄna, and the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). Future, and on-going partnerships, with the likes of IT Carlow and the Tyndall Institute in Cork need to be nurtured, encouraged and resourced in the Defence Forces.

Future efforts to institutionalise an innovation culture in the Defence Forces and allow its capability to reach its full potential to the benefit of Irish business and industry needs a new approach from the one utilised to date by the Department of Defence. This engagement needs to urgently migrate from one that is process driven to one that is outcome focused. Those leading this invaluable initiative must not as heretofore be those who have had no direct relationship to achieving success.

Streamlining is essential and overdue, focused on people who understand the outcomes required. The unhelpful emphasis to date on process is stifling energy and potential at a time of great national need.

The Defence Forces should also focus on developing capabilities that can be exploited internationally – for example, the undoubted expertise on Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) that they have. This could well be a niche capability that we could do better than anyone else.

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Representative Associations Representation within the Defence Forces was formally established in 1991 by statute under the Defence Amendment Act. Defence Forces Regulation (DFR) S.6 is the Statutory Instrument (SI) that gives effect to the Act and governs, inter alia, the establishment, funding and operation of representative associations in the Defence Forces. The scope of representation of the Associations, as set out in DFR S.6, includes pay and conditions of its members.

The staff associations of the Representative Association of Commissioned Officers (RACO) and the Permanent Defence Forces Other Ranks’ Representative Association (PDFORRA) operate with the Defence Forces Conciliation and Arbitration Scheme, which was established under the auspices of the Ministers for Finance and Defence. The Scheme is designed to provide a means acceptable both to the State and to the Associations for the Defence Forces in dealing with claims and proposals relating to their conditions of employment, as well as secure the fullest co-operation between the State, as employer, and Defence Forces personnel, for the better discharge of business. The representative status of the both RACO and PDFORA is a status that denies membership of trade unions, and by extension, the direct collective bargaining position at the table of Public Service Talks. The provision of an effective parallel process forum for engagement with the Associations in any pay or collective bargaining issues of the Public Service, is considered a key objective of Fianna Fáil policy and one that the party in or out of Government will pursue.

Fianna Fáil is also anxious to see that the interests and well-being of former members of the Defence Forces are safeguarded. It is clear that many former members of the Defence Forces are in need of ongoing medical support for injuries or illness consequent on their service. Fianna Fáil pledges to work with veterans groups to support and aid these former members. We will also work with local authorities to ensure that their housing needs can be met.

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Emergency Planning Both the Department of Defence and Defence Forces play a vital role in the development and maintenance of Emergency Planning preparedness through the Office of Emergency Planning (OEP) in the Department of Defence and Defence Forces. As outlined earlier, there is currently a critical overlap of the identification of Strategic Risk by the Department of the Taoiseach and the duties and responsibilities of the EOP in the Department of Defence and Defence Forces. This boundary identification needs to be de-conflicted as in its present guise this is not conducive to credible planning, resource allocation, and the identification of responsibilities and response lead agencies for delivery. Emergency planning can only become fully responsive by energetic commitment to practicing in nonemergency timeframes for real emergencies. ‘Practice does not make perfect, perfect practice makes perfect’.

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Seán Ó Fearghaíl TD SPOKESPERSON ON DEFENCE

Edward St, Newbridge. ✆ 045-438335 Offaly St, Athy.✆ 059-8634805 Fennor, Kildare Town. ✆ 045-522966 Dáil Éireann, Dublin 2. ✆ 01 618 3948 * sofearghail@oireachtas.ie 8 www.seanofearghail.ie ft