International Journal of Social Sciences Research | IJSSR | ISSN 1350-4673 Vol. 4, No 1, 2016

International Journal of Social Sciences Research

International Journal of Social Sciences Research | IJSSR | ISSN 1350-4673 Volume 4, Number 1, 2016 Editorial Board Adam P. Howard City University of New York/Hostos Community College, United States Jeremy J. Edward East Stroudsburg University, United States Jamil M. Sharif Emirates College for Advanced Education, United Arab Emirates Dennis R. Edgar Centre for Education and Research, University of Northampton, United Kingdom Editor in Chief Jordyn R Holbrook, North Carolina Central University Editorial Board Members Kester O. Lauchlan, Ph.D., College of Management Academic Studies (COMAS) Professor Catrina J. Cameron, College of Law and Business | Ramat Gan Mohamed Azam, Ph.D., American University, Beirut Mark L Bowden, The University of Melbourne, Australia Baila R. Ayelet, Ph.D., The Interdisciplinary Center |Herzliya Logan P. Munroe, Ph.D., School of Advanced Study, University of London Mark L Bowden, The University of Melbourne, Australia Dr. Adena B. Avigail, University of Haifa Martin P Atkinson, Faculty of Medicine | Imperial College London Dr. Kaviarasu K, Bishop Heber College (Autonomous) Affiliated to Bharathidasan University Tiruchirappalli, TN, India, India Professor Saodah Wok, International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), Malaysia Dr Sharon Adetutu Omotoso, University of Ibadan, Nigeria Prof. Dr. Mustaffa Halabi Azahari, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM), Malaysia Assoc.Prof Solehah Yaacob, Internatinal Islamic University Malaysia Massood Yazdanimoghaddam, Islamic Azad University,South Tehran Branch, Islamic Republic of Iran Mine Uni Muhamadul Bakir Hj. Yaakub, International Islamic University Malaysia, Malaysia Gianpaolo Basile, University of Salerno (Italy) Vitez University (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Logan P. Munroe, Ph.D., School of Advanced Study, University of London MV Sri Hartini, Karanganyar Education Department, Indonesia Head Office City University of New York, Eugenio MarĂ­a de Hostos Community College 500 Grand Concourse | Bronx | New York | 10451 | 718-518-4444 Branch Offices

Warwickshire (England) : 6 Leather Street, Long Itchington | Southam, Warwickshire | CV47 9RD Cairo (Egypt): Khalifa El-Maamon st, Abbasiya sq. | Cairo | Post Code 11566 Bandung (Indonesia): Jl. Raya Bandung Sumedang Km. 21 | Jatinangor | West Java | Indonesia | Post Code 45363 Canberra (Australia): The Australian National University | Canberra ACT 0200 ACT 0200 | Australia All manuscripts must be submitted electronically through the e-mail to the editor at: editor@fssh-journal.org or fssh.editor@gmail.com

International Journal of Social Sciences Research | IJSSR | ISSN 1350-4673 Volume 4, Number 1, 2016

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Health and Well-Being in Old Age: The Pertinence of a Gender Mainstreaming Approach in Research | Pasqualina Perrig-Chiello and Sara Hutchison | ........... 1 – 10 Chinese Cultural Identification of Overseas Ethnic Chinese and the Sustainable Development | Han Ruihui | ................................................................................ 11 – 26 Analysis of Cohesion and Altruism among Organization Members: The Case of Tanoh Rincong Student Association | Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, and Qonitah Basalamah | ............. 27 – 44 The Politics of Rape: Traces of Radical Feminism in Disgrace J. M. Coetzee | Lianne Barnard | ................................................................................................ 45 – 56 Javanese Ethnic Local Wisdom in Farmer Community Folklore in South Coastal Area of Kebumen, Central Java, Indonesia | MV Sri Hartini HS | ..................... 57 – 66 Gender Bias in Salafiyah and Modern Pesantren in Indonesia | Sumadi | ....... 67 – 82 Preparing for Public Life: School Sector and the Educational Context of Lasting Citizen Formation | Jeffrey S. Dill | ................................................................ `83 – 102

International Journal of Social Sciences Research | IJSSR | ISSN 1350-4673

ABSTRACTING AND INDEXING

The articles in the FSSH Scholarly Journals will be indexed and abstracted by the following database.

International Journal of Social Sciences Research | Vol. 4, No. 1, 2016 ISSN 1350-4673 http://fssh-journal.org

HEALTH AND WELL-BEING IN OLD AGE: THE PERTINENCE OF A GENDER MAINSTREAMING APPROACH IN RESEARCH PASQUALINA PERRIG-CHIELLO SARA HUTCHISON Institute of Psychology, University of Berne, Berne , Switzerland

Abstract The demographic and societal changes of the past decades, such as longevity and improvements in public health, have created new and often very distinct realities for men and women. However, these diversities have only marginally and fragmentally been the topic of research endeavours. There is a growing awareness of the societal phenomenon ‘feminization of old age’, yet the topic and its psychosocial and health-related consequences have not attracted the scientific interest they deserve. Due to scientific neglects and limitations, state of the art research in the field of gender, health and ageing is still sketchy and often contradictory. In the present article, the complex pattern of roles and values that define what is thought of as ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ and its significant impact on health-related lifestyles will be examined. Based on current research, we try to give answers to questions such as: ‘Do older women really have more physical and mental health problems than older men, or are these findings influenced by a gender bias, due to a different awareness and understanding of health and illness?’ It will be shown that it is impossible to find satisfactory answers to such questions without considering the cultural and social contexts of the individuals studied. The inclusion of gender as a social reality in the broadest sense is therefore an absolute prerequisite for gaining valid information. Conclusion: Gender has played only a marginal role in the hitherto existing geriatric and gerontological research and practice. Therefore, a gender-fair approach in research and practice is indicated, i.e. an approach that takes into account differences and commonalities of women and men and considers their differing circumstances and specific problems (gender mainstream). Gender mainstreaming entails on the one hand horizontal justice (denoting equal treatment and benefits for equal needs of men and women) and on the other hand vertical justice (indicating differential treatment and benefits for differential needs of the 2 sexes).

Keywords: Health well-being, gender differences, gender mainstreaming.

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INTRODUCTION The demographic and societal changes of the past decades, such as longevity and improvements in public health, have created new and often very dissimilar realities for men and women. However, these differences have only marginally and fragmentally been the topic of empirical research endeavours. There is, for example, a generally growing awareness of the societal phenomenon ‘feminization of old age’, yet the topic and its psychosocial and health-related consequences have not attracted the scientific interest they deserve [1]. It is noteworthy that even until a few decades ago, the majority of geriatric and gerontological studies were oriented towards male standards without taking into consideration gender effects [2, 3] . Even though subsequent studies increasingly began to focus on differences between women and men, they referred mainly to the biological sex of a person rather than to the gender. Due to these scientific neglects and limitations, state of the art research in the field of gender, health and ageing is sketchy and often enough contradictory [4, 5] . The reasons for the higher life expectancy of women are as yet unclear, as are the reasons for their higher rate of morbidity and health complaints. In the present article, the complex pattern of roles and values that define what is thought of as ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ and its significant impact on health-related lifestyles will be examined. Evidence from empirical findings of various longitudinal studies on ageing suggests that a well-balanced gender role identity such as androgyny could be a fundamental prerequisite for successful ageing of men and women. The conclusion strongly advocates a gender mainstreaming approach in research and practice.

DIFFERENCES IN LIFE EXPECTANCY, HEALTH AND WELL-BEING IN MEN AND WOMEN The universal phenomenon of a ‘feminization of society’ with increasing age is mainly due to women’s longer life expectancy (in Switzerland, women’s life expectancy is 84.2 years, while for men it is 79.4 years). Even though there is – as of yet – no conclusive explanation for this difference, one can assume that it is a multicausal phenomenon. A review of the current literature shows that the women’s advantaged mortality profile can be explained by biological, social structural and behavioural factors [6] .

From a biological perspective, there is evidence that women benefit from some protection against mortality. Studies suggest that estrogen helps protect women against heart disease by reducing circulatory levels of harmful cholesterol, whereas testosterone increases low-density lipoprotein [7] . In addition, women have stronger immune systems, in part because testosterone causes immunosuppression [8] . Furthermore, from a genetic perspective, women seem to have an advantage due to the presence of two X chromosomes [9] . Despite this evidence, biological factors alone cannot explain gender differences in mortality, especially since this relationship differs significantly over time and across cultures [6] . Contemporary research has increasingly begun to focus on social, structural and 2

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behavioural factors in attempting to explain the gender gap in life expectancy. It has been estimated that the actual contribution of biological factors to the significantly higher life expectancy of women is approximately 1–2 years [10] . Research has shown that gender-typical risk-avoidance behaviour plays a central role in the explanation of women’s longer life expectancy. It is in accordance with traditional role expectations for women to avoid high-risk behaviour. Men are more exposed to aggressive environments and also more actively seek them out than women (be it in regard to workplace or leisure). Additionally, men are also more inclined to revert to openly aggressive problem-solving strategies that may prove fatal (conflict, war or suicide). These behavioural patterns can already be observed in early childhood and continue into old age. Analogously, women tend to show pronounced illness-avoidance behaviour. In general, women avoid hard drugs, heavy drinking and smoking, and risky sexual behaviour – not least due to their socialization. Men, in comparison, are independently of their age generally much less health conscious [11] . They sleep on average less than 6 h per night, tend not to have breakfast, are more likely to be overweight, eat a less varied diet, and are less informed about the impact of nutrition on health. Women also differ from men with regard to a higher intake of vitamins and supplements, and they tend to have better compliance with their doctor’s medical advice. All in all, it can be said that women invest more time, money and other resources in their health than their male counterparts [5, 12] . The question of whether this gendered behaviour actually arises from gender-specific socialization or if it arises from the biology of sex is a controversial topic [3] . On the one hand, it has been argued that the behavioural differences between men and women are to a large extent laid down in their genome, e.g. since women give birth to children and also are responsible for their later upbringing, their cautiousness would help to propagate their genes [e.g. 13 ]. On the other hand, from a social science perspective, the salience of social role and related social status characteristics has been stressed in accounting for variation in health- and illness-related behaviours [2, 14] . In our view, and taking into account the interconnectedness of the biological and the social factors, it might prove pragmatic to consider that gender encompasses both sex differences and the social constructs that give rise to gender differences [3] .

Paradoxically, women have – despite their higher investment in health – an increased rate of morbidity al ready starting in their middle years. They also have higher rates of physical complaints, anxiety and depression. The lifetime probability of developing a depressive episode is more than twice as high in women than in men (about 26 vs. 12%). The higher rates of depression in women can first be observed in early adulthood and reach a peak in middle age, before dropping in the post-menopausal phase [15, 16] .

Empirical evidence has shown that women have a two-fold risk in comparison to men to be in the group with the highest functional disability in activities of daily living. Women suffer mainly from nonterminal illnesses that have a negative impact on everyday functioning [17] . Not only do old 3

Pasqualina Perrig-Chiello & Sara Hutchison

women in comparison with old men have a higher risk of accidents, falls and reduced functional autonomy, they also have a higher rate of dependency on psychotropic drugs, especially benzodiazepines [12, 18] . Alcohol abuse is the only exception, with men being affected more often than women. In regard to the prevalence of Alzheimer’s disease, it is again women who suffer from higher rates (the question of whether they also have higher incidence rates is still a controversial issue). This results in women constituting the majority of elderly in need of care. For this need to be met, women depend more than men on institutionalized care. They live more often in nursing homes (8 out of 10 inhabitants are female) and have a longer duration of hospital stays.

Men, however, can usually rely on informal help and care [12] .

GENDERED LIVES AND ROLES AS MAIN EXPLANATIONS FOR THE DIFFERENCES The explanations for the different physical and mental health outcomes of men and women are as manifold as those for the differences in life expectancy. One explanation for the higher rates in lifetime prevalence of different diseases in women is the fact that their longer life expectancy is associated with an increased amount of risk factors, i.e. their increased multimorbidity is a direct consequence of their higher age. The ‘supplementary’ years of women concern the age over 80 years, an age that is known to be the beginning of increased vulnerability (e.g. the incidence of dementia increases remarkably after age 80 years). According to this explanation, women are not more ill because of their sex per se, but to a significant degree also because of their higher life expectancy. Furthermore, the higher life expectancy of women is also associated with a higher probability of negative life events, such as widowhood or the loss of loved ones [2] . A further explanation is the differential reporting of health and well-being in men and women [1] . As research on women’s health has been able to show over the past years, the gender-associated rates of morbidity and complaints described here do not reflect ‘true’ prevalences. A closer look reveals that most of these ‘facts’ actually turn out to be artefacts. For example, it has been shown that a reporting bias can distort data on health and gender, as women tend to have a more holistic understanding of health, while men define health through performance and efficiency and tend to deny and underreport negative feelings [19] . This difference between men and women has a direct impact on medical treatment, and an indirect one on health costs. Somatic illnesses are more frequently diagnosed in men than in women, whereas for psychosomatic illnesses the pattern is reversed. This, of course, has an influence on the prescription of drugs – there is an overmedication of women (especially older women) regarding psychotropic drugs and especially tranquilizers; 70% of all tranquilizers are prescribed to women [20] . The reporting bias described here mirrors the very specific gender role identities men and women still exhibit.

Gender role identity is socially construed. Traditionally, instrumental or agentic behaviour (i.e. the ability to actively shape one’s life, be assertive, 4

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and pursue one’s goals) has been associated with being male, and expressive or communal behaviour has been associated with being female [21] . In our society, the socialization of men still emphasizes instrumental abilities such as goal orientation, assertiveness, action orientation and dominance incidentally the criteria by which psychiatry and psychology define positive mental health. Women’s socialization, however, stresses expressive traits like empathy, emotionality, helpfulness and sensitivity – attributes which are associated with higher vulnerability in psychology and psychiatry. As we know from research, expressivity has been associated with higher rates of morbidity in men and women [22] . However, expressivity can also been interpreted as an asset. In general, women tend to have better social networks than men, and can therefore rely on more social support in difficult times. Women are more likely to confide in others, are more empathetic, and they are more receptive to offers of help. For men, the opposite is often the case. High instrumentality (‘masculinity’) may result in men choosing radical and dysfunctional coping strategies (such as excessive drinking or even actual suicide) in case of a severe loss or health problem [23] . This comes especially to bear in old age, when in addition to the increased general vulnerability there are no more moderating roles like the role as employee and there is a widespread lack of social networks. The exponentially rising suicide rates of men older than 70 serve to illustrate this point. While the suicide rates of women (deaths by suicide per 100,000 inhabitants in Switzerland in 2007) show only a slight increase from 23 suicides at age 65– 84 years to 41 at age 85 and over, the suicide rates of men rise from 53 at age 65–84 years to 140 at age 85 and over [24] .

Such observations have led some researchers to consider whether masculinity could actually be hazardous for one’s health, a hypothesis that was tested by Lippa et al. [25] . They examined how masculinity – as assessed in a sample of 654 men and 210 women from the famous Terman’s longitudinal study at age 30 years (1940) – was related to mortality 60 years later (2000). Masculinity measures included gender diagnosticity scores, measuring the male or female typicality of occupational preferences and masculinity-femininity scores from the Strong Vocational Interest Blank.

The results suggest that higher rates of masculinity, in males and females, were associated with higher mortality rates at any given age. This effect remained significant even when health behaviour and personality factors were controlled for [25] . Taken together, we can conclude that an inflexible and tenacious commitment to either female or male roles is detrimental to health and well-being.

ANDROGYNY: A FUNDAMENTAL PREREQUISITE FOR SUCCESSFUL AGEING? Evidence points to the possibility that a substantial amount of the observed socialization-based gender differences may reflect cohort effects.

Results from the Basel Longitudinal Study of Ageing [26] can be interpreted in this direction. In this prospective study, an initial sample of 6,000 persons 5

Pasqualina Perrig-Chiello & Sara Hutchison

(workers and employees of chemical industries in Basel) was followed over 40 years. Of the 3,768 persons who were still alive, 848 persons were randomly selected and invited to participate in the study (this restriction was made due to the complex and expensive design of the study). A total of 442 persons aged 65–94 years (312 males, 132 females, mean age: 75 years) agreed to participate and were tested in 1993. This study is interesting insofar as the women of this sample differ from traditional women samples in ageing studies. All of them were previously employed, holding multiple roles for many years. According to the results, in old age these women did not differ significantly from their male counterparts with regard to objective and subjective health, psychological well-being and functional autonomy.

They also did not differ from the men with regard to healthrelated behaviour; they had neither a higher consumption of medications, nor did they have a higher rate of medical consultations. This stands in clear contrast to the findings usually reported in literature. One reason for the results of the Basel study could be that these women had to develop certain instrumental attributes (task-focussed thinking, self-confidence, assertiveness – all abilities that are decisive in work and interpersonal relationships) to hold their ground in a male-dominated environment (chemical industry) over the decades of their employment. The non-traditional gender role orientation of these women thus combined the strength of both gender roles: a social focus (reciprocally supportive relationships and a balance between interests of self and others) and active coping strategies.

It has indeed been shown in several studies that individuals who score high on both instrumental and expressive traits report better subjective health and show better health-related behaviour than other individuals [27– 29] . Furthermore, there is empirical evidence that mental health is best achieved by maintaining a balance between masculine and feminine qualities. In literature, a wellbalanced identity combining the virtues of both genders (feminine and masculine traits) has been referred to as androgyny [30] . There is increasing empirical evidence from gerontological research that androgyny could be a core competence for successful ageing. One example comes from the Bonn Longitudinal Study on Ageing reported by Fooken and Rott [31] . The authors looked at gender-specific patterns of health aspects and of central ‘commitments’ (i.e. internal resources) at the onset of old age as predictors of advanced longevity. It was assumed that cross-gender attributes have a positive impact on life expectancy.

Accordingly, theoretical conceptions were tested via structural equation modeling using empirical data of 202 men and women who had lived to a minimum age of 70 years and whose final age at death is known. Indeed, ‘interpersonal commitment’ (empathetic and value-oriented social commitment, a rather typical feature of psychological femininity) proved to be a substantial pre dictor for male longevity, whereas ‘transpersonal com mit ment’ (purposeful investment in social relations, a rather typical feature of psychological masculinity) played the same role for women. These results have been interpreted as a way of ‘androgynous competence’, which turns 6

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out to be a successful life approach at the beginning of old age in order to become very old.

These results emphasize once more that biological sex by itself is not sufficient to explain certain differences between men and women. The necessity of including sociobiographical variables in empirical research cannot be disregarded any longer.

CONCLUSIONS AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS Even though biological differences are undoubtedly relevant for explaining the differences in life expectancy and health of men and women, too much emphasis has been placed on them in the past. The sociocultural context has a much stronger influence on the life expectancy and health biographies of men and women. Gender-based inequalities that have developed over the lifespan cumulate in old age and determine differences in health status and well-being. As most illnesses associated with old age are chronic and determined considerably by social factors, lifestyles and health behaviours, there is substantial potential for preventive measures. Gender has played only a marginal role in the hitherto existing geriatric and gerontological research and practice. Therefore, a gender-fair approach in research and practice would be indicated, i.e. an approach that takes into account differences and commonalities of women and men and considers their differing circumstances and specific problems (gender mainstream).

Gender mainstreaming entails on the one hand horizontal justice (denoting equal treatment and benefits for equal needs of men and women) and in addition vertical justice (indicating differential treatment and benefits for differential needs of the 2 sexes). Differential treatment of the sexes could for example comprise the following: • For women: investment in a socialization that emphasizes self-efficacy and instrumentality, and questioning of external norms, additionally, networks against loneliness, easing of the burden of caretaking, and preventive measures against dementia, falls and fractures. • For men: prevention of unhealthy lifestyles at an early age, encouraging self-disclosure, claiming of professional (medical, psychological) help at an early stage, gender-fair assessment of depression.

From everything mentioned here, it becomes evident that gender mainstreaming requires an inter- and transdisciplinary approach. Gender is not only a neglected, but also a highly complex construct that cannot be allotted to one single discipline. In view of the complexity of the issue, it is frustrating to see that the majority of scientific work carried out so far was mainly mono-disciplinary, but also to a large extent descriptive and rather theory poor. As a consequence, we are faced with the impossibility of grasping the complex underlying causes and mechanisms of gender, health and ageing. However, in order to enable optimal age- and genderappropriate assessment, prevention and intervention, there is a need for indepth multi-causal innovative approaches.

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Wiesbaden, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006.

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Gorman GK, Read JG: Why men die younger than women. Geriatrics Aging 2007; 10: 182–191.

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Craig R, Shelton N: Healthy lifestyles, knowledge attitudes and behaviour. Leeds, National Center for Social Research, 2008.

Swiss Federal Office of Health: Fokusbericht Gender und Gesundheit; in Schweizerische Eidgenossenschaft BfG. Bern, Swiss Federal Office of Health, 2008.

Olshansky SJ, Carnes BA, Butler R: If humans were built to last. Sci Am 2001; 284: 50–55.

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Burt VK, Hendrick VC: Clinical manual of women’s mental health.

Arlington, American Psychiatric, 2005.

Nolen-Hoeksema S: Gender differences in depression; in Gotlib IH, Hammen CL (eds): Handbook of Depression. New York, Guilford, 2002, pp 492–509.

Strauss E, Agüero-Torres H, Kareholt I, Winblad B, Fratiglioni L: Women are more disabled in basic activities of daily living than men only in very advanced ages: a study on disability, morbidity, and mortality from the Kungsholmen project. J Clin Epidemiol 2003; 56: 669–677.

Simoni-Wastila L: The use of abusable prescription drugs: the role of gender. J Womens Health Gend Based Med 2000; 9: 289–297.

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19. Oksuzyan A, Juel K, Vaupel JW, Christensen K: Men: good health and high mortality; sex differences in health and aging. Aging Clin Exp Res 2008; 20: 91–102.

20. Swiss Federal Office of Statistics: Beruhigungsmittelkonsum (consumption of tranquilizers). www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/de/index/ infothek/lexikon/bienvenue_login/blank/zugang_lexikon.Document.

118180.xls (accessed 11 March, 2009).

21. Spence J, Buckner C: Instrumental and expressive traits, trait stereotypes, and sexist attitudes: What do they signify? Psychol Women Q 2000; 24: 44–63.

22. Lippa RA: Gender, Nature, and Nurture. Mahwah, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002.

23. Kivim‫ن‬ki M, Vahtera J, Elovainio M, Lillrank B, Kevin MV: Death or illness of a family member, violence, interpersonal conflict, and financial difficulties as predictors of sickness absence: longitudinal cohort study on psychological and behavioral links. Psychosom Med 2002; 64: 817– 825.

24. Swiss Federal Office of Statistics: Sterbeflle und Sterbeziffern wichtiger Todesursachen, nach Alter und Geschlecht (deaths and mortality rates according to causes, age, and sex). www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/de/ index/themen/14/02/04/key/01.html (accessed 1 April, 2009).

25. Lippa RA, Martin LR, Friedman HS: Gender-related individual differences and mortality in the Terman Longitudinal Study: is masculinity hazardous to your health? Pers Soc Psychol Bull 2000; 26: 1560–1570.

26. Perrig-Chiello P, Staehelin HB: Frauen und Gesundheit im Alter: Objektive und subjektive Gesundheit und Gesundheitsverhalten von pensionierten Arbeiterinnen und Angestellten (Women and health in old age: objective and subjective health and health behaviour of retired female workers and employees). Z Gerontopsychol Psychiatr 1996; 9:195–205.

27. Baffi CR, Redican KJ, Sefchick MK, Impara JC: Gender role identity, gender role stress, and health behaviors: an exploratory study of selected college males. Health Values 1991; 15: 9–18.

28. Evans RI, Turner SH, Ghee KL, Getz JG: Is androgynous sex role related to cigarette smoking in adolescents? J Appl Soc Psychol 1990; 20: 494– 505.

29. Shifren K, Bauserman RL: The relationship between instrumental and expressive traits, health behaviors, and perceived physical health. Sex Roles 1996; 34: 841–864.

30. Woodhill BM, Samuels CA: Positive and negative androgyny and their relationship with psychological health and well-being. Sex Roles 2003; 48: 555–565.

31. Fooken I, Rott C: Geschlechtstypische Wege in die Langlebigkeit? Zum differentiellen Stellenwert von Ressourcen, Risiken und Resilienz bei über 70 jhrigen M‫ن‬nnern und Frauen (Gender-specific ways to a long 9

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life? About the differential significance of resources, risks, and resilience in men and women older than 70). Z Med Psychol 2000; 9: 27–36.

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CHINESE CULTURAL IDENTIFICATION OF OVERSEAS ETHNIC CHINESE AND THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT HAN RUIHUI Humanities School, Jinan University, Zhuhai, Guangdong Province, China

Abstract The paper analyses the cultural identification of overseas Chinese immigrant. Samuel P. Huntington believed the cultural collision was dangerous, but the paper tires to prove that the Chinese cultural identification of the overseas ethnic Chinese is the foundation of sustainable development. It investigates the issue in the perspective of Robert E. Park’s immigrant theory of four-part cycle and study on the immigrant press, and principles of ecology. The examples in history show that the inequality of nationalities and arbitrary disruption to the cultural identification would result in the social instability or even disasters. Complying with the principles of immigrant social system would get fruitful results. So the Chinese cultural identification of ethnic Chinese would maintain the sustainable development of both the Chinese immigrant groups and the host countries rather than cause the cultural collision.

Keywords: Chinese immigrant, development, four-part cycle theory.

cultural

identification,

sustainable

INTRODUCTION American scholar Samuel P. Huntington believed that in the new world, the most popular, important and dangerous collision was not between the classes, the rich and the poor, or the groups divided by economy, but the peoples which featured by the different cultures. (Samuel P. Huntington, 1998) The Chinese immigrant is most numerous in the different groups of immigrant of the world. In September 2011, Annual Report on Overseas Chinese Study (2011), which was published by Huaqiao University and Scientific Literature Publishing House, showed that the Chinese immigrants were more than four million and five hundred thousand until 2009, and until 2011, the sum of Chinese immigrant increased to 45.43 million and was ranked the first in the world. (Qiu, J., 2011).

The increasing of Chinese immigrant brings Chinese culture to the host counties and enriches the cultural communication. But at the same time, the 11

Han Ruhui

collision of the civilizations would also happen during the course according to the theory of Samuel P. Huntington. So how to consider and cope with the cultural identity of Chinese immigrant becomes an important issue. Can the cultural identity of Chinese immigrant do good for the harmony and stability of the host counties? Or can it do harm to those of the host counties?

Sustainable development, a concept of ecology at first and later used in the sociology, which was brought up in 1972, is a criterion to judge such questions, for it is the basic requirement of the scientific development and economic growth in modern world. The paper will examine the cultural identity of Chinese immigrant in the perspective of sustainable development.

In old China, lots of Chinese went abroad to seek the chance to live and work as labors, because of the famine due to the opium, crop failure and chaos caused by war. In modern times, the Chinese immigrants are mainly the skilled immigration or investment immigration.

Not only the sum of the Chinese immigrant is the most in the world, but also the provinces where the Chinese immigrants come from become more in contemporary times. Chinatowns and the overseas Chinese mass medias increased in recent years rapidly. Take the Chinese immigrant in Australia for example, before 1990s, the immigrants were mainly came from the Guangdong province and Fujian province, but after that time, the immigrants come from almost all over China. In Australian city such as Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane, there are famous Chinatowns and Chinese mass medias. More Chinese immigrants become naturalised Australians. “ 80%-90% of the Chinese students got the permanent residence in 1978. In 1997, the government of Australia ruled that the immigrant scholars (overseas students) who got the permanent residence had the qualification to apply for the Australian nationality.” (Chen, J., 2007) Besides, Chinese culture has more influence in modern times. According to the Chinese food communication of America in June 2006, there were almost 40 thousand Chinese restaurants in America, more than the combined total of McDonald’s, Wendy’s and Burger King of the world. Most of the clients of such restaurants were not ethnic Chinese. According to the report of the American association of restaurants in 2000, Italian, Mexican and Chinese food became the mainstream food in America. (Liu, M., 2008) The Chinatowns all over the world play a great role to spread the Chinese culture and are the main bases for the new Chinese immigrant. The Chinese immigrant would still inherit the Chinese values and culture became of the family influence, although they are not able to speak in Chinese in the language environment of the host counties.

In the past century, it witnessed the different attitudes and measurements to Chinese immigrant, such as rejection, forcing assimilation or muti-cultural policy etc., and all had the different results.

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LITERATURE REVIEW 1. The previous research on the Chinese immigrant cultural identification There are 133 results by searching in the CNKI (China National Knowledge Infrastructure) with the theme key word “cultural identification”.

Most of the papers are in the fields of science of public administration (60 results), the world Literature (16 results), culture (14 results), and focus on the cultural identification of Chinese immigrant in Southeast Asia and America. The papers study on the theme in the perspective of religion, literature and economy etc besides the pure study on the theme.

The paper study on the perspective of religion such as Research on the Ethnic Chinese Zion in America: a Case study of the Chinese Community in Boston considers that the ethnic Chinese Zion, Chinese mass media and Chinese language school are the top three contents of the Chinese community in America. (Wan, X., 2010). The paper Religious Identification: the Spiritual Support for the Ethnic Chinese Harmonious Coexistence discusses the value of the religion for the identification of ethnic Chinese.

(Yu, X. & Zhang, Y., 2011).

The papers analyze the ethnic Chinese cultural identification in the perspective of Chinese community include The Cultural Identification of Philippine Ethnic Chinese and Chinese Community, etc. The paper investigates the historical and contemporary condition of Chinese Community in Philippines and provides valuable historical material. (Liu, B., 2002) The paper The Economic Role and Cultural Identification of Ethnic Chinese in the Countries of South Pacific discusses some economic phenomena of Ethnic Chinese in the countries of South Pacific, which shows the economic activities of ethnic Chinese are intertwined with the local residents, and the culture of ethnic Chinese is fused with the economic activities and indigenous culture. (Yun, D., 1994) The paper Culture Identity of “Banana Men” in Chinese American Literature analyzes the cultural identification in the perspective of literature.

By investigating the abandonment, inheritance and identification of Chinese culture in literature works, the paper considers the ethnic Chinese are a special group, who are fluctuating among different cultures and seeking for the cultural identity. (Zhang, J., 2011) The precious research on cultural identification of Chinese immigrant provides many materials for the paper. From those papers mentioned above it can be concluded that the phenomenon of cultural identification of Chinese immigrant is very popular in the world and plays an significant role in the world of the ethnic Chinese.

2. The theory of sustainable development Sustainable development is very hot in the academic circle in recent years. It would find 2, 945 results by searching in the CNKI with the title key word “ sustainable development society” . The earliest paper appeared in the 13

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searching results is in 1993, and the papers about the issue increased by years. From 2005 until now, there were 130 papers or so every year. It would find that the papers are mainly in the fields of macroeconomic management (128 results), environmental science (86 results), reform of the economic system (67 results), agricultural economy (39 results) and business economy (37 results).

The research field of the sustainable development which is most related to the paper is sociology (22 results). In the published papers, it would find those can be divided into two categories.

The first category is from the perspective of the external environment, such as the city image and the community construction. The paper The Construction of City Image and the Sustainable Development of City Economic Society (Zhou, C. & Feng, Z. & Zhao, G., 1998), Accelerating the Community Building and Promoting the Social Sustainable Development (Guo, C., 1998), Research on the Sustainable Development in the Perspective of the Relationship between Human and Nature (Zhang, H., 1997 ) The second category is from the perspective of the human group, such as The Livelihood Recovery and Sustainable Development in the View of Social Activity Theory: Taking the Immigrant Village in Haixi District of Qinghai Province (Sui, Y. & Chen, S., 2012 ), The Research on the Relationship between the Education for the Female and Chinese Social Sustainable Development (Kong, C., 1997), Female Characteristic and Its Function in the Social Sustainable Development (Shi, C., 2002), Weak-mind and Poverty: Two Obstacles for the Social Sustainable Development in Midwest Area in China (Xi, H., 1997).

3. The research on the cultural identification of Chinese Immigrant in the perspective of sustainable development However, it could not get any search result by the thematic key word “ cultural identification of Chinese immigrant” in the search results of thematic key word “ sustainable development” in CNKI. That is to say there is no paper focuses on the relationship between cultural identification of Chinese Immigrant and sustainable development in CNKI. 4. Related theory to justify with the research Sustainable development is a concept of ecology at first, and later it is used in the field of economy and sociology, for human society has the characteristics of ecological system. Some ecological theories, such as selfregulation principle and systematic integrity principle, can be applied into the research of the cultural identification of Chinese immigrant.

American sociologist Robert E. Park researched on the foreign immigrants by the ecological theories in early 20th century. It witnessed the immigrant flow in the end of the 19th century and 20th century in America, especially in the second largest city Chicago. With the numerous immigrants flowing into America, serious social disordered state happened, as a result, a 14

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dispute of whether the immigrant can be assimilated into American culture and whether a large number of immigrants can be approved to get into America was brought forward. Robert E. Park investigated not only the immigrant community, but also the foreign immigrant newspaper because of his earlier experience as a journalist. He put up the theory of four-part cycle of contact, competition, accommodation and assimilation, which was applied into the ecological study previously, for the immigrant cultural identification.

Park’s theory can be used into the analysis of the cultural identification of Chinese immigrant. The two fields involved by Park, immigrant community and immigrant newspaper, are also the important features of Chinese immigrant.

The concept of sustainable development was formally used in the report of Brundtland Commission Our Common Future in 1987 mainly as an ecological concept. Now the content of the concept has three aspects: ecological aspect, social aspect and economic aspect. In order to achieve the result of sustainable development, it is necessary to abide by the fairness principle, sustainability principle and intercommunity principle.

METHODOLOGY Just like the ecological system needs sustainable development, the human society, culture and economy also need the sustainable development.

In the following, the paper will examine the cultural identification of Chinese immigrant in the perspective of sustainable development by the theories and requirements mentioned above. The Chinese community and Chinese mass media are the analysis object, because they are the particular embodiments of cultural identification of Chinese important.

RESEARCH ANALYSIS 1. Analyzing cultural identification of Chinese immigrant in the perspective of Park’s theory a. Chinese immigrant community The Chinese immigrant communities appear in many host countries as Chinatowns, which exist in many countries. In Chinatown, the ethnic Chinese can speak in their native language and keep their own culture.

“Chinatown could be said as the miniature of Chinese traditional culture, where the ancient custom, even the backward tradition of mainland of China is kept.” (Pu, R. 2006) Some Chinatowns have existed for hundreds of years, and Chinese culture is well kept in the communities. Just like the biological community, Chinese community is the organic ingredient of the host countries’ culture, having the interactive relationship with the host countries everyday. It also has the function of base of the Chinese immigrant development.

In regard to the immigrant community, Robert E. Park said: “Immigrant communities are likely to include within the circle of their interests and their organization all the interests of life. Every Immigrant community will have a 15

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religious organization—a synagogue, a temple or a church —with its related, often dependent, mutual aid and welfare organization. It will have also its own business enterprises, its clubs, loges, coffee house, restaurants and gathering places, and press. Every immigrant community is likely to have its press in America even if it did not have one in the home country. The immigrant colony is frequently nothing more than a transplanted village, for America has been colonized, actually, not by races or by nationalities, but by villages. “ (R. Park., 1925) The immigrant community works as the bridge between the host countries and homelands for the immigrants, making the immigrants be assimilated to the cities of the host countries more easily. For the mainstream cultures of the cities, the cultures of the immigrant groups are weak. When a new immigrant lives in the new city in the first time, he or she would be involved in the countrymen groups. Park believed that was very beneficial to the new immigrant who could not live well without his or her countrymen (R. Park. & Herbert Miller., 1969). In the process, the city would also keep the order and stability, without any more burden put by the complicated problems of the immigrant, because the immigrant community would help the new immigrant be adapted to the new environment. Park regarded the different groups in the city as coexistence, and investigated the assimilation process of the immigrant in the framework of ecology. The immigrant community would accelerate the process of assimilation of the immigrant rather than slow it.

Compared to the host countries’ mainstream culture, the culture of Chinese immigrant is the weak culture. For example, in Australia and America, the mainstream and strong culture is the white culture, and the Chinese is a kind of marginal culture. However, for the new Chinese immigrants in the countries, joining into the Chinese immigrant community is very beneficial in the initial period for survival and development. In the community, they are more familiar with their native language and culture.

The community also provides the immigrant with initial condition and convenience to communicate and interact with the mainstream culture of the host countries. On the other hand, just like the ecological community, the Chinese immigrant community flourishes the cultural environment of the host countries, for Chinese culture has many values such as diligence, inclusiveness, filial piety and loving peace, etc., which would promote the harmony and stability of the host countries. Besides, the living material featured with Chinese culture would also enrich the material life of the host countries’ people, such as Chinese food. So the Chinese immigrant community plays an important role in the sustainable development of the Chinese immigrant and the host countries.

Park considered that the immigrants minorities would be absorbed into the mainstream society through the four-part cycle of contact, competition, accommodation and assimilation. In the phase of contact, the different ethnic groups begin to contact with each other in the condition that they did not understand each other well previously. In the phase of competition, the 16

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groups compete with each other for the living space, job and political agent, with the stronger solidarity in every group. The groups would accept the differences between each other in the phase of accommodation in order to reduce the conflicts and guarantee the safety. In the phase of accommodation, the groups would be stratified, and that would slow the whole cycle. But the eventual result of the cycle is assimilation of the groups.

(R. Park.& Herbert Miller., 1969. Park’s theory was inspired by ecology and provided a ecological framework to understand the city and immigrant groups. For Park, human being was not different with other creatures, because they all lived in the natural environment. For human being, the natural environment was the community. Park’s theory can also be applied to the study on sustainable development factors of Chinese immigrant community.

Taking Chinatown in Bangkok, Thailand as an example, in hundreds of years, the ethnic Chinese kept the Chinese cultural identification. The most obvious representation of the Chinese identification is their friendliness for Chinese, the Chinese language education, the family memory and the priority they provide for the Chinese countrymen in choosing spouse and employment. (Skinner G W., 1957. The Chinatown and Chinese identification is maintained because “ first, the new Chinese immigrants continue come here and produce new space; second, the space production would carry on with the deepening of the cultural communication. If only the cultural foundation exists, the space production would not be stopped. In addition, the new life style and cultural achievement will also burst into bloom with the space production.” (Xiong, K., 2011).

Even in 13th century, there were Chinese immigrants went to Thailand.

The Chinese immigrant community was formed in the early 20th century.

Before 20th century, the Thai royal family maintained the friendly policy for the Chinese immigrants and encouraged them to become the Thai citizens.

For hundreds of years, the ethnic Chinese contributed greatly to the economic development and social progress.

In the early 20th century, many Chinese women fled to Thailand because of wars in China with the result of the reduction of the marriage between Chinese male immigrants and female Thais, so the connection between the Chinese immigrants and Thais became less. “ The oral historical material indicates that in the earlier stage of the Chinese immigration in Thailand, many of the male immigrant in Bangkok had two wives. One was in China, and another was Thai. The Thai wife had the connection function in the cultural communication. For example, the traditional economy of Thailand was autarkic and the commodity-based economies were rare. The Thai wives of Chinese immigrants would help them to establish the connection with the Thai society and introduce the Chinese commodities to Thai society“. (Xiong, K., 2011).

With the less connection between the Chinese immigrants and Thais, the new Chinese immigrants would live in Chinese community, and they consolidated the internal connections in the ethnic Chinese groups. They 17

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held together to contribute their strength for China because they were worried about their homeland’s fate. All those caused the panic of the Thai royal family and they believed the Chinese immigrants tried to seize the territory and money of Thailand, so the stringent policy was made for the Chinese immigrants with the result of hardship in the Chinese community.

In contemporary times, almost all the ethnic Chinese become nationalised Thais, and the Thai Government adopts tolerant policy for the Chinese community. After living in Thailand for several generations, the ethnic Chinese had already deemed Thai as their native land and they contribute a lot to the Thai economy and society. (Yang, J., 2009) The Chinese community still exists in Thailand, producing the splendid culture and achieving great economic gains for Thailand.

One thing should be made clear is that the cultural identification is different from the political identification, for many ethnic Chinese who had been the nationalised citizens of the host countries would be loyal to the host countries politically. But they would keep the Chinese culture and custom for generations, and that maintains their cultural identity and the Chinese immigrant community.

The Chinese immigrant community in Bangkok has the same function of ecological community. When it was disrupted by wars and stringent policy, it would not flourish, but when the friendly and tolerant policy was enforced, it would act as the base of the new Chinese immigrants for the further assimilation, mainstream the stability and harmony, and contribute greatly to the host countries. For hundreds of years, there were many cultures coexist in Thailand, and they maintained harmonious. That is the preconditioning foundation for the sustainable development, and all those depend on the favorable policy of the Thai government for the immigrant community.

When new Chinese immigrants arrive at the host countries, the Chinese immigrant community would reinforce their cultural identification. What is more important is that the community makes the new identity of the immigrants connect with their old identity, and approves them make their transition to the new society in their native language. For the new immigrants, the community is the temporary campsite, where life is easier for them, for further development. Through the community, the immigrants can improve the effect of mutual help and efficiency. “ The new Chinese immigrants often rely on the ethnic groups to guarantee their political and economic benefit and their safety, and the ethnic groups provide them with main strength to defend against the insult and racial discrimination from other nationalities. “ (Li, Q., 2008) The Chinese immigrant community is an organic system in the host countries and forms the sustainable development mode. Impeding the progress of it will have negative effect for society.

Although in the cycle of assimilation Park mentioned, there is competition between the different ethnic groups, there are rare conflicts. The ultimate goal of the cycle is to eliminate the conflicts and achieve the assimilation. The existence of the Chinese immigrant community and 18

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cultural identification is beneficial to the sustainable development of both the host countries and Chinese immigrants. In the Chinese community, we can see the picture totally different from that described by Samuel P. Huntington in his The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. b. Chinese Immigrant Mass Media The overseas Chinese mass media is as significant as the Chinese immigrant community for the cultural identification. “It experienced the transition from the ‘Chinese immigrants’ mouthpiece’ to the ‘Chinese immigrants’ bridge’, playing an important role in spread of Chinese culture, fighting for the ethnic Chinese right and guiding the off springs of the Chinese immigrants to inherit the Chinese culture. It has particular features in the world media system.” (Yan, C., 2006) Park had the experience as a journalist and that made him focus on the immigrant media in the study of assimilation of the immigrants. He published The Immigrant Press and Its Control in 1922, which discussed the issue in detail. “With a good deal of investigation on the content of the press, Park noticed that even the most marginal presses such as Yiddish and Polish presses would teach the new immigrants how to survive in North America, seldom encouraging the loyalty to the native countries. The immigrant presses helped the immigrant readers to be assimilated to American culture and accelerated the fusion with the mainstream society. Such presses connected the experience of the immigrants with the American urban life.“ (Hu, J., 2008) For Park, the cycle of assimilation was fueled by immigrant press.

Chinese immigrant press appears in almost every host country, even though they do not have the press in their native land. The immigrant press consolidates the Chinese cultural identification on the one hand, on the other hand, it promotes their fusion with the host countries and keeps the stability and harmony of local society.

Taking the Chinese immigrant press in Australia as an example, the earliest Chinese immigrant press in Australia is The Chinese Australian Herald, which was established on September 1, 1894. (Liu, W., 1989) In later Qing Dynasty, the editors and journalists of such Chinese presses were often the scholars came from china, so they commented the events in Australia in the perspective of Chinese tradition, then the cultural collision would happen. For example, they described the girls sold the wine in Australian restaurants and criticized that the phenomenon was abnormal and needed to be changed. (Donghua Newspaper, 1899) At that time, Australian government restricted the Chinese immigrants by some stringent policies, so the Chinese immigrants did not have the plan to live in Australia forever. They would return back to China when they had the better economic situation. As a result, the Chinese immigrant press in Australia paid more attention to the native land than Australia. There were the reports of the orders of the emperor of Qing Dynasty and the submitting 19

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memorials of Chinese officers in the daily newspaper. Because many of the immigrants came from Guangdong, so the Chinese immigrant press would report the Guangdong news in particular detail, especially the harvest and grain price of Guangdong, for if the grain price became higher, the immigrants should remit more money to the family members in native land.

The immigrant press also criticized the Australian policies of discrimination against the Chinese because in later Qing Dynasty the Australian government was one of the governments which enforced the most severe anti-Chinese policy. It is obvious that the Chinese immigrants did not identify with Australia not only in culture but also in politics and economy at that time.

After 1970s, the Chinese immigrant presses increased because the White Australian Policy was over in 1973 and the government initiated the multicultural policy. In 1982, Sing Tao Daily of Hongkong established the Australian edition, and in 1987, The New Paper, which later became the Daily Chinese Herald, was established. In 1988, the weekly newspaper Haichao Paper was established in the second biggest city Melbourne. Since then the Chinese immigrant presses became more and more. “ The Chinese presses in Sydney are so many that the proportion of them in the whole presses of Sydney exceeds the proportion of the Chinese population in the whole population of Sydney, which is one tenth.” (Huang, C., 2009) With the increasing influence of Chinese immigrants, Chinese becomes the second major language. Compared to the old generation of Chinese immigrant, the new generation of Chinese immigrants pay more attention to the political economy of local mainstream society. In the report of the local news, the immigrant presses give full play to the advantages of Chinese language. That makes the Chinese immigrants be assimilated to the local society as early as possible by eliminating the difficulty of language.

Compared to the mainstream mass media in Australia, the Chinese immigrant presses in Australia attach more importance to China. “ The mainstream media in Australia seldom concerns the Chinese culture, and that is not beneficial to the effective communication of Chinese culture.”

(Liu, C., 2011) The Chinese presses in Australia often publish the articles about the Chinese medicine and philosophy, including the reports of great events in China, for example, the Wenchuan Earthquake in 2008 got more reports in Chinese presses than in mainstream presses in Australia.

The condition of Chinese presses in Australia today is similar to the description of Park in his The Immigrant Press and Its Control. At first glance, the immigrant presses seem to hinder the process of assimilation and confine Chinese immigrant because of more reports of China and the using of native language. But in fact, Chinese presses fuel the cycle of assimilation.

Park considered that for the local newspaper, the most popular news was the news about the place the readers were familiar with. The presses in metropolis were for the industrial workers of the immigrants and the groups or foreigners who were the most unfamiliar with American life. In those presses, the reports of the crimes and dramatic life condition replaced the homesick and nostalgic mood. (R. Park., 1922) On the other hand, the 20

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presses would always encourage the new immigrants to learn how to survive and develop in the host countries instead of emphasizing the loyalty to the native lands.

So it can be concluded that the immigrant presses accelerate the process of assimilation by the familiar language of the immigrants. In the course of mass communication, the immigrants become further fused with the host countries organically. If the immigrant community is the ecological community, the immigrant press is the catalyst to accelerate the assimilation process and the lubricant to keep the harmony and order of the immigrant community. At the same time, the cultural identification of the native lands would be consolidated, and the positive values of native lands would be inherited by the next generation in the competition of the ethnic groups.

The Chinese immigrant presses in Australia nowadays tend to focusing the local news and the culture of China in Chinese language. That has the positive effect for both Australia and Chinese immigrant community and promotes the sustainable development. It does not cause the unnecessary political disturbance and conflict because for the Chinese immigrants who are nationalised as Australian citizens, they are loyal to Australia in politics, although they identify with Chinese culture.

2. Evaluating the cultural identification of Chinese Immigrant in the perspective of principles of ecology Park believed that the concepts and theories could be applied to the urban study, because the urban has the same phenomenon of coexist as the living nature has. The human groups must try to compete with each other for the place to survive and reproduce just as the biological populations does. So some of the principles of ecology can be used in the analysis of sustainable development of human society. Self-regulation principle and systematic integrity principle are two important features of ecological system, and the human society has the same features.

Self-regulation principle means that the healthy ecosystem all has the self-feedback mechanism to realize the self-regulation in order to adapt to the change of the environment. Human groups have the same function that can keep the characteristic of self-regulation. In the assimilation cycle Park mentioned, the ethnic groups restrain mutually so as to avoid the disorder of the whole system and keep the normal function of it.

Systematic integrity principle means that the ecosystem appears in specific time and space, and is an orderly and integrate system which has certain function with the mutual connection and restraint it. Any abnormal development of its parts or irrational changes of it will result in the deconstruction of the systematic integrity. Human activities should respect the reasonable structure of the ecosystem but not reverse it. Human groups also form an integrate system, which has the same function and structure, and any change of the part of the system would cause the collapse of the whole.

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It has witnessed many of cases of perverse acts on human groups in history, such as Hitler’s rejection and the holocaust against Jews, which could not optimize the race but brought the tremendous disaster for human world, and the racial segregation policy in South Africa in last century, which could not give rise to the benign development but incurred the serious social disturbance and wealth gap, and the great rate of crime. In 1968, the American National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders believed that the blacks’ ghetto caused by racial segregation was one important reason of the poverty of Afro-Americans, and that American society was not going to the fusion but to the two societies divided by the economic status and geographic breakup. (National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders., 1968). The contemporary Afro-Americans still suffer from the poverty caused by the segregation. “ The increase of the rate of poverty in a isolated group will deteriorate the environment of the whole community, and that will increase the possibility of the individual economic failure. Segregation has the direct effect on the rise of the blacks’ ghettos, that makes the individual Afro-American would face the failure no matter how about his or her social economic characteristic or family background. It would not only make the poverty be inherited by next generation, but also make the poverty be transmitted from one to many others. Segregation is the main structural factors of the long existence of city underground.” (Hu, J., 2004) All those can be regarded as the attempts to disrupt the function of the human social system and as a result the sustainable development was hindered, and the poverty and unfairness would be rampant.

Many countries have noticed such situation and changed the previous policies in contemporary times, and that have achieved fruitful results. “ Looking around the muti-ethnic countries in the world, we can find that in the countries which adopt muticultural policies and emphasize the equality of nationalities, the ethnic relationship is harmonious, and the political situation is stable, and the economy develops swiftly. On contrast, those countries which are full of inequality of nationalities and do not follow the multicultural policies are filled with the ethnic conflicts, political instability and deteriorated economic situation.” (Tang, P., 2001) Taking Indonesia as an example, in 1928, a youth conference pledged to work for “ one nation, one language, one people” for Indonesia, and in 1963, a conference took place in Djakarta and alleged that they wanted to build a integrated nation without national minority with the pledge of “ one nation, one language, one people” be emphasized. After Suharto government came to power in 1966, further policy measures were adopted to assimilate the Chinese immigrant. Such forcing assimilation policy made the Chinese immigrants were discriminated even their political identities were Indonesian. The violences against the Chinese immigrants happened occasionally, of which the most serious one was the commotion in May, 1988. The commotion caused the huge lose of life and property of Chinese immigrants, and that resulted in the standing down of Suharto. Then Wahid government came to power, and that government tried to recover the 22

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confidence of Chinese immigrants and improve the relationship with other countries of Asia. “The existence and development of Chinese culture flourished the Indonesian culture, which was beneficial to the development of Indonesia.“ (Tang, P. 2001 ) In 1950 and 1960, the theory of melting pot was popular in America.

According to the theory, the national minority must be assimilated to the main ethnic groups. At that time, the forcing assimilation policy of Suharto government was based on that theory. However, the policy was not in favorable to the stability and development of Indonesia. The multicultural policy values every culture and permits the free development of them so as to promote the prosperity of the culture, which is a potential for the whole country.

Another example is the policy for the Chinese immigrant in Malaysia.

The United Malays National Organisation was established on May 11, 1946.

Under its administration, the government of Malaysia adopted a series of policies for the Chinese immigrants. Although the policies were moderate, they had the obvious discrimination against Chinese immigrants. The policies confirmed the special status and privileges of Malaysian in constitution, ensured the dominant position of Malaysian politically, and restricted the Chinese language education to some extent. (He, X., 2004) The policies resulted in the widened breach between Malaysian and Chinese immigrants, and the racial riot on May 13, 1969. After the riot, Malaysian government drew lessons from it and relaxed the policies for Chinese immigrants, which achieved fruitful results. “The ethnic relationship in Malaysia could not prove the theory of Samuel P. Huntington. On the contrary, it proved that the coexist of diverse cultures and ethnic groups was totally possible.” (He, X., 2004) It is obvious that the multicultural provide the positive energy for society. For example, after 1970s, the Australian government ended the White Australia Policy and adopted the multicultural policy, which conformed to the self-regulation and systematic integrity principles. That does not incur the breach between ethnic groups but promotes the stability and order. It also reduces the social poverty and achieves the generational equality. Besides, the benign development of ethnic groups provides the efficient path for the solution of disputes between the countries, and the public diplomacy is practiced mainly by the immigrants and can promote the mutual understanding between two peoples and amicable relations. All those follow up with the requirement of the sustainable development.

CONCLUSION The relationship between the Chinese immigrant groups and the local aboriginal people has the obvious characteristics of ecology. In the perspective of ecology, it would find that the immigrant groups have the function of sustainable development. Park’s theory of cycle assimilation cycle indicates that the cultural identification of Chinese immigrant would maintain the stability and harmony of both the host countries and the 23

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immigrant community. The immigrant community of ethnic Chinese can help the new immigrant adapt to the environment soon, and with the competition between the ethnic groups, the Chinese cultural identification may be consolidated, but that does not mean the Chinese immigrant would be isolated from the local society more, on the contrary, the Chinese immigrant would be assimilated to the host countries sooner because of the favorable condition the immigrant community provides. During that course, the immigrant community and the local society become the integrated and organic unit just like the ecological system.

The Chinese mass media, especially the Chinese press, fuels the assimilation into the host countries and Chinese cultural identification at the same time. It not only provides the information in the local society of host countries, but also spreads the Chinese culture and flourishes the culture of host countries.

Human society has the features of self-regulation principle and systematic integrity principle just like the ecological system does. Complying with the principles would get fruitful results, and arbitrary disruption to the social system would lead to disaster. History demonstrated that the racial segregation, inequality of nationalities, forcing assimilation, etc., and all those were the damages to the social instability. Muticultural policy can promote the social harmony and economic development. Cultural identification of Chinese immigrant is indispensable and plays an important role in the social sustainable development of host countries, besides, it brings some positive energy for the local culture and makes the culture of host countries more colorful. Samuel P. Huntington’s theory of cultural collision cannot be proved in the course.

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2011 (3), 40-41 Liu, M. The Chinese Catering Services and Cultural Identification in America. Overseas Chinese History Study. 2008 (1), 12-22 Liu, W. The history of Chinese Immigrant in Australia. Taibei: Xingdao Publishing House, 1989. 99 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders.Report ofthe National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. New York:Bantam Books, 1968.1 Pu, R. The Narration of “ China Town” in the Fiction of Americans of Chinese Origin. Journal of Shenzhen University. 2006 (2).48-52 Qiu, J. Annual Report on Overseas Chinese Study (2011), The Social Science Literature Publishing House, 2011. 23 R. Park & Herbert Miller. Old World Traits Transplanted.New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969. 506 R. Park &Herbert Miller. Old World Traits Transplanted.New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969. 119-144 R. Park. Community Organization and the Romantic Temper. Journal of Social Forces. Vol. 3，No. 4 (May, 1925), 673-667 R. Park.The Immigrant Press and Its Control.New York: Harper & Brother Publishers, 1922. 109 Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of World Order. Xinhua edition. 1998. 8 Shi, C. Female Characteristic and Its Function in the Social Sustainable Development. Social Science and Economic Information. December 20, 2002.118-120.

Skinner G W. Chinese Society in Thailand: an Analytical Study. Ithacca: Cornel U. Press, 1957.30 Sui, Y. & Chen, S. The Livelihood Recovery and Sustainable Development in the View of Social Activity Theory: Taking the Immigrant Village in Haixi District of Qinghai Province. Qinghai Nationalities Study. 2012 (4). 76-79 Tang, P. From the Assimilation Policy to the Multcultural Policy: Discussion on the Changing of the Indonesian Government Policy for the Chinese Immigrants. Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies. 2001 (6). 54-59 Wan, X. The Research on the Ethnic Chinese Zion in America: a Case Study of Community in Boston. World Religion Study. 2010（1）84-94

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Xi, H. Weak-mind and Poverty: Two Obstacles for the Social Sustainable Development in Mid-west Area in China. Journal of Northwest University. 1997 (2). 11-17 Xiong, K., The Space Produce and Ethnic Culture Communication in Chinatown of Bangkok. Journal of Kunming University. 2011 (5).8992 Yan, C. Research on Overseas Chinese Media&Overseas Chinese Cultural Identification” Lianhe Zaobao” in Early this Century as the Case. PhD Thesis. Sichuan University.2006, 1 Yang, J. A Study on Chinese Society in Thailand according to the Policies of Thailand Government. Master Thesis. Hebei Normal University.

2009. 1 Yu, X. & Zhang, Y. Religious Identification: the Spiritual Support for the Ethnic Chinese Harmonious Coexistence. Journal of Huaqiao University. 2011（1）15-20 Yun, D. The Economic Role and Cultural Identification of Ethnic Chinese in the Countries of South Pacific. Historical Research on the Ethnic Chinese. 1994（3)，46-51 Zhang, H. Research on the Sustainable Development in the Perspective of the Relationship between Human and Nature. World Forestry Study.

1997 (4). 51-56 Zhang, J. Culture Identity of “ Banana Men” in Chinese American Literature.

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International Journal of Social Sciences Research | Vol. 4, No. 1, 2016 ISSN 1350-4673 http://fssh-journal.org

ANALYSIS OF COHESION AND ALTRUISM AMONG ORGANIZATION MEMBERS: THE CASE OF TANOH RINCONG STUDENT ASSOCIATION ADAM ANDANI MOHAMMED (PhD)* MD SAYED UDDIN (PhD Candidate)* NURULWAHIDA SAAD (PhD Candidate)* IYAD M. Y EID (PhD Candidate)* QONITAH BASALAMAH (PhD Candidate)** *Department of Sociology and Anthropology International Islamic University Malaysia **University of Indonesia

Abstract This paper examined the influence of group dynamics in terms of cohesion and altruism on members of Tanoh Rincong Student Association (TARSA).

This was with the view to determining how these two interpersonal relationship dimensions contribute to the social effectiveness and collaboration of members in this association of Indonesia students in the International Islamic University Malaysia. The study adopted survey research design. The instrument utilized for this study was a structured 18item questionnaire. The Spearmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rho correlation and Mann-Whitney statistical methods were utilized to determine the relationship between cohesion and altruism as well as the difference of those dimensions in terms of the participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; role and position in the organization. The findings of the study revealed that there was a moderately positive relationship between cohesion and altruism among the TARSA members (p = >0.05). A significant difference of cohesion score was not found between TARSA committee and TARSA members (p = >0.05). However, there was a significant difference in altruism scores between the two member groups (p = <0.05). Though a significant relationship between the two dimensions was not found, item analysis indicated a high level of commitment among the members towards the cause of TARSA and a high sense of brotherhood and compassion for each other. This study may therefore conclude that cohesion and altruism are factors that help foster a positive attitude and collective action that could promote cordial interpersonal relations and thus the success of the organization.

Keywords: Group dynamics, cohesion, altruism, interpersonal relationship and organizational goal.

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Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

INTRODUCTION Members of organizations or associations are organized to address, major ongoing functions or tasks assigned. The membership of such organizations is often based on the official position of each member and the interpersonal processes that take place (Friedkin, 2004; Forsyth, 2006; Ramli, 2012). Khoo, (2010) used physical coalitions to refer to various groupings with different structures and degree of cohesion which brought together parties. The members of such groupings consist of individuals with similar aims, objectives, goals and insights who co-operatively work together to achieve what cannot be achieved in isolation under an effective coordinating mechanism. Forsyth (2006) explains further that the unique qualities like interaction, interdependence, structure, cohesiveness, goals and characteristics that appear with consistency in most groups should be considered. It is revealed that interpersonal interaction is the foundation of group dynamics because such interaction is the main way people deal with individual differences and influence the attitude and behaviour of members.

Associations and student groups are often self-sustaining with respect to conditions that produce positive membership attitudes and behaviours (McPherson & Smith-Lovin, 2002; Friedkin, 2004; Dao, Lee, & Chang, H. 2007).

These types of teams are increasingly used where members are working to address a complex challenge in a rapidly changing environment, and the strong ownership and participation of members are extremely important. These types provide great latitude in how members achieve the overall results as expected by the teams. Therefore, the role of members in a team might change during the team activities depending on where the team is in its stage of development. According to Friedkin (2004), groups are cohesive when group-level structural conditions create positive membership attitudes and behaviour as well as when interpersonal interactions maintain these structural conditions. In this case, social networks are formed to create and maintain various forms of social cohesion, even though, there are conditions that affect the pattern, strength and valence of interpersonal relationship of the group (McPherson & Smith-Lovin, 2002; Friedkin 2004; Marana, 2010). For instance, such organizations include studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s union or students association or guild of students.

Besides, government of student body is a student organization present in many colleges and universities and has started appearing in some high schools. According to Ramli (2012), students can exert influence on the organization of the school through forms of representative democracy. In higher education, the students' association is often accorded its own building on the campus, dedicated to social, organizational activities, representation and academic support of the membership. The purpose of these organizations is to represent students both within the institution and externally, including on local and national issues. Students' associations are also responsible for providing a variety of services to students. Researchers opine that during the youthful years, friends and groups may be the main 28

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element of studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; emotional support networks (West, Lewis & Currie 2009; Allan, 2008) Depending on the organization's makeup, young students can get involved in the union by becoming active in a committee, by attending councils and general meetings, or by becoming elected officers (Ramli, 2012; Barrett, Higa, & Ellis, 2012; Holloway, O'Hara, & PimlottWilson, 2012).This provides students with a formally secured framework for the enforcement of their rights as students and the improvement of their opportunities for participation (Ramli, 2012). The study examined the influence of group dynamics in terms of interpersonal relationship (cohesion) on studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; level of social interaction and altruism in goal achievement. The study investigated the levels of cohesion and altruism, the relationship between group cohesion and altruism among TARSA (Tanoh Rincong Student Association) members in International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Besides, it also examined any differences in cohesion and altruism level between committee and organizational members.

METHODOLOGY The survey research design was adopted for this study. A total of 30 participants were purposively selected from a population of 87 IIUM students in the TARSA association. Of the sample, 23 (77%) were undergraduate students and 7 (23%) were postgraduate students. Of the 30 subjects, 11 were part of the organizational committee and the rest were members. The mean age for participants was 23 (range = 17-39). An 18-item survey was utilized for the study. Items were obtained from the Group Dynamics Inventory Scale (Phan, Loan, Rivera Edil Torres; Volker, Martin; Garrett, Michael, 2004); and Michael A. Hogg (1992) of measures of group dynamics in TARSA association. The present study focused on two specific dimensions of group dynamics thus group cohesiveness and altruism. The questionnaire consisted of two sections. Section A focused on demographic information including marital status, educational level of study, type of study, position in the committee (as organization committee or member) and duration of membership. Section B focused on their interpersonal relations in terms of cohesiveness and altruism. Here, of the 18 items, 13 were related to cohesiveness (Items 1-13) and 5 related to altruism (Items 14-18).

(Appendix A) The measures group dynamics for each item followed a Likerttype scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree).

A relatively low response rate of 34% (30/87 members thus smaller sample size adversely affected the power in the current study. Indeed, some of the observed effect sizes (correlations and mean differences) in this study were of moderate strength. The fewer number of items in the survey relation to altruism may have limited the extent to which we could measure the degree of altruism in the group leading to an imbalance of variable measurement. Failure to examine the role of goals and their motivational underpinnings in the cohesion and-performance relationship.. Newly organized hierarchy of TARSA committee members, with the president having only been elected in April 2012. New members with no prior history 29

Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

of working together may have lowered the score of altruism among these members.

GROUP DYNAMICS OF TARSA Human behavior cannot be understood without looking at role that group play in individuals’ lives. Students belong to many formal and informal groups that influence them in both obvious and subtle ways. These groups include families, debating clubs, friendship cliques, sports clubs and study groups. The members carry out most of their activities which is important as it connect them to the larger social and educational institutions (Sih, & Watters, 2005; Forsyth, 2009; Baumeister, & Leary, 1995; Levine, & Moreland, (Eds.). 2008). Studies reveal that groups get the ability to satisfy the needs of members in different ways (Cartwright, 2008; Abrams, Rutland, & Cameron, 2003; Baumeister, & Leary, 1995; Levine, & Moreland, 2008).

For instance, the survival needs of group members can be satisfied by facilitating their ability to conceive and rear offspring, obtain food and shelter and protect themselves against enemies. Besides, members’ psychological needs are satisfied by allowing them to develop intimate relations with others, avoid loneliness and exert influence and power.

Interestingly, group identity of members is recognized through a social or collective basis –primary or secondary- for their belief about themselves (Cartwright, 2008; Forsyth, 2009; Levine, & Moreland, (Eds.). 2008). Eshel et al, (1998) studied the persistence of altruism in a local context where they introduce the concept of group and level of group cohesiveness. They found that intermediate level of group cohesion is ideal in spreading altruism and that it is better than classical local interaction where groups are inessential and better than cases of isolated group.

The internationalization of higher education has played an important role in the development of students (Holloway et al., 2010; Holloway, O’Hara and Pimlott-Wilson 2012; Barrett, Higa, & Ellis, 2012). TARSA was established in 1991 by a group of Acehnese students who studied at the International Islamic University Malaysia, (IIUM) in Petaling Jaya campus.

This student association aimed to gather students from the Aceh Region in order to maintain brotherhood in a progressive way to discuss the development of Aceh. Tanoh Rincong is the local language which means “Aceh”. It is stated that international students do not exist in isolation, for they mix with local students representing differences, thus the situation of those student has been theorized in terms of hybridised student diasporas and for the fact that the local and the internationals are no longer two separate fronts (Kalantzis and Cope, 2000; Rizvi, 2000; Asmar; 2005; Baumeister, & Leary, 1995 Dao, Lee, & Chang, 2007). Like other student associations, TARSA exist to help students and future students to obtain important information regarding university life and broadly about living in Malaysia. However, the concept of diasporic networks is not unique to TARSA, for members see themselves as part of a bigger community (Ummah) of believers in which one’s ethnicity or nationality is of secondary 30

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importance. Despite that, they meant to become the melting pot of information exchanging and discussion, in order to sharpen solidarity, friendship and brotherhood, tolerance and social responsibility for the Acehnese students and their Aceh region. The aim of any association is to initiate programs that would do for all groups what no single member can do alone. In this case, individuals’ membership attitudes thus desire or intention to remain in a group, loyalty and attitude about other members as well as individuals’ membership behaviours like decisions to sever, maintain, strengthen membership or participation in group activities and other behavioral indicators of commitment and attachment to the group are very important (Nuss, 2003; Friedkin, 2004; Lawler & Yoon, 1996 Dao, Lee, & Chang, 2007).

As international Muslim student diaspora, the transactional Ummah, come together from every cultural background provides access to local networks as well as spiritual and academic support (Asmar, 2005). TARSA is based on the ideal of brotherhood. TARSA has grown into an organization that is increasingly becoming recognized in the IIUM campus and within the community. They often participate in various events hosted by other organizations in an attempt to broaden the audience with whom we share our culture and heritage. Through educational workshops, cultural performances and community service TARSA seeks to show the breadth of ADIC (Aceh Development International Conference), an annual conference held by TARSA that calls for Acehnese Scholars for their emerging ideas in Aceh development and its future. Studies identified three different forms of participation in society and the issue that bind all is that membership and collaboration are mostly long-term with a relatively high level of loyalty or strong instrumental links (Ramli, 2012; Gaiser and de Rijke, 2010; Lawler, & Yoon, 1996). The membership is for those with student status, studying in IIUM both Undergraduate and Postgraduate level. Alumni are no longer recognized as member of TARSA but may still maintain communication with association. All members are Acehnese descendent, either from both sides of parents or single side. This is the main idea, to cultivate the sense of belonging of Acehnese descendent students to his or her roots.

According to Holloway et al., (2012), international students’ mobility has grown rapidly over the past three decades with students travelling to study at school, undergraduate and postgraduate level outside their country of origin. Today, TARSA has 87 members from Postgraduate and Undergraduate level. This expansionary drive from within the globe has come together with demand for international educational experiences and qualifications in Asia (Holloway et al., 2012). They conduct routine activities such as ta’aruf (introductory session for new student), discussion about issues in Indonesia, especially the Aceh region, celebrating festive event like Eid-ulFitri and Independence Day. TARSA is a homogenous membership group with a single ethnic member. The history of Aceh itself colours the group activities. TARSA being a group of volunteers is inherently goaloriented, that relies on effective group dynamics whereby members invest 31

Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

cooperative efforts to maintain the entire work-group performance and in turn achieve its goals and also to help engineer the cohesive aptitude of the group.

GROUP COHESION According to Ahronson, & Cameron, (2007) cohesion is a topic of considerable interest as cohesive groups enhance effectiveness. For instance, they state that non-cohesive could lead to fatalities in artillery and tank crews in the military. Dion (2000) reveals that cohesion has been considered by industrial-organizational, military and sports psychologists to be one of the most important small-group properties. As such Festinger (1950)1 defined cohesiveness as “the resultant of all the forces acting on the members to remain in the group” (p. 274). Again, Festinger and his colleagues stated that the major forces contributing to membership initiation and maintenance include interpersonal liking and group task attraction (, Lee, & Chang, 2007; Beal, Cohen, Burke, & McLendon,. 2003; Fraser, & Spink, 2002; Festinger, et al., 19502). Studies made it clear that the cohesionperformance effect is driven by commitment to the task. Besides, differentiating task and interpersonal cohesion improves the prediction of group task performance (Beal, et al,. 2003; Zaccaro, 1999; Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007; Oliver et al., 1999). In corroboration, recent studies indicate that the task cohesion measures were more strongly associated with individual work output as well as perceptions of collective self-efficacy, that were the social measures of cohesion for sports teams (Kozub and McDonnel, 2000; Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007). Cameron (2001) thinks that in-group ties aspect of social identity, it is likely that this dimension of cohesion encompasses an aspect of group membership that serve needs for social interaction, including social support and that contributes to selfesteem and adjustment.

Zaccaro (1999) cohesiveness is influenced by two elements: First, the attractiveness of the group. So there is a positive relationship between social structure and cohesiveness, the better the structure, the more friendlily the greater the cohesiveness. Second, the extent to which the group mediates goals, which are important for the members, the goals referred to are of two sorts: social interaction itself and specific individuals’ goals, which require interdependent or cooperative interaction with others. So the more cohesive in the group, the more friendship ties there are within the group. Social and organizational psychologists have shown considerable interest in group cohesiveness (Zaccaro,1991). In a study, Zaccaro (1999) contrasted different forms of group cohesiveness in a student military organization of nine group’s cadet corps among 569 members at a large university in the South Eastern United States. Zaccaro (1999) has investigated four proposed outcomes of group cohesion in student military groups: group performance 1Festinger,

L. (1950). Informal social communication.Psychological Review, 57, 271-282.

L., Schachter, S., & Back, K. (1950). Social pressures in irformalgroups.Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

2Festinger,

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processes; role uncertainty; absenteeism and individual performance.

Studies show that group cohesion is related to other important group phenomena like work group performance, job satisfaction and reported wellbeing (Dion, 2000, Langfred, 2000; Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007). It is revealed that individual attraction to the group reflects individual team members’ feelings about personal involvement in the social interaction of the group, individual attraction to the group task describes individual team members’ feelings about personal involvement (Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007; Webber, & Donahue, 2001).

In his study he indicated both task cohesiveness and interpersonal cohesiveness. His findings indicated that task cohesiveness was more strongly associated with lower role uncertainty, higher individual performance, and lower absenteeism than was interpersonal cohesiveness.

Because task cohesion represents a shared orientation to the group task, its nurturance may prompt increased member-liking, particularly in successful, ongoing groups (Casey‐Campbell, & Martens, 2009). Studies state the distinction between the individual and the group and the distinction between task and social cohesion. A model was used to incorporate these distinction by measuring the following putative factors; individual attraction to the group, individual attraction to the group task; group integration –social- and group task (Casey‐Campbell, & Martens, 2009;Tangney, Baumeister, & Boone, 2004;. Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007) Other researchers also support that group cohesion may facilitate attendance because it can result in groups establishing strong attendance norms that constrain individual absenteeism. Also, many researchers have noted that task-related norms (such as attendance norms) are a by-product more of task cohesion than of interpersonal cohesion (Horne, 2001; Hackman, 1976; Zaccaro & McCoy, 1988 Casey‐Campbell, & Martens, 2009).

In contrast, Zaccaro (1999) found that there is equally strong association between group performance processes and both forms of cohesion (task cohesiveness and interpersonal cohesiveness). Though, the central prediction of his study was that task cohesion would be more strongly correlated with effective group performance processes than would interpersonal cohesion. Studies reveal that if individuals feel personally involved in the group task, and perceive that the team shares closeness about accomplishing the task, such highly cohesive beliefs may act to bolster group members’ beliefs regarding the agency of their actions, facilitating the cohesion-performance relationship (Tangney, Baumeister, & Boone, 2004; Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007; Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007) Also, both forms of cohesion were significantly associated with group performance processes; however, after adjusting for group effects, task cohesion did not yield significantly stronger associations than interpersonal cohesion. It is revealed that social cohesion reflects an individual team member’s feelings about persona involvement in the social interaction of the group as well as an individual team member’s perceptions about closeness and bonding

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Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

regarding the team’s social activities (Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007; Tangney, et la., 2004; Friedkin, 2004).

Other researchers also support that interpersonal cohesion increases group communication (Lott & Lott, 19613), which suggests that it may facilitate well-planned task activities. Zaccaro’s findings data support a multidimensional conceptualization by demonstrating nonequivalent associations. He found that task cohesion had stronger relationships than interpersonal cohesion with role uncertainty and absenteeism. Task cohesion was also significantly associated with individual performance, whereas interpersonal cohesion had no effect. Taken together, these findings demonstrate the value in decomposing overall group cohesion into different attraction based dimensions. However, he found that the reason each forms of group cohesion here had a small but significant intra-class correlation, indicating both individual- and group-level effects. The relatively low proportion of group-level variance can be attributed to the size of the aggregations in the research. Similarly, researchers also reported that as group size increases, overall group cohesion declines (Cartwright, 19684).

In 1950 Festinger and Black formalized the theory of group cohesiveness. This theory explains the group dynamics. McBride and Gregory wrote that “cohesiveness as a concept represents an attempt to formalize or simply verbalize the key group phenomena of membership continuity – the “cement” binding together group members and maintaining their relationships to one another. Festinger et al defined group cohesiveness as attraction to the group, can be influenced by the attractiveness of the group’s activities, goals atmosphere and defining features. The attractiveness of the group members and the degree to which the group mediates achievement of individual goal is essential. The definition highlights essential element of cohesion-satisfaction relationship as members of a group can satisfy the emotional needs of members as the group stick together and remain united (Ahronson, & Cameron, 2007).

ALTRUISM Post (2002), define altruism as someone who does something for the others and for the other’s sake, rather than as a means to self-promotion or internal well-being. Oliner (2002) asserts behaviour is altruistic if it meets the criteria such as involving a high risk or sacrifices to the actor, is accompanied by no external reward, is voluntary and directed toward helping others.

The degree of cohesion, in fact, will depend (directly) on the average propensity for altruism of the group members (Paolilli, 2011). This study aimed to examine the relation between group cohesion and the efficiency strategy like altruism among the members of TARSA in IIUM. Group plays 3Lott, A. J., & Lott, B. E. (1961).Group cohesiveness, communication level, and conformity.

Joumal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 62, 408-412.

4 Cartwright, D. (1968). The nature of group cohesiveness. In D. Cartwright & A. Zander (Eds.), Group dynamics: Research and theory. New York: Harper & Row.

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an important role in a local interaction since certain level of fragmentation among members allows altruism to persist and thrive. The persistence of altruism is directly related with group cohesion, thus the greater the group cohesion is, the greater the cost of altruism compatible with the persistence of altruism can be. Efficient norms are always used in different social contexts in groups for sanity to prevail. Boyd and Richerson, (1992), indicate that punishment and reward can stabilize group cohesion as well as the behaviour of members through efficient group norms.

RESULTS The data collected were collated and analyzed using SPSS v.16. Means and standard deviations were generated for each item (Table 1).

Table 1. Item Analysis Item I felt a sense of belongingness to the group and that the group accepted me.

2. I felt like keeping in touch with other people.

3. I have the feeling that I am no longer alone.

4. I feel that I belong to a group of people who understand and accept me.

5. I want to remain a member of this group.

6. I do not care what happens in this group.

7. I feel involved in what is happening in my group.

8. I am dissatisfied with the group.

9. I feel included in the group.

10. In spite of individual differences, a feeling of unity exists in my group.

11. I do not feel a part of the groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s activities.

12. I feel distant from the group.

13. I would not feel badly if I had to miss a meeting of this group.

14. I felt that helping others has given me more selfrespect.

15. I felt like putting othersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; needs before my own needs.

16. I was forgetting myself and thinking of helping others.

17. I was giving part of myself to others.

18. I felt that I was helping others and having an important impact in their lives.

N=30 1.

Mean 3.37

SD .556

3.57 3.67 3.45

.504 .479 .572

3.23 1.79 2.97 2.13 3.27 3.07

.728 .774 .626 .860 .521 .640

1.90 1.93 2.27

.817 .716 .907

3.37

.556

3.57 3.67 3.45 3.23

.504 .479 .572 .728

Item-analysis For items 1-13 (Cohesion), items 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13 are identified as negative statements. As expected these statement were scored low, indicating the participants disagreement with the statement and thereby their commitment and involvement towards maintaining the cohesiveness of the organization. The remaining statements scored as expected high, indicating their strong sense of belongingness to the group.

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Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

For items 14-18 (Altruism), all items scored high with participants perceiving highly of their considerateness and social conscience towards the other members.

Table 2. Summary Table of the Spearmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rho Correlation Statistics on Relationship Between Cohesion and Altruism.

The relationship between altruism and cohesion was investigated using Spearmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;srho Correlation Statistics. There was a weak positive correlation between the two variables. This implies that degree of altruism does not greatly influence cohesive properties of a group. However, though no statistical significance was reached due to the moderate correlation is likely to be due to the small sample size.

Table 3 Summary table of Mann-Whitney U test analysis on the influence of organization position on cohesion

A Mann-Whitney U test revealed no statistically significant difference in cohesion scores between the TARSA Committee members (Md = 2.8, n = 11) and TARSA organizational members (Md = 2.8, n = 17). p = >0.05.

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Table 4 Summary table of Mann-Whitney U test analysis on the influence of organization position on altruism.

A Mann-Whitney U test revealed a statistically significant difference in altruism scores between the TARSA Committee members (Md = 3.2, n = 11) and TARSA organizational members (Md = 2.8, n = 17). p = <0.05.

DISCUSSION The study examined the analysis of group dynamics in terms of cohesion and altruism among members of TARSA as a case study. The theoretical and methodological questions that led to this study have been adequately answered for the exploratory purposes of this study. It is clear from the findings that all members experienced a high level of cohesion within the group and independently professed high levels of altruism and this an individual with a high altruistic quality is likely to demonstrate commitment to TARSA and thus contribute to the cohesiveness of the group.

In corroboration, Friedkin (2004) indicates that intimate interaction had been recognized as important in the formation of individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s personality, the development and maintenance of myriad attitude towards others, the determination and social control of acceptable behaviour as well as the maintenance of a motivational commitment to participate. These peaceful attributes has a strong influence on the level at which organizational goal could be achieved. The collective action of the work group could definitely enhance the degree of commitment; foster a positive attitude and collective action that could promote cordiality among the group members. Ramil (2012) assumes that youth are a competent lot and worthy of the commitment of resources and agents of change of society. In support of this, researchers opine that commitment of individuals to society or group should recognize the relationship between individuals and the societies to which they belong (Giddens and Pierson, 1998; Jimu, 2008).

The purpose of this study was to clarify the relationship between group cohesion and group altruism with the proposition in mind that the degree of cohesion, in fact, will depend (directly) on the average propensity for altruism of the group members. What has not been established satisfactorily is how these two variables affect the group performance into achieving its goals. It was hypothesized that a significant positive relationship between 37

Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

cohesion and altruism would exist. This hypothesis was only moderately supported (p > 0.05). Also, mean differences between the cohesion level between committee and organization members were found to be not statistically significant, however, altruism was found to be slightly higher among the 11 committee members who participated (Md = 3.2) compared to the scores obtained from the organizational members (Md = 2.8). Forsyth, 2006) observe that the most behaviourally oriented groups actually do things: first, executing groups compete against other groups –contests/battle or perform –performance-. Some groups perform tasks from nearly all of McGrath’s categories where us others concentrate on only one subset of goals (Arrow & McGrath, 1995; Forsyth, 2006; John, M., Levine & Rischard L., Moreland, 1998). These results together suggest that team cohesion was similarly perceived by both groups despite some difference in group altruistic character. It should still be noted that this study did not demonstrate how these variables fit into overall team performance and achievement of TARSA goals. Forsyth, (2006) states that the world’s work is done by people working together rather than by individuals working alone.

The present study had several limitations, a relatively low response rate of 34% (30/87 members) is the possible reason as to why we failed to see a strong correlation between the factors of cohesion and altruism. Clearly, the smaller sample size adversely affected power in the current study. Indeed, some of the observed effect sizes (correlations and mean differences) in this study were of moderate strength. In addition, the fewer number of items in the survey relation to altruism may have limited the extent to which we could measure the degree of altruism in the group leading to an imbalance of variable measurement. The discontinuity between individuals’ responses when isolated rather than integrated is established and documented in studies of motivations, emotion and performance (Forsyth, 2006). Forsyth further observe that moving from isolation to a group context can reduce the sense of uniqueness, but can at same time enhance individuals’ ability to perform simple tasks rapidly.

The other limitation of the study was failure to examine the role of goals and their motivational underpinnings in the cohesion-performance relationship. This particular study, on the other hand, examined a relatively newly organized hierarchy of TARSA committee members, with the president having only been elected in April 2012. Though, the results of the study were encouraging, due to the existence of some new members with no prior history of working together may have lowered the score of altruism among these members. Of course, this study was limited in duration. Future research should examine the relationships of cohesion and altruism towards goal commitment to team performance dynamically to fully determine if these therapeutic factors indeed act as motivators to new teams. A qualitative approach will help reveal and better understand the motivation of membership in light of the TARSA objectives. Qualitative analysis highlighted how people think about with whom and how to share information as they pursue social goals related to their personal health, 38

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emotional support, motivation and advice. Through sharing members serve motivation for each other as the good way to receive motivation is to motivate others (Hwang, et al., 2010; Newman, et al., 2011). Apparently integration and synergy of the therapeutic factors of cohesion and altruism provides an environment by which group members feel socially appreciated, comfortable and valued in the group which in turns motivates their participation in achieving the goals of TARSA. The creation and maintenance of channels of interaction and communication among members lead to realization of the general and common needs of all (Brennan, 2008). The aftermath of the tsunami in Aceh in 2004 is the driving force behind TARSA. The ramifications of the tsunami went beyond the immediate impact to the lives and infrastructure of the Acehnese living on the coast. The perception that the tsunami was punishment for insufficient piety in this proudly Muslim province is partly behind the increased emphasis on the importance of religion post-tsunami. This has been most obvious in the increased implementation of Sharia. As homes are being built and people's basic needs are met, the people are also looking to improve the quality of education, increase tourism, and develop responsible, sustainable industry. The development of these students who are culturally and linguistically different from those in West Asia shed light on pertinent issues concerning their personal development, family orientation, social environment and religion (Ramli, 2012). Well-qualified educators are in high demand in Aceh.

Reconstruction was visible everywhere, but due to the sheer scale of the disaster, and a logistical issue, progress was slow.

TARSA represents an example of volunteering and active citizenship that has helped to group cohesion and civil renewal, by which the more that people engage in voluntary activities the more that they will feel part of reviving their home communities in Aceh and build social capital. Latane and Darley (1970) offered a social inhibition theory, which found that diffusion of social responsibility and social disengagement is promoted in the cities. So individuals who are socially disengaged are less likely to sacrifice on behalf of others. This is not in the case of TARSA and their need to help their fellow citizens and embrace the norms of involvement â&#x20AC;&#x201C; altruism. As group interacts over issues important to them, the capacity for action and resiliency emerged, thus the building of relationships that increase the adaptive capacity of the people (Brennan, 2008; Brennnan & Luloff, 2007; Luloff & Bridger, 2003). The motivations of the members to volunteer are quite possibly shaped by peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s understandings and expectations of community. For some, participation was an intrinsic part of rural community life â&#x20AC;&#x201C; intrinsic to the very notion of the rural life. Belonging to TARSA is part of a strategy to become part of a community away from home. Therefore, the capacity of the students to manage, utilize and enhance resources available on campus to them to cater for members. In corroboration, agency is seen as the capacity of the people to manage and enhance resources to addressing locality wide issues (Brennan, 2006, 2008; Luloff and Bridger, 2003; Luloff and Swanson, 1995).

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Adam Andani Mohammed, Md Sayed Uddin, Nurulwahida Saad, Iyad M. Y Eid, Qonitah Basalamah

CONCLUSION The apparently integration and synergy of the therapeutic factors of cohesion and altruism provides an environment by which group members feel socially appreciated, comfortable and valued in the group which in turns motivates their participation in achieving the goals of TARSA. TARSA represents an example of volunteering and active citizenship that has helped to group cohesion and civil renewal, by which the more that people engage in voluntary activities the more that they will feel part of reviving their home communities in Aceh and build social capital. The motivations of the members to volunteer are quite possibly shaped by people’s understandings and expectations of community and rurality. For some, participation was an intrinsic part of rural community life – intrinsic to the very notion of the rural life. Belonging to TARSA is part of a strategy to become part of ‘a community’ away from home. Future research should examine the relationships of cohesion and altruism towards goal commitment to team performance dynamically to fully determine if these therapeutic factors indeed act as motivators to new teams. A qualitative approach will help reveal and better understand the motivation of membership in light of the TARSA objectives.

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THE POLITICS OF RAPE: TRACES OF RADICAL FEMINISM IN DISGRACE J. M. COETZEE LIANNE BARNARD Department of Dutch Studies, Palaeky University, Olomouc, Czech Republic

Abstract Disgrace can be read as a deliberation on rape in all its complexity, articulating and commenting upon many of the positions typical of the radical feminism of the seventies. Some feminists classify prostitution as a form of rape. Prostitution is the ideal form of sex for the main character, David, because it allows him to fantasize that a woman mirrors his wishes.

The border between rape and consensual sex is shown to be problematic in the relationship between David and his young student, Melanie. Although some readers find that Melanie was willingly seduced, others consider that she was raped. The charge of sexual harassment is therefore unsatisfactory for both sides and, since David refuses to read the charges brought against him, he effectively silences his accuser. When his daughter, Lucy, equates heterosexual sex with killing and hating women, one can read it as evoking the radical feminist idea that men as a class subordinate women as a class through the threat of rape. Lucy’s political lesbianism is a logical response to such misogyny. After being rape, Lucy accepts a subordinate position and this proves the power of rape in controlling women. Like one of the Sabine women, Lucy seems willing to sacrifice herself for peace between black and white in South Africa.

Keywords: Disgrace, J. M. Coetzee, prostitution, radical feminism, rape.

INTRODUCTION In his essay “The Harms of Pornography: Catharine MacKinnon”, J. M. Coetzee (Offense 61–82) has exhibited a thorough knowledge of the arguments surrounding gender, sex, violence, domination and representation that were the mainstay of the radical feminist discourse of the seventies and eighties. He criticized MacKinnon for a lack of insight into male desire and asked whether it would be possible for a serious work of art to explore male desire (Coetzee, Offense 73) without falling into “pornography” as it is defined here: the objectification of women where male dominance is sexualised.

If this essay is the theory, then the novel Disgrace is the practice. In this novel Coetzee shows that it is possible to explore male desire and rape in 45

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a serious work of art without the work becoming pornography as such. While the focalization by the male character makes it possible for the reader to grasp the way male desire justifies itself, the plot (especially the way rape as a theme is explored in many different variations and narrative situations) makes it possible to read the novel as a feminist critique of male desire, power and wilful self-ignorance. Radical feminists believe that male power is at the root of the social construction of gender and that the patriarchal system must be eradicated (Gamble 302–03). Radical feminism is associated with activists such as Janice Raymond, Sheila Jeffreys, Kate Millett and Andrea Dworkin.

While some radical feminist ideas have been accepted, others, such as political lesbianism or prostitution as a form as rape, have been severely attacked, especially by postfeminists.

Rape is generally understood to involve sexual penetration of a person by force and/or without that person’s consent (Whisnant). The “and/or” indicates the historic tension between rape as violence and rape as lack of consent, a tension captured brilliantly in David’s thoughts after intercourse with Melanie: “Not rape, not quite that, but undesired nevertheless”(Coetzee 25).2 The “not quite that” could imply that David avoided violence and yet the “undesired” shows a lack of consent. Melanie had in fact clearly said “no”. Disgrace presents the reader with many very different forms of rape.

The rape of Lucy is violent and totally unwanted. It is discussed as rape in the book, albeit only once, and is accepted as such by all reviewers. Whether David actually raped Melanie and how this relates to the charge of sexual harassment is questioned in the novel. Some feminists would argue that sex with a prostitute is also a form of rape. This could place David’s relationship with the prostitute Soraya in a new light. Lucy’s thoughts on sex and men hating women also bring into play the radical feminist idea that all heterosexual sex is rape.

RAPE AND PROSTITUTION For some feminists, such as Janice Raymond (B6) and Evelina Giobbe (143), the link between prostitution and rape is obvious in that prostitution is rape bought and sold.

Sheila Jeffreys (Prostitution 259) does not use the word rape, but calls prostitution “commercial sexual violence”. She sees this as an essential feature of prostitution, not an occasional occupational hazard. Linking prostitution with rape falls in a group of thought that is associated with the oppression paradigm, in which pornography, prostitution and other commercial sex are “quintessential expression[s] of patriarchal gender relations” (Weitzer 5).

There are many arguments against prostitution, but the main one is that sex involves the whole woman and that when a woman sells sex, she is selling herself and therefore defining herself, or is being defined, as a social subordinate. Kathleen Barry (23–24), for example, writes:

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When the human being is reduced to a body, objectified to sexually service another, whether or not there is consent, violation of the human being has taken place. […]

In the fullness of human experience, when women are reduced to their bodies, and in the case of sexual exploitation to sexed bodies, they are treated as lesser, as other, and thereby subordinated. According to Barry (36), who is a leading neo-abolitionist and the founder of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, the sex that men buy is the “same sex they take in rape”.

Because of this link between prostitution and rape, it is useful to explore David’s thoughts about Soraya in detail. David thinks that Soraya sells her sexual function and he resents the fact that Discreet Escorts, which provides the flat where they meet, should get half the money he pays her. He admits that “they own Soraya too, this part of her, this function” (2). He consistently denies that Soraya is selling her whole self, since he knows she has a private life that she hides from him. When, by accident, he sees her in the street with two children, their relationship changes. Soraya’s life intrudes on his idea of her and in a sense she is more whole to him. Paradoxically he experiences “a growing coolness as she transforms herself into just another woman and him into just another client” (7). Why then did he not experience himself to be a “just another client” before?

The answer is that he believed that the affection he felt for her had been reciprocated and that they had the same temperament. David describes his temperament as intense, but not passionate, abstract and dry (2), and since Soraya gives him the kind of copulation he prefers, he thinks she has the same temperament. He believes that with him she is her real self (3): “No doubt with other men she becomes another woman: la donna è mobile. Yet at the level of temperament her affinity with him can surely not be feigned.”

The canzone or ballad “La donna è mobile” is from Verdi’s opera Rigoletto and can be translated thus: “[The] Woman is fickle [movable], like a feather in the wind, she changes the tone of her voice [i.e., her accents], and her thoughts Always a sweet, pretty face, in tears or in laughter, [she] is [always] lying”.

David’s self-delusion is clear in this doublethink: all women are always liars, but Soraya, who is a woman, is not lying to him. According to Julia Davidson, a sociologist who analysed the results of interviews with prostitutes’ clients, this is a common illusion among men who visit prostitutes. Davidson (158–59) wrote: One of the striking features of interview work with clients is just how many of them wish to construct some kind of fiction of mutuality around their encounters with prostitutes. Clients often want to believe that, although the prostitute is a paid actor, in their particular case she enjoys her work and derives sexual and/or emotional satisfaction from her encounter with them […] Sexual satisfaction often hinges on a paradox wherein the fantasist must simultaneously remain conscious of the fact that he or she controls and authors events and yet conceal this knowledge from him- or herself.

We know that Soraya is compliant since she removed the make-up she is wearing immediately David shows disapproval. He, however, wants to 47

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think that Soraya enjoys their type of sex as much as he and does not do it only for the money. He therefore does not think of himself as a client. David is vaguely aware of his doublethink as can be seen from his description of his relationship with Soraya (2): “His sentiments are, he is aware, complacent, even uxorious. Nevertheless he does not cease to hold to them.”

The use of “uxorious” implies that he sees himself in the role of a doting husband. His ideal marriage is with a wife that is a prostitute, but for him only and only at certain times. He does not want the prostitute as an object to be used, but as a subject whose desires exactly match his. He wants a woman to do exactly what he wants, but also to want what he wants. It was possible for him to hold on to this illusion while Soraya was limited to her role as prostitute and he only speculated about her private life, but when he saw her with her sons, she became a whole woman with other desires separate from those related to him. The view of prostitution presented in Disgrace is even more radical than that of most radical feminists in that the woman is not only subordinated as object, but also as subject. It also exposes the fragility of the illusion of control over what another subject wants. If a man wants a woman to want what he wants, he can only force her to pretend to want his desire and then he has also to deny that pretence.

Not all feminists think of prostitution as necessarily degrading and exploitative. Sex-radical feminists think of prostitutes as offering therapeutic services to those who are undesirable or unable to find sexual satisfaction (Schotten 225) and would emphasize that the sex involved in sex work is not necessarily degrading. David makes a point of saying that he is not as attractive to women as before, implying he needs prostitutes for sexual satisfaction. This is somewhat belied by the ease with which he gets the secretary to sleep with him (9).

It is interesting that, while much has been written about the roles of Lucy and Melanie in Disgrace, Soraya has mostly been neglected. This is perhaps a sign of the normalization of prostitution. The sexual exploitation of Melanie and Lucy is clear, but that of Soraya is not. Yet, as I will show later, Lucy’s choice is quite similar to Soraya’s.

RAPE AND SEXUAL HARASSMENT There is a general uneasiness about using the word “rape” for David’s sexual act(s) with Melanie. Anker (236) for example, uses the phrase “rather aggressively and coercively seduces into a short-lived affair” for the relationship that David has with Melanie. Berner (228) writes about Disgrace: [writers] apparently befuddled by fashionable feminist doctrine, have assumed that his primary theme is sexual because of the two motivating events: the seduction of the student and the rape of Lucy. But we make a mistake to assume, with contemporary puritans, that Lurie’s seduction of a hardly unwilling young woman is somehow equivalent to violent sexual assault, if only because he does not get away with it and the rapists do.

Here we find the common accusation that feminists are the new puritans. When attempting to untangle the complex discussion of rape in the 48

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novel, it is important to look carefully at how David reads Melanie, and very important to realize that the reader is not given Melanie’s interpretation of events and must therefore recreate it from David’s limited point of view.

Melanie is someone the lexically fastidious David reads and interprets.

One can see how he looks for words to suit his wishes in the following sentence, where “evasive” becomes the desirable “coquettish”(12): “She lowers her eyes, offering the same evasive and perhaps even coquettish little smile as before.”

Melanie is passive the first time they have sex, while David finds the act, and also her passivity, so enjoyable that he “tumbles into blank oblivion” (19). This illustrates how he is losing himself in his desire, how he is acting despite his often repeated knowledge of her age and her uncertainty. Why does she give in to sex with David? The reader is given no clue, apart from a problematic relationship with her boyfriend and her extreme youth.

Their next sexual encounter is described using the vocabulary of conquest and violent subjugation. David is “the intruder who thrusts himself upon her” (24). She “crumbles”(24) and the words he says to her are as “heavy as clubs”(24). While she does not actively resist, apart from saying, “No, not now!” (25), she does “avert” her eyes and turn away from him. In his focalization, David refuses to use the word “rape” for what has happened between them (25). Afterwards he is certain she feels dirty and he also feels unclean, all evidence that what happened could be described with the word “rape”. Her absence from class supports a reading that this was a traumatic experience.

Legally speaking, what happened between Melanie and David this second time is rape, as South Africa now defines it, as Patrick Lenta (15) explains: Under South Africa’s Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act of 2007, “sexual violation” is defined to include “abuse of power or authority by A to the extent that B is prohibited from indicating his or her unwillingness or resistance.” The fact that for Melanie sex is “undesired to the core” and the description of her behaviour—”she had decided to go slack, die within herself for the duration, like a rabbit when the jaws of a fox close on its neck” (25)—suggests submission to power: this appears to be an act of rape […]

Their next sexual encounter is ambiguous and one could read the following line as evidence of her unwillingness (29): “If he does not sense in her a fully sexual appetite, that is only because she is still young.” Yet the line following shows an active participation in the sexual act, something which gives David joy (29): “One moment stands out in recollection, when she hooks a leg behind his buttocks to draw him in closer: as the tendon of her inner thigh tightens against him, he feels a surge of joy and desire.” It is this moment of participation that complicates the reading of David’s relationship with Melanie. Why would she come back to him after he had raped her? Does her return mean that she did not experience the previous sexual act as rape?

Although many feminists would agree that David raped Melanie, it is obvious that she did not report him for rape, but for sexual harassment or an inappropriate consensual relationship. David, however, altered Melanie’s 49

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marks because of his relationship with her and as such he was guilty of inappropriate behaviour. Sexual harassment is not necessarily a given when a lecturer has a relationship with a student, since consensual relationships are possible between a staff member and a student. Melanie’s charge of sexual harassment is a small act of resistance against him.

When Melanie lays a charge of “harassment of students by teachers” (39) against him, David imagines that she did so under the influence of her father and cousin. David, however, refuses to read Melanie’s statement in which she specifies the charges she has brought against him. In this way David keeps her silent and passive. The problem of when seduction becomes sexual harassment and if sexual harassment is in fact rape never becomes a topic of discussion in the novel, partly because David focalizes events and such feminist concerns are either simply unknown to him or unthinkable for him. In this he echoes many conservative men who ascribe the most negative intentions to sexual harassment legislation instead of simply examining the rules which often turn out to be very reasonable. Although the committee states that he should know what he is pleading guilty to, David pleads guilty to whatever Melanie asserts in an effort to get the hearing over as soon as possible. David confesses that he did not deny the impulse to become “a servant of Eros” (52). Farodia Rassool’s rejoinder that he should confess to the injury he caused Melanie acts as a reminder that he should take into account her view of the matter, something he consistently refuses to do. Even at the risk of losing his job, he prefers his own view of the events to the exclusion of all others. This seems to be the reason for his strange, selfdefeating behaviour in front of the committee. Even when the males try to save him from being dismissed, David refuses to issue a statement which will imply that he is showing a spirit of repentance for what he admitted he had done wrong. Since David is also reading himself while formulating his stories about what happened, he sometimes catches himself being melodramatic for thinking the committee wanted him castrated (66).

After living through the experience of being the father of a woman raped, David visits Melanie’s father in George, although he is unsure what he wants to say to him. David explains that Melanie lit a fire in him and later he says that when he burns, he does not sing, since he lacks the lyrical (171). He says all this as though seeking agreement from Melanie’s father that a romantic lyrical approach would have been more acceptable. The surname, Isaacs, brings up resonances of the sacrifice of Isaac by his father. Lucy Graham (13) thinks that David blames Melanie for the fire she lit in him, and in this way the offering is blamed for inciting the sacrifice. This she finds outrageous.

This could be compared to the oft-repeated claim that women who wear sexually alluring clothes are somehow also responsible for being raped.

The reader is left with numerous questions. Many aspects of disputes surrounding rape can be found in this discussion of Melanie. When is a sexual act rape? What is sexual harassment and why do men refuse to confront it? Why do women return to the men who have raped them? How much of rape is a failure to exercise free will and how much of it is 50

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uncontrollable desire? What does blaming the victim entail? Rape, sexual harassment and seduction are presented as problematically as possible.

RAPE AS POLITICAL One of the most interesting conversations between David and Lucy concerns men and sexuality (158): When it comes to men and sex, David, nothing surprises me anymore. Maybe, for men, hating the woman makes sex more exciting. You are a man, you ought to know. When you have sex with someone strange—when you trap her, hold her down, get her under you, put all your weight on her—isn’t it a bit like killing?

The words “with someone strange” could mean sex with a stranger or “someone strange”, could mean that you do not know the woman well as a person. But this is somewhat contradicted by the words “You are a man, you ought to know”, which implies that all men, even men who do not have sex with strangers, know this. David rightly feels insulted by the implication and wonders if it is right for a daughter to speak to a father like this (159). He answers that some men sometimes feel like this (159), which is a typical reaction to the rhetorical mistake of making too big ageneralization.

The idea that sex is like killing is very disturbing, but it is not uncommon, as this well-known quotation from Susan Brownmiller (2011), one of the first feminists to write extensively about rape, shows: Man’s discovery that his genitalia could serve as a weapon to generate fear must rank as one of the most important discoveries of prehistoric times, along with the use of fire and the first crude stone-axe. From pre-historic times to the present, I believe, rape has played a critical function. It is nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear.

While most people would acknowledge that women fear rape more than men, most men would object to the idea that it is a conscious willed process of intimidation and that all men partake in it.

One way to interpret the connection of heterosexual sex with violence is to see rape as a method by which men as a class subordinate women as a class in a patriarchal society. This leads to many beliefs about what is natural and acceptable about sexual interaction, beliefs such as that the male is aggressive and the female passive; that women desire powerful and commanding behaviour from men; that “real” men can have sex with women when and where they want; that sex is a part of male conquest; that women are sexual objects and that men “need” and are entitled to sex (Whisnant).

Although one cannot see David as an aggressive macho man, his appeal to the rights of desire (89) is similar to the idea that men are entitled to sex.

Claudia Card uses an interesting analogy to describe how rape intimidates women. She compares rape to terrorism in that, apart from the direct victim, harm is also done to the whole female population which is forced through fear to be compliant in order to avoid rape. This leads to what she calls a protection racket, in that men then offer to protect women from rape and expect payment for their protection in the form of compliance (Card 304). Gayatri Spivak (23) alludes to this when she says that Lucy 51

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“makes visible the rational kernel of the institution of marriage-rape, social security, property, human continuity”. This protection is often illusory. It is not difficult to read terrorism and protection into Lucy’s relationship with Petrus. Petrus is conveniently absent the day of the attack and afterwards protects one of the attackers because he is a member of his wife’s family. He then offers to marry Lucy, in effect making her his third wife, and to make her part of his family and so protect her. Lucy’s says: “I am not sure that Petrus would want to sleep with me, except to drive home his message”(203). This leaves it unclear which message Petrus would want to convey by having sex with her. Lucy seems, however, to accept sex as part of the bargain.

If Lucy is convinced of the violence inherent in heterosexual sex, which is a bit like killing (158), then political lesbianism is a logical choice. This would chime with ideas advanced in a pamphlet called “Love Your Enemy?

The Debate between Heterosexual Feminism and Political Lesbianism”, in which the Leeds Revolutionary Feminist Group (5) defines political lesbianism: “We do think […] that all feminists can and should be lesbians.

Our definition of a political lesbian is a woman-identified woman who does not fuck men. It does not mean compulsory sexual activity with women.”

Feminists who sleep with men are described by this feminist group (7) as collaborating with the enemy. Sheila Jeffreys (Unpacking 160) seems to regard heterosexual expression as inevitably a matter of eroticized inequality, while Andrea Dworkin argues that in order for men to have sexual pleasure with women, they have to hurt, diminish, “break down barriers to our bodies, aggress, be invasive”. Such radical feminist ideas are often dismissed as being against sexual pleasure, being anti male or, as Stevi Jackson (123) argues, of conflating the institution of oppressive heterosexuality with heterosexual practice where power is often negotiated and contested.

Like her father, the reader knows very little about Lucy. Since Lucy is generally leftist (see her refusal to play the role of boss to her servant, her gift of land to her black neighbour and her vegetarianism), political lesbianism is perhaps the best explanation for her views. Therefore her decisions not to report the rape, to keep the baby and to submit to being the third wife of Petrus, are even more disturbing and against character.

Assembling signifiers around a proper noun implies that the proper noun denotes one person, a unified self. But as David asks himself, what if after such a vicious attack, “one is never oneself again?” (124). Is “Lucy” still “Lucy”? Lucy also emphasizes the unknowability of herself (161): “I am not the person you know. I am a dead person and I do not know yet what will bring me back to life.”

The words “dead person” connects with the word “nothing”, which Lucy uses to describe what she meant to the rapists (158) and with the phrase used to describe Melanie’s attitude during the sexual act: “die within herself for the duration”. Mieke Bal (12–13) refers to this with the clinical term of “dissociation” and says that the personhood of the rape victim is so damaged 52

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that what she was before, is not what she is now. A political lesbian would not have married a man for protection if it were not for the violence of rape.

In fact Lucy’s choice is not that different from that of the prostitute, Soraya. Like Soraya she will submit to unwanted sex because she needs something. Lucy needs protection. Soraya probably needs money, but it is not known what kind of protection that money is supposed to buy or if it is indeed protection she wants. If Lucy’s choice to marry Petrus is seen as terrible, then Soraya’s choice to work in prostitution is also appalling, and yet her decisions are hardly ever questioned. While David, as the father of a daughter that had been raped, can identify with Melanie’s father and apologize to him, he cannot see how his behaviour with prostitutes parallels that of Petrus. The reader, however, can and is invited to do so.

One of the most interesting intertextual clues in Disgrace is the reference to the rape of the Sabine women. David wondered as a child what the painting by that name has to do with rape, since the painting shows men on horseback and wailing women in gauze (160). The word “rape” comes from the Latin word rapere which means “violent seizure, robbery or taking away by force” (Hoad). The painting, The Abduction of the Sabine Women (1633/34), probably that of Nicolas Poussin, was meant to show the abduction of the women, not the sexual attack on them. Livius tells in the History of Rome how the Romans invited the Sabine people to a feast and then, upon a signal, abducted the women. The Sabine fathers had refused the Roman men who had asked for wives. What happened after the attack is not clear. Romulus, the warrior founder of Rome, asked the women to give their hearts to the men who had already taken their bodies. They would have the status of wives and the civil rights of citizenship. Livius (1.9) continues: “These arguments were reinforced by the endearments of their husbands, who excused their conduct by pleading the irresistible force of their passion—a plea effective beyond all others in appealing to a woman’s nature.”

David, to his cost, found out this was not true when he gave “Eros entered” (52) as his defence to the committee deciding on his guilt for sexual harassment. When the Sabine men and the Romans next fought, the women stepped between the fighting factions and implored them with success to agree to a peace treaty. Note how they are made to blame themselves for the war (Livius 1.13), in the same way women who wear skimpy clothes are blamed for their rape: “If,” they cried, “you are weary of these ties of kindred, these marriage-bonds, then turn your anger upon us; it is we who are the cause of the war, it is we who have wounded and slain our husbands and fathers. Better for us to perish rather than live without one or the other of you, as widows or as orphans.”

Here Lucy is like a Sabine woman, who, by being willing to sacrifice herself, brings peace between the different racial groups in South Africa.

Rape has long been a metaphor for colonisation. Here white colonialism is followed by a black counterdrive, and yet it is the woman who feels she has to sacrifice herself for peace. It was thus with the founding of Rome and is so in the founding of the new South Africa, the novel seems to imply. The cycle of 53

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domination and counter-domination cannot end. Lucy’s body becomes the site of the settlement of scores. The Sabine women managed to ensure that peace was established between the Romans and the Sabine and that their children became Roman citizens.

CONCLUSION Read politically Disgrace deals with the consequences of colonialism in a postcolonial society. It asks how a white person, as inheritor of the advantages of colonialism, should behave in a new situation where power is no longer only with the colonialists. Read through the lens of gender, one gets the idea that David as a man is just as guilty of rape as Pollux and that Lucy is like Soraya, the prostitute in accepting rape as part of the price of survival. Women, whether white or black, are still the victims of misogyny.

David, the white man, cannot see that he has raped Melanie, the dark woman. It is debatable whether political lesbianism is the answer to the radical idea that all men are rapists, and it is not clear whether Lucy is condemned for these views in the novel, but then again, Disgrace is a novel that keeps giving hints and clues, inviting more readings and more theories, never giving easy answers, and as impossible to comprehend in all its complexity as repeating “Lucy Lurie” fast. The novel may end, but there is no closure for the reader.

REFERENCES Anker, Elizabeth S. “Human Rights, Social Justice, and J. M. Coetzee’s Disgrace.” Modern Fiction Studies 54.2 (2008): 233–67.

Bal, Mieke. Verwikkelingen over Recht en Literatuur. Den Haag: Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek, 2001.

Barry, Kathleen. The Prostitution of Sexuality: The Global Exploitation of Women. New York: New York UP, 1995.

Berner, Robert L. “South Africa: J. M. Coetzee, Disgrace.” World Literature Today 74.1 (2000): 228.

Card, Claudia. “Rape as a Terrorist Institution.” Violence, Terrorism, and Justice. Eds. Frey, R and C Morris. Cambridge: CUP, 1991. 296–319.

Coetzee, J. M. Disgrace. London: Secker & Warburg, 1999.

------- Giving Offense: Essays on Censorship. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1996.

Davidson, Julia O’Connell. Prostitution, Power and Freedom. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1998.

Dworkin, Andrea. “Pornography Happens to Women.” Speech, Equality and Harm: Feminist Legal Perspectives on Pornography and Hate Propaganda. 1993. 27 Jul 2012. <http://www.nostatusquo.com/ ACLU/dworkin/PornHappens.html>.

Giobbe, E. “Prostitution: Buying the Right to Rape.” Rape and Sexual Assault 3. A Research Handbook. Ed. W. Burgers. New York: Garland, 1991. 143–60.

Gamble, Sarah, ed. The Routledge Companion to Feminism and Postfeminism. London: Routledge, 2001.

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Graham, Lucy. “‘Yes, I Am Giving Him Up’: Sacrificial Responsibility and Likeness with Dogs in J. M. Coetzee’s Recent Fiction.” Scrutiny 2: Issues in English Studies in Southern Africa 7.1 (2000): 4–15.

Hoad, T.F. The Oxford Concise Dictionary of English Etymology. Oxford: OUP, 2003.

Jackson, S. Heterosexuality in Question. London: Sage, 1999.

Jeffreys, Sheila. The Idea of Prostitution. Melbourne: Spinifex, 1997.

------- Unpacking Queer Politics: A Lesbian Feminist Perspective.

Cambridge: Polity, 2003.

Leeds Revolutionary Feminist Group (WIRES 81). “Political Lesbianism: The Case against Heterosexuality.” Love Your Enemy? The Debate between Heterosexual Feminism and Political Lesbianism. Ed. Group, Leeds Revolutionary Feminist. London: Onlywomen Press, 1981. 5–10.

Lenta, Patrick. “Discipline in Disgrace.” Mosaic 43.3 (2010): 1–16.

Livius, Titus. The History of Rome (Translator: Rev. Canon Roberts). 1905.

J. M. Dent & Sons, London.

Raymond, Janice G. “Perspective on Human Rights: Prostitution Is Rape That’s Paid For: The U.S. Military Must Have Zero Tolerance for This Exploitation of Women and Children, at Home and Abroad.” Los Angeles Times 11 Dec 1995: B6. Schotten, C. Heike. “Men, Masculinity, and Male Domination: Reframing Feminist Analyses of Sex Work.”

Politics and Gender 1.2 (2005): 211-40.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “Ethics and Politics in Tagore, Coetzee, and Certain Scenes of Teaching.” Diacritics 32.3-4 (2002): 17–34.

Verdi, Giuseppe. “La Donna È Mobile, the Duke’s Aria from Rigoletto”. 2012.

27 Jun 2012. <http://www.aria-database.com/>.

Weitzer, Ronald. “Sex Work: Paradigms and Policies.” Sex for Sale: Prostitution, Pornography, and the Sex Industry. Ed. Ronald Weitzer.

London: Routledge, 2010. 1–43.

Whisnant, Rebecca. “Feminist Perspectives on Rape.” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2011 Edition). Ed. Edward N. Zalta. 2011.

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JAVANESE ETHNIC LOCAL WISDOM IN FARMER COMMUNITY FOLKLORE IN SOUTH COASTAL AREA OF KEBUMEN, CENTRAL JAVA, INDONESIA MV SRI HARTINI HS Central Java, Indonesia

Abstract This research aimed to describe the Javanese ethnic local wisdom in farmer community folklore of South coastal area of Kebumen. The problems studied were how the existence of folklore was in farmer community folklore of South coastal area of Kebumen and what local wisdoms were implied in their folklore. The data analyzed was oral folklore consisting of four criteria, partially oral folklore constituting farming sector rite, and non-oral folklore constituting food, drugs, and traditional house. The approach method used was an ethnographic descriptive qualitative with ethnoscientific analysis model. The data was collected using in-depth interview with selected informant. The sample of research was the farmer community of South coastal area of Kebumen Regency. The result of research showed that folklore in farmer community contained local wisdoms: 1) local cultural, 2) local spiritual. 3) local educative, 4) local symbolic, 5) local economic, 6) local practical, and local historic. In addition to containing local wisdom, folklore also served as education to the next generation as preserving the wisdom inherent to farmer environment.

Keywords: Local wisdom, folklore.

INTRODUCTION Farmer community in the south coastal areas of Kebumen belongs to the one with dual livelihood, because in addition to be subsistence farmer, they also have other alternative livelihood such as fishermen, tapper and breeder depending on the natural surrounding and season occurring there.

They, as a part of Javanese society can undertake life in peripheral area in south coastal area of Kebumen, and they are enveloped by mythological life circumstance pertaining to the personification of tree guard figure, terrible mountains guard, reliable â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;heirloomâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; weapon power, strong myth of prosperity God Dewi Sri, Ratu Selatan (Queen of South), as well as the folklore pertaining to various place names, drugs name, and life philosophy reflected on their expression.

The background of such the mythological life circumstance discretionarily allowed a variety of folklores to thrive that had been existing 57

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since earlier and inherent to their life there. Specifically, anything pertaining to folklore and their perception on the existence of legendary folklore in the life of farmer community living in natural environment of south coastal area of Kebumen, among others, include oral folklore (Pandan Kuning, Santri Gudhig, Dewi Sri, Syeh Sidakarsa), partially oral folklore (wiwit rite, jabel rite, house construction rite, and warding off disaster), and non-oral folklore (such as traditional medicinal herbs, traditional food, traditional house shape). In broader context, the existing folklore cannot be apart from the existence of that elsewhere. The intended folklores elsewhere are figure of Ratu Kidul in Pelabuhan Ratu of Ujung Kulon, Parang Kusuma in Bantul of Yogyakarta, Pangandaran Beach in Tasikmalaya, and other similar places. As a result, despite perception difference and similarity, to some extent, the perception on the existing folklore also varied pertaining to such the difference and similarity, particularly in the term of personified figure salience and the event occurring pertaining to material and spiritual, physical and psychical, spiritual, mystic, and geographic experiences existing there. It is because in addition to the presence of geographic difference the folklore also occurs because there is certain understanding level of the material-spiritual experiencer, thereby inspiring the perception on what the existing folklore had given. The problem of statement in this research is how is the existence of folklore in farmer community and what local wisdoms are implied in their folklore.

THEORETICAL STUDY 1. Folklore Folklore, according to Danandjaya (2002:2), is a collectiveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s culture distributed and handed down from generation to generation, among any type of collectives, traditionally in different version, either in oral form or in example accompanied with gesture or reminder.

As a part of culture, folklore has characteristics that can distinguish it from other culture varieties. The characteristics of folklore, according to Danandjaya (2002: 3) are as follows: 1) its distribution and handing down usually occurs orally, distributed from mouth to mouth (coupled with gesture and reminder) from one generation to another. 2) It is traditional, distributed in relatively constant or standard form among certain collective in sufficiently long period of time. 3) It creates different versions or variants because of orally distribution. 4) it is anonymous, the name of its author is not known. 5) it usually has a formulated and different form. 6) It has use or function for its collective. 7) It is pre-logical, has its own logic not compatible with general logic. 8) It is shared by a collective. 9) It is generally plain and simple, even apparently crude and spontaneous.

The forms of folklore existing within the society, still according to Danandjaya (2002: 21-22), are grouped into three: a. Oral folklore, the one the form of which is purely oral. The examples of this form are folk language, traditional idiom, puzzle, folk poetry, and folk prose.

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b. Partially oral folklore, the combination of oral and non-oral folklores.

This form include folk game, folk dance, custom, folk theater, and etc. c. Non-oral folklore, the one the form of which is not oral despite taught orally. Such the folklore can be material such as customary house, traditional food, traditional weapon, and etc; or non material such as gesture, folk music, sound as communication sign, and etc.

Folklore is a collective’s culture distributed and handed down from generation to generation, among any type of collectives, traditionally in different version, either in oral form or in example accompanied with gesture or reminder (Danandjaya, 1992: 2). From the statement above, it can be found that folklore is shared collectively by a society (community). Folklore is handed down orally from one generation to another (mouth to mouth) in a collective community that has different story between one area and another.

Because of its orally utterance and handing down from one generation to another, there are many variants from one generation to the next. Variant also occurs between one location and another when folklore is uttered outside its original area. Viewed from its supporting aspect, folklore has several functions. William R. Borton in Danandjaya (1991: 19) suggests four functions of folklore: a. as a projection system, as reflection of a collective’s idea (notion), b. as the means of ratifying regulations and cultural institutions, c. as the means of educating child, and d. the means of compelling and supervising to make the community norms always complied with by its collective members.

2. Local Wisdom Local wisdom is defined as “a set” of knowledge and practices that can be used to solve the problems encountered well and correctly (Ahimsa, 2007: 17). In another definition, local wisdom can be defined as a set of knowledge of a community, either originating from previous generation or its experience related to other environment and community to cope with life challenge (Sedywati, 1994: 18). It can be seen as one way of informing the collective community, according to local culture, to treat the living environment wisely everywhere they are (Subroto, 2010: 2). In addition, local wisdom (local genius) can be understood from Quaritch Wales’s argument (in Poespowardojo, 1986: 30; Rahyono, 2009: 7-9), the concept of which is the sum of the cultural characteristics which the vast majority of a people have in common as a result of their experience in early life ‘ Local wisdom or frequently called local wisdom in Ibda journal by Ali Nurman (2007:27) can be understood as human being’s attempt in using his/her cognition to act and to treat something, object or event occurring in certain space. The definition above is arranged etymologically, in which wisdom is conceived as an individual’s ability in using his/her mind in acting on or treating something, object or event occurring, as the result of assessment. As a term, wisdom is frequently defined as ‘A wise outlook, plan, or course of action’. Local specifically refers to a limited interaction space with limited value. As an interaction space designed in such a way that 59

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within which involve relationship pattern between human being and human being or between human being and his/her physical environment. The designed interaction pattern is called as setting. Setting is an interaction room where someone can establish face-to-face relationship within his/her environment. An established life setting will directly produce values. These values will be the basis of their relationship or their reference in acting on.

The balanced relationship between them will be able to present harmonic life requiring all to be part of environment and not damaging each other. Actually, human being and his/her environment is a perfectly systematic life description basically for human interest him/herself. Human being needs plant for his/her breathing sustainability because plant becomes a lifetime permanent oxygen producer. In the presence of plant, human being eats and drinks because it stores water perfectly in the soil and human can use the plant directly. For that reason, for the harmonic life to be created and maintained, we should treat and act on environment wisely.

RESEARCH METHOD The location of research included Ayah, Pedalen, Menganti, Pasir, Srati (Ayah Subdistrict); Karangbolong (Buayan Subdistrict), Suwuk (Puring Subdistrict), Pandan Kuning and Tehalretna (Petanahan Subdistrict), and Bocor Beaches (Ambal Subdistrict of Kebumen Regency).

The data of research included oral data in the form of oral folklore consisting of 4 stories: Pandan Kuning constituting remains of the past, Dewi Sri or sometimes called Dewi Nawang Wulan, Santri Gudhig, and Syeh Abdul ngawal told by the village elders as selected data; practical data constituted Javanese language event among farmer, fisherman, animal breeder, and tapper occurring in rites as partially oral folklore and non-oral folklore in the form of medicinal herbs production activity, traditional food and customary house shape. The data source of research was the selected informant knowledgeable about their Javanese language aspect, and their cultural event. The definition of research data was mainly a finish product not raw material (Subroto, 1992: 41-42).

Technique of collecting data used was participatory observation by interviewing the selected informant while developing ethnographic record, descriptive, structural and contrast questions (Spradley, 1977). In-depth interviewing was conducted with ethnolinguistic method using ethnography method, data was analyzed using ethnoscience model (Ahimsa-Putra, 1985).

It is the method that can be chosen to develop the validity of research data.

The methods can be several types of triangulation technique.

The data analysis was conducted using ethnography method, with etnossa analysis (including domain, taxonomy, and componential analyses) (Spradley, 1997). The procedures were (1) translating lingual data literally and freely, (2) analyzing the Javanese language context with folklores, particularly oral and partially oral ones, (3) analyzing the classification/category of folklore in farmer community setting, (4) analyzing their Javanese language by interpreting research object and it was 60

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interpretative in nature, (5) analyzing their mindset by observing their idea and concept, (6) analyzing their world view, and (7) analyzing their ideology.

DISCUSSION Referring to local wisdom encompassing a variety of knowledge, perspectives, values as well as practices of a community, derived either from previous generation or from their experience in relationship to environment and other communities to solve the problem and/or difficulty dealt with well, correctly and properly. Using Ahimsa’s theory incorporated into Dananjaya’s (2002) theory of folklore, all folklores, - partially oral, non-oral and oral, can be analyzed that were found in research site.

Using emic perspective during collecting the data with informant’s point of view as oral or partially oral folklore provider was a unit of ideas of a folklore discourse combined with the author’s ethic perspective through interpreting the explicit, implicit, buried folklore in every type of folklore in research site could reveal local wisdom contained in folklore. The elaboration on the local wisdom from the result of analysis was as follows: 1. Cultural Wisdom Cultural wisdom is closely related to everything abiding within the society becoming a part of its culture manifested in the form of a) patience, b) gotong royong/mutual cooperation, c) humanity, and d) moral. All of these manifestation were reflected on oral, partially oral and non-oral folklores.

Gotong royong and cooperation within the community could be reflected on all types of folklore, for example in oral folklore they can be seen from cooperation between the members of society in helping the main character chasing the avoiding antagonist one. In partially/semi-oral folklore, there was very apparently cooperation in organizing traditional rite because no rite held individually but jointly and collectively. In non-oral folklore, the commonality was also reflected in the presence of those giving traditional medicine, when needed, without determining the price. The material of medicine should not be bought but only asked for (ditembung) from those having it.

Moral and value are two important part of life in establishing society; for that reason the advice regarding moral and value was reflected clearly on any form of local folklores. Basically, the advice about moral was closely related to the presence of essential term, human should understand what is good and bad, true and wrong in living within the society. Kindness, truth, and beauty values always abided in the highest value incantation and become the ultimate objective of life. In other words, such the value was universal and prevailed as the ultimate value and was subjective in nature, while the life phenomena or symptoms as if differentiating the value from the perceived reality as inadequacy or mistake of human being’s effort (Lelapary, Leunard Heppy, 2010).

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2. Spiritual Wisdom Spiritual wisdom is very thick and dominant in any forms of folklore in research location still belonging to traditional one. Spiritual wisdom, in this case, was closely related to something beyond the human being’s power him/herself considered as supernatural world that not everyone can communicate with so that only those with supernatural power can communicate with it. For that reason, the term wong tua, wong sing garing silite, “elders, the ascetics” who had more power and ability, such the people were considered as capable of communicating with supernatural nature so that everyone would ask them for help relating to invisible things. In oral folklore, the spiritual wisdom can be seen through belief in Dewi Sri and Ibu Ratu’s help that can help the main character when there was a crime.

Similarly, it appeared in every other oral folklore. The local people also classified their thought in capturing anything beyond themselves as the supreme ruler with their representatives. Everything in society life still belonging to relic was colored with spiritual aspect. Thus, in non-oral folklore, although containing spiritual elements in the form of belief in Hyang Widhi Wasa’s power in healing process because when the traditional medicinal herb needed was not found, while the sick people died, everyone believed that it is the time for him/her to come back to the Creator with term wis apese/wis takdire/wis wektune (it is his/her time to die). In semi-oral folklore all non-verbal expression was full of symbolic meaning as the form of spiritual form including verbal expression accompanying it. The local wisdom in healing process using herbal medicine revealed that the disease healing was based on the belief that the herbal medicine used was closely related to land, sea rulers, and the guards existing in every location.

3. Education Wisdom Education wisdom was defined as an awareness of desire to always learn improving the self toward the better one through lifetime learning process. It appeared in the story of santri gudhig’s trip making a long journey to look for knowledge. In non-oral folklore, the kindness value also developed as can be seen in the house construction developing to more practical and economic process although this reduced the existence of the meaningful traditional house. For that reason, there was combination house called omah buta mangku wanita (the giant’s house laps women’, omah lojen (mansion), omah karna tanding ‘(the house where Karna is fighting’).

This education wisdom would proceed along with the communication and transportation development that later would affect the value order, norm, and culture of the local society. As long as the change still maintained natural balance and kept its preservation, like what occurring in the research site, it could be categorized into education wisdom belonging to the present wisdom class. It could be believed that in the presence of local wisdom, every negative effects of global communication technology could be minimized because traditional local wisdom could ward off the negative effect of globalization thereby providing the new local wisdom. It could be concluded 62

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that there was a close relationship between traditional local wisdom and contemporary local one.

4. Symbolic Wisdom As a part of Javanese community, in this research site, the people was still embraced the meaningful symbolic system like appeared in oral, semioral and non-oral folklore. In oral folklore, the change of bad character human was found into a crocodile because it belonged to bad character animal. In non-oral folklore, it could be found several types of symbol interpretation such as that deriving from its sound such as kluwih leaf (a kind of leafâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s name), in order to be luwih (more), banyu tawa (fresh water) containing the symbol of waterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cold character in order to keep the rice storage place cool so that the rice could stay in the place (enduring). Local wisdom in this symbolic system was that there was a utilization of natural rich for common need in any sector; thus the plant and animal needed would be kept from extinction. This symbolization system was said as having been taught since Majapahit time because at that time, the past Mataraman Farmer compulsorily cultivated the integrated plants constituting the combination of oyod-oyodan, kekayon, gegodhongan, kekembangan, wohwohan, and gegedhangan (rhizomes, trees, leaves, flowers, fruits, and bananas). If it was done, the need for food, fuel wood, housing, medicine, and fragrance would be met from its own environment (Hidayat, 2012).

5. Economic Wisdom Economic wisdom could be reflected on any form of folklore in research site such as traditional medicine system that was still simple and based on mutual cooperation (kegotongroyongan) and commonality so that everything was apparently economic because it was assumed collectively.

The term ganti luru (looking for alternative) was one of expressions reflecting the local economic wisdom; in addition, using medicinal herbs or traditional medicine utilizing the plants existing in environment was also the form of economic local wisdom of traditional community. Most people have returned to using medicinal herb to cure human and animal disease, because it saves money and minimizes pollution.

6. Practical Wisdom Practical local wisdom was much found in house construction practices, traditional medicinal herb production constituting non-oral folklore that is still maintained up to now. Bandung house production practice is a reflection of its local communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s wisdom because it contained many meanings aiming to maintain relationship (silaturahmi) between the members of community, ecosystem balance, social cultural and spiritual harmony the local community has as a part of Javanese community.

The traditional medicinal herbs practice is the part of practical wisdom reflected on non-oral folklore. In medicinal herb production practice, the community still had a simple traditional system but had very significant 63

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efficacy in curing a variety of diseases because in making medicinal herb, it still used original herbal decoction without using chemicals at all as found in fabricated medicinal herb product. Another important point was the community’s mindset who still upheld spiritualism as the basis of this medication. The instrument of processing medicinal herb was still so simple but it had a buried merit because the use of plastic or metal can reduce the efficacy because of the decoction’s reaction to the use of inappropriate tools or places. The traditional food production practice is non-oral folklore that can also reflect its local community’s wisdom because it is undertaken simply and uses the material available in nature despite a little modification occasionally.

7. Historical wisdom History is closely related to the past; similarly, the historical wisdom is the one appreciating the past as a respect to ancestors and forefathers. The people always appreciates their ancestors, although they had passed away. It is consistent with the Javanese philosophy mikul dhuwur mendhem jero (carrying on as high as possible, and burying as deep as possible). This philosophy was found much in oral folklore related to village naming along the South coastal areas of Kebumen. The naming used now identical with everything ever occurred in that place was merely reminiscent of events and characters (figure) ever existed previously.

Historical wisdom also appeared in the performance of ceremonial meal to be reminiscent of parents’ passing away day such as the presence of expressions pitung ndinanan, patang puluh dinanan, satus dinanan, sewu dinanan (seven days, forty days, one hundred days, a thousand days). It is the attempt to appreciate the ancestor in which despite passing away, their presence is still appreciated and even their death day is still remembered by conducting a certain activity. In addition, the event is the means of establishing relationship, gathering to pray jointly, establishing intimacy, and sharing favor (blessing).

CONCLUSION Folklore is a product of a community’s thinking and imagination having certain function and form; therefore, folklore can reflect its local community’s wisdom. Local wisdom can be identified from folklore including: 1) Cultural wisdom closely related to everything abiding within the society as the part of its culture manifested in a) patience, b) gotongroyong/mutual cooperation, c) humanity, and d) moral. All of these manifestation were reflected on oral, partially oral and non-oral folklores. 2) Spiritual wisdom is very thick and related to something beyond the human being’s power him/herself considered as having supernatural world that is closely related to existence of human being in the universe. 3) Education wisdom was defined as an awareness of desire to always learn improving the self toward the better one through lifetime learning process. It appeared in the story of characters in oral folklore appeared in any change of everything 64

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related to a variety of medicinal herbs, food, and sesajen (offering) existing in the research site. For that reason, every product leads to improvement without harming the standard order there; for example the presence of combination house called omah buta mangku wanita (the giant’s house laps women’, omah lojen (mansion), omah karn tanding ‘(the house where Karna is fighting’). 4) Symbolic wisdom was defined as the community’s attempt of conveying every request and good will to God, and every other creatures called the invisible indirectly using symbols because the direct delivery was impossible to do because there was no accompanying instrument. 5) Economic wisdom was also reflected in any form of folklore in research site such as a simple traditional medication system based on mutual cooperation (kegotongroyongan) and commonality so that everything was apparently economic because it was assumed collectively. 6) Practical local wisdom was much found in house construction practices, traditional medicinal herb production constituting non-oral folklore that is still maintained up to now.

7) the historical wisdom is closely related to the past because it is the one appreciating the past as a respect to ancestors and forefathers.

From folklore studies circulating among the farmer community, the existence of folklore could be found in research site. Many oral folklores were found that were actually very interesting to collect in a book in order to preserve the culture, the lofty value. The lesson contained in folklore is a cultural product of a traditional farmer community. When the documentation of oral folklore had been realized, the government of Kebumen Regency should cooperate with Education Office to preserve the existing folklore in school learning from elementary to secondary levels.

Regarding partially oral folklore constituting traditional rite, it needs attention from other point of view in addition to linguistic perspective wrapped in the farmer culture so that it could be studied through other disciplines.

The local area of Kebumen Regency could develop the petilasan (remains of the past) places that is still interesting to be visited by others from many places that can be the tourist destination, object and place, so that it can foster the villages in south coastal areas of Kebumen. The south coastal areas are very beautiful shady beaches that have not been managed well despite intervention from the Agricultural Faculty of Gadjah Mada University in reforesting the beach with pine plants. For that reason, this beach’s beauty should be developed into tourism location in order to improve the local community’s economy through traditional food as non-oral folklore. Traditional food, coconut sugar product, California papaya, and other crops can foster the development of home food product into industry.

The significant development of home industry sector can increase the local original income (PAD) of Kebumen Regency Government.

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REFERENCES Ahimsa-Putra, Heddy Shri. 1985. Etnosains dan Etnometodologi: Sebuah Perbandingan Masyarakat Indonesia. Tahun XII (2): 103-33.

Ahimsa-Putra, Heddy Shri. 1997. Etnolinguistik: Beberapa Bentuk Kajian.

Makalah dalam Temu Ilmiah Bahasa dan Sastra. Balai Penelitian Bahasa Yogyakarta.

Ahimsa-Putra, Heddy Shri. 2003. Etnosains: Mengungkap Pengetahuaan Masyarakat Pedesaan. Dinamika Pedesaan dan Kawasan. Vol 4.

No.4: 34-35.

Ahimsa-Putra, Heddy Shri. 2007. Ilmuwan Budaya dan Revitalisasi Kearifan Lokal. Tantangan Teoretis dan Metodologis. Pidato Ilmiah Dies Natalis FIB UGM ke 62 di Yogyakarta. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press.

Danandjaya, James. 1991. Foklor Indonesia. Jakarta: Pustaka Utama.

Edi Subroto, D. 2009. Model Pelestarian dan Pengembangan Kemampuan Berbahasa Jawa Krama Generasi Muda Surakarta: Penelitian Tindakan Kelas Laporan Penelitian Hibah Pasca Tahun 2009. Dana P2M Dirjen Dikti. Surakarta: Program Pascasarjana Universitas Sebelas Maret.

Edi Subroto, D. 2010. Etnolinguistik. Hasil Kuliah. Surakarta: Program Pascasarjana Universitas Sebelas Maret.

Poespowardojo, Soerjanto. 1986. Pengertian Local Genius dan Relevansinya dalam Modernisasiâ&#x20AC;&#x153;. Dalam Ayatrohaedi (ed.). 1986.

Kepribadian Budaya Bangsa (Local Genius). Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya.

Rahyono, F.X. 2005. Kearifan dalam Bahasa: Sebuah Tinjauan Pragmatis terhadap Profil Kebahasaan Media Massa pada Masa Pascaordebaru. dalam Makara Seri Sosial Humaniora. Volume 9 Desember 2005, No. 2 Depok: DRPM Universitas Indonesia.

Rahyono, F.X. 2009. Kearifan Budaya dalam Kata. Jakarta: Weda Tama Widya Sastra.

Sedyawati, Edi. 2007. Keindonesiaan dalam Budaya. Buku 2. Dialog Budaya: Nasional dan Etnik Peranan Industri Budaya dan Media Massa Warisan Budaya dan Pelestarian Dinamis. Jakarta: Weda Tama Widya Sastra.

Spradley, James P. 1997. The Ethnographic Interview. Penerjemah Misbah Zulfa Alizabeth dengan Judul Metode Etnografi, Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana.

Spradley., J.P. 1997. Metode Ethnografi. Yogyakarta: Gajah Mada University Press.

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GENDER BIAS IN SALAFIYAH AND MODERN PESANTREN IN INDONESIA SUMADI Postgraduate Program, The Islamic Institute of Darussalam Ciamis West Java Indonesia

Abstract The Indonesian government has a program of gender mainstreaming in various fields. One is gender mainstreaming in the environment pesantren. The existence of pesantren in Indonesia had a significant influence for the Muslim community. Gender equality is exemplified pesantren will has a wide impact on society. How gender within salafiyah and modern pesantren in Indonesia? The research approach used in this study is qualitative of gender analysis with a feminist perspective. The results showed that in pesantren modern and salafiyah still dominated by gender bias that disadvantage women. The reason for the hegemony of men in pesantren legitimized by religious doctrines so that women in pesantren unconsciously discriminated.

Keywords: Pesantren, modern, salafiyah, gender bias.

INTRODUCTION Pesantren is one of the oldest Islamic institution in Indonesia.

Pesantren has a function as a center of religious development in Indonesia. The scholars were born from pesantren environment. Therefore, pesantren have an important role in spreading the values of gender equality in Indonesian m u s l i m society. The views and practice of gender equality in pesantren be a reference to the Muslim community in Indonesia.

But the tendency pesantren still retains the principle religious conservatism that led to gender bias in various aspects of life.

Historically pesantren in Indonesia since the early development of the patriarchal culture. For the first pesantren was established only for men.

Pesantren in Indonesia in the course of its history is institution of educational and cultural provided for men to rely on the opinions of scholars Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the Sunnis in general obligation to seek knowledge preferably for men (Hasyim 2010: 317). Women have an obligation only to seek knowledge that support the implementation of compulsory worship such as prayer, fasting, charity, and worship other mandatory. Sciences wider and sciences concerning life skills becomes the obligation of men, because the man later was considered to be a leader in the household (Hasyim 2010: 317). In this context pesantren indeed put his world in males and less importance role of women in the history of Islamic 67

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boarding schools in Indonesia. As a consequence the notion that pesantren where studying for men.

At the pesantren which have special attention to the study of Islam and gender equality in schools such as High (Ma'had Aly) Syafiiyah Sukorejo Situbondo, East Java is still a conservative view that women were lower than males (Mufidah, 2009). For example, men have a higher status than women basing on the Qur'an Surah An-Nisa verse 34 and Surah AlBaqarah verse 228. The implication of leadership becomes an absolute right of men both in households or in public areas. Women in public leadership is only allowed to lead if the man does not exist who could lead. In this context the women at the pesantren had been sealed access to occupy public leaders. Gender inequality in classical fiqh is real-patriarchal, by pesantren regarded as the final interpretation.

Although the post-New Order movement emerged positively to the strengthening of gender equality in pesantren gets the attention, but teachers and chaplain conservative, and scientists from the Middle East still do resistance to gender equality in Islam (Kull, 2009: 25-39). Gender equality is considered a culture contrary to Islamic teachings. At the level of higher education Islam, are like the leadership of the State Islamic University (UIN) and IAIN in Indonesia, from the rector, chancellor, provost, director and so on still dominated by male power (Kull, 2009: 25-39).

Resistance to patriarchy pesantren (Islamic boarding school) has been done by many people. Including through literature novel Abidah El Khaliqie has been investigated by Tineke Hellwig (2011) and Mustikawati (2011). In this study illustrated the tradition of pesantren put women at a domestic role. Women are placed in a room with no power like the men who dominate over all the powers. Resistance of women to patriarchal figure played by Annisa prove that women not only as appendages of men, but were able to have the ability and role as men.

The positive current gender equality in Indonesia still get resistance of pesantren, Islamic society organizations, and the women themselves.

Resistance pesantren leaders to the concept of gender even led by prominent modern pesantren. Zarkasyi (2008: 108) a figure Pesantren Modern Gontor considers gender as an issue that is new and never in pesantren culture and gender are considered contrary to Islamic teachings. Gender issues cause resistance and controversy among pesantren because gender is considered as an issue of the West that the Islamic world was considered secular. Gender equality and feminism is considered to have become one of the liberalization of pesantren, Islamic and Western targets to poison the mind of the Muslim so that they voluntarily leave the noble values of Islam and the release of religious symbols are deemed no longer suitable to modern society. Leaders pesantren assume that gender is part of Western culture that have a mission to change the way people view, especially Eastern Muslim society. Gender movement is seen as a movement that comes from the movement equation (equality) in all things in society that finally put 68

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elements of the elements of Western culture humanity (Zarkasyi, 2008: 108).

Pesantren Darussalam Ciamis is distinctively modern pesantren with formal education ranging from kindergarten through college. How religious viewpoint this pesantren is still under negotiation between the acceptance of the multicultural way of thinking religious and conservative.

His domination was still religious conservatives maintained. The implication of gender bias view towards the roles of men and women are still dominant.

Women do not have equality in in decision making and leadership. While boarding Miftahul Huda Manonjaya is specific pesantren of salafiyah in Tasikmalaya. Pesantren are historically in the West Java retaining as the traditional pesantren by not opening the formal school. Pesantren and its students only studying pure sciences of Islam that is rooted in the Qur'an, hadith, and the works of classical Islamic scholars. Religious views and practices of leadership at the pesantren is still dominated by man. Women are placed in the position of appendages of men. With conservative religious views female dominated by men regarded as the teaching and religious orders. Therefore, the study of gender bias in the modern and salafiyah pesantren important for the improvement of gender mainstreaming in the Islamic society. Because pesantren are educational institutions which became the epicenter of view of gender equality is adhered to by the Muslim community in Indonesia.

METHOD This study uses qualitative research (Mulyana, 2008: 162) by basing on the critical paradigm (Madison, 2005) because the feminist perspective with gender analysis into the research methods used for the entire research process. Subjects were members of Pesantren Modern and Salafiyah Priangan consisting of modern pesantren Pesantren Darussalam Ciamis and salafiyah Miftahul Huda Tasikmalaya consisting of a subject that is Kiai, religious teacher, wife, Ustadzah, administrators and students. Collecting data by field work (fieldwork), through direct participation from and indepth interviews (Daymon and Holloway, 2008: 206-207). Interviews were conducted using in-depth interviews (Given, 2008: 290, Reinharz (2005: 21). Data were analyzed using a feminist perspective to the analysis of gender (Hughes, 2002: 48, 72, 98.106) of all data and research results.

RESULT Modern pesantren and salafiyah remained implement centered on male hegemony as holders of power and authority. In the aspect of the power of the women were given positions on the territory woman. And male has complete powers over all aspects of life in the area of men and women.

Gender bias in environments salafiyah and modern pesantren fundamentally have the same form in between.

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1. Gender bias at the socialization of the leadership role In pesantren normatively at traditional and modern women are still given the socialization of gender roles in the preparation of a housewife who has a domestic role. Socialization of the leadership role of women in schools put more emphasis on the position of women as housewives. Coaching personalities and attitudes of women at the point as a wife in the household, prepared an ark. The reason men are considered to have strong leadership.

Women considered to have no soul as strong women.

Therefore, in pesantren girls in the neighborhood salafiyah more emphasis on aspects of the problem are considered nature of women such as cooking, house, and educate children. Women adulthood toward marriage in modern salafiyah and more socialized as a candidate housewife. Ahead of entering the world of household women are required to master the works in the realm of the kitchen like cooking. In addition, the women were also charged to have attitudes as a woman of whom first, women should have a habit of orderly and able to take care of the house does not like men who tend to be neat and orderly. Women are also required when speaking in a language that should be smooth and well not as hard as a man's voice.

Students women and young teachers at the pesantren has long is eight to nine years of living in pesantren have an ideal that is almost uniform is becoming Solihah wife should obey her husband. The female students showed no inclination to have aspiration to become a leader in the community or pesantren leaders.

Cita-cita abdi kapanyun mah: nyaeta ngabahagiakeun sepuh, janten istri solehah nyaeta istri anu tumut taat ka suami, ngabdi, ka suami nyenangkeun suami, nyumponan kana kawajiban ka suami sakuat tanaga, ngamalkeun ilmu nu tos kenging ti pasantren. [My goal forward is happy parents, being the wife of solehah ie obedient wife to her husband, making her husband happy, fulfilling obligations towards him mightily, and the science that has been obtained from the boarding school. [interviews with female students of pesantren].

Husband/male peole thought should lead public affairs. With confidence and this assumption, are not aware that in the culture and practices of life in boarding schools have occurred socialization that putmen in the social structure pesantren as someone who has a higher potential than the women so that the problem and the right leadership either consciously or unconsciously has been placed into a male authority.

The women tend to choose a place as a group that has a dependency on men.

2. Gender bias in leadership practices Leadership in modern and salafiyah pesantren into the hegemony of men. Normatively modern and salafiyah pesantren have the view that being a leader is a right for a man. Leadership in the family and the leadership in the public domain is considered right man. Therefore, gender equality movement that encourages women are entitled to be regarded as the leader 70

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of the movement opposed to the Islamic tradition and the Muslims in general. Gender movements as movements Western orientalists or idolatrous people who do not know the values of religion. Considered wrong doing contrary to religious values if women become leaders, women heads of households, men take care of the household and women work outside the home. Basic view of leadership at the school refers to the Quran Surat AnNisa verse 34: [Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, because Allah has given the one more (strength) than the other, and because They support them from their means. Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient, and guard In (the husband's) absence what Allah would have them guard. As to those women on whose part ye fear disloyalty and ill-conduct, admonish them (first), (Next), refuse to share their beds, (and last) beat them (lightly); but if They return to obedience, seek not against them means (of annoyance): for Allah is Most High, great (above you all)]

This verse is considered to be a source of fundamental values in determining the roles of men and women differently. With values based on the verse of textual meaning, values that are built in to run the distribution and role of power in the modern and salafiyah pesantren, women have inferior position compared with men. Appropriateness of leadership into the rights of men occupying the public sphere assuming the male is the leader and main breadwinner. Instead women occupy domestic territories thus indirectly the whole control of power structurally and culturally in the hands of men.

Gender for their Western orientalists who are not steeped in religion, the idolatrous, damaging the Muslims. Gender issues, human rights issues are things that are destructive. If being Muslim is absolutely no gender terms. In the West, women can be leaders, female heads of household, her work outside the home. Because they (Westerners) did not have a religion.

Nowadays in which a woman becomes the prayer. Anyway gender problem is that relegating (interviews with leaders salafiyah).

Gender equality movements as movements Western orientalists or idolatrous people who do not know the values of religion. Considered wrongdoing contrary to religious values if women become leaders, women heads of households, men take care of the household and women work outside the home. Men and women are considered different natures. Natures of men and women are seen by the schools based on the provisions of the values of the Islamic religion. Male nature is to be a woman leader and the led.

3. Gender bias in the scientific capacity of women Women who are highly knowledgeable and have the leadership capacity may not necessarily be a leader in boarding schools. The identity of a man in view of pesantren is to be clergy or leaders. The students, administrators, teachers, Young kiai, and all members of the male pesantren nurtured with the values that instill identity of a leader. The identity of women was seen as someone who is in the domestic area. Modern 71

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pesantren call as the nature and roles of women in the domestic sphere and men in the public domain. Mastery sciences impartial religion for a woman not to be oriented to strengthen and prepare women can lead or participate in the public domain on par with men. ... A man must necessarily have an ethical leadership, and it could have if his leadership has been embedded in his soul. For a woman of ethics that must be owned that ethics become a genuine woman, a motivator husband in the next life, and capable of being a mother as a surrogate mother in the present. I think men should have a bold personality and responsible, while women must be neutral and is able to neutralize any circumstances (interviews with senior teachers pesantren).

The implication of social roles of men and women become unbalanced.

Power leadership in all men. Position of start manager of pesantren up the business units controlled by men. Until the health care unit, which is abbreviated Poskestren managed by all men. In modern pesantren few women occupying public positions such as member of Assembly School, Principal and Vice Principals. But more positions on the symbol. Determine the power and the right decision to remain in the power of man, namely Kiai. Female power is not inherent right and power in decision making.

4. Gender Bias in the regeneration of the leadership of the pesantren In the aspect of regeneration and management of pesantren will be the absolute right men. In modern Pesantren and salafiyah like pesantren Miftahul Huda and Pesantren Darussalam for future generations automatically fall into the hands of the boy. Miftahul Huda Pesantren as the next generation of boys, the same thing in pesantren modern Darussalam.

Yet in both these schools there is the figure of a girl who is older and has the capability to manage schools. However, because the female gender rights regeneration of leadership can not be held.

Boys in pesantren have a legitimate and powerful throne to have the full authority and control over the schools than girls in schools. The man who became the leader of pesantren is not the oldest. Some girls from the descendants of the founders of schools actually have the capacity to lead the pesantren, namely with the requirements of the breadth of religious knowledge and the ability to read the yellow book. The grounds are female gender, then they do not have the right to potentially lead the pesantren. In view of modern and salafiyah pesantren, normative and dogmatic woman is considered to have the right to be the leader of pesantren.

Basis for determining the regeneration gave to the boys, because the pesantren belief that the leaders of the public sphere especially pesantren leaders called kiai. Kiai is the male sex. In view of the responsibilities of the boarding schools of public affairs is considered right and authority of men.

The views modern pesantren call that real women are not weak, but the male is in charge of matters in the public affairs of the household, the problems of public schools, and other public issues related to society in general.

Gender bias in the regeneration of the leadership at the school, 72

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such as in salafiyah below the level seen in the General Government and the Council Kiai, namely at the level of special body regeneration scholars who are filled by young kiai (KM), which amounted to 25 (twenty five) people men who came from the lineage of the founder of the pesantren. In modern pesantren boys are automatically referred to the "Child's Crown" their boarding. Kiai Council of the future, do not put young women as a generation that can lead the pesantren in the future. Indirectly the young women pesantren have closed their rights become a leader in pesantren As a result, the entire policy pesantren of planning and implementation undertaken by young kiai. Women indirectly poorly trained and accustomed to define development policy in public areas.

The young generation of women at the pesantren do not have access to the policies and aspirations channel independently. The younger generation of women tend to be passive and resigned to the policies established by the kiaimuda. Indirectly various activities and decisionmaking of the younger generation of women can not be involved in the formulation and determination of policy at the level of regeneration boarding schools.

5. Women do not have the power to set the policy In various meetings in pesantren recognized by the leadership of the pesantren always wives pesantren leaders were consulted in meeting. But final determinant is the leader or the deputy leader of public pesantren and kiai. Women at the pesantren can provide aspiration and ijtihad anything but the controls and policies are in the hands of men. The women in the pesantren is not allowed to have their own policies. All forms of ijtihad and initiatives mechanism should be under the control of men. As great as women's initiative and desire in the management and policies of schools must be approved by the Assembly deliberations kiai or caretakers. Leaders pesantren Kiai Council and who has authority in determining the policies and direction of activities pesantren.

6. Public access to the widely held male Subordination of women in various areas have an impact on access owned by women. Many influential female figures in schools. which have better access than with the wives of other governing board. But the factor for female lineage of the founder pesantren. While the women were not of the lineage of pesantren do not have equal access. Besides public access that has no influence on the awareness on gender equality. The values of gender bias controlling and shaping their lives, their potential to play a role in the public sphere actually participate reinforce the values of socialization of gender bias.

At the level of the daily management of executive level there is the composition and role of women. But the dominance of the policy and management of pesantren is in the hands of men. The board women only have authority in the area of women. Pesantren Board male authority in the 73

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area of women and men. The woman is considered to have the programs and interests that are different from men. Programs of a general nature relating to area men and women, women's administrators tend to follow all policies established by the m e n board of pesantren.

With the dominance of men in the management of pesantren called pesantren Governing Body Daily Executive, caretaker women do not have access to an area of the board of men. Board women just struggling to organize and environmental policies in the woman. The scope of the policies that are in the area of internal domestic affairs of women. In the opinion of the committee men, women have access to space limitations in the public domain. A variety of public issues is regarded as a matter of considerable thought and completed by men.

The problem genitalia, with interpret and assumptions throughout the female body is a nakedness, women in pesantren also tend to limit themselves to not having access to the public sphere as those of men.

Extensive access defined as the right of men and limited access for women defined as the right of women.

In a variety of activities to public access, women have less access to follow the activities outside schools. Pesantren as social and cultural institution has role in society whether in government or in society in general. If there are invitations and demands the involvement of pesantren against public officials from outside schools such as training, meetings, discussions, lecture invitations, then the male students is a priority or messenger. Some invitations of seminar, such as educational seminars, economic, development, and management of boarding team assigned is the men's team. Likewise, meetings with other agencies such as the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Department of Education, although envoy more than one or two people still did not involve students or female caretaker.

Moreover, if the quota or his delegate only one person who was sent only definitely male. Including seminars outside schools either local or national level are sent are men not women.

Likewise, other social roles of women have limited access, for example when the board held a social responsibility for the boarding of landslides in the area of West Java Ciamis female officials suggested that women were included and allowed to engage in disaster relief. Board proposes women, "sok usulkeun jeung difasilitasi supaya pengurus istri bisa ikut ka Cihaurbeuti" [Try propose and facilitation so that the board can come to Cihaurbeuti women in disaster management]. Chairman of the Board male boarding schools answered with a smile as symbols of rejection for a job delivering aid to public concerns considered a man's duty. Women are considered energy is not as strong as men. Women in confidence boarding board considered many potential madlarat (dangers and limitations).

Finally aspirations of women board ran aground and could not berpartisiapasi in public areas in the distribution of social assistance as one of the important role that can be accessed by women. According to the Chairman of the board in addition to the reasons not allow pesantren (body) 74

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of women, the Council Kiai likely will not give permission for women to participate and follow social activities far away from the location of pesantren. Plus the permit procedure for the management of women outside pesantren to take part in a location away from the location of the pesantren have to go through several levels of the Leadership Council pesantren.

7. Marginalization of Women Identification of women are biologically and values of the social impact of gender bias in the differences in gender roles in modern and salafiyah pesantren cause women unconsciously positioned marginally. The policy and position of women in the social structure of pesantren occupy domestic spaces in social roles. Women in boarding schools have an average of roles domestik. Public roles held by women in pesantren, for example, in salafiyah pesantren, kiai young wives, the wives of the Council Kiai, and the managers of the women has a public role as a teacher. But the public role of women held only in the environment of woman, so that the roles of women in the public schools is identical to the internal domestic role. The public role with the control of men with limitations inx certain areas giving religious lectures. The impact of the culture of leadership that is dominated by men, social roles carried out by women in pesantren behind its development as compared to men. In salafiyah roles do women differ with the board kiai and pesantren leaders are men. For example Pesantren Assistant General social roles as Group Chairman Haji Guidance (KBIH) and Chairman of the political party in the district. Superior General became Chairman of the Board of Experts in a party winning the elections in 2009 in the district of Tasikmalaya. Likewise in modern pesantren leaders have various social public positions that have more value as becoming chairman of Islamic Organizations, Muslim Scholars Association Expert Council, and others.

Unconsciously social roles in internal boarding pesantren have put women in marginal and marginalized women's social impact.

8. The occurrence of stereotypes against women Unequal gender relations in pesantren make communication contains stereotypes against women. Stereotype implies a very simplified description by a group of people. Thus stereotypical beliefs implies that show men have certain traits and must do certain other things. While women have other properties and should be doing other things.

Stereotypes happens unconsciously because of communication and learning built environment pesantren, based on the belief of religious values.

Religious values is seen to have the absolute truth and there is no human right to change it. The views expressed in the communication pesantren that contain stereotypical considered a true communication and is prevalent in schools.

Source of basic values of life at the school are all based on the book of Islam. Should be obeyed absolutely. Titel for people who do not 75

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observe the law of Islam is the dlalim, hypocrites and unbelievers. The obligation to implement Islamic law, namely the Imamate (government power) but in our country there is no (interviews with leaders of Salafi pesantren) .

The kiai explained that the basic development of the value of the life of the relationship between men and women is based on religion. What is meant is Islam that the explanation in the yellow book (Islamic traditional book). If there is a denial of religious values is regarded as infidels. Modern boarding schools do not consider infidels, but for those who do not obey the teachings of Islam or have a view outside Islam is considered as liberal.

On the basis of the values that bind religious boarding school life which is based on the literature of the yellow book (Islamic traditional book) is read, understood, and believed to be textual members of pesantren both men and women unknowingly carry out stereotypes against women. The member pesantren of men and women with reference to the sources of the dominant ideological discourse of gender bias unconsciously put the image of women as second-class human being "other" when compared with men. Women are considered as a complementary function and the "companion" of men.

In the marriage ritual in pesantren for example the position of women and women's title referred and placed as a companion. Communication context of a household has always shown to men if associated with public affairs. In the context of women when it comes to domestic issues. Advice about a leader, public affairs, and the responsibility shown to men. â&#x20AC;Śtapi pamegeut gaduh kawajiban anu utama, nyaeta wajib nungtun atawa ngagiringkeun bojo kana jalan hade, hade menurut pituduh rasul, hade nurutkeun tungtunan agama Islam, sanggup jadi imam dina ngalaksanakeun tugas jeung kawajiban oge nyontoan leuwih tiheula dina nyingkahan cegahan Allah, babarengan mapay-mapay jalan kabagjaan dunya akherat (Tohir, 2007: 44).

[... Main task of a male primary, which shall lead or lead her to the right path, correct according to the instructions apostles, right guidance of Islam, could be a priest/leader in performing its duties and obligations, also must set an example in front in implementing circumvent the ban of God, so as to achieve together happily in the world and in the hereafter].

Leaders pesantren advises and supplies at a wedding at the pesantren bridegroom is a descendant of a teacher of Islam in an area in Banten advising that contain about the importance of a man as the leader of the household who must maintain the dignity and good name as his father, a child scholars who someday will lead and continue to manage pesantren.

Male and female social representations in marriage counsels likened to Sinatria (knights) and widadari (nymphs). The figure of a man described as Sinatria (a knight) with gender role identity is strong and mighty to occupy the social role in society. Pesantren portray the identity of gender role stereotypes against women in the advice: Sing caringcing pageuh kancing, sing saringset pageuh iket, ulah gedag kaanginan, ulah lungguh kalinduan, ulah leeh ku ka panasan, laas kajhujanan.

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Cadu mungkuk pabalituk, haram dempak pabalatak. Moal mundur sasiku, moal ngejat satapak, sok sanajan disisir serit, dibuaya mangapkeun, dicacag di walang- walang, disiksik diweling-weling, dibeset diuyahan, moal mipir pedah mapay pasir, moal lewang pedah nyorang. Lalaki langit, lalanang jagat, kulit beusi, urat waja, bulu betis keris, bulu kelek gobed. Taya tanding taya lawan, tong boro boro manusia, syetan jeung genderewo kabeh mangpret taluk sieuneun ku hitutna. (Tohir, 2007: 6-7)

Stereotypes of women described that woman as a human figure that has the appeal of this type of body in social life. The identity of the woman is given the title " putri lir Widadari" that a woman was like an angel with all the appeal of the female body.

Geulis kawanti-wanti endah kabina-bina, geulis bawaning ngajadi, endah lain pupulasan, lir widadri enggal turuh ti kahyangan, rambutna hideung meles ombak banyu lir mayang jambe nu rek ligar. Pamenuteu ngadaun seureuh, taarna jamentrangan, Halis lir katumbiri. Socana cureuleuk lir intan biduri.

Pangambung mancung kuwung-kuwung. Damisna lemes matak tijalikeuh tumila, angkeut lir endog sapotong. Lambey beureum matak uruy nu ningali.

Panangan ngagondewa, angkeng ceking lir papanting. Imbitna dempak biolabitisna jantung sajaksi. Di tilik ti gigir leungik, di tempo ti tukang lenjang, diteuteup ti hareup sieup, taya cacat saeutik-eutik acan. (Tohir, 2007: 10-11).

Stereotypes of women by making the image of women in communications at the pesantren are placed as objects of male sexual, male waiter, and complementary in a social relationship. In the discussion of how women are also placed as part of a social disaster that is a figure of a teaser that causes men slipped into a sinful act. Women images as an important part of a disaster and adversity men. One of the leaders salafiyah explain his advice: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Gogoda nu katilu, wanita. Nu ieu mah pada apal, yen hate lalaki mah teu kaop ningali awewe, sabab nu kumaha ge kabita wae. Panon teh nuturkeun ka awewe mah, padahal teu leuwih hade batan nu di imah. Ceuk babasannana; â&#x20AC;&#x153;mun di jalan nempo budak leutik, sok inget ka pun anak nu di imah, mun nempo awewe nu geulis, jadi poho kanu di imahâ&#x20AC;?. (Azis, 2008: 18).

[The third temptation in life is women. This problem everyone knew, that a man's heart is tempting if you see any female in appearance. Eyes that will inevitably follow any women, whereas women are seen / saw no prettier than his wife were at home. As the maxim that if you see a child on a trip, remember the child's own home, if you see a beautiful woman forgot to those at home].

9. The woman's body is considered a source of fitnah unfit to lead Consequences of meaning and the notion that a woman's body defamatory, almost in the overall activity between men and women in segregated schools. Men were on location or spaces are more open than with women. Women tend to move in the territories, which are located closed to the public. The main basic consideration of separation of activities between students of men and women in various activities because it is feared happened defamation against women.

For example in the sports activities of women student in modern 77

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pesantren. At first the female students also once a week out of the dormitory pesantren with administrators to simply escort sports complex ran out of pesantren with a distance of several hundred meters from the campus boarding. Activity by sports students woman outside the complex then gets prohibition of the wives of the Board of Kiai and the Executive Board of the pesantren because with the run out of the dormitory boarding despite wearing a veil/hijab neat and clothing covered would still cause a scandal so exercise some sort of jogging or running is considered not included activities that are good for a woman.

In contrast to the body and male gender were considered to have no social consequences. The teachers at the pesantren considers the male body does not have the potential for containing slander like the female body. ... Women should not be making loud noise. Men do not have a lot of rules (both voice and behavior). Women has many frills, many dangerous. There is a description of the "better get together with wild boar/ wild boar rather than having a get- together with men (interviews with teachers pesantren).

Likewise in modern pesantren female body becomes the object of which is closely monitored. The students, teachers, and administrators of schools are required to wear a headscarf and socks. The whole body should not be seen by the opposite sex because it is categorized as genitalia. Women who do not wear clothes that are closed in accordance with the pesantren will get a warning directly from pesantren leaders.

DISCUSSION Historically boarding built to enlighten the community through religious education. Gender bias occurs in modern Pesantren and salafiyah.

Supposedly the modern pesantren does not happen gender bias detrimental to women. Compared salafiyah, modern pesantren actually gained more gender equality movement. In salafiyah dominance of conservative religious views become a source of gender bias. Gender bias in modern and salafiyah pesantren impact on the society's perspective on gender equality. Factors that lead to gender bias is still going well in modern and salafiyah pesantren, among them: First, the source of religious discourse in modern and salafiyah pesantren still use the resources of gender bias. Islamic tradisional books (kitab kuning) as a source of gender discourse in pesantren to load the contents of gender-biased considered the truth. Yet according to Masdar (Bruinessen, 1994: 172) the contents of Islamic tradisional book is a combination of the basic teachings of Islam (Quran and Hadith) to the local culture. Culture is something that is always changing, so that if the contents of the Islamic tradisional books was not suited to the needs of the people of Indonesia, because the author is not the same culture with the culture of Indonesia.

Sources discourse that gender bias is considered natural, ordinary, and in accordance with religious values. Strengthening gender bias in pesantren environment is not considered a problem, but considered as guidance and values that must be obeyed by members of pesantren to production and 78

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reproduction of values that gender bias pesantren environment. Yet according to popular books in schools, even in the order of 100 books were popular at the school, none written female (Bruenessen, 1994: 142164). Because it was written by men, then it makes all the islamic tradisional books in pesantren shows hegemonitas male perspective in almost every aspect of the discussion shows the context of masculinity.

Second, textual perspective of religious teachings. Textual perspective dominates salafiyah and modern. Textual perspective on religious texts in pesantren impact on viewpoint discrimination against women. Textual readings of the islamic tradisional books as a source of discourse of gender ideology resulted in the construction of contextualization of knowledge that truth relies on texts alone and the opinion of the author of the classical scholars. Within the framework of textual (Bruinessen, 1994: 172) tells everything is male, and the differences between men and women be given a meaning that women do not reach the dignity of man. The existence of women as if merely companions, servants of the men, and meet the needs of sexuality alone. Status of men over women's status in the world and in the hereafter, with the benchmark price, weight or seriousness, one man is worth two women. Textual readings in terms of the framework of Islamic thought called the bayani. Bayani is a thought that is based on the authority of the text, either directly or indirectly. Directly means to understand the text as so and directly apply the knowledge without thought; implies understanding the text as a raw knowledge that need interpretation and reasoning. However, this does not mean sense or reason can freely determine the meaning and intent, but still must rely on text (Abdullah, 2006: 202).

The impact of women from the aspect of representation and social roles sufficiently represented by men.

Third, the dominance hierarchy of leadership and mastery of public affairs by men at the seminary. Historically (Dhofier, 1984: 49) in the history of boarding schools in Java and various regions that pesantren leaders are men. Kiai as the most essential element of a pesantren is the masculine or male. In the history of pesantren in Indonesia Kiai called the person who founded the boarding school, have them, and mastered the knowledge of religion. Kiai consistently run religious teachings. Growth and development of a pesantren, as measured by the men that kiai. Impact of social interests and policies boarding trip always put the main perspectives on men as something true and is not considered detrimental to women. The impact of policies and systems of power based on the perspective of the interests of men of the next generation of women in modern and salfiah peantren receive socialization and gender unjust early. Placement of power and public affairs issues in both men and women since the beginning of the placement are positioned not balanced with the social role of men has implications for the future of women have a tendency marginal in public areas. Women in the development of pesantren trip will remain in the domestic territory and possession of restricted access. In the future opportunities of women in boarding schools to have access and public policy subordinisasi has 79

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experienced since its inception. Women tend not to have a role and reprensentasi fair as those of men, because since the beginning it has been positioned in the region socially inferior and subordinate compared with men.

Fifth, there are factors of male power who do not want disturbed by women. In modern pesantren and have the same salafiyah next generation not just men. The founders of modern and salafiyah pesantren has a daughter who has the capacity and capability to lead. But the men the next generation in schools do not accept women's abilities as a leader. The sources of religious discourse that gender bias in pesantren has the authority used by leaders and for future generations to strengthen the hegemony of male leadership pesantren. For if the male power in pesantren on women would threaten the power of men over economic assets owned pesantren.

Sixth, the perspective of women pesantren which reinforce stereotypes of women as appendages of men. The women in pesantren are in the unconscious accepts the values of gender bias. The women eventually became an agent for spreading the values of gender bias. According to the framework Tong (2010: 190-191) with a gender perspective in psychoanalysis argues that gender inequalities in pesantren stems from a series of experiences since early in childhood that received socialization and personality development of gender bias, which results not only male perspective eighteen who sees himself masculine and feminine women view themselves, but more than that is a member of pesantren looked feminine trait for women and masculine for men is better. In the end, result in the women looked at him from the corner of the psyche of women, namely the perspective of women resulting corner sees himself women with different properties with men.

CONCLUSION 1. There were no significant differences between modern and salafiyah pesantren gender bias in the views and practical life. The factor for male hegemony in both the scientific and the control of economic assets.

2. Religious values that have authority trust and strong at the seminary became a tool of legitimacy interests of the elite men at the pesantren to maintain power and control over economic assets.

3. There is a contribution of women in gender bias in pesantren due to unawareness of women in positions that are discriminated against.

In order to materialize gender equality in pesantren, some changes can be made in steps include: 1. Strengthen the capacity women who have had a public role at the school. The women of the family owners of pesantren can be a figure who can initiate gender equality in schools.

2. Increase the learning resources for gender equality perspective on learning in boarding schools.

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3. Expand the power of the role of women teachers in the pesantren of learning to fight systematically to undermine the hegemony of men at the seminary.

REFERENCES Althusser, Louis, 2008. Tentang Ideologi: Marxis Strukturalis, Psikoanalisis, dan Cultural Studies, Jalasutra : Jogyakarta Amin Abdullah, Islamic Studies Di Perguruan Tinggi: Pendekatan Integratif dan Interkonektif, Yogyakarta, Pustaka Pelajar, 2006.

Aziz, Abdul Affandy. 2008. Hate Lalaki Mawa Maslahat Jeung Mafsadat, Pesantren Miftahul Manonjaya, Tasikmalaya.

Bruinessen, Martin Van, 1994. Kitab Kuning Pesantren dan Tarekat, Bandung: Mizan.

Dhofier, Z. 1984. Tradisi Pesantren, Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai.

Jakarta: LP3ES. Daymon, Christine dan Holloway, Immi. 2008. Metode-Metode Riset Kualitatif Dalam Public Relation dan Marketing Communication, Terjemahan. Cahya Wiratama, Yogyakarta:Bentang.

Fakih, Mansour.1997. Analisis Gender dan Transformasi Sosial.

Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.

Given, Lisa M (eds). 2008. The SAGE Encyclopedia of Qualitative Research Methods Volumes 1 & 2, California: SAGE Publications, Inc. Hughes, Christina. 2002. Key Concept in Feminist Theory and Research.

SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi.

Hellwig, Tineke. 2011. Abidah El-Khalieqiey Challenging Patriarchal Islam, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 167, no. 1 (2011), pp. 16-30 Hasyim, Syafiq. 2010. Bebas Dari Patriakhisme dan Islam, Depok: Kata Kita Kull, Ann.2009. At the Forefront of a Post-Patriarchal Islamic Education Female Teachers in Indonesia, Journal of International Women’s Studies Vol. 11 #1 November 2009, p.25-39.

Madison, D. Soyini, 2005. Critical ethnography: method, ethics, and performance, California: Sage Publication.

Mufidah ch. 2009. Pandangan Santri Ma’had Aly tentang Pengarusutamaan Gender di Pesantren Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, Jawa Timur, Jurnal Islamica, vol. 4 no. 1, september 2009, p. 65-79.

Mustikawati, Aquari.2011.Perempuan Berkalung Sorban Gambaran PerlawananTehadap Patriarki di Ruang Tradisi Pesantren di Jawa Timur, Widyariset, Vol. 14 No.1, 2011., pp.93-99.

Mulyana, Deddy. 2003. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif : Paradigma Baru Ilmu Komunikasi dan Ilmu Sosial Lainnya. Bandung Rosdakarya.

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Reinharz, Shulamit.2005. Metode-metode feminis dalam Penelitian Sosial.Terj. Lebona Rahman. Jakarta: Women Research Institut.

Tong, Rosemarie Putnam. 2010. Feminist Thought: Pengantar Paling Komprehensif kepada Arus Utama Pemikiran Feminis. Cetakan V, Terj. Aquarini Priyatna Prabasmoro, Yogyakarta: Jalasutra Tohir, AM. 2007.Perenak-Perenik Bahasa Sunda: Pamekar Bahasa Sunda, Bekel Pangjajap Acara, Upacara Akad Nikah, Cetakan ke 2, Pesantren Miftahul Huda Tasikmalaya

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PREPARING FOR PUBLIC LIFE: SCHOOL SECTOR AND THE EDUCATIONAL CONTEXT OF LASTING CITIZEN FORMATION JEFFREY S. DILL University of Virginia

Abstract School sector and educational context seem to make a difference in civic socialization. There is limited knowledge, however, of the mechanisms through which socialization may occur in public and private schools, and the extent to which they have any lasting effect. Does the private school effect on civic socialization persist into young adulthood, and if it does, what explains the effect? Analyzing data from NELS:88 using HLM, the results of this study show that, net of background controls, there is a private school effect on civic participation in young adulthood, but it is mediated through contextual factors in the family and school, such as parent-school involvement, intergenerational closure, student-teacher relationships and prior participation, that seem to account for the effect on adult civic behavior.

Keywords: Health well-being, gender differences, gender mainstreaming.

INTRODUCTION Education is socialization. That is how Durkheim, at least, understood the primary purpose of education for cultural and societal transmission to future generations.1 In democratic societies, education is thought to play an important role in socializing for citizenship and civic participation (Dewey 1997[1916]; Nie et al 1996; Labaree 1997; Niemi and Junn 1998; Gutmann 1999). The precise process through which civic socializationoccurs in schools, however, is difficult to explain. In addition, little is known about the extent to which schools have any lasting effect on the formation of citizens in adulthood.

In this study, I examine the comparative effects of public and private schools and their educational environments - factors in both school and family communities - on adult voter participation and volunteering. I analyze the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988, a nationally representative sample of the high school class of 1992 that followed respondents from 1988 (8th grade) through 2000. I find that, relative to their peers from public schools, graduates of private schools vote and volunteer at slightly higher rates after background controls are included. The private school advantage, however, is mediated through family-school 83

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environment variables. Thus, contextual factors in the family and schoolspecifically parent-school involvement, intergenerational closure, studentteacher relationships, the importance of participation among peers and volunteering during the school years- seem to account for the private school effect on adult civicparticipation.

The majority of the research on educational effects measures differing outcomes based on the amount of schooling in years or degrees (Pallas 2000); less research has been done on differing effects of education based on the type and context of schooling (Hallinan 2006). Although selection issues create serious difficulties, researchers have tended to find neutral-to-positive effects for private schooling on civic outcomes (Greene, Giammo and Mellow 1999a, 1999b; Campbell 2002; Wolf 2005, 2007). However, most of the current research focuses on the civic values and participation of students while they are still in school, measuring how practices and beliefs of schoolaged children differ across sectors. Much less is known about the long-term effect of private or public schooling on civic values and participation, and still less is known about the mechanisms through which school sector may affect civic socialization. The present study examines the civicparticipation of young adults (after high school), testing whether or not school sector and educational context have any lasting measurable effect on voting and volunteering.

SCHOOLING AND CIVIC SOCIALIZATION Political socialization, or the process through which citizens are formed, begins long before adulthood. Habits, skills and attitudes affecting civic participation that are formed in the period of youth persist into adulthood (Nie et al 1996; Cambpell 2006). The mechanisms through which this process occurs have proven difficult for researchers to fully explain, but community context (e.g., various family and school factors) seem to make a difference. Parents' political participation, literacy habits and their involvement with their children are factors in the family environment that contribute to youth political socialization (Verba et al 1995; Burns et al.

2001; Plutzer 2002). The school environment may also be a factor, in part due to classroom-based civics instruction, as political knowledge transmitted through the school curriculum has modest effects on various civicoutcomes (Niemi and Junn 1998; Galston 2001; Gimpel et al. 2003). While the acquisition of knowledge may contribute to political socialization, past political participation is the biggest predictor of future participation among adults (Plutzer 2002). This is also true for young people transitioning into adulthood, as participation in voluntary associations during the school years predicts civic activity later in life (McFarland and Thomas 2006).

Opportunities and motives for participating in youth associations are often dependent upon community context, specifically the structure and organization of schools (Schneider and Stevenson 1999; Guest and Schneider 2003). Schools that offer certain extra-curricular clubs and associations encourage political participation, and these experiences can have lasting 84

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effects (Verba et al 1995; Burns et al. 2001). The school environment can also be a factor in the civic socialization of young people through less visible means, often referred to as the "hidden curriculum" (Dreeben 1968; Butts 1989; Niemi and Junn 1998; Brint et al. 2001). Gutmann (1999) argues that pedagogical approaches that encourage critical reasoning and deliberation can be formative for democratic citizenship. Gimpel et al. (2003) similarly suggest that teaching an appreciation for "conflict processes" is effective; they also show that student perceptions of school "fairness" (discipline and grades) translate into later support or distrust of governing authorities.

Recent work has suggested that certain forms of racial diversity in the classroom may hinder civic engagement because it limits political discussion (Campbell 2007; this may also be true at the community level, Putnam 2007).

These more implicit factors in civic socialization can also result from social relationships within school - between students and peers, students and teachers, and even students and other adults (coaches and parents of friends) - within the school environment. Coleman and Hoffer (1987) theorized that these relationships create social capital, embedded in "functional communities" that reinforce civic norms. Verba et al. (1995) lend support to this communal norm idea and show that political participation is strongly motivated by a sense ofcivic obligation. Campbell (2005; 2006) has recently found that the civic climate in a school (whether or not voting was seen as a social norm) had a positive impact on voting, and argues that duty and obligation, reinforced by communal norms, can act as motives for political participation.

Coleman's work on social capital and communal norms was theorized within the context of school sector differences, and he argued the cohesion and collective identity of private schools was better situated to create a "functional community." This contention is controversial, however, because the vision for public schooling in America has long been the formation of a collective character for the common good of the democratic society (Kaestle 1983; Glenn 1988). Private schooling in America, on the other hand, has been criticized for its theoretical inability to serve this function in society.

Private schools, it is argued, are not public institutions and therefore are less democratic, less reflective of a diverse society and less likely to foster healthy participation in that society. Because private schools rest exclusively on the particular interests and beliefs of a specific group, the process of public deliberation is not practiced, thereby calling into question the democratic commitment of these groups. This argument, made by political theorists like Barber (1997), Gutmann (1999), and Macedo (2000) has been succinctly summarized by Galston (2001:231): "Public schools have been regarded as the most appropriate sites for forming citizens, whereas private schools have been regarded with suspicion as sources of separatism, elitism, and antidemocratic principles." (Galston 2001:231) The public or private organization of the school, therefore, could have implications for the process of civic socialization.

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This argument, for the most part, is grounded in theory more than data; the empirical research on school sector and civic education generally shows neutral to positive effects. Research on school sector differences has significant challenges, and measuring outcomes and controlling for selection effects present major hurdles. Indeed, much of the debate over "private school effects" is focused on how and what to control (see Braun et al. 2006, and Peterson and Llaudet 2006). These methodological challenges must always be considered, and results appropriately interpreted against them.

Nonetheless several studies seem to suggest that the particular identity and collectively held norms of a private school may foster relational trust and a cohesive bond that unites its members behind a common vision, creating a "communal organizational culture." (Coleman and Hoffer 1987; Bryk et al.

1993; Bryk and Schneider 2002; Crosnoe et al. 2004; Campbell 2005, 2006; Sikkink 2009) These studies generally show neutral-to-positive, though not overwhelmingly substantive, academic andsocialization effects of private, especially Catholic, schools.

Wolf (2005, 2007) completed a review of 21 empirical studies that focused on the effects of private schooling on civic socialization, specifically, the values and skills of students or parents comparable to students or parents in assigned public schools.2 These studies varied from random assignment experiments with voucher plans to observational studies that used control variables in multivariate regression models. Wolf found that the results of the 21 studies suggest that the effect of private schooling on civic values tends neutral-to-positive. Only three negative findings were found. While selection remains a concern, even looking at results from only the random assignment experiments shows a neutral-to-positive trend for private schools.

While most of the studies in Wolf's review focused on the schooling effects of students while in school or thecivic behaviors of parents, a few of them are directly related to the present study in that they focused on the long-term effects into adulthood. Greene et al. (1999a) found that adult Latinos who attended private schools voted at higher rates, and that they displayed modestly higher levels of political tolerance than public school counterparts. The study focused on a limited population: a nationally representative sample of 3,400 adult Latinos from the Latino National Political Survey. The same authors found a similar result for another study on a limited population, a representative sample of adults in Texas. Both of these studies looked at private school effects on adult civic behaviors, but had limited samples. Greene (1998) also used an early wave of the NELS data in another study, finding positive effects of private schooling on volunteerism. This analysis was focused on questions asked when respondents were seniors in high school.

The literature on schooling and civic socialization suggests that some family and school climate factors may contribute to civic participation.

Research also suggests that, despite the fact that they are private and not public, private schools seem to have neutral-to-positive effects 86

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on civic outcomes. It is possible that certain factors in the family-school environment serve as mediators of the private school effect. Most of the recent school sector studies were cross-sectional and/or focused on the civic values and participation of students currently in public or private schools and/or their parents. There is limited knowledge of the mechanisms through which socialization may occur in private vs. public schools, and the extent to which they have a lasting effect. The present study addresses two unanswered questions: does the private school effect on civic socialization persist into young adulthood, and if it does, what explains the effect?

STUDY DESIGN AND EXECUTION Data The present study used the NELS:88 data set to examine the relationship between the type of high school a person attends and civic participation as an adult. The NELS:88 base-year survey employed a two-stage, stratified sample design, with schools as the first-stage unit and students within schools as the second-stage unit. The stratified, random sample of 8th graders nested within schools was surveyed in 1988, 1990, 1992, 1994 and 2000. The cohort of 8th graders was followed for 12 years, roughly from ages 14 to 26. Data for the first three waves of the study were collected using self-administered questionnaires through the respondent's school. The final two waves were collected through a combination of interviews (telephone and field) and self-administered questionnaires.

Analysis in this study selected respondents who participated in all five waves of the study, were not missing data from the base year parent survey or the school-level file, and took the cognitive test in either the first or second follow-up waves. After applying the appropriate weights, the sample size is 8,594. In this sample, I used multiple imputation for missing variables.

Measures and Methods The NELS data include four categories of schools: public, private Catholic, private non-Catholic religious, and private non-religious. Though it does not represent a random sample of schools, the variables for public/private schools in NELS:88 closely represent the percentages enrolled in these schools in population at large in 1992. The vast majority of students in America are educated in public schools (87% N=7,443). The 13 percent educated in private schools (N =1,151) are split among the different types of schools: half in Catholic schools (7% N = 589) and the other half divided between non-Catholic religious (2% N=208) and non-religious (4% N = 354) private schools.

I first simplify these categories into a dichotomous variable of public and private schools to measure the broad differences, and then I look specifically at the various categories within private schools for a more nuanced examination of the differences. Results from prior studies offer theoretical grounding for examining the differences between types of private 87

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schools and civic socialization. Sikkink (2003) found that there were significant differences in the political engagement of parents among different private school alternatives. He found that compared to those of public school children, parents of Catholic school children were more politically engaged, non-Catholic religious schools less so than Catholics. Others have found similar results for students of different private schools (Campbell 2002; Wolf 2007).

The dependent variables target the concept of civic participation. The concept intuitively suggests the duties, responsibilities and privileges associated with the status of membership in a particular society.

Theoretically, individual citizens should have some commitment to the larger common good of the society to which they claim membership. There are seven broad categories of civic values that most empirical studies in this area measure: political tolerance, political knowledge, social capital, civic skills, patriotism, political participation and volunteerism. These are all generally understood to represent the knowledge, attitudes and behaviors necessary for participation in a democratic society. Most of the research reviewed above concentrates on the knowledge and attitudes of students. This focus on civic "values" is important, especially because most liberal theorists are concerned that some private schools, especially religious ones, undermine core principles of liberalism such as tolerance, critical thinking and moral autonomy (Feinberg 2006). But civic behaviors are a different though related matter and equally important. The present study focuses on measures of key civic behaviors in adulthood: voting and volunteering.

Voting behavior is measured by a question asked in 2000 when respondents were 26 years old: whether or not they voted in the 1996 presidential election. Volunteerism is measured by an index created to include any volunteering done by the respondent from 1994-2000, the years after high school. Variables included in this index are from two different follow-up waves, 1994 and 2000, and include volunteering for a host of organizations including religious, youth, civic, and political groups. In order to match the other outcome variables, the index was distilled to a dichotomous variable of volunteering/no volunteering and represents the respondent's participation in any volunteering in the eight years since high school graduation.3 More than 50 percent of the young adults in the sample volunteered for at least one organization in the eight years after high school. Despite their young age (around 22), they exhibited a strong voter turnout in the 1996 presidential election with 60 percent participation. The NELS:88 respondents self-reported participation in the 1996 election at a higher rate than the comparable age group percentage from the U.S. Census Bureau data (49%).4 In later analysis around the different types of private schools (see Table 4), a second voting measure is used, where respondents were asked (in 2000) if they had done "any voting in the last two years." Of the sample, 45 percent said yes.

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While imperfect, these particular measures offer some idea of the degree to which individuals have a sense of duty or obligation to the larger society, manifested in their participation in elections and community groups.

While these measures might miss some people who are indeed civic participants, it could be argued that anyone who has some degree of citizenship will be voting and volunteering.

There are several methodological challenges in measuring and explaining school effects of this sort. The first is the clustered nature of the schoollevel data: students are nested within schools. Using standard regression analysis in this case is problematic because it assumes an independence of observations that is not obtained with this sampling procedure. Employing standard regression techniques, which assume a random sample, leads to the real possibility of misestimating standard errors in a complex sample like NELS. To avoid this possibility, I use hierarchical linear modeling and employ a two-level logistic regression model that adequately accounts for the group-level and individual-level effects (Raudenbush and Bryk 2002). This procedure ensures that the variation in my individual level results is not due to similarities shared by students from the same school. This is especially important when attempting to examine school effects on individual behaviors. The individual level variables are group-mean centered and the school level variables are grand-mean centered (see McFarland and Thomas 2006). All variables are fixed, but the level 1 intercept is allowed to vary randomly.

Another central methodological challenge in measuring the effect of a school environment on behaviors in adult life is selection bias. Families who send their children to private schools rather than public school might be fundamentally different from those who do not. Any differences in graduates of public and private schools could be the result of a host of factors other than the type of school attended. While it is impossible to account for all selection effects through the use of observational study and control variables, controlling for a wide range of relevant variables is nonetheless an accepted alternative for measuring school effects (Pallas 2000). In addition, a propensity score method was used in regression adjustment. The propensity score estimator, first introduced by Rosenbaum and Rubin (1983), is defined as the probability of receiving treatment (private school attendance in this case) based on certain conditions. To generate the propensity score, I first ran a logistic regression predicting the likelihood of attending private school, controlling for several background features (SES, race, gender, marital status of parents, religion of parents, region and urbanicity). Next, the computer used the results from the logistic regression to predict each individual's probability of attending private school based on their characteristics. This propensity score, the probability of private school attendance, is used as a control variable in the analysis (see D'Agnostic 1998; Mocan and Tekin 2006). While it is still likely that there are unobservable factors that influence private school attendance, this method helps to decrease error from selection bias.

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My multi-stage, two-level logistic regression model controls for outside factors that influence the relationship between civic participation and school type. Part of the difficulty in measuring school effects lies in deciphering which variables are exogenous and which are endogenous. For example, parent-school involvement (a strong predictor of the civic behaviors in my model) is higher in private schools. Is this factor exogenous - that parents who send their children to private schools are inherently more interested and involved in their child's education? Or is it endogenous, a result of private schools encouraging parents to be more active in their child's education?

(This is actually the suggestion of Coleman's work.) Several of the studies reviewed above argue that parental involvement is an outcome of private schooling, and thus including it in the model "over controls" and eliminates variance that is a result of private schooling, not selection effects. While this argument is plausible, it is extremely difficult to decipher the causal direction in the relationship between these variables; however, not including highly correlated variables could lead to over estimating school effects. In order to anticipate this potential problem, I choose to include variables that are potentially or even clearly endogenous. I construct the models on a roughly temporal framework, from background and family factors while in school, to adult factors after school that are known to most influence civic activity.

The independent variables are added to the analysis in three stages (Table 1 shows descriptive statistics for all variables). Model 1 includes factors at both the school level and the individual (family of origin) level that may be associated with voting and volunteering (Verba et al 1995) as well as the likelihood of attending private school. These are the variables that are important to include for identifying selection factors when examining school effects; failure to take into account many of these variables "can lead to exaggerated claims about schooling's effects on adult outcomes of various types." (Pallas 2000:522) At the school level, they include school size (scale from 1 = less than 400 to 9 = more than 2,500), school SES (measured by the percentage of students in the school who receive free or reduced lunch), school race (percent white), and dummy variables for region (South) and urbanicity (urban). These are important controls because the analysis seeks to understand what factors in the school environment influence civic participation later in life, and these variables account for important factors in the school community. At the individual level, controls include sex and race (a dummy variable each for Black, Hispanic, and Other) because educational opportunities and civic behavior are not necessarily the same between sexes or between races. I include the parents' marital status (married/non-married) because family structure can impact the choice of the type of school a child will attend as well as achievement in school. I also include a measure of socio-economic status. This is associated with the likelihood of private school attendance and the civic behaviors of the parents.

The variable I use was created by the researchers at NELS:88 from variables in the base year parent survey. It includes the education level and 90

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occupational status of both parents (if a two parent family) and total family income. Cognitive ability may also determine civic participation later in life, so a composite test score variable (from reading and math cognitive tests) was included. Finally, the propensity score, the probability of attending a private school based on background characteristics, was included (see above).

Model 1 includes variables that are clearly exogenous; the models 2 and 3 include variables that are potentially endogenous. Model 2 includes measures that focus on characteristics and behaviors of students (respondents) and their family and school environment during the school years that may affect civic behavior later in life. These variables represent both family and school factors, but they all are loosely tied to Coleman's idea of a "functional community" (1987). These are environmental factors that are possible mechanisms through whichcivic socialization could occur. At the family level, the variables measure various types of social capital, both internal and external to the family, which could contribute to civic socialization, given the positive effects of parent-child involvement in the literature (Verba et al. 1995; Burns et al. 2001). The first variable asked respondents how often they talked to or did things with their mother or father (1 - rarely/never to 4 - everyday). Parents who are highly involved in their children's lives affect the school experience, and parents who volunteer and participate are likely to raise children who do the same. For this reason, I include a computed variable representing the sum of parents' involvement in their child's school (comprised of five variables: membership in a ParentTeacher Association, attendance at PTA meetings, involvement in PTA activities, volunteering at the school, and volunteering in other organizations with other parents from the school). A measure of intergenerational closure is also included, accounting for whether or not the respondent's parents know their friends and their friends' parents; this closure external to the family represents the social relationships in which norms are embedded (Coleman and Hoffer 1987).

The relationships between students and teachers mark another contextual avenue through which norms could be communicated (Gimpel et al. 2003); I constructed a variable combining two others, asking students how well they get along with teachers and the degree to which students feel teachers are interested in them. Student perceptions of the fairness of discipline and grades at school have been shown to effect civic participation (Gimpel et al. 2003), so measures of these perceptions are included. Peers are another possible social context for communal norms, and the extent to which volunteering is considered important among one's friends helps to understand this additional level of the school environment.

It is clear that civically oriented behaviors in high school are likely predictors of the same behaviors later in life (McFarland and Thomas 2006), and I included a measure of whether or not the respondent volunteered while in high school. Although it is difficult to determine if such a variable is endogenous or exogenous, it is nonetheless important to control, 91

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anticipating a lower bound effect in the finding. I also add a measure of the nature of this volunteering, whether it was required for school or simply voluntary. Private schools require volunteering more than public schools do, and this could bias the effect (Planty and Regnier 2003). Finally, religiosity and youth community service are related (Verba et al. 1995), and a measure of religious attendance while in school is included.

Model 3 includes factors that are adult characteristics associated with voting and volunteering. The socio-economic status of the respondent in young adulthood (measured when respondents were about 26 years old) comprises the majority of this model. Indicators include three dummy variables for level of education attained, total family income in 1999, and a dummy variable for occupation, measuring whether or not the respondent's job requires leadership, managerial or supervisory responsibilities, as these occupations are associated with higher rates of participation (Nie et al.

1996). An indicator of attendance at a private, four-year college is also employed, as it is possible that volunteering in young adulthood could be an effect of a private college, as many private colleges encourage or require involvement in community service. The literacy habits of adults are key predictors of civic participation because they increase knowledge of political issues (Plutzer 2002), so a constructed scale indicating the frequency (in 2000) of newspaper and magazine reading, as well as television news viewing, is included. Finally, the model controls for marital status and religious attendance in 2000. These adult characteristics are endogenous factors; that is, they occur after the effect that I am studying, school type.

However, they are known to be highly correlated with the civic activities in my model (Pallas 2000), so not including them could bias the results - it could overestimate a positive effect or underestimate a negative effect.

ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION Results The private school effect on volunteering is significant and sizeable (1.38 odds ratio, Table 2). This shows that on average, after controlling for a host of background factors, individuals attending private school have 38 percent higher odds of volunteering as young adults compared to their public school counterparts. Clearly, people who went to private school differ in volunteering rates as adults from those who went to public school. If the background controls serve as accurate measures, the difference is not due to the fact that private school students disproportionately come from wealthy and intact families. The coefficient is significant even after controlling for a participant's propensity for private school attendance. What else may explain the variation?

Model 2 accounts for the "school effect." When family-school environment are added, the effect of private schooling on volunteering is no longer significant. It seems that variation in volunteering by school type is mostly mediated through the variables in this model and they are key factors in civic socialization. The family variables are significant - time spent in conversa92

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tion or activity with a parent, parent-school involvement and the indicator of intergenerational closure. Student perceptions of "fairness" at school are not significant. Peer influence in the community context seems to make a difference, as the importance of volunteering among one's friends is also significant. As expected, religious attendance is an important indicator of volunteering later in life. But the most important predictor in this model is clearly whether or not the respondent volunteered during the high school years (2.43 odds ratio). The required volunteering variable was not significant and is not in any models in this study.

Model 3 demonstrates that background factors in young adulthood are also powerful predictors of volunteering. While the significance of the private school variable was lost in Model 2, Model 3 reduces the coefficient by nearly 50 percent. In addition to the SES variables, attendance at a private college, religiosity and literacy habits are all significant predictors. This is, of course, not surprising. Interestingly, the inclusion of these variables does not eliminate the significance of several family-school environment factors.

Intergenerational closure, peer importance of volunteering, volunteering during high school, and religious attendance all maintain significance in this final model. Although the educational attainment variables are quite substantive, volunteering while in high school is clearly the strongest predictor of volunteering later in life (2.14 odds ratio).

The results for voting in the 1996 presidential election reveal a generally similar pattern. With the background controls in Model 1, school sector effect is significant and substantive (1.38 odds ratio - Table 3). As with volunteering, the controls in Model 2 seem to mediate this effect, although the specific variables differ slightly. Here, the relationships between teachers and students are a significant factor that maintains through Model 3. While the closure variable is not significant, parent-school involvement is and remains so in Model 3. The peer influence appears to only make a difference on volunteering, as it is not significant in the voting models. Prior participation -volunteering while in high school- remains the most substantive predictor even on the voting outcome. As expected, variables in Model 3 are strong predictors of voting behaviors, but they reduce the coefficient for school type by much less than in the volunteering model.

In order to investigate how different types of private schools influence these measures, I implemented the same two-level logistic regression models as above and used three dummy variables, one for private nonreligious schools, private Catholic schools and private non-Catholic religious schools respectively (public school is the omitted category). Table 4 shows the results for the school type variables only; the patterns of significance for control variables in these models follow those from tables 2 and 3. For the volunteering and presidential voting outcomes, nonreligious schools seem to drive the effect seen in tables 2 and 3. Another outcome variable, any voting in the past two years, is shown as well. While not significant when the model included a variable for all private schools, non-Catholic religious schools

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show a substantive effect on this outcome. The interesting finding here is the lack of effect for Catholic schools; they are not significant in any model.

It seems clear that various background factors in Model 3 locate a young adult in the social structure and serve as clear predictors of his or her civic participation; most of these factors are related to socioeconomic status (level of education, occupation, literacy habits, but religious attendance is also important). But it is also clear that familyschool environmental factors in Model 2 matter, and they seem to be mediators of any private school effect.

For easier interpretation, Table 5 shows predicted probabilities for the outcome variables based on school type. These were calculated with the control variables set to their appropriate means at each level, so they represent the probability of a young adult from the average school with average individual level characteristics, voting or volunteering later in life.

Discussion Do private schools inculcate democratic practices less than their public school counterparts? The short answer is no; on the whole, students from private schools do not vote and volunteer at lower rates than their public school peers after controlling for selection effects. But the results of this study tell a more complex story about any discernable private school effect on the civic participation of young adults.

At one level, graduating from a private school makes one more likely to vote and volunteer later in life. This "advantage" is not explained by controlling for background features such as race and socio-economic status.

It does, however, seem to be explained through the factors in Model 2. On the one hand, this demonstrates that political socialization is not simply a class-based process of social reproduction: net of background effects, there are family and school environmental factors that are contributors to civic socialization and key predictors for engagement and participation later in life. Relationships between parents, teachers and students - indicators of social capital - are important elements that reinforce norms and create an educational context that promotes lasting civic engagement, a certain kind of habitus (Bourdieu 1990) that socializes for public life. Most importantly, educational environments that encourage active civic participation (volunteering) will have long-term effects on young people (though not significant in my models, requiring service is probably not helpful; see Planty and Regnier 2003 and McFarland and Thomas 2006.) The evidence here also suggests that private schools are often more successful at creating and sustaining the climate and context within which these important factors thrive. This supports previous findings about the importance of school climate for social outcomes, especially in private schools where the collectively held norms within the school community bring a higher degree of relational trust, social capital and "buy-in" for parents and students, motivating both groups to get involved in the community (Coleman 1987; Bryk and Schneider 2002; Campbell 2005; Sikkink 2009).

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On the other hand, there may be an alternative explanation that could have some support in these findings. Perhaps the host of background controls included in the models do not completely account for selection bias and the effect of social class. Although the models do not lack for controls at both the school and individual level, it is possible that reducing the complexities of social class into these variables leaves some important factors unaccounted for or unobserved. Lareau (2000, 2003) has argued that many of the significant mediating family-school environment variables in my models are themselves markers of social class. In her terms, these factors are part of a "dominant set of cultural repertoires" (habitus by another name) that are steeped in middle-class life and rewarded in and through key social institutions like schools.5 Some of the significant variables in Model 3 notably level of education and occupation - could be signals of these familyschool environmental factors being rewarded later in life, and civic participation could simply reflect this process. The fact that the non-religious private schools - often the elite, wealthy schools - drive much of the private school effect could also potentially signal this process of social reproduction via civic socialization. (This explanation takes Bourdieu's 1977 cultural and social reproduction approach into the realm of political socialization.)

It is difficult to determine if the family-school environment factors are endogenous or exogenous variables. Arguing a causal direction in this relationship would transcend the data and results of this study. There seem to be three possible explanations for why these factors make a difference: (1. it simply reveals a class-based selective group of involved parents and civically minded students, (2. the school community fosters these attitudes and practices or (3. both. My own speculation is that the third option comes closest to explaining reality. Selection is clearly at work, but (perhaps because of this) particular social norms are at work within a school community that have lasting effects in excess of selection factors.

In spite of these endogeniety issues, the results point to mechanisms through which civic socialization occurs. The educational context of young people, including the family and school environment, contributes to the formation of lasting citizenship. Although social class issues need to be considered, it is clear that parents make a difference in the civic participation of their children. Parents play a key role in creating and sustaining the social capital and networks that have normative power for civic engagement later in life. This serves as an important point of comparison for the theoretical work cited above which is concerned that parents' role and involvement in a child's education should be secondary to the role of the state. The concern is mainly with indoctrination and abuse, and these results suggest that the concerns need to be met in a way that does not negate parental involvement in children's education. If public schools minimize parents' involvement (intentionally or not), they may weaken their ability to cultivate civic participation. Stated in the affirmative, in as much as public schools can involve parents and students in community life, they too will be places for cultivating active civic participation.6 95

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The results show differences between the types of private schools on the measures of voting and volunteering that differ slightly with previous research. Non-religious private schools seemed to account for a large portion of the private school effect on later civic participation. Results for these schools in previous research (usually with outcomes during the school years) have been mixed (Wolf 2007); this study shows that their effect on volunteering and voting later in life is substantial. Non- Catholic religious schools have also had mixed results. Some research on these schools generally shows negative results on both academic and socialization measures (Carbonaro 2006; Schneider et al. 2006). In research on democratic citizenship, they seem to demonstrate poor results on tolerance measures but relatively positive results on participation measures such as those in this study (Wolf 2007). Perhaps the most remarkable finding in this regard is the evident lack of a "Catholic school effect." Catholic school effects have been well supported in school sector research in general (Coleman and Hoffer 1987; Bryk et al. 1993) and have been demonstrated in civic participation studies (Campbell 2002 and Sikkink 2003). One speculative possibility could be the significant changes Catholic schooling is undergoing on a number of levels, especially demographically, that may have effects on other outcomes (Kim and Placier 2004; Smith 2005; Meyer 2007). It is also possible that the Catholic school effect oncivic socialization does not persist into adulthood. There was a significant and sizable effect of Catholic schooling on volunteering while in high school in my analysis, but not on participation later in life.

CONCLUSIONS Consistent with the other studies in this area, the findings show that private schools produce "good citizens" as much as public schools, even after controlling for a host of factors. They seem to do at least an equally effective job as public schools in preparing students for public life in a democratic society. More importantly, the results also offer hints towards answering the question of why private schools, called "private" precisely because they are not "public," seem to do an equally effective job of inculcating citizenship as their public counterparts. Contextual factors in the family and school parent-school involvement, intergenerational closure, student-teacher relationships, the importance of participation among peers, and volunteering during the school years - played a role in civic socialization. To some extent, these factors may be rooted in the particular identity and collectively held norms of a private school and may foster relational trust and a cohesive bond and may create a "communal organizational culture." (Bryk et al. 1993; Bryk and Schneider 2002; Sikkink 2009) The common bond between private schools is the particular identity that is central to their existence. These particular identities are expressed through collectively held norms; these norms are a form of social capital that is embedded within the social networks of private school communities (Campbell 2005). The family-school environment factors that mediated the effect of private school in my analysis 96

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could serve as indicators of these norms and collective identities that promote civic socialization.

Of course it is also possible that, background controls aside, the mediating factors are themselves markers of social class, and thus the educational context of lasting citizen-formation is merely a reflection of access to resources. In this sense, it is possible that other key factors, such as level of education and occupation, are signals of this process of reproduction.

Adequately controlling for selection bias is extremely difficult in observational studies, so the possibility cannot be ruled out. The significance of school sector and contextual factors could vary by class in a way that simply controlling for background features does not fully realize. Further research that creatively examines the impact of social class on civic participation via family-school environmental factors could prove fruitful in understanding precisely how "cultural repertoires" affect the familyschool relationship and political socialization. This study demons-trates that private schools seem to be embedded within a certain habitus that prepares students for public life well into adulthood. The extent to which this environment is more directly related to school culture or simply a reflection of social class needs to be explored carefully in further research.

FOOTNOTE 1. He famously said: "Education is thus simply the means by which a society prepares, in its children, the essential conditions of its own existence." (1972:203) While few contemporary sociologists of education would argue that socialization for citizenship is the only purpose for education, most would agree that it is a central one (see for example, Labaree 1997 and Brint 2006).

2. It should be noted that this review employed the "vote counting" method of meta-analysis that does not weight the strength or power of effect sizes, which has been subject to criticism; see discussion of the methodological debate around Eric Hanushek's studies in Hasci 2003:188-94.

3. While collapsing these measures into a dichotomous variable enables me to capture any and all volunteering after high school and maintain consistency among outcome variables, this generalization could lose variation in the kind of volunteering done by graduates of different school types. Students from religious schools, for example, could volunteer in their churches, which may be theoretically different than non-religious volunteering. This is the difference between Putnam's (2000) bonding and bridging social capital. The variables that comprise my volunteering outcome (from the final two waves of NELS) only include church volunteering in the 1994 wave, not the 2000 wave. Initial analyses with this variable reveal little variation in church-related volunteering among students from different school types. Additionally, churches were not the organizations that received the most volunteering from students from religious schools (hospitals had higher rates). But 97

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again, the measures in NELS do not enable a thorough investigation of this possibility and further research is needed. Interestingly, Putnam's recent work (2007) suggests that bonding and bridging social capital may not be at odds with each other and the former may serve as a prelude for the latter.

4. These figures are from the Current Population Survey. Thomas Dee (2005) argues that self-reporting does not significantly weaken the credibility of the voting measure in his analysis of the High School and Beyond data. It is, however, possible that these figures reflect overreporting, and that it could vary by school sector.

5. Similarly, Rothstein suggests that in his case studies of California schools, "parental involvement did not vary by whether a school was public or private but rather by whether the school's parents were lower or middle class." (2004:32; Rothstein et al. 1999) On the other hand, Domina (2005), while urging caution, suggests his results show "that the involvement of low-SES parents may pay greater cognitive and behavioral dividends than the involvement of high-SES parents." Neither study, however, was tied to civic outcomes. Planty and Regnier (2003) show that while higher SES students volunteered more in high school, class differences diminished for volunteering rates in young adulthood.

Clearly, the relationship needs to be explored more fully, particularly in regards to school sector and civic socialization.

6. Recommendations made by Arum (2003) for smaller public schools with more personal contact could have this effect.

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