Buongiorno, Notte Report by Francesca Romano

PHOTO ROMAN tutor: John Morgan Francesca Romano MA Book Design Department of Typography and Graphic Communications University of Reading 2012â&#x20AC;&#x201C;13

PHOTO ROMAN Tutor: John Morgan The task for this project was to transform a movie into a book, making sure it included a significant textual element. I chose to work on the film Buongiorno, notte (Good Morning, Night) by Italian director Marco Bellocchio. The film provides a peculiar perspective on one of the most debated events in 20th century Italian history. On March 16th, 1978, Aldo Moro, the leader of the main Italian political party, was kidnapped by a group of far-left terrorists. The so-called Red Brigades kept Moro captive for 55 days and then killed him, since the government refused to negotiate an exchange of prisoners. Many discussions, articles, books and films followed the event and no one is yet sure where the responsibility of Moro’s death lies. In 2003 Bellocchio directed Buongiorno, notte following a request by rai – the Italian tv and radio company – of a film about terrorism. The film is based on the book Il prigioniero (The Prisoner) by Anna Laura Braghetti (Braghetti, 1988), who was the only woman in the group of the kidnappers. In her book she writes about her experience as a terrorist and she focuses particularly on the period when she was living in the apartment where Moro was held captive. Marco Bellocchio takes the book as an initial inspiration for his movie, creating characters that only vaguely resemble Braghetti and her comrades. The protagonist, Chiara, gets born from the doubts Braghetti quickly mentions in her book, uncertainties that Bellocchio uses to create a dream reality. The dream is a way to avoid any claims of shedding a new light on the “Moro affair” or to tell a different version of the truth, it is instead an excuse to explore the human soul and the contradictions between real life and ideology, a theme very dear to Bellocchio.

Scenes in the movie when the terrorists comment the news on tv, or watch a show

Discovery and Collection of Material During my ba I had a three-month course in History of Cinema and we talked longly about Bellocchio and his works. I had already seen the movie many times so I had a lot of materials I could use to start my project from. Television

Contrast real/ideal

Sources for the real material

In the movie the filmed scenes are alternated by real documentary footage that was being broadcast on the television during the 55 days of the kidnapping. The television itself is portrayed in the movie as the terrorists’ main point of contact with the external world. They are, in fact, hidden in the apartment where they hold Moro, since they cannot get out without raising suspicions in the neighbours. Therefore I decided the format of my book had to have the same proportion of a old television screen (4:3) and the contents would alternate published material about the real kidnapping with scenes and dialogues from the film, that commenting the happenings with Bellocchio’s point of view. To collect the original material I searched the main Italian newspapers’ online archives – “La Repubblica”, “Il Corriere della Sera” – and collected all the books I could find on the subject, in English and Italian. In the end I used only the material I found in the Italian ones since they are many more and more focused and detailed. The books have been scanned and the text has been extracted with ocr recognition. Images have been selected from the books themselves or from the web and integrated with the text, while in the original books they were often separated. sources Sciascia, L. (1978). L’affaire Moro. Selva, G., Marcucci, E. (2003). Aldo Moro : quei terribili 55 giorni. Giovagnoli, A. (2005). Il caso Moro : una tragedia repubblicana. Silj, A. (1978). Brigate rosse-stato : lo scontro spettacolo nella regia della stampa quotidiana. Jamieson, A. (1989). The heart attacked : terrorism and conflict in the Italian state. Catanzaro, R. (1991). The Red brigades and left-wing terrorism in Italy. Pallotta, G. (1978). Obiettivo moro. La Repubblica online archive about this particular event: www.repubblica.it/online/ dossier/moroprime/moroprime/moroprime.html

REAl MATERIAl SECTIOn Examples of how the material is handled in these sections.

Transformation format Having decided the proportion I set my format on a convenient dimensions: 240 × 180 mm, so that it would be easy to hold.

Real material sections

FIlm sections

sections To distinguish between the two different type of content, I decided to use two different stock of paper. The two sections also have a slightly different grid and a very different use of layouts. The sections containing the real material (real material sections, rs) are in black and white only, packed with text and images, with little white space, to create a feeling of roughness similar to a newspaper layout and slightly recalling the feel of 70s books. It is going to be printed on a white stock of paper, that should give the impression of being ordinary, like the one that can be found in any home and office to print on. The content will be made of newspaper articles, chronicles, photographs that were published on the papers, the letters and the communiqués sent by Moro and the Brigades during that period. On the other hand, the sections containing the screens from the film (film sections, fm) are printed in four colours, have much more white space and vey often large or full-bleed screen caps. The film itself has a very slow pace, it is dreamy and emotional and plays a lot with long shots and music. This section is supposed to convey the same atomosphere. The grid in these sections has the same kind of columns of the real material sections, the only difference is the top border which is 15 mm wide, not having to accomodate the running heads. The top of the grid is aligned with the real material ruler that divides the running heads from the texts. image system The images in the film sections are mostly screencaps from the film. They can have different positions, according to the grid. The first film sections in the book just have images contained within the borders of the layout, with black bands on the top and on the bottom, to simulate what happened when movies were shown in old tv screen because of the difference in proportions. Proceeding with the book the configuration changes and the images take more and more space in the spreads as Chiara slowly realises she wants Moro to be free. The system is explained on pages 6–9.

FIlM SECTIOnS IMAGE SYSTEM The images in the first film sections are smaller or framed by the black band old TV s got around movies because of the different format. As the sections go on, the images get rid of the limitations and start bleeding on the facing page or outside the page margin. This represents the moments when the protagonist is doubting of her actions and wonders what would happen if she set the prisoner free. It also reflects changes in atmosphere in the film, often underlined by the music.

Above, upper image: sequences of pictures describing movements are placed one after another without separations. lower picture: key moments in the last sequence are underlined by just one image full bleed on a spread. Facing page: in dialogues the images are cropped and paced depending on the dinamic between the characters.

Detail of the binding and the different stocks of paper in the book.

font I thought about using two different fonts for the sections: a serif font for the extracts for the books and a sans serif for the dialogues. I had chosen Concorde as the serif font, because it gave the kind of feeling I wanted the real material to have, and Eurostile as the sans serif, being an Italian font from the 60s. I then replaced Eurostile with Recta, a grotesque font also by Aldo Novarese, but I couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t find a good version of it In the end I realised I didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t need a second font to further differentiate between the sections, so I used Concorde throughout the book.

Concorde BE has been first released by Berthold foundry in 1969

ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz 1234567890 abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz 1234567890 binding Proceeding with my intention of giving my book a roughish, 70s feel, I decided my book will have to be a paperback, perfect bound, possibly with cold glue. At the beginning of the project I wanted it to be section-sewn, but in the end it will be prefect bound. This helps me greatly in the layout of the content and in managing the change of paper stock in the book, plus it helps creating the feeling of this book being not precious but fragile, even though I would like to use cold glue, to avoid it falling to pieces too soon. cover The cover will be in a not too thick card, with a page from the inside and the title overprinted on it. I want it to be matte laminated, like a cheap paperback, to add to the atmosphere of a not-precious book.

Buongiorno, Notte - Good Morning, Night

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are m rahe da

The cover is a reprinting of pages 16 and 17 from the book, with the title overprinted on it.The text has been replaced by critical comments and synopsis of the movie.

unlib narr aspe cond rapp sono graz evisi com notte altri eren Buon film) alla rens rapp O dime men Mor dini usar la ca quel Lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;e e asi co d sens lude di P di B fora tro e

Marco B

Buo Goo

bro brutto e ridicolo. Com’è noto, Bellocchio rira la vicenda del sequestro Moro, ma uno degli etti più originali del film consiste nella scelta di durre il racconto per lo più attraverso le molte presentazioni e teorie che nel corso degli anni o state date sull’affaire Moro. Così, per esempio zie ai filmati di repertorio, oppure usando la telione sempre accesa nel covo di via Montalcini me presenza chiave della vicenda, Buongiorno, e contiene «una rete complessa di allusioni ad film e persino a se stesso (l’elemento autorefnziale di una sceneggiatura, intitolata proprio ngiorno, notte, scritta da un personaggio del ) che dimostrano che non c’è un diretto accesso comprensione della storia, ma che tale compsione viene costruita tramite la narrazione e la presentazione.» Oltre tutto, anche il titolo è davvero bello, e inenticabile: Buongiorno, notte, è dichiaratante ispirato alla poesia di Emily Dickinson Good rning, Midnight, nella traduzione di Nicola Gar(Crocetti, Milano 2001), che è stato il primo a re la forma “Buongiorno, notte“, potenziando apacità smisurata di tempo-spazio contenuta in lle due parole che vivono avanzando all’indietro. effrazione dei principî di non contraddizione immetria che definiscono il pensiero sistematidiurno; la regressione all’oscurità notturna – in so temporale, visivo, mentale, acustico – per alere alle vicende del terrorismo italiano tra i fatti Piazza Fontana (1969) e la strage della stazione Bologna (1980), e soprattutto l’uso della metadel buio per nominare l’evento (il sequese l’uccisione di Aldo Moro) che più di tutti ha

Bellocchio

fissato quell’epoca nella memoria e nell’inconscio italiani: tutto ciò, a ripensarci, non arriva a Bellocchio da un immaginario mai attivato in precedenza, perché intanto, appena si cominci a stare dentro questo ‘effetto notte’, torna subito negli occhi e nella mente anche la fortunata inchiesta televisiva in diciassette puntate di Sergio Zavoli La notte della Repubblica (passata per la prima volta su rai2 dal 12 Dicembre 1989 all’ 11 Aprile 1990), poi diventata anche un libro (eri, Mondadori, 1989). Oppressione e buio, le due condizioni emotive e sensoriali che sembrano più naturalmente connotare il clima di quegli anni, si ridefiniscono, nel titolo scelto da Zavoli, a partire da un nuovo orizzonte al di fuori del buio: per via di una ricostruzione che intende riportare alla luce «muovendo dalla cronaca e auten portare alla luce «muovendo dalla cronaca e

ongiorno, Notte od Morning, Night

lOOP The image of Moroâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s body opens and closes the book. It is not shown in the movie at all but I wanted this picture to open the book, since anyone who know this chapter in Italian history already know how it is going to end. It closes it to remark the difference between the big dream sequence when he breaks free and the reality of what happened.

Making After collecting the material I had available, I organised the content this way: 1st rs: the Day of the Kidnapping. Acconts of how the kidnapping happened. 1st fs: a Screenplay. After the kidnapping, the Brigades find a screenplay in Moro’s bags. This is accounted for in Braghetti’s book, but Bellocchio gives this screenplay the same title as this movie. 2nd rs: who Aldo Moro was. 2nd fs: Everyday Life in the Prison. Everyday routine in the prison / house with the terrorists taking care of Moro’s needs. 3rd rs: the Red Brigades. 3rd fs: the Canary. One of the terrorists really had a canary with him in the house, Bellocchio uses it as a metaphor for Moro’s captivity. 4th rs: Moro’s Letters from the Prison. 4th fs: about the Book Letters from the Resistance Fighter on the Day of their Execution. This book often appears in the film. It is never explicit until Chiara makes a comparison between Moro’s letters and those by the resistance fighters, one of the movement the Brigades took inspiration from. 5th rs: the Brigades’ Communiqués. 5th fs: the Dream. Chiara dreams to free Moro. 6th rs: Moro’s Assassination. appendix: a Short Chronology of the Kidnapping. I will design the first real material and film sections at the beginning of the book, to give an idea of how the real material is handled and the difference between this and the film section. Then I will skip to the end of the 4th real section that ties to the following film section by the last of moro’s letters, starting a longer film section that is not so clearly divided into two. The 4th and the 5th film sections are in fact a longer sequence of dialogue and pictures only briefly interrupted by the Red Brigades’ communiqués (5th real section). These film sections create a loop with the beginning of the book as the screenplay of the first film section is recalled and further discussed. The loop is also created by the death of Aldo Moro, whose dead body closes and opens the book.

Cover paper

Cover finishing

Real material sections paper

Film sections paper

Specifications book object Book format: 240 x 180 mm (old tv screens proportions 4:3) Paperback, perfect bound with no sections. Cover paper: Munken Polar 200 g/mm2. Cover finishing: lamination. Interior paper: Munken Polar 90 g/mm2 and Munken Pure Rough 90 g/mm2. real material sections Black and white on Munken Polar 90 g/mm2. Font: Concorde BE. Text Paragraph: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, left justified, first line indentation 12 pt. First Paragraph: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, left justified, no first line indentation. A Header: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, all caps, Medium space after 24 pt. B Header: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, small caps, regular space after 6 pt. C Headers: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, italic, space after 3 pt. film section Four colour printing on Munken Pure Rough 90 g/mm2. Text Paragraph: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, flush left, first line indentation 12 pt. First Paragraph: Concorde BE 9,5/12 pt, flush left, no first line indentation. Big Paragraph: Concorde BE 16/20 pt, flush left.

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Il gIorno del sequestro

Il 16 marzo 1978 resterà nel ricordo come il giorno più drammatico della storia della Repubblica. Quella mattina, in Parlamento, il Presidente del Consiglio, Giulio Andreotti, avrebbe dovuto illustrare il programma del nuovo governo: l’epilogo di una crisi estremamente difficile, accompagnata da polemiche accese, soprattutto sulla nuova posizione assunta dai comunisti, con responsabilità ben definite nella maggioranza parlamentare. Aldo Moro, con un lavoro paziente di mediazione nel quale tutti lo riconoscono, da anni, maestro, è stato l’ artefice del nuovo corso politico. Non manca che il voto delle Camere per far entrare il quarto gabinetto Andreotti nella pienezza delle sue funzioni. Il risultato è scontato: il monocolore democristiano appena costituito dispone della più larga maggioranza degli ultimi trent’anni, 527 voti alla Camera e 280 al Senato. Moro non può mancare all’appuntamento. [accordo fra i partiti, che ha segnato la fine della lunga crisi, porta soprattutto la sua firma. Era stato lui, infatti, due settimane prima, all’assemblea dei Gruppi parlamentari democristiani, a indicare una via d’uscita, la sola, a suo giudizio, in grado di sbloccare la situazione. In più di trent’anni la politica, la società, erano cambiati: bisognava dunque superare gli schemi e le contrapposizioni tradizionali e percorrere nuove strade. Andreotti è atteso alla Camera, per il discorso programmatico, alle dieci. Prima, però, c’è un altro adempimento: debbono giurare i 47 sottosegretari nominati il giorno avanti. Sui giornali della mattinata anche la scelta dei sottosegretari, come già quella dei ministri, non è esente da critiche. Le acque sono agitate e forse il dibattito parlamentare non filerà del tutto liscio.

Text paragraph First paragraph A Header

20 I comunicati delle Brigate Rosse

so in modo egemone in tutti i partiti del cosiddetto “arco zionale”, ma ha la sua massima concentrazione e il suo di riferimento principale nella Democrazia Cristiana. La osi’ la forza centrale e strategica della gestione imperialio Stato. Nel quadro dell’unita’ strategica degli Stati Imti, le maggiori potenze che stanno alla testa della caterchica, richiedono alla dc di funzionare da polo politico ale della controrivoluzione. E’ sulla macchina del potere istiano, trasformata e “rinnovata”, e’ sul nuovo regime da posto che dovra’ marciare la riconversione dello Statoe in anello efficiente della catena imperialista e potranno mposte le feroci politiche economiche e le profonde trazioni istituzionali in funzione apertamente repressiva ridai partner forti della catena: Usa, rft. to regime, questo partito sono oggi la filiale nazionale, mente efficiente, della piu’ grande multinazionale del crihe l’ umanita’ abbia mai conosciuto. empo le avanguardie comuniste hanno individuato nella emico piu’ feroce del proletariato, la congrega piu’ bieca manovra reazionaria. Questo oggi non basta. gna stanare dai covi democristiani, variamente mascheagenti controrivoluzionari che nella “ nuova “ dc rapano il fulcro della ristrutturazione dello sim, braccarli e, non concedere loro tregua. Bisogna estendere e apdire il processo al regime che in ogni parte le avanguarmbattenti hanno gia’ saputo indicare con la loro pratica di timento. E questa una delle direttrici su cui e’ possibile ciare il Movimento di Resistenza Proletario Offensivo, sferrare l’attacco e disarticolare il progetto imperialista. aro quindi che con la cattura di aldo moro, ed il procesuale verra’ sottoposto da un Tribunale del Popolo, non amo “chiudere la partita” ne’ tantomeno sbandierare un o”, ma sviluppare una parola d ordine su cui tutto il Moo di Resistenza Offensivo si sta gia’ misurando, renderlo

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piu’ forte, piu’ maturo, piu’ incisivo e organizzato. Intendiamo mobilitare la piu’ vasta e unitaria iniziativa armata per l’ulteriore crescita della guerra di classe per il comunismo. portare l’attacco allo stato imperialista delle multinazionali. disarticolare le strutture, i progetti della borghesia imperialista attaccando il personale politico-economicomilitare che ne e’ l’ espressione. unificare il movimento rivoluzionario costruendo il partito comunista combattente.

21 I comunicati delle Brigate Rosse comunicato n. 2 (25 marzo 1978) i.

Il processo ad Aldo Moro

Lo spettacolo fornitoci dal regime in questi giorni ci p una prima considerazioLo spettacolo fornitoci dal reg questi giorni ci porta ad una prima considerazione. Vo mettere in evidenza il ruolo che nello sim vanno ad ass partiti costituzionali. A nessuno è sfuggito come il quarto no Andreotti abbia segnato il definitivo esautoramento lamento da ogni potere, e come le leggi speciali appena siano il compimento della più completa acquiescenza de del cosiddetto “arco costituzionale” alla strategia impe diretta esclusivamente dalla dc e dal suo governo. Si è cioè dallo Stato come espressione dei partiti, ai partiti co strumenti dello Stato. Ad essi viene affidato il ruolo di zare i loro apparati per le luride manifestazioni di sosteg manovre controrivoluzionarie, contrabbandandole com festazioni “popolari”; più in particolare al partito di Berli ai sindacati collaborazionisti spetta il compito (al quale siano ormai completamente votati) di funzionare da a poliziesco antioperaio, da delatori, da spie del regime. La cattura di Aldo Moro, al quale tutto lo schieramento b riconosce il maggior merito del raggiungimento di quest tivo, non ha fatto altro che mettere in macroscopica e questa realtà. Non solo, ma Aldo Moro viene citato (anche dopo la tura!) come il naturale designato alla presidenza della blica. Il perché è evidente. Nel progetto di “concentrazio potere, il ruolo del Capo dello Stato Imperialista divent minante. Istituzionalmente il Presidente accentra già in s altre, le funzioni di capo della Magistratura e delle Forze te; funzioni che sino ad ora sono state espletate in man che altro simbolica e a volte persino da corrotti buffoni Leone). Ma nello sim il Capo dello Stato (ed il suo app

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Poi qualcuno posò sul tavolo le borse di Moro. Erano già state perquisite per assicurarsi che non contenesse una microspia o qualunque altro aggeggio che conducesse la polizia fino a noi. Nella prima trovammo alcune tesi di laurea, due paia di occhiali di ricambio, francobolli, articoli di cancelleria, poche medicine. Nella seconda pratiche ministeriali, il testo del progetto della riforma della polizia, lettere di raccomandazione e di ringraziamento e, particolare che mi colpì moltissimo, la sceneggiatura di un film. Eravamo esterrefatti. Possibile che fosse quello il materiale di lavoro di uno degli uomini più potenti d’Italia?

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Pensi che lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ammazzeranno? Certo, se loro non ammazzassero la gente, non sarebbero niente.

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In quel libro i condannati a morte sono stati tutti ammazzati.

Subtitles

flat plan

The pages from 30 to 129 are made up by three real material sections and two film sections, to design according to the specifications. See page 13 of this repot for the full table of content.

31 The pages from 164 to 179 are made up by a real material sections, to design according to the specifications. See page 13 of this repot for the full table of content.

Appendix: translation of the italian text in the book GOOD MORNING NIGHT a movie by MARCO BELLOCCHIO to my father page 13 March 16th, 1978. Aldo Moro, the president of the Christan Democratics, the leading party in the Italian government, is kidnapped by a left-wing terrorist group, the Red Brigades. For 55 days Moro is kept hidden in an apartment in Rome, which the police could never find, and submitted to politica trial.After the terrorist request of an exchange of prisoners had been refused, Moro is killed and his body is found in the back of a car, on May 9th, 1978. pages 15–20 The Day of the Kidnapping The most memorable day in the history of post-war Italy begins in the most unmemorable of places. Shortly before dawn in Via Brunetti, near Piazza del Popolo, Rome, someone quietly slits all four tyres of a small van owned by Antonio Spiriticchio, a flower seller. Like Aldo Moro, Spiriticchio is a man of habit. Every morning at the same time he goes to the flower market, fills up his van and drives to his usual position on the corner of Via Fani and Via Stresa. He frequently notices Aldo Moroís official car driving past with the accompanying escort vehicle, and sometimes acknowledges the convoy with a friendly wave. But on March 16th his thoughts are far from friendly as he curses the vandals who have ruined his morningís business, and sees to the replacement of his slashed tyres. For Aldo Moro the day is a crucial one, for it represents the culmination of months, even years, of preparation and effort, but in practical terms the day’s programme is much the same as usual. After morning mass he will go to the Chamber of Deputies in the Palazzo Montecitorio for the presentation of the fourth Andreotti government at 10 am, followed by a meeting with some of his politics students with whom he will discuss the morningís proceedings. From Montecitorio he will drive to the Political Science faculty where at noon he is due to look over some student theses. A light lunch, a brief stroll in the park for his daily exercise, and on to his office in Via Savoia. In many respects, a normal day. The joy of Moroís life is his two year-old grandson Luca. I he adoration is reciprocated, and Luca loves nothing more an to go for a ride with his grandfather in the big car, often accompanying him to church before being dropped back home to his mother. On 15th March Maria Fida, Lucaís mother, is suffering from acute back pains, and leaves him to stay overnight with his grandparents. She goes to collect him in the morning about 8.15, still

in pain, but determined that she will take Luca to watch the firemenís display as she has promised. Grandfather Moro is reluctant to let Luca go, asking her several times if Luca might not ride with him as far as Santa Chiara, then be brought back. But Maria Fida is stubborn, and some strange instinct makes her insist on keeping Luca by her side. Even Luca himself, excited by the prospect of the treat ahead, for once pushes his grandfather away in his own eagerness to be off. “Go away” are the last words Moro hears from his grandson before he descends to join his waiting bodyguards in the courtyard below. It is a grey, overcast day threatening rain. Todayís escort team are almost all old friends, and Moro greets them as such. Driving the official Fiat 130 is Lance Corporal Domenico Ricci, aged 44, from the seaport of Ancona, married with two children. Beside him sits the head of the squad, Turin-born Oreste Leonardi, who at 52 has been Moroís faithful shadow for 18 years. Moro takes up his usual position behind the driver with his papers and briefcases. Driving the accompanying Alfetta 1800 is an officer of the civil police, or Polizia di Sicurezza, Giulio Rivera, who is the baby of the group at 23. With him travel fellow PS colleagues Francesco Zizzi and Raffaele Iozzino, both aged 25. All three are southerners of peasant stock, proud to hold positions of such responsibility at this early stage of their careers. For Zizzi it is the first day of guarding Aldo Moro. Shortly before 9 am Moro climbs into the car, his head soon bent deep over his newspapers as Ricci weaves his way through the Rome traffic. The convoy proceeds along Via Fani and slows down for the right turn into Via Stresa. It is 9.02 am. A Mini traveller is parked just in front of the junction, preventing Ricci from entering the right hand lane. It is parked illegally, but this is scarcely a matter for surprise in Rome, where parking is determined by the laws of possibility, not by those of the land. A white Fiat 128 estate car with a diplomatic number plate suddenly accelerates past both cars, then stops and reverses abruptly, ramming the 130 from the front. Rivera tries to avoid a collision but the Alfettaís brakes are faulty and he bumps the 130 from behind. Ricci raises his arms in anger, starts to gesticulate to the driver of the 128, but before he can complete the action two occupants have leapt out of the vehicle and are shooting at the 130 from both sides. The four Alitalia pilots have emerged from the cover of the shuttered Bar Olivetti, having drawn their weapons from their leather bags and are shooting to kill, two going for Moroís car, two for the occupants of the Alfetta. Other assailants appear as if from nowhere, a motor cyclist in a balaclava covers the lower end of Via Fani and an armed woman with police diversion signs stands at the junction, ready to shoot at anyone who dares to approach. No one does. Leonardi tries to protect Moro, leaning over the back seat to push him on to the floor of the car away from the hail of bullets, but is shot in this position: his final act of loyalty. A number of close range shots to the head finish off Leonardi, Ricci and Rivera. Iozzino opens a car door, leans out and manages to fire a few shots but he too is gunned down and dies. Only Zizzi survives the assault, but will succumb to his wounds during an emergency operation at a nearby hospital. Aldo Moro is hauled from his car, bundled into a waiting Fiat 132 and driven off at high speed, followed by others of the commando team in a blue and a white Fiat 128 which have been parked in readiness. The motorbike roars off with its balaclavawearing driver and one passenger, who fires at another motorcyclist riding up Via Fani on his way to work. A former police officer who has witnessed the last moments of the attack gives chase, unaware of the identity of the hostage, whom he perceives only as a figure squashed between two uniformed men who are pressing something

white to his face. But within a few minutes the fugitives are lost in the heavy morning traffic. The 132 takes its cargo only as far as Piazza Madonna del Cenacolo, where the hostage is dragged out, put into a waiting Fiat van and driven off. The 132 is abandoned. The van winds a skilful course through a maze of streets until it turns into the underground car park of the ëStandaí supermarket in the Via dei Colli Portuensi. Moro is loaded into a wooden packing case, into another Fiat van and driven to his destination. Five men lie dead or dying. For the sixth the ordeal is only just beginning. pages 21–28 For example I like to write. I don’t know if I am talented, but I like it. I write short stories, I write poems. I have even written a screenplay Then someone set Moroís bags down on the table. They had already been searched to make sure they didnít contain a bug or any other device that would have led the police to us. In the first one we found some dissertations, two spare glasses, stamps, stationery, a few medicines. In the second one we found ministerial files, the text of the police reform, reference letters and, a striking detail, the screenplay for a film. We were astonished. Could that possibly be the work material of one of the most powerful men in Italy? I have even written a screenplay It is called Good Morning, NIght. Good Morning, comma, night. It’s from an Emily Dickinson poem. Do you want to read it? I’m busy, Enzo page 29 onwards Who Aldo Moro Was ‘Moro was kidnapped to put the Christian Democratic party on trial’ — says Valerio Morucci, Rome column leader and Aldo Moro kidnapper. The easy logic which equates a politician with his party sounds superficial and naive; yet to understand its significance is to understand the collective history of the party which has dominated post-war Italy and the individual story of a man whose life was dedicated to its survival. Aldo Moro was born in the region of Apulia, south eastern Italy, on 23rd September 1916. His father was an elementary school headmaster, his mother also a teacher. Both were devout Christians and attended church daily, an example their son was to emulate. In 1920 the Moro family moved to Taranto, where Aldo began his schooling, quickly proving a conscientious and intellectually outstanding pupil. Another move followed in 1934, this time to the provincial capital and university city of Bari, whose historical and cultural origins owe much to centuries of Greek occupation. It is frequently claimed that the east-facing position of Bari, its climate and its past have endowed its inhabitants with a cynical form of pessimism and a detached superiority which distinguishes them from their more sociable compatriots. These qualities were

present in Aldo Moro, although in his case they were softened by two other elements which were an unending source of strength and consolation to him throughout his life — his religious belief and his profound emotional attachment to his family. Amidst the bitterness and despair of his Red Brigades prison they were his only consolation, giving him the courage to face his own death and at the same time to bring comfort to his wife Noretta through his letters: ‘Be strong, my dearest, in this absurd and incomprehensible trial. These are the ways of the Lord.’1 The years of Aldo Moro’s youth were dominated by the rise of fascism. While his contemporaries went off to fight in Mussolini’s Abyssinian war, Moro pursued his law studies at Bari university. In 1937 he became President of the Federation of Catholic Students (FUCI) for Bari, and was elected national President in 1939. He was also a member of the Federation of Fascist Students (GUF), but as membership was compulsory, it cannot be inferred that he nursed particular sympathies for the fascist cause. Moro took his studies seriously and indulged in few frivolous pastimes, his main leisure activities being chess and going for long walks. In the stultifying political climate of fascism, the only legal outlets for serious debate and discussion were to be found in organizations such as FUCI and Azione Cattolica (Catholic Action) which acted as an internal critic of religious policy and doctrine, and was frequently controversial. For some years the ecclesiastical adviser to FUCI in Bari had been Monsignor Giovanni Battista Montini, but he had been obliged to resign his post in 1933 when his insistence that the church and associated organizations should demonstrate greater social involvement was proved to be incompatible with the dictates of fascism. Montini’s belief in the socio-political role of the church would be tested to the limit some forty-five years later, when as Pope Paul VI he was requested by Aldo Moro to mediate with his terrorist captors. Aldo Moro graduated in jurisprudence in 1938, and for the next two years divided his time between his law studies and fuci. In 1941 he obtained a lectureship in the Philosophy of Law at Bari university, and began to turn his attention to the specific problems of the student in his university environment. With some perspicacity for 1942, he observed that ‘one should not be surprised at the young student who looks at the university and unfortunately finds it infinitely smaller than his own life.’ University education should be ‘a teaching adapted to life, a quest for values ... an integrated part and proof of a cultural search in which the mind can satisfy its deepest needs’.2 Adriana Faranda, Red Brigades member and Moro kidnapper, would later admit to remarkably similar preoccupations about her university environment, where the sense of restriction, of being unable to stretch one’s wings, was just one of the inspirations behind the student revolution of 1968. Military service caused Moro to abandon fuci and the university for a brief period, but by 1944, when most of Italy had forsaken fascism in favour of co-operation with the Allies, he was able to resume teaching and engage in private legal work. As the prospect of an Allied victory drew closer, a Committee of National Liberation was established, composed of all the banned political parties, to prepare for constitutional legitimacy and the return to democracy. For many young people such as Aldo Moro who had only known a fascist dictatorship, the longed-for political freedom also brought in its wake acute difficulties of choice. It was, says a contemporary, an ‘awkward entry’ to make. For a while, Moro flirted with the idea of joining the Socialists who were intellectually attractive, but instinctively he was drawn back to the right by his religious beliefs. Moro’s participation in university politics through FUCI and membership of Catholic Action inclined him to continue his involvement through the Christian Democratic party^The DC, founded in 1919 by the Sicilian priest Don Sturzo, aimed broadly to promote modern ideas of democracy and equality within the traditional moral and religious framework

of Roman Catholicism. Moro began to attend meetings of the DC as early as 1944, although he did [...] -----------------------page 130 My sweetest Noretta, after a moment of vague positivity, due perhaps to a misunderstanding of what I was being said, we are, I suppose, at the final moment. I don’t find it appropriate to discuss the situation in itself and the incredibility of this sanction that falls on my clemency and moderation. Certainly I have made a mistake, with good intentions, in defining the direction of my life. But it’s to late to go back now. I just have to admit you were right. I can just say that maybe we would have been punished in another way, our children and us. I would like to stress the clear responsibility of the DC with it absurd and despicable behaviour. It must be strongly said and it must be denied any of the usual recognitions given in this kind of situation. It is also true that many friends (whose names I do not know) haven’t acted like that should have, or deceived by the idea that their words would impair me, or worried about their personal positions. One hundred signatures would have compelled to negotiate. And this is all for the past. For the future there is in this moment an infinite kindness for you, the memories of each and everyone of you, a great love full of apparently insignificant memories that are instead precious. United in my memory live together. It will seem like I’ll be with you. Please live together in a single house, Emma too if it is possible and for your needs appeal to the good and dear friends you’ll be so thankful to. Kiss and caress from me everyone, each face, each eye, each hair. To everyone my immeasurable kindness passing through your hands. Be strong, my sweetest, in this absurd and incomprehensible trial. These are the Lord’s ways. Remind all the friends and relatives of me, with great affection and to you and all the other the warmest of hugs, pledge of my eternal love. I would like to know, with my small mortal eyes, how we will see each other afterwards. If there would be light, it would be beautiful. My beloved, think of me as I were with you and hold me. Kiss and caress Fida, Demi, Luca (Luca very very much), Anna, Mario, the unborn baby, Agnese, Giovanni. I am very grateful for what they have done. Everything is futile, when people don’t want to open the door. The Pope did little, maybe he’ll regret it. Everything be calm. Complain only against the DC. Luca not at the funeral. page 131 My beloved, tomorrow at dawn, a firing squad of the Fascist Republican Guard will put an end to my life. What I want to tell you now that I’m going to die is that you have been my first and only love and if I had lived I’d had married you and made you happy. I tees moments, my life’s most tragic ones, all my past passes before me like on a cinema screen… page 132–160 I was thinking about the letter that Moro wrote to his wife It reminds me of a book my father used to read to me “Letters from the resistance fighter before their execution” Moro is still alive

What do you mean? All the people in that book were killed , but Moro is still alive Do you think they’ll kill him? Well if hey didn’t kill people they wouldn’t be anybody They’re crazy and stupid and that scares me I don’t understand you, in fact, you make me angry! You speak of the Brigades men like they were demented people, that jerk off with Playboy and then kill people! But what bout the others? The Christian Democrats and all their slaves, their hypocrisy! The Brigades are worse, because they just copy them! think about the madness of their communiqués, think about the people who wrote those governing us! page 161 The Red Brigades Communiquès Comuniqué no.1 (March 16th, 1978) On Thursday March 16th an armed group of the Red Brigades kidnapped Aldo Moro, president of the Christian Democrats, and locked him in the working-class jail. His armed escort, made up by five agents of the renowned Special Corps, has been completely defeated. […] -----------------------page 241 So do think they’ll kill him? pagse 243– 245 (newspaper heading) THE MURDERING OF MORO Moro Killed “Go in via Caetani, there’s a red Renault” by Miriam Mafai La Repubblica, May 10th 1978 This bundle thrown in the back of the red Renaul in via Caetani is Aldo Moro’s body. A shapeless bundle, wrapped in a brown blanket like one of those everyone has at home. The back seat is slightly inclined to the front. The cars doors are open. A few meters away there are minister Cossiga, undersecretaries Darida and Lettieri, chief prosecutor Giovanni De Matteo, chief of police Parlato, general Corsini commander of the military police. It’s 2.15pm. Giancarlo Pajetta crosses

the police cordon and looks at Cossiga: “Yes, it is Moro”, the minister replies, with little voice. […] pages 247–248 Appendix: a Short Chronology of the Kidnapping. March 16th, 9.15 am. Aldo Moro is kidnapped by the Red Brigades in via Fani, Rome. March 16th, 10 am. The Red Brigades officially announce the kidnapping. March 16th, 11 am. The labor unions proclaim a general strike. March 18th. After funerals the body guards, the Brigades send their 1st communicate, with a picture of Moro and the explanation to the kidnapping. March 19th. The Pope makes his first plea to the Red Brigades. March 20th. the Red Brigades declare their political responsibility in the kidnapping. March 21st. The Italian government validate an anti-terrorism decree. March 23rd. The Communist Party officially declares the State shouldn’t negotiate with the Red Brigades. March 25th. Red Brigades 2nd communiqué: Moro is undergoing a trial held by the working-class. March 29th. 3rd communiqué: a letter to the minister of the internal affairs in which Moro hint at the possibility of an exchange of prisoners. March 30rd. The Christian Democrats reject any negotiations. April 2nd. The Pope’s 2nd plea. April 4th. 4th communiqué: a letter by Moro to the secretary of the Christian Democrats. “Morally you are in my place, where I physically am” April 7th. Eleonora Moro’s letter disassociating herself from the decisions of the DC. April 10th. 5th communiqué: Moro supports the negotiations and attacks his party. April 15th. The 6th communiqués declares the end of Moro’s trial and sentences him to death. April 17th. Amnesty International offers its help in the negotiation and the Onu secretary makes his first plea. April 18th. A fake 7th communiqué announces Moro’s death. April 20th. The newspaper La Repubblica receives the real 7th communiqué. The Red Brigades declare an ultimatum: “Free the prisoners or we kill him.” April 21st. Fhe Christian Democrats reaffirm their will not to negotiate. April 22nd. The Pope sends his 3rd message and Onu secretary Waldheim his 2nd. April 24th. The Red Brigads ask for the liberation of 13 prisoners. April 29th. A letter by Moro to the DC “the only way is the exchange of prisoners”. April 30th. Moro writes more letters, a brigade man calls Moro’s home asking f or immediate action. May 5th. The last “no” to the negotiations is shortly followed by the 9th communiqués: “we conclude the battle started on March 16th, executing the verdict Moro was sentenced to.” May 7th. Last letter from Moro to his wife. May 8th. Last letter from Moro to his family. May 9th. Moro’s body is found in the back of a car.