Happy Housing Estates and Other Stories

Finlay Geddes

Happy Housing Estates and Other Stories

Child mental health in Scotland’s housing estates

Happy Housing Estates and Other Stories: Child mental health in Scotland’s housing estates

by Finlay Geddes In fulfilment of BSc Hons in Architectural Studies (Year 4), University of Strathclyde Dissertation supervisor: Ashraf Salama Submission: 10/03/16 Research question: To what extent may Scotland’s recent sub-urban private housing estates be having an effect on the mental health, development and happiness of the children which occupy them?

Figure 1: House 3 by Michael (aged 8), Build a House Quickly. (Source: Edward de Bono, 1972)

Abstract “First life, then spaces, then buildings: The other way around never works.”

(Gehl, 2013:1) In recent years, the large-scale housing crisis in Scotland has meant that designers of housing estates are increasingly likely to sacrifice quality for the sake of shorter build time and reduced costs. This dissertation examines how the design of recent housing estates in Scotland’s sub-urban areas are having a negative effect on the mental health, development and happiness of the children who occupy them. Children are the focus of study as a demographic that is most vulnerable to mental health issues.

The dissertation shows how architects and designers of many contemporary sub-urban housing estates are focussing merely on profitability and efficiency, thus failing to properly consider the psychological effect of the new houses on the occupants. The study illustrates how the combination of a ‘housing crisis’ and neglect for child mental health coincide. Key principles – raised in literature – in designing housing estates for positive child mental health, are considered and debated, with particular focus on designing for the happiness of children. The current literature is summarised and critically examined on its value as a platform for housing developers. The research provides thorough analysis of a recent housing estate in Scotland in a case study. The work evaluates how these houses may negatively affect child mental health by referencing the design principles found in the key literature under the themes of: home, nature, play and neighbourhood. The areas for improvement in the case study are highlighted through visual studies (analysis of plans and cognitive mapping) and a question template. The dissertation concludes with a summary showing how far the principles have been utilised in the case study and what can be done in terms of improvements for child mental health in Scottish suburban housing estates. The solutions are illustrated through successful precedents in Scotland and countries of similar contexts.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Ashraf Salama, my dissertation supervisor, for his feedback and help throughout the dissertation. My parents, family and friends have also helped with proof reading the dissertation - I am grateful for all of their help.

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Table of Contents Declaration i Abstract ii Acknowledgements ii List of Figures and Table v 1.0 – Introduction 1 1.1 – Background of ‘housing crisis’ in Scotland 1 1.2 – Background and scale of child mental health issues in Scotland 2 1.3 – Purpose for Research 3 1.4 – External factors 4 1.5 – Dissertation structure 4 2.0 – Literature Review 5 2.1 – Introduction to the literature 5 2.2 – Home 6 2.2.1 – Children’s psychological comprehension of ‘home’ and spatial development 6 2.2.2 – Importance of hiding places and space of their own 7 2.2.3 – Physical characteristics of the home 8 2.3 – Nature 9 2.3.1 – Importance and benefits to children 9 2.3.2 – Current trends, what is to come?

9 2.3.3 – Design of green spaces for child mental health 10 2.4 – Play 11 2.4.1 – Importance and benefits to children 11 2.4.2 – Current trends, what is to come?

11 2.4.3 – Design of play spaces for child mental health 12 2.5 – Neighbourhood 14 2.5.1 – Societal issues in a Scottish neighbourhood 14 2.5.2 – Children’s perception of their neighbourhoods 15 2.5.3 – Physical layout and aesthetics of housing estate streets 15 2.6 – Conclusion of literature: Research gap and objectives 17 3.0 – Methodology 18 3.1 – Visual based studies analysis 18 3.2 – Cognitive mapping 18 3.3 – Question template 19 3.4 – Summary of Methods 20 3.5 – Methodology conclusion 20 4.0 – Case Study 21 4.1 – Introduction 21 4.2 – Annotation of plan 25 4.3 – Annotation of masterplan 27 4.4 – Cognitive mapping 28 4.5 – Question template 29 4.5.1 – Home 29 4.5.2 – Nature 30 4.5.3 – Play 31 4.5.4 – Neighbourhood 32 5.0 – Findings and discussion 34 5.1 – Solutions 35 6.0 – Conclusion 42 6.1 – Implications for house builders in Scotland 42 6.2 – Contribution to knowledge 42 6.3 – Limitations of research 43 6.3 – Potential for future research 43 Bibliography 44 Books 44 Journals/policy documents 45 Websites 46

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List of Figures and Tables Figure 1: House 3 by Michael (aged 8), Build a House Quickly. (Source: Edward de Bono, 1972) Figure 2: Boys on a tenement stair in the Gorbals, Glasgow in 1948 (Source: Annette Carrether, 1996) Figure 3: Cumbernauld new town housing (Source: BBC, 2014) Figure 4: (Source: Hurtwood, 1968) Figure 5: Sprawling new build Scottish housing estate (Source: BBC News, 2015) Figure 6: Dissertation structure diagram (by the author) Figure 7: Sources of environmental information (Source: Goodey, 1971) Figure 8: Hide and seek as the beginnings of ‘self’ development (Source: Getty Images, 2016) Figure 9: Arcadia Nursery, Edinburgh by Malcolm Fraser Architects (Source: RIBA, 2016) Figure 10: Child running in the woods (Source: National Trust, 2012) Figure 11: Children in diverse new play area (Source: Erect Architecture, 2016) Figure 12: Children converse on a bench (Source: Hurtwood, 1968) Figure 13: Methodology diagram Figure 14: New houses at Inverurie (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 15: Location of Inverurie, Scotland (Source: Google Maps, 2016) Figure 16: The Fernie, exterior view (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 17: Development layout (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 18: ‘Fernie’ elevation drawings (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 19: ‘Fernie’ ground floor plan (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016, edited by the author) Figure 20: ‘Fernie’ first floor plan (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016, edited by the author) Figure 21: Proposed layout (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016, edited by the author) Figure 22: Cognitive mapping study from a child perspective Figure 23: Living room (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 24: Bedrooms 2 and 3 (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 25: Kitchen (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 26: The River Urie nearby (Source: moviemakersguide.com, 2016) Figure 27: Children planting at Inverurie (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Figure 28: The route into town from the house estate (Source: Google Streetview, 2016) Figure 29: Plan sketch, openness Figure 30: Living area (Source: Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2015) Figure 31: Ground and first floor plans (Source: Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2015) Figure 32: Back external view (Source: Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2015) Figure 33: Section sketch, hiding places Figure 34: Children’s Home external view (Source: CEBRA, 2015) Figure 35: Children’s Home internal sketches showing variety of spaces (Source: CEBRA, 2015) Figure 36: Seating areas incorporated into windows (Source: CEBRA, 2015) Figure 37: Plan sketch, proximity to nature Figure 38: Pedestrian walkways at Vauban, Freiburg (Source: Kohlhoff Kohlhoff, 2010) Figure 39: Sprawling gardens at Vauban, Freiburg (Source: Kohlhoff Kohlhoff, 2010) Figure 40: Solar Settlement at Vauban, Freiburg (Source: Rolf Disch, 2015) Figure 41: Sketch of opposing play types Figure 42: A miniature city for children in Copenhagen (Source: NORD, 2016) Figure 43: Aerial view showing expanse of greenery and play areas (Source: NORD, 2016) Figure 44: Children at play in the proposed scheme (Source: NORD, 2016) Figure 45: Plan sketch, showing street as route vs. street as ‘place’ Figure 46: Polnoon, approach to settlement (Source: Proctor Matthews, 2015) Figure 47: High quality street design and materials (Source: Proctor Matthews, 2015) Figure 48: The streets at Polnoon accommodate a variety of activities (Source: Proctor Matthews, 2015) Figure 49: Plan sketch showing route to the town vs. an enjoyable walk to the town.

Figure 50: Robust materials chosen for new pathway (Source: 7N Architects, 2016) Figure 51: Plan of pathway parrallel to the road (Source: 7N Architects, 2016) Figure 52: The pathway is secluded from road traffic (Source: 7N Architects, 2016) Figure 53: Sketch elevations of ‘pastiche’ vs. contemporary interpretitation Figure 54: Exciting proposal that feels traditional (Source: Tham & Videgard, 2015) Figure 55: The homes are proposed in four types (Source: Tham & Videgard, 2015) Figure 56: The scheme integrates into the existing settlement (Source: Tham & Videgard, 2015) Table 1: Literature review structure Table 2: Questions template

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1.0 – Introduction 1.1 – Background of ‘housing crisis’ in Scotland “In 2008, the Scottish Housing Survey found that 387,000 (61%) of social and 1,115,000 (66%) of private sector dwellings failed the Scottish Housing Quality Standard (SHQS).” (The Scottish Government, 2011:20) The last century has been a challenging period for housing design in Scotland. Architects and planners have struggled to provide both sufficient homes and those which would stand the test of time (Shelter, 2016). Since the 1920s issues of overcrowding and unsustainable conditions (Figure 2) have arisen in many areas of Scotland’s towns and cities. The attempts by industry and government to address these housing shortages and unsanitary conditions since the war have mostly failed in a variety of ways.

New towns such as Cumbernauld (Figure 3) and housing schemes such as that at Castlemilk have proven not to be fully effective solutions (Shelter, 2016). It is recognised that despite 20th century efforts, Scotland’s housing remains in a state of crisis (Shelter, 2016). There remains the need for increasing numbers of houses to be built Figure 2: Boys on a tenement stair in the Gorbals, Glasgow in 1948 (Source: Annette Carrether, 1996) and improved quality of living for the people of Scotland (BBC, 2015). This study focuses particularly on how the qualities of private sector housing estates do not respond to the mistakes of previous designers and planners.

The Scottish Governments are persistently under intense pressure to build additional affordable homes.

Due to this increasing demand, ambitious building targets have been continually set (Scottish Government, 2016). Despite the Scottish Government having met a target of 30,000 new homes between April 2011 and October 2015, industry authorities say the numbers need to be much higher (BBC News, 2015). Shelter, The Chartered Institute of Housing and Scottish Federation of Housing Associations all agree that this figure needs to be at least doubled to 12,000 house completions a year for the next five years (BBC News, 2015). Inevitably, this has seen an increase in large scale house-builder led housing developments. This can be regarded as detrimental to the conditions of recent housing estates (De Botton, 2006). An architect rarely has strong influence on these house builder designs. Hence, quality is sacrificed for the sake of reduced cost and build time. This approach sacrifices quality of layout & appearance and consequentially the quality of life experienced by the residents (Scottish Government, 2011). On analysis of many house builder publications, homes are advertised referencing building regulations - not quality of life - for occupants (Barratt Homes, 2015).

Figure 3: Cumbernauld new town housing (Source: BBC News, 2014)

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1.2 – Background and scale of child mental health issues in Scotland “At entry to primary school… between 10% and 27% of children i.e. about 10,000 children per year at age 5 are reported by their parents to be outside the accepted normal range of behaviour indicating moderate or severe difficulties…” (Scottish Government, 2010:10) Recognition of mental health and its associated disorders has, for a long time in Scotland and the UK, been insufficient (BBC News, 2016). This has meant that many sufferers of mental illnesses were left improperly treated (The Guardian, 2014). In many cases, due to naivety of health professionals, people were subjected to treatment and neglect which we now know to have only made the situation worse.

However, the situation has improved significantly in recent years. In 2007, 82% of people with mental health problems had experienced discrimination or stigma – this was down to 58% in 2009 (Scottish Government, 2014). Yet, there is still a level of neglect towards the scale of mental health issues in Scotland. One in three people per year in Scotland are experiencing mental health problems (BBC News, 2016). Complimentary to this, children are increasingly facing modern mental health issues with the advent of video games, exposure to explicit content, becoming increasingly introverted and a number of new problems to be discussed in chapter 2 (Scottish Government, 2011). There are a multitude of factors having a negative impact on the psychology of Scottish children.

Mental health is important to our general wellbeing throughout life. However, it has long been recognised that psychological stability during the early years has a detrimental effect through the rest of life (Hurtwood, 1968). For this reason, the following research which follows seeks to focus on child mental health as this in turn reflects that of the rest of the population. These members of society are the most vulnerable as they are continually developing psychologically (Figure 4). They should be prioritised as the future of society. However, mental health is still not top of government priorities. In 2014, a target was set for 90% children in need of mental health care to be seen within 18 weeks but only 73% were seen (Scottish Government, 2014).

The study focuses mainly on children in their years between infancy and school-age. This is when all aspects of housing estates will affect the children. Younger than this, the children often prefer to be closer to home and their parents. Older than this, children will venture outside the home and become more interested in campaigning further afield to the amenities of the town or city (Spencer, Blades, Morseley, 1989). This point is further discussed in chapter 2.2.

Figure 4: (Source: Hurtwood, 1968)

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1.3 – Purpose for Research “Infants and toddlers spend up to 80-90% of their time in the home, pre-schoolers spent up to 70-80% of their time in the home and school aged children spend up to 50-70% of their time in the home.�(Scottish Government, 2011: 20) Chapters 1.1 and 1.2 highlighted two particular issues affecting the people of Scotland in a negative way. This dissertation aims to Figure 5: Sprawling new build Scottish housing estate (Source: BBC News, 2015) study the overlap between these problems - how poorly-designed housing estates (Figure 5) may be impacting the mental health of the child occupants.

Child mental health is an issue well considered by many in the fields of education, health and psychology but rarely thought of by house builders and planners. The Scottish Government recently announced that on top of the 30,000 new homes completed this government term (2016), another 50,000 is hoped for the next term. Alongside these statistics are the increasing pressures on mental health provisions due to an ageing population, increasing use of these facilities and health spending cuts across the UK (BBC News, 2016).

This dissertation aims to highlight the principles of housing estate design which affect child mental health and to study how these have been considered by the builders and designers of recent Scottish housing estates. Through research it shows how these have been considered in Scottish Government built environment reports, and will extend this to apply to housing estates specifically. In doing so, this dissertation will summarise the effects that a lack of understanding of these principles can have on child mental health. This is done with the intention of recommending changes to current trends in Scottish sub-urban housing estates.

Research objectives: - Establish clear principles in housing estate design that effect child mental health, - Analyse and define how well these principles are accommodated in housing estates at present, - Develop solutions to housing estate design issues related to child mental health, - Develop advice for house builders specific to child mental health based on these solutions.

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1.4 – External factors It is well recognised in the health sector that many health and wellbeing issues are interlinked. Mental health is one area for which this is especially true (Scottish Government, 2011). In many cases of poor physical health, the patient is affected mentally as a consequence. An example of this would be anorexia, which is in itself a mental disorder but one which manifests itself physically. Throughout the research, the effect of housing design specifically on child mental health is studied. However, it is acknowledged that there are many external factors that contribute to child mental health in differing ways and proportions.

1.5 – Dissertation structure The format of the dissertation begins with a literature review, which is intended to study all available sources on the topic of child mental health in relation housing design. This chapter covers four themes in detail: home, nature, play and neighbourhood. The literature is summarised with a set of key principles which have been proved to affect children’s mental health in housing design. The methodology follows this and outlines how the case study that follows will be analysed, taking the reader through each process of the analysis. The findings of the case study are then discussed and summarised. This chapter leads to questioning of the possible solutions that could be adopted in the design of housing estates. The dissertation concludes with a summary of the findings, as well as solutions from the case study. These illustrate how the findings may be adopted in future housing developments or retrofitted into the existing schemes. The dissertation then clarifies what new information the body of work has created and how to move forward from it in future research.

Figure 6: Dissertation structure diagram

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2.0 – Literature Review 2.1 – Introduction to the literature This chapter produces a set of clear issues and considerations in housing design that are known to affect child mental health from literature published in a variety of geographical contexts. The chosen literature references differing scales of study (infrastructure down to internal atmosphere of the home) and are published throughout the 20th century to more contemporary pieces – giving a variety of opinions. To gather information and assess attributes of design which affect child mental health, literature and journals on the topic are reviewed and summarised. The work of pioneering authors such as Jane Jacobs, Lady Allan of Hurtwood, Gaston Bachelard and Pierre Bourdieu as well as more contemporary researchers such as Richard Louv and Alain de Botton are the focus of study.

Reports by the Scottish Government and the NHS are simultaneously studied. The recently published assessment of child mental health in Scotland, Good Places Better Health for Scotland’s Children: Childhood Mental Health and Wellbeing Evidence Assessment discusses the influence the built environment is currently having. The document first highlights that a lack of sufficient space can create difficulties for a child and does not allow for play. Supplementary to this, insufficient external space within the vicinity of the home will discourage play, prevent contact with the outdoors and starve the child of access to green and blue (connection to water) spaces. The text goes on to explain how the quality of the building itself will affect the child. The home should be visually nourishing, incorporate complimentary materiality and reflect the locality. In the process of discussing these issues, the report highlights four key areas of the built environment which have been found to affect child mental health (The Scottish Government, 2011): - The home environment - Green, blue and play spaces - Routes - Amenities and facilities.

This publication has guided the research for this dissertation and helped define the principles of study.

The following literature review has been organised into four established determinants affecting child mental health in relation to the built environment based on this report:

Home

Nature

Play

Neighbourhood

Child psychological development of home

Importance and benefits to child

Importance and benefits to child

Societal issues

Importance of hiding places and space of their own

Current state

Current state

Children’s perception of their neighbourhood

Physical characteristics of the home

Design of green spaces

Design of play spaces

Physical layout and aesthetics

Table 1: Literature review structure

This has helped the work progress in a logical pattern and guides the reader through a robust set of principles directly applicable to Scotland. The literature review is followed by a consideration for areas which are lacking in the literature and design guidance at present. This part of the research will conclude with a summary of principles in housing estate design found to affect child mental health.

This chapter studies each component individually – however each component does have influence on the others (Scottish Government, 2011).

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2.2 - Home 2.2.1 - Children’s psychological comprehension of ‘home’ and spatial development “The house also became an increasingly gendered space as it was re-imagined as a private, womanly haven, away from the burdens of male professional work… the home as maternal and womblike…” (Moran, 2006:29) This chapter of the literature begins by specifically looking at the home environment for children. The home holds an important part in the life of an infant or those in early childhood. Moran discusses how the home can be seen as an extension of the womb for a child with their proximity to the mother. According to Spencer, Blades and Morsley (1989), there is a defined pattern of development in children’s comprehension of the home and space. Newborn babies have an awareness of themselves and objects around them (egocentric); young Figure 7: Sources of environmental information (Source: Goodey, 1971) children become aware of the boundaries of their own home as well as the neighbourhood; teenagers and adolescents then begin cognitive comprehension of the world and wider humanity e.g. through the media (Figure 7). “…As we change and grow throughout our lives, our psychological development is punctuated by close affective ties with significant physical environments.” (Marcus, 1995:2) The house is seen as a place for caring and for constructing the ‘inside/outside boundary’ for a child (Hallden, 2003). Increasingly through their growth, children see the home as a safe and well known territory. Although society works to abolish gender stereotypes with this current generation, Hallden shows that children still conform to gender roles. With the woman’s domain being the home and keeping it maintained while men take on external and more labour-intense tasks (Marcus, 1995). Beyond the home is seen to involve the unfamiliar and dangerous.

“Place is a dimension formed by people’s relationship with physical settings, individual and group activities, and meanings…” (Najafi, Mina, Shariff, Mustafa Kamal Bin Mohd, 2011:1).

Familiarity of the home grows from family ties and occupant relationships but equally by the characteristics of the home. The house becomes home through family usage, routine and possession of the space (Hallden, 2003).

An area of study which is often difficult to objectify and quantify is one’s sense of place. It can be seen that without a sense of place, children will struggle to identify themselves with that place in certain ways. In The Perfect Home, Alain de Botton discusses how the conveyed by the houses we live in, will be embedded in the minds of the occupants. Therefore if a child’s home is pastiche and backwards, children may lack a full understanding of themselves in the 21st century. This is compared to children in avant-garde and modern homes (chapter 2.5 looks further at this issue).

“So a home is not only a space, it has some structure in time; and because it is for people who are living in that time and space, it has aesthetic and moral dimensions” (Douglas, 1991:298)

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Figure 8: Hide and seek, beginnings of ‘self ’ development (Source: Getty Images, 2016)

This narrative of time and space relates to issues of identity and belonging which may occur in a child. Further to this, children can be seen to identify certain spaces within the home with certain times. There is an importance in maintaining rituals in the home as a way of helping a child progress through life (Douglas, 1966). Homes and their associated routines reinstate the familiarity of the home (i.e. the bedroom is associated with night; kitchen with morning). This can be facilitated through the house design.

How successful a place is at identifying with a person is challenging to address. However, as a designer, there are certain characteristics that are desirable and principles that can be adhered to.

“If the foundations are insecure, little can be done later to see things right” (Hurtwood, 1968:14) Children see a home as a foundation for a good life hence these places should be inspiring, innovative and progressive. A child will develop a portion of their own status and self-worth from the state of their home environment.

2.2.2 - Importance of hiding places and space of their own Throughout the literature, there is a strong emphasis on the importance of children being involved in the creation and design of the spaces which they live in. Places are remembered in terms of their physical and mental affordances - this is especially true for children (Marcus, 1995). As adults, we use our houses for self-expression (be it with physical alteration, furnishings etc). Enabling children to somehow be involved in this, in their home, is important to their psychological development (Scottish Government, 2011). “…Home and its contents are very potent statements about who we are.” (Marcus, 1995:9) As well as allowing the child to have influence over the home in some way, a place that is their own is equally essential. Having ‘hiding places’ are an integral part to a child’s development. This allows them a private place to develop an understanding of who they are – development of ‘self’. As they progress from infancy onwards: ‘peekaboo’ leads to ‘hide and seek’ and onto secret places away from parents that children will find or make. Coping without the parents beyond a certain stage is essential.

Instinctively children want to create “[...] homesteads on the frontier” (Marcus 1995:23). Children need hiding places as an essential part of their growing up. This allows an area where they can develop ‘self’ away from the prying eyes of their parents. This facilitates separation from the parents, which is pivotal in eventually progressing to the full independence of leaving the ‘nest’. “…Places in which separation from adults was sought” (Marcus, 1995:9).

2.2.3 - Physical characteristics of the home The contemporary view has largely become that children should be in the home and not in the streets in an urban/suburban context. This is due to a multitude of factors that have affected the public conscience (Halldén, 2008). Due to this, children are now in the home more and so it is an increasingly important place. This section aims not to look at practicalities for physical safety (though these would indirectly affect mental health if physical health is impaired) but will focus solely on the more sensory and emotional aspects to the home.

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“…Independence often revives the family affection which can be crushed by living too closely together…” (Hurtwood, 1968:17) According to the Good Places Better Health report for child mental health in the built environment (Scottish Government, 2011), a home should have the following characteristics: be generously proportioned; flexible and functional; relieve frustrations and increase self-confidence for a child; have potential for child freedom from adult supervision; allow a child exploration and experimentation; should have sufficient natural light (Figure 9).

Complimentary to this Marcus (1995) gives an overview of the home for children. She describes that the home should be: a place of nurturance (secure, warm, comfortable, proximity of beds to parents); place of sociability; place for exploration and stimulation (can’t be provided but suggested, places where children can be left alone to explore by themselves); a room of their own (psychological withdrawal, children require control of a space and who accesses it); expression of own identity through personalisation of spaces.

Key ‘home environment’ design considerations: - Have sufficient floor area - Facilitate a child’s development of ‘place’ - Allow exploration and influence on their space - Accommodate for ‘hiding places’ - Allow sufficient daylight and airflow - Provide sufficient warmth and security.

Figure 9: Arcadia Nursery, Edinburgh by Malcolm Fraser Architects (Source: RIBA, 2016)

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2.3 - Nature 2.3.1 - Importance and benefits to children “For a new generation, nature is more abstraction than reality. Increasingly, nature is something to watch, to consume, to wear – to ignore.” (Louv, 2005:2) As humans we need immersion in the natural environment, since starving people of nature will affect their mental and physical health (National Trust, 2012). This is exceptionally true for children as they are laying the foundations of life like they should be among nature. Children’s access to, and the quality of, their green space and nature, are integral to their mental wellbeing.

“Innocence is reproduced through their [children’s] closeness with and to nature” (Holloway and Valentine 2000:14) Nature allows children to develop their senses, grow their imagination and experience danger (Louv, 2005). It is important because nature is the primal environment for us as humans. Despite hundreds of years living in a more man-made, urban environment, our genetic make-up is still designed to live in the wilderness.

2.3.2 - Current trends, what is to come?

At present, children are becoming increasingly introverted and spend a large proportion of their time inside the home. Children in the UK spend on average of 20 hours a week on the internet (OFCOM, 2011) and 17 hours a week watching television (Institute for Public Policy Research, 2008). This is turning homes increasingly into ‘entertainment hubs’, detracting children’s attention from the great outdoors (National Trust, 2012). This generation are those most likely to be directly affected by climate change. Providing these children with a better connection to nature and natural environments at a young age will give them better appreciation of this aspect of our world (Thomas, Thompson, 2004).

“There is a big gap in equality of access to high quality natural environments between children from rural backgrounds and children from urban backgrounds” (Thomas, Thompson, 2004:3) In Last Child in the Woods, Richard Louv (2005) discusses how “the end of nature” (increasing disconnection to nature) will lead to an increase in attention disorders and depression for children. This is compounded by effects of nature stated in the Good Places Better Health such as: promoting cognitive and motor development; stimulating physical activity; social interactions and cohesion; reducing stress and mental fatigue; rain soak; anti-social behaviours and annoyance (Scottish Government, 2011).

‘Nature deficit disorder’ is a term used to describe the multifaceted consequences of a disconnection from the natural environment (National Trust, 2012). The current generation of children are increasingly disconnected with the natural environment. Hence, in adulthood these children may lack care and attention for future environmental issues. Children instinctively want to be outdoors (Hurtwood, 1968) so keeping them indoors (often using video games or watching television) is not what comes naturally to them. As a society wide issue, the resolutions for this ‘nature deficit disorder’ are far reaching and multi-disciplinary. However, as the home is one of the integral parts to a child’s daily life (Scottish Government, 2011), house builders should be addressing this issue through design.

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2.3.3 - Design of green spaces for child mental health Children will develop a multitude of essential skills through a connection to nature. Botany, gardening and anatomy are all learnt from access to nature and greenspace. Even a visual link to nature will be hugely beneficial and essential to a child’s cognitive development (Scottish Government, 2011). Lady Allan of Hurtwood discusses how children should have the opportunity to lay claim over their own plot of garden space – to which they can be responsible and claim ownership (Hurtwood, 1968). This may be perceived as not totally possible if a garden has insufficient space in a contemporary housing estate. Furthermore, through generations this disconnection to nature can become a downward cycle if parents have been brought up in ill-thought-out environments as children, they may not see the value in affording it for their children (i.e. ‘I turned out fine so don’t see the benefit’). Good Places Better Health states that larger and more engaging gardens are essential for child mental health and could facilitate home-grown food (Scottish Government, 2011).

Furthermore, where there is green space within a development it should be useful. It is vital that green space within a development is utilised sufficiently and maintained well. Areas of greenery will lose their value and interest for children when little care is taken for them or they do not invite exploration.

Key nature design considerations: - Gardens should be child-friendly - Children should be able to influence the garden and be involved in gardening - The child should be exposed to true nature and wildlife throughout their housing estates - The green space should facilitate adventure and wandering for children, easily done with the use of a landscape architect.

Figure 10: Child running in the woods (Source: National Trust, 2012)

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2.4 - Play 2.4.1 - Importance and benefits to children “Play is more than just fun” (Brown, 2008) It has long been recognised that play holds a crucial biological place in child development and is not supplementary. Many characteristics of a child - such as trust - develop through play. ‘Neoteny’ is the retention of immature qualities into adulthood which is relevant when discussing play. There is a correlation between types of play enjoyed by a child and future ambitions/lifestyles. Play is important because it develops a multitude of characteristics for a child.

“The opposite of play is not work, but depression…” (Brown, 2008) Play is a transformative force and can nourish children in the most deprived situations. Instinctively humans and children take enjoyment from the enjoyment of others. This can be seen through play in the ‘vicarious enjoyment of physical activity’. (Scottish Government, 2011) We must allow children to fall and learn from it, not just protect them (Brown, 2008). Getting wet, exposure to fire, sand, dirt and the elements are hugely beneficial to children (discussed further later in this chapter).

Jane Jacobs discusses how all areas of development need ‘richness in interest’ and scope for adventures, not just designated areas for children to play (Jacobs, 1961). She points out that at the time ‘street’ fights in New York were more likely to occur in the play parks meant for children. Jacobs strongly condones bunching the children together in a designated space as they seek to roam freely.

She talks of a rise in child literacy incapability where new housing estates appear with designated playgrounds. Moving children to a designated play area rather than allowing them to freely roam in the streets means that far fewer adults are likely to be keeping an eye on the children in many cases without passive surveillance. Hence they are more likely to get into trouble/conflicts. (Jacobs, 1961)

2.4.2 - Current trends, what is to come?

At school age, children often struggle from lack of focus on a single task. Good Places Better Health states that 11% of children suffer from higher hyperactivity/inattention along with conduct, peer and pro-social difficulties and 10% of children have emotional, along with conduct, peer and hyperactivity difficulties (Scottish Government, 2011). This can be due to multiple external factors, however a large part of this issue is the child’s neurological make-up. Compared to an adult, the brain of an infant or child is far more open. Where an adult may be able to focus on a specific task, children are easily distracted by the world around them (Gopnik, 2011). Hence designated child play areas that are now placed in most housing estates may not be the most appropriate strategy to occupy a child and allow them to flourish. “[Children] are not bad at paying attention but bad at not paying attention” (Goprik, 2011).

This can be interpreted to show us that it is not good for children’s development to confine them to a specific space for play. Their minds are naturally inquisitive and will wander to other areas and activities very quickly and easily. Their minds look at everything around them, not just one entity.

The play space should accommodate a wide variety of play types. It has become the norm in the UK to fence children into ‘play areas’ (Wheway, 1997). However, for a child every area has an opportunity for play and enjoyment. We should not be containing children to specified play areas but accommodating children’s play into every aspect of designing the built environment. Supplementary to this, play has now been intrinsically linked to safety. For parents, danger may be seen to outweigh the benefits of allowing play (Scottish Government, 2011).

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2.4.3 - Design of play spaces for child mental health When children play in the home environment - especially where there is insufficient room - it can be seen as intrusive and a nuisance. Homes must provide sufficient space for play and be designed in such a way that parents feel at ease letting their children play however they feel within the home. (Scottish Government, 2011) It has become the case that playing in the street for children is now linked to car traffic and its associated dangers (Christensen, O’Brien, 2003). Although this is a serious issue, it is one that can be alleviated or at least aided through design (Gehl, 2001). Cars can be kept to a maximum speed, with the incorporation of speed limits and ‘sleeping policemen’. The design of housing estates should incorporate pedestrianised areas where children can be separated from traffic (Scottish Government, 2011). Many of the most successful streetscapes in housing developments are those fully- or semi-pedestrianised.

When designing areas where children are encouraged to play there are certain characteristics that have been proven to be successful. This is not to say that children should have a specific area for play but the principles can be adopted in all aspects of master planning and landscape design of a housing estate.

Through the 1960s and onwards, Lady Allan of Hurtwood pioneered thought and research into the importance of play in a child’s upbringing. Her focus was on areas of London but the principles developed are transferable to a UK-wide and Scottish application. A key point throughout Hurtwood’s seminal literature, reiterates that mentioned in chapter 2.2: “The two most important human needs are experience and control over one’s own experience” (R.D Laing, 1974) [referenced by Hurtwood] Laing and Hurtwood fully endorse the idea that children should be the creators of their own spaces, in particular their play areas. The ‘adventure playgrounds’ Hurtwood devised were innovative particularly in the fact that they enabled children to constantly recreate and alter these malleable play spaces to suit their own requirements.

Funding high quality play spaces and green spaces for children from the outset means that in the long term, less government/council funds will be needed to combat mental deficiencies later in childhood life (Scottish Government, 2011). However, highlighting the value of incorporating ample areas for child play is difficult to quantify versus the value of using the land for extra housing or more obviously lucrative options.

2.4.3 - Design of play spaces for child mental health When children play in the home environment - especially where there is insufficient room - it can be seen as intrusive and a nuisance. Homes must provide sufficient space for play and be designed in such a way that parents feel at ease letting their children play however they feel within the home. (Scottish Government, 2011) It has become the case that playing in the street for children is now linked to car traffic and its associated dangers (Christensen, O’Brien, 2003). Although this is a serious issue, it is one that can be alleviated or at least aided through design (Gehl, 2001). Cars can be kept to a maximum speed, with the incorporation of speed limits and ‘sleeping policemen’. The design of housing estates should incorporate pedestrianised areas where children can be separated from traffic (Scottish Government, 2011). Many of the most successful streetscapes in housing developments are those fully- or semi-pedestrianised.

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From the work of Lady Allan of Hurtwood, the following specific design principles for play areas can be derived: - sheltered areas using either by foliage/shrubbery or retaining walls/sunken play areas, - variety of textures/activities; mounds for running up and down/variety of space, - hiding places and opportunity for light spaces and dark spaces, - places for supervision/seating for parents/carers, - play area should be at least a quarter of an acre but no more than an acre for reasons of supervision, - sand and water utilised, sand is safe and versatile, water is essential, calming etc., - play space should be adaptable by the children (R. D Laing above), - not just one designated area to fence off but children considered in all aspects of street/ estate planning and design (see chapter 2.5), - robust materials to be used, expensive in the short term but in long term require less maintenance.

Once a robust pattern of play is set up for children (if areas are maintained properly) the children will excel and take ownership of their play areas. In many cases Hurtwood studies children would voluntarily set up shows and find increasingly innovative ways to enjoy play.

Complimentary to this, Facilitating play on housing estates discusses that children need places for: physically active play, quiet games, encouraging social contact and places to be mobile on foot and cycle (Wheway, 1997). Children are mobile and don’t stay in one place for a long time. Large spaces are needed and all spaces should consider how children will use the space (safety etc.). A part of this is the fact children like to “see and be seen”. Children enjoy places of interaction and social engagement. Again the point is reiterated that children can’t be herded like cattle in a ‘safe zone’ and they will ignore this.

Key play design considerations: - Play should be considered in all aspects of housing estate design - Children should not be fenced into a designated play area - Areas should allow scope for children to design their own play spaces - Robust, high quality materials should be used in design of play areas - Children enjoy a diversity of environments: in topography, cover, materials etc.

Figure 11: Children in diverse new play area (Source: Erect Architecture, 2016)

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2.5 - Neighbourhood 2.5.1 – Societal issues in a Scottish neighbourhood “If you come to a city and see many children, it’s a sure sign of city quality…” (Gehl, 2015) In modern times, children are too often seen as a disruptive element in the street, through no fault of their own. This may be the case as adults - in the form of planners and designer - have formed the built environment from an adults’ perspective (Hurtwood, 1968). This is perfectly exemplified (as mentioned in chapter 2.4) in many towns where play areas are insufficient in scale and standard, forcing children to improvise by using the street as an alternative area for play and adventure. As well as the lack of true access to nature for children, this neglect through design has generated a negative view of children in the street, which may have a lasting psychological effect on some children (Scottish Government, 2011).

Chapter 2.4 discussed how we should not only design our play areas well but also public spaces and streets to nurture play more holistically. Complimentary to this, designers and planners should be rejecting the trend to take action on children’s perceived antisocial behaviours through the use of defensive architecture (Scottish Government, 2010). An example of this is skate-boarding, where planners will often use materials and landscaping to deter this activity in streets and public areas (again, the children are designated an area for this activity).

Further to this, an issue which is becoming increasingly apparent in our streets is the loss of a sense of community (Scottish Government, 2010). Hurtwood (1968) examines the importance of a collective responsibility of neighbours for each other’s families. A sense of solidarity and community can be seen to have been lost or damaged through the 20th century (The Guardian, 2015). De Botton (2006) discusses how many modern housing estates are designed in a way that encourages people to become introverted, looking to their televisions rather than the community for entertainment. A community must provide a feeling of safety, made possible through natural surveillance. Areas where children congregate or gather should be visible to many. As much as possible, an area should be safe enough that children can be unaccompanied (Hurtwood, 1968). A later part of this chapter discusses how we may facilitate this community through the design of housing estates.

The last century has seen a rise in the number of women in work, which has led to increased use of nurseries and day care for children (Scottish Government, 2011). This is progressive in terms of gender equality and women’s rights, however it may be having a negative impact on the children of this changing society. At the time of Hurtwood’s writing in the 1960s, she bases many ideas on the assumption women will be always in a community with their children and not out at work. Now as the children are increasingly institutionalised at nurseries (with both parents at work), there may be a lasting effect on their mental health (Felfe, 2012). Supplementary to this, many more mothers being out at work means the community (with its associated play areas and streets) are less used. Where previously children would be predominantly at home, they are increasingly at a nursery or in day care while their parents are elsewhere. This may be accelerating the lack of thought in designing streets for children.

2.5.2 - Children’s perception of their neighbourhoods As humans, we remember where things are (e.g. where a car is parked) from cognitive mapping (Burgess, 2011). Objects are mapped by their relation and distance to boundaries and other landmarks.

Firing of ‘place defining cells’ at certain points/times to create a memory grid. Hence it makes sense that children need to explore other contexts to be able to appreciate their own homes/neighbourhoods.

This is the same method used for autobiographical visual memories (e.g. a past event we can visualise in our minds) and develop in tandem.

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Making Sense of Place (Matthews, 1992) looks at children’s cognitive development in relation to place and locality. Children who can access a wider area in life, in general have a stronger cognitive development. Children who are restricted to their closer surroundings do not develop as quickly.

‘Spatial competence’ is important in enabling children to be able to navigate in unfamiliar spaces or places – engaging in “transactions with place” (Matthews, 1992:235). In design terms this means that the neighbourhood should allow children into as many and as far-reaching places as possible.

“You have taught me the fear of becoming lost, which has killed the pleasure of curiosity and discovery. In strange cities, I memorize streets and always know exactly where I am. Amid scenes of great splendour, I review the route back to the hotel.” (Keillor, 1986: 254) Complimentary to this, children don’t just think about themselves in a space (egocentric) but relate themselves to objects and landmarks in a place/area. Mainly due to lack of understanding of cognitive development, society potentially underestimates the spatial competencies of young children.

Children’s geographical comprehension can occur naturally as a primal instinct. It is also noted that boys may be seen to comprehend larger scale built environments better than girls. In general boys have a naturally more adventurous nature (this could be due however to the evolution in today’s society of children conforming to gender roles) (Christensen, O’Brien, 2003). Children should be allowed to fully access and immerse themselves in a space to comprehend/familiarise themselves with it. After the age of 3 years, children begin to move ‘purposefully’ in spaces, rather than just inquisitively or randomly. Hence, combining parenting with design we shall allow children increased freedom to explore and adventure.

Spencer, Blades and Morsley (1989) discuss how we should analyse both children’s perception of space, and how they feel in that space as well. Although there has been significant progress in recognition of the significance of ‘place’, the psychological impacts of this need further exploration.

This may seem like an insignificant issue for designers. However spatial knowledge development is linked to other types of development e.g. numeracy. Problems of dyslexia for example, may be affected by temporal/spatial disorganisation – locating words on the page seen to be linked to physical spatial comprehension.

2.5.3 - Physical layout and aesthetics of housing estate streets “Streets have two key functions: place and movement.” (Scottish Government, 2010:7) The aesthetic of many housing estates in Scotland can be seen as reactionary (Scottish Government, 2010). Reactionary both of failed post-war housing avant-garde aesthetics, as well as the contemporary capitalist society where people spend the majority of their time in offices or corporate buildings (De Botton, 2006). This is apparent in many Scottish housing estates with a directly traditional aesthetic, which can be seen as pastiche. At the same time, there is a desired aesthetic of a rural cottage idyll which has created a stigma against semi-detached and terraced housing (an issue of aesthetics and layout of schemes).

As mentioned in chapter 2.4, areas surrounding the home should not just be routes but should facilitate wandering, reflection and play. They should incorporate interesting paths, areas in which to ‘get lost’ and ample street furniture for seating and interaction with the spaces (Hurtwood, 1968).

Children need options in an urban environment. In an environment with a multitude of areas to play and explore children don’t feel frightened to go to one dangerous area (Jacobs, 1961).

“In our houses set close against one another, we are less afraid.” (Bachelard, 1994: 27)

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A housing development must be designed to foster a community in which people will look after one another and one another’s children. However, the proximity of houses in many estates is too close (De Botton, 2006). There is an appreciation of how proximity can be perceived as creating a ‘close knit’ community. In reality this creates narrow, dark alleyways between properties and limited communal space (Scottish Government, 2010), as studied in chapter 4.3.

Children in the City discusses the street as a place to be ‘at home’ (Christensen, O’Brien, 2003).

Furthermore, “[a] decline in the use of ‘the street’ reduces children’s opportunities for identity construction as ‘the street’ is often a site where children can ‘separate’ or engage in the processes of separation away from adult gaze” (Christensen, O’Brien, 2003:6). This can be seen to reiterate the discussion in chapter 2.2 about children’s need for hiding places to get out of the family home environment. Interactions in the street will allow children to understand their own present and prospective social relations and positions. Meeting friends in a permissive atmosphere is a necessity for child mental well-being (NHS Scotland, 2010).

In addition, public art and objects in the estate are engaging. These will encourage memory of a place and sense of belonging for children. This can be seen in the new towns of Cumbernauld and Crawley, where concrete sculptures inadvertently allowed an area of play and interest for children (Hurtwood, 1968). “[Children] should be active and positive explorers of the world around them.” (Spencer, Blades and Morsley, 1989:257) Key neighbourhood design considerations: - Play and nature incorporated into all aspects of the neighbourhood - Designing for extroverted communities will help children develop - Neighbourhood should be descriptive of their locality.

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Figure 12: Children converse on a bench (Source: Hurtwood, 1968)

2.6 – Conclusion of literature: Research gap and objectives This chapter has presented the current literature and studies which look at the different aspects of housing affecting child mental health, generally and specific to Scotland. The literature review has covered a wide range of texts and authors to research principles in designing housing for positive child mental health and development. As far as possible this has highlighted a set of clear principles found to affect child mental health under four themes: home, nature, play and neighbourhood. In relation to each of these of themes, specific principles affecting child mental health have been outlined. From the themes overall the following general principles have been found: - Children require manipulation of their own environment in a variety of ways - Children require a sufficient and diverse range of spaces to play and explore - Children require a connection to true nature that can facilitate wandering - In providing areas for play and nature, children should be fenced into a specific area - The aforementioned principles should be taken into account in all scales of housing design From this body of research, it is evident that there is a body of literature and studies looking at factors affecting child mental health in housing generally and specific to Scotland in the built environment.

However, there is scarce research relating to house builder housing estates specifically. As mentioned in chapter 1.1, these houses are now the majority of new build housing stock. Hence there is a gap in research that looks at the effects of these housing types in particular. The case study in chapter 6 aims to analyse the principles developed in this chapter from both architectural and health sector literature in relation to a recent, exemplar Scottish house builder estate. This is done with the aim of fulfilling a research gap in studies specifically referring to Scotland’s recent trends in private suburban housing estates, and the effect of these on child mental health. The following chapter will outline the methodology used to aid the research question below.

Research question: To what extent may Scotland’s recent sub-urban private housing estates be having an effect on the mental health and happiness of the children which occupy them?

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3.0 – Methodology In the previous chapter, the areas of housing and child mental health were discussed. It was found that there is a lack of research connecting issues of child mental health specifically to sub-urban house builder housing estates. In chapter 4, a recently completed housing development in Scotland will be studied. The case study will be analysed strictly following the methods outlined within this chapter.

Through the case study analysis in chapter 4, work will be purely objective. The extent to which the case study achieves the principles highlighted from the literature as findings will then be examined.

In chapter 5, the work will highlight where there are areas of improvement relating to the principles found from the literature review. The research will conclude with possible solutions illustrated through sketches and diagrams of the case study. The aim of the case study is to test out the principles in a thorough and specific way. It will take the principles developed and investigate their application to sub-urban housings estates.

3.1 – Visual based studies analysis In all aspects of the research and findings for this dissertation, visual techniques of expression will be utilised. The initial focus when looking at case studies will be from photographs. The analysis will move to look at plans obtained of the architecture. The design principles from chapter 2 will be portrayed in a visual format and compared to these drawings. Through this technique the research will produce analysed drawings which convey additional information to the written analysis.

3.2 – Cognitive mapping In conjunction with the architectural visual techniques employed for the research, cognitive mapping will be employed as a method of analysing the case studies. This is a method used in the field of psychology “A cognitive map (also: mental map or mental model) is a type of mental representation which serves an individual to acquire, code, store, recall, and decode information about the relative locations and attributes of phenomena in their everyday or metaphorical spatial environment.” (Tolman, 1948) This will analyse the case study from a child’s perspective of their home in the development.

This mapping technique will serve as a summarising method of study for child mental health in the chosen setting.

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3.3 – Question template A set list of questions has been developed from the principles derived from the literature. The questions will be used to analyse the case study in a systematic way. These are categorised into the same four themes as the literature as follows:

1 - Home: i) How big a family can the house accommodate? ii) What is the available floor area for children to utilise? In the home? Within the curtilage? iii) Does the house facilitate a child’s perception of ‘place’? iv) Does the home allow capacity for a child to alter for their own? v) Is there capacity for ‘hiding place’? vi) Is there sufficient daylight? vii) Is there sufficient airflow? viii) Does the house provide sufficient warmth and security?

2 - Nature: i) What is the area of the garden? ii) Is the garden child friendly? iii) Is there capacity for a child to garden/allotments etc.? iv) In what ways is a child exposed to nature and wildlife around the home and neighbourhood? v) Are there areas of the estate that could allow adventures and wandering?

3 - Play: i) Is there a designated play area? Area of play area? ii) Does the estate as a whole accommodate play? iii) How does the play area: - Accommodate child’s need for influence over it? i) Are there sheltered areas/shrubbery? ii) Is there variety in texture and topography? iii) Are there hiding places; a mixture of enclosed and open spaces? iv) Areas for potential supervision? Sufficient seating? v) Is there a use of sand and water for play? vi) Are the materials used of a high quality/robust?

4 - Neighbourhood: i) Was a landscape architect employed in the project? ii) Is there opportunity for passive surveillance of the street? iii) Is there evidence of defensive architect? iv) Are there opportunities for people to gather and converse? v) Is there sufficient street furnishings? vi) Does the aesthetic relate to the locality? vii) Is the aesthetic progressive or pastiche? viii) Do streets make ‘place’ or just routes? ix) Would a child be able to safely and competently navigate to and from the settlement by foot?

Table 2: Questions template

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3.4 – Summary of Methods For a piece of research to be original, it doesn’t necessarily need to create new material or data but can provide a new take on a particular subject and existing data (Borden, Ray, 2000:18). The research carried out will extend the knowledge discussed in chapter 2. This will be executed by analysing what areas from the principles specifically relate to Scottish sub-urban housing estates.

Therefore the process therefore of analysing the case study will be as follows: 1. Annotate exemplary floor plans and masterplan of the estate highlighting potential issues.

2. Draft a cognitive map of the housing estate that will illustrate a child’s perception of the home and neighbourhood.

3. Analyse the case study strictly following the questions set out below, referencing plan analysis.

4. Summarise issues identified in the case study as findings.

5. Define solutions for each finding through the use of ‘best practise’ examples and sketches.

3.5 – Methodology conclusion Strengths and weaknesses of available research methods were discussed in this chapter. A case study was found to be the most effective method to successfully aid this investigation. The following chapter will introduce and outline the case study used for this dissertation.

Figure 13: Methodology diagram

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Figure 14: New houses at Inverurie (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

Figure 15: Location of Inverurie, Scotland (Source: Google Maps, 2016)

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4.0 – Case Study 4.1 – Introduction This chapter will present the case study for investigation, in order to fulfil the aims of the research.

Figure 13: New houses at Inverurie (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016) Location: ‘Osprey Heights’, Inverurie, Aberdeenshire, Scotland Proximity to main settlement: 0.9 mile (17 minute walk) Project completion: 2015 Number of housing units/total area: 163 houses Architect: Halliday Fraser Munro Contractor/housebuilder: Barratt Homes Range in house size: 2, 3 and 4 bedrooms Range in house purchase cost: £230’000 - £379’995

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Figure 16: The Fernie, exterior view (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

Figure 17: Development layout (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

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Figure 18: ‘Fernie’ elevation drawings (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

This study aims to highlight the issues in recent housing estate design in relation to the principles developed in chapter 2. For this house builder case study, it is intended that this project exemplifies the majority of new build housing stock in Scotland. Although each context for a new development is different, the schemes mostly stick to the same principles in their design.

This estate has been chosen as a typical case for many house builder estates in Scotland. The housing estate is on the periphery of the main town – on what was previously arable farmland. The development consists of 2, 3 and 4 bedroom houses, which are mainly detached. Hence, the study can be seen as descriptive of the majority of new housing stock currently being built by house builders in Scotland.

The houses sit along a main road between the towns of Inverurie and Oldmeldrum in Aberdeenshire.

The chosen house of study is ‘The Fernie’, plot no. 589 on Figure 17 (though this same house type is repeated ten times throughout the estate).

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4.2 – Annotation of plan

Figure 19: ‘Fernie’ ground floor plan (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016, edited by the author)

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Figure 20: ‘Fernie’ first floor plan (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016, edited by the author)

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4.3 – Annotation of master plan

Figure 21: Proposed layout (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016, edited by the author)

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4.4 – Cognitive mapping

Figure 22: Cognitive mapping study from a child perspective

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4.5 – Question template 4.5.1 – Home (i) The plan of the 4 bedroom ‘Fernie’ home follows a traditional layout. There is a front room looking onto a front garden (West in this case), a kitchen at the back looking onto a back garden (East) with all bedrooms upstairs. The house itself could accommodate a family with 4 or 5 children (with bedrooms (Figure 24) shared). There are 4 double bedrooms in total. (ii) However, excluding these bedroom areas upstairs, the available interior recreational space for children would be 35m2 (including the floor area covered by worktops and furnishings). (iii) As the home is traditional in layout, it can be seen to facilitate a strong routine, with a sense of time and ‘place’ for a child. However, the house may feel introverted for a child and lack a connection with the context beyond the house boundary. (iv) The limited available free space for a child means that making their own impact on the home environment may be a hazard or nuisance. (v) There are areas within the home that could facilitate a child’s ‘hiding place’. However, these may be in the garage, utility room and bedrooms, there are no areas of the living areas that could provide an alcove-type space for a child. Each of the living rooms are simple box-like rooms. (vi) As the houses by Barratt Homes are predesigned and constructed on the given site, they do not respond to their direct context. Hence, in this case the windows do not respond to aspect and so will not fully exploit the daylight potential of the site. (vii) Similarly, the natural ventilation provided by both ‘trickle vents’ fitted and the opening of windows does not fully make use of the airflow on the site. This means that there may be areas of the house which are unnecessarily dark and with a low air change rate. There is nonetheless provision of French doors to the back garden (Figure 25) which can allow increased airflow and access to the back garden. (viii) In terms of warmth and security for a child, the house is fitted with modern insulation, windows and doors. These provide a thermal envelope that conforms to Building Standards. The provision of a front garden to the house will aid the security as a defining boundary between the public street and private property.

Figure 23: Living room (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

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Figure 24: Bedrooms 2 and 3 (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

Figure 25: Kitchen (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

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4.5.2 - Nature (i) The garden has an area of approximately 60m2. (ii) This could be perceived as sufficient for a child to be exposed to nature. However, there are many aspects in the design of the garden that make it an inadequate space for a child. The large fences (at least 1.5 metres in height) between each housing plot are not conducive to an open feeling of the true outdoors. This makes the garden feel largely enclosed.

The gardens are safe for children as provided by Barratt Homes. Yet there is no change in topography or spaces that would facilitate the opportunity for adventures and exploration. (iii) There is potential for these plots of gardens to incorporate areas for children to garden and have allotments (there is no evidence of this at present or provision by Barratt Homes). (iv) The gardens can also be seen to prevent connection to true nature as they are rectangular, explicitly man-made plots. Furthermore, there is no connection to the fields beyond (as these are potentially assigned for further development). (v) The housing estate as a whole incorporates insufficient access to nature for children. The only area that has potential for use as an explorative natural environment are fields to the North-East of the housing.

However, this is not landscaped and is outwith the centre of the community (so may be perceived as dangerous/out of bounds). Moreover, the housing estate incorporates minimal planting and landscaping.

4.5.3 - Play (i) The house builders have provided an area for children to play (though at the time of writing it is incomplete). However, the designated area doesn’t address any of the aims of a play area identified from the literature. (ii) Over the whole estate, there is scarce evidence of designing for play out with the designated play area. (iii.i) There is no opportunity for the children to design of influence the design of their space. (iii.ii) The land on which the play area is located is exposed, without protective planting. (iii.iii) There is no effort to create interest or interaction through topography. Hence this area may be unlikely to be used in poor weather. (iii.iv) There are no spaces that might facilitate hiding places through their topography or nature. (iii.v) The area incorporates minimal seating and street furnishings.

The play space consists of fixed equipment for the children to play. This is due to the play space being a pre-designed area by Barratt Homes. This will provide a limited amount of interest for the children as they may lose interest and move onto to areas with greater explorative potential. (iii.vi) The play space doesn’t incorporate sand or water as means of play. (iii.vii) Materials used are of a standard quality and may deteriorate through use.

Figure 27: Children planting at Inverurie (Source: Barratt Homes, 2016)

Figure 26: The River Urie nearby (Source: moviemakersguide.com, 2016)

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4.5.4 - Neighbourhood (i) Any employment of a landscape architect would have been within Barratt Homes’ staff, hence they would not be working independently. Potentially for this reason or for cost savings, the neighbourhood is largely not landscaped. Any evidence of man-made slopes or changes in topography are to accommodate the houses. It can be seen therefore, that the houses take preference to the spaces between them. (ii) The arrangement of the homes does allow areas where passive surveillance may be possible.

However, as most of the kitchens (assumed hub of activity in the home) areas face the back gardens, the street may be left unwatched in many areas. (iii) There is no evidence of defensive architecture within the estate. The streets consist of tarmacked roads and pavement, concrete kerbs and some concrete paving. (iv) Roads are laid out for best efficiency of space. The only area of commune for residents of the 163 houses may be the park area. There is no common square or point of confluence apart from this. (v) There is minimal street furnishing meaning that paths and roads are simply routes, not places to enjoy or linger. (vi) Similar to many of the Barratt Homes estates across Scotland and the UK, the aesthetic does not reflect the context or locality. The homes resemble a discomforting mixture of mock-Georgian and traditional. (vii) Hence, the aesthetic of these houses sits awkwardly in the context as it not of its time and place – considered to be pastiche. (viii) As a whole, the housing estate prioritises the car over the occupants. Every house in the estate has a car-parking space meaning there are cars driving throughout the estate. The plots each accommodate two cars per household, sacrificing green space for this. To add to this, there is a lack of quality materials chosen for pathways and the streets overall. Hence, there is a lack of ‘place’ in the street.

Figure 28: The route into town from the house estate (Source: Google Streetview, 2016)

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(ix) The housing estate is on the outskirts of the town of Inverurie. It is a mile away from the centre of the town. Barratt have made an effort to create established paths, allowing the occupants to walk or cycle from their homes into the town. However, as the route progresses it becomes increasingly poor quality terrain. The paths provided are also of the minimum quality in both material and landscaping.

There is no capacity to enjoy the route as a ‘place’ or for wandering and exploring. Hence, the route to the town is not child-friendly in terms of safety and enjoyment.

5.0 – Findings and discussion The NHS report Good Places Better Health, produced a series of solutions to issues in current built environment affecting child mental health. This dissertation has sought to further develop these solutions in direct relation to housing estates in Scotland. This chapter discusses the outcomes and findings from the case study research and goes on to look at possible solutions.

Findings from the analysis of the case studies, prove that the current trends in Scottish suburban housing estates are having a negative effect on child mental health in a variety of ways. Each determinant of this is explained. This section highlights the shortcomings in housing estate design in Scotland compared to the past and to different contexts.

From the analysis of the case study, the following issues relating to the child mental health principles were found: - The rooms in the house are excessively boxy and traditional in layout.

- There is no scope for a child to manipulate the spaces or allowance for children’s hiding places.

- Gardens are equally orthogonal as the home. These are not an engaging spaces for children. There are high separating fences which may feel claustrophobic and prevent connections to the fields beyond.

- Designated play area means children are fenced in. This is not an engaging space for children and will become disused.

- The car is prioritised in the housing estate meaning that roads are just routes and don’t have a sense of place. There is no incorporation of play or nature in the master planning of the development.

- Connections to the town by foot are insufficient to allow child exploration and will encourage excessive use of the car.

- The aesthetic of the housing estate is pastiche as it does not relate to the locality or architecture of today.

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5.1 – Solutions Finding: The rooms in the house are excessively boxy and traditional in layout.

Figure 29: Plan sketch, openness

Solution: The rooms could give better provision for children with a more open layout, allowing space to play and access to daylight and the outdoors.

Best practice case: House NS for Scotland’s Housing Expo 2010, Inverness, Scotland, Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2010.

This project can be seen as comparable to the case studied in chapter 4. The Fernie house type in the case study had 4 bedrooms and a floor area of 126m2. This entry to the 2010 Housing Expo was a 3 bedroom house on a 109m 2. However, the case by Malcolm Fraser Architects allows for a better quality of space as it is more extrovert in form and allows better flexibility and open-ness in the rooms.

The house incorporates sliding walls so that the ground floor can be fully open plan when required by the user. Furthermore, the use of a void in the house adds to the open and spacious feeling of the home. The plan is 5m by 10m, whereas the Barratt example was 7.5m by 8.5m. Hence the Malcolm Fraser plan better exploits daylight and airflow with a narrower plan.

Figure 30: Living area (Source: Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2015)

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Figure 31: Ground and first floor plans (Source: Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2015)

Figure 32: Back external view (Source: Malcolm Fraser Architects, 2015)

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Finding: There is no scope for a child to manipulate the spaces or allowance for children’s hiding places for children.

Figure 33: Section sketch, hiding places

Solution: Create rooms that are diverse in scale and amount of enclosure.

Best practice case: Children’s Home, Kerteminde, Denmark CEBRA, 2014.

This new children’s care centre is designed in such a way that a child will find interest in the form of each room. The architect has taken a traditional form and manipulated it in a variety of ways to create playful and out of the ordinary interior spaces for the children to enjoy. Differing scales and volumes of spaces allow a child flexibility and interest within the building. Hence there are a wide variety of activities that can take place in the building at one time.

Figure 34: Children’s Home external view (Source: CEBRA, 2015)

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Figure 35: Children’s Home internal sketches showing variety of spaces (Source: CEBRA, 2015)

Figure 36: Seating areas incorporated into windows (Source: CEBRA, 2015)

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Finding: Gardens are equally orthogonal as the home. These are not an engaging spaces for children.

There are high separating fences which are claustrophobic and no connection to the fields beyond.

Figure 37: Plan sketch, proximity to nature

Solution: Create gardens which have more porous boundaries and allow a true connection to nature throughout the estate.

Best practice case: Vauban, Freiburg, Germany, Kohlhoff Kohlhoff Architects, Completed 2010.

This vast project was for the regeneration of an old army barracks into housing to accommodate 5000 inhabitants. The development from the outset was to be eco-friendly and community driven. This case is particularly relevant here as it shows that occupants can have their own gardens but that the greenery and natural environments can be incorporated across a whole development. Large boundary fences between plots are not necessary here as there is a strong sense of community and planting provides a less severe form of separation. Throughout this scheme, there is an emphasis on reduced car use.

Hence, the streets incorporate greater engagement with and care for planting and nature.

Figure 38: Pedestrian walkways at Vauban, Freiburg (Source: Kohlhoff Kohlhoff, 2010)

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Figure 39: Sprawling gardens at Vauban, Freiburg (Source: Kohlhoff Kohlhoff, 2010)

Figure 40: Solar Settlement at Vauban, Freiburg (Source: Rolf Disch, 2015)

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Finding: Designated play area means children are fenced in. This is not an engaging space for children and will become disused.

Figure 41: Sketch of opposing play types

Solution: Incorporate play into every aspect of master planning and design of the estates.

Best practice case: Best City for Children, Copenhagen, Denmark NORD Architects, Ongoing This proposal for a child friendly regeneration area in Copenhagen exemplifies many of the points discussed in the literature review. Both play and nature are inherent in the design. The architect has created an innovative ‘city within the city’. Children will be provided with multi-functioning buildings and landscapes to play and learn. The buildings include a miniature concert hall and sports stadium that will be adapted for the children to use. The project has been designed in collaboration with the children themselves, making it exceptionally stimulating for these users.

Figure 42: A miniature city for children in Copenhagen (Source: NORD, 2016)

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Figure 43: Aerial view showing expanse of greenery and play areas (Source: NORD, 2016)

Figure 44: Children at play in the proposed scheme (Source: NORD, 2016)

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Finding: The car is prioritised in the housing estate meaning that roads are just routes and don’t have a sense of place.

Figure 45: Plan sketch, showing street as route vs. street as ‘place’

Solution: Create meaningful streets that encourage community, gathering and interactions.

Pedestrianizing is an effective solution to this.

Best practice case: Polnoon, Eaglesham, Scotland, Proctor Matthews Architects, 2015.

Polnoon is a recently completed development of 121 homes that was developed in tandum with the Scottish Government’s Designing Street report. The architect has created a diversity of streetscapes for the new residents to enjoy. This can be seen as an exemplary scheme in that it focuses on the human scale and use of each space. Children are safer to use the streets with reduced car use and strong natural surveillance throughout. The materials used are of a high quality and inspired by that of the existing locality.

Figure 46: Polnoon, approach to settlement (Source: Proctor Matthews, 2015)

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Figure 47: High quality street design and materials (Source: Proctor Matthews, 2015)

Figure 48: The streets at Polnoon accommodate a variety of activities (Source: Proctor Matthews, 2015)

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Finding: Poor connections to the town by foot, meaning the car will be used excessively.

Figure 49: Plan sketch showing route to the town vs. an enjoyable walk to the town.

Solution: Create safe and enjoyable routes to the town. Greater distinction between the road and pathways as well as better incorporation of nature will aid in this.

Best practise case: Garscube Landscape Link, Glasgow 7N Architect and Rankin Fraser Landscape Architects, 2009.

The architect and landscape architect has designed a solution here that could be utilised in the case of Barratt at Inverurie. It is equally applicable to many of the company’s housing estates on the periphery of towns throughout Scotland. This project allows a separation for pedestrians and cyclist from the busy road parallel to it. The new walkway is made enjoyable through the use of high quality materials, plantings, street furnishing and sculptures. This can be seen as exemplary as it encourages users to enjoy the pathway as a ‘place’ rather than merely a route.

Figure 50: Robust materials chosen for new pathway (Source: 7N Architects, 2016)

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Figure 51: Plan of pathway parrallel to the road (Source: 7N Architects, 2016)

Figure 52: The pathway is secluded from road traffic (Source: 7N Architects, 2016)

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Findings: Aesthetic of the housing estate is pastiche and does not relate to the locality.

Figure 53: Sketch elevations of ‘pastiche’ vs. contemporary interpretitation

Solution: Develop houses that are in specific relation to their location. Work to build homes of a contemporary traditional aesthetic.

Best practise case: Vertical Village, Hasselby, Stockholm Tham & Videgard Arkitekten, Ongoing The project seeks to create a radical and exciting new archetype for detached, sub-urban dwellings in Sweden. The inception of the master plan itself is derived from historic forms and layouts in Hasselby.

The traditional typology is used but reinterpreted for the houses modern density and lifestyles. The houses are able to be economically produced through pre-designed house types. However, these designs maintain a link to their place and time through good design. The houses are radical in aesthetics and form but would have a familiarity for the people of Hasselby. The children growing up in here are likely to be positively influenced by the ‘avant-garde’ nature of the homes.

Figure 54: Exciting proposal that feels traditional (Source: Tham & Videgard, 2015)

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Figure 55: The homes are proposed in four types (Source: Tham & Videgard, 2015)

Figure 56: The scheme integrates into the existing settlement (Source: Tham & Videgard, 2015)

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6.0 – Conclusion The main objective of this body of research and investigation was to inform current design of sub-urban housing estates in a positive way in Scotland. This dissertation aimed to establish clear principles in designing housing estates for positive child mental health, analyse the success of a current case study in relation to these principles and inform house building design by developing solution to issues found. The final chapter of the dissertation aims to discuss how successful the dissertation has been at addressing these aims. It goes on to look at how the work may contribute to the area of study and fill gaps that previously existed in research. The dissertation is intended as a useful and informative piece of work. Hence, this chapter will also highlight how professionals and others may go about implementing the solutions and approaching the outcomes of the work.

6.1 – Implications for house builders in Scotland This dissertation has covered new ground in both the fields of child mental health and architecture.

The research and discussions have bridged a gap between the two sectors. Principles in designing housing estates for positive child mental health and development were derived from key literature.

This was then overlaid onto a case study of an exemplary Scottish housing estate case study. The findings showed that current trends in the design of sub-urban housing estates are not helping the issues of child mental health in Scotland. The consequences of this have been discussed in terms of the home environment, contact with nature, access to & quality of play and neighbourhoods. The research and analysis focused on Barratt Homes as a house builder case study. House builders in Scotland are encouraged, illustrated by the outcomes of this work, to better consider how the houses they design are affecting child mental health.

6.2 – Contribution to knowledge The work from this dissertation highlighted aspects of design for positive child mental health to consider specific to house builder sub-urban estates. It was found that these developments may be negatively impacting child mental health through poor design. The dissertation highlights the importance of these design considerations with reference to literature which has shown the affects housing design can have on child mental health. This dissertation has shone new light on this area of architecture. Within the literature review, the most specific and current piece of research found was Good Places Better Health. An objective of the research in this dissertation was to further that research in the chosen specific context. Although this dissertation focussed on Barratt Homes in the case study and the analysis that followed, the lessons taken are intended to be applicable to house building companies across Scotland.

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6.3 – Limitations of research Although this dissertation has contributed new work to the field of study, there are aspects to the research and analysis that could have been improved. Time constraints meant that proper and thorough site visits for observational study were not achieved. Hence, first hand observations and potentially atmospheric appreciation for the case study were not fully studied. Further to this, through the dissertation it was referenced that housing estates are uniformly badly designed in Scotland. However, there are many exceptions to this. Hence, this work cannot be applied to every sub-urban housing estate in Scotland as many already practise the principles discussed. Widening the research may combat this limitation.

6.3 – Potential for future research The literature of proven design considerations was utilised in this research. However, further research could be conducted utilising more direct research methods. Experiential accounts could be explored through interviews of health professionals, policy makers, children and house builders. Likewise, surveys and questionnaires may add to the research. Further to this, comparative studies could be better utilised to rank Scotland for success in designing housing estates for positive child mental health.

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