The Millennial Pictureque : A Hong Kong Urbanscape from a Hong Kong Eye

THE MILLENNIAL PICTURESQUE A HONG KONG URBANSCAPE FROM A HONG KONG EYE

IRIS FONG

THE MILLENNIAL PICTURESQUE A HONG KONG URBAN SCAPE FROM A HONG KONG EYE

IRIS FONG

© 2021 by Iris Wai Tung Fong First Edition June 2019 Second Edition September 2021 This is a written record of the findings, thoughts, processes and outcomes of the Landscape Architecture Design Thesis (Independent), authored by Iris Wai Tung Fong (Student N0. 636813), under the supervision of Jillian Walliss, in the Semester 1, 2019, as a compulsory requirement for the completion of the course Master of Landscape Architecture in the University of Melbourne. This journal is a non-exhaustive material on the concerning topic, as it only provides a glimpse of the bigger picture. The author has put her greatest effort to uncover the knowledge, maintaining and organising the work at her best for the sake of this record. All images, text, and (Chinese-English) translations in this journal are produced and written by the author, unless specifically stated and/or referenced. 4

PREFACE It has been two years since the completion of the thesis project, when I finished the first draft of this journal in haste. There are a lot of grammatical errors and missing details in terms of information and logics, leaving a relatively crude representation of my own findings, analysis and argument. However, with its current status, I feel this draft does not do full justice to the project and the site it concerns - the Instagram Pier. They deserve a better, completed documentation of its chronicle. Hence, I have undergone thorough review of the original print, reproduced the drawings, rewritten much of the text and included additional images, to produce the revised journal, laying in front of you right here. I hope you would enjoy reading it, and perhaps, able to take something inspiring with you.

Revised by Iris Fong September 2021

ABOUT THE THESIS The Millennial Picturesque: A Hong Kong Urbanscape from a Hong Kong Eye is a research, investigative and explorative thesis project focusing on the Asian urban spaces. It aims to understand the operation and production of these spaces, particularly the Instagram Pier and its home city Hong Kong.

The project begins with the Instagram Pier, an ‘undesigned’ public cargo working area, that stood above all glamorously designed public spaces and rose to fame as being the most Instagrammable spot of the Asia’s World City. It’s a big dilemma: It is not designed as a public urban space, yet it functions as one. Its popularity has hinted the emergence of a new urban space doctrine, specifically evolved in the Asian context, which defies everything we know about a public urban space in the dogma of contemporary Landscape Architecture. It also suggests that the city’s designed urban spaces, produced through a dominating pragmatic approach, have failed the users as these spaces are only designed solely for programs without considering users in mind. However, with little knowledge and recognition on both issues, the new spaces are at risk of being eliminated and replaced with the internationalized spaces – including the Instagram Pier. It becomes a victim of its own fame, subjected to the government’s formalized planning process and turned into another universal waterfront promenade.

Therefore, the thesis is set to respond to this extraordinary phenomenon, addressing its potentials and challenges. It seeks to demystify the Asian urban spaces, unveiling the origins and properties of the urban spaces of the chosen city – Hong Kong, as well as investigating the effect of prevalent pragmatic approach on Hong Kong urban landscapes, which wipes out many unique, ethereal places like the Instagram Pier. Inspired by the English picturesque design, the thesis aims to establish a contemporary picturesque design approach, putting emphasis on harnessing spatial qualities and their ability to engage perception and evoke emotions. Drawing on the images of the Instagram Pier, a new design methodology is developed and applied to the Pier’s adjacent area as a pilot project, introducing an alternative landscape typology where the landscape is produced through the union of carefully curated terrain and the creative appropriation by the users.

Different from other design theses, the Millennial Picturesque does not attempt to provide concrete design outcomes or universal answers on how landscape architects should rekindle human relationship, through sensual experience, with the place-making process. This is because sensual experience is often subjective and thus there is no solid rules on how place can be produced. Instead, this project serves as a flintstone to initiate dialogues which were lost two centuries ago: connecting humans to the landscapes through emotions and memories. It is through our intimate relationship with the landscape that we as designers and users become more thoughtful and begin caring more about the places we live. Therefore, by providing a universal platform where users bond with the landscapes personally, we might be one step closer to find the truly ‘successful’ urban places for people, of people, and by people.

CONTENT About the Thesis

PART 1 THE UNCHARTED SPECTACLE 00 The most Instagrammable spot in Hong Kong

Working against the norm, is probably, the norm

Research Question One

Decoding the world of chaos

The Hong Kong enigma

04 Being worthy of the name

100

150

Human, is an emotional being

Research Question Two

182

PART 2 THE MILLENNIAL PICTURESQUE 06 Before the likes are a thing

186

07 Humphry Repton and his Little Red Books, reinterpreted

212

08 Deconstructing the spectacle

220

09 Designing with a human eye

280

The millennial picturesque

316

The design dilemma, shall always exist

362

The gratitude

370

Reference

372

Appendices

384

PART 1 THE UNCHARTED SPEC /ʌnˈtʃɑːtɪd/ adjective 1. not recorded or plotted on a map, chart, or plan 2. broadly: unknown

/ˈspek.tə.kəl/ noun 1. a visually striking perfo exhibited to view as unu especially an eye-catchin 2. an object of curiosity o

CTACLE

ormance or display; something usual, notable or entertaining, ng or dramatic public display or contempt

THE MOST INSTAGRAMMBLE SPOT IN HONG KONG IS NOT THE VICTORIA HARBOUR. APOLOGIES. STILL, IT LOOKS FANTASTIC.

Previous | Fig. 1. Victoria Harbour viewed from the Peak. 15

I know the Harbour looks awesome. It is one of the best (night) views in the world. But sadly it really is not the most Instagrammable spot in the city. The truth will surprise you, I believe. The most Instagrammable spot is not the Peak or any other famous spaces or tourist spots, but the Western District Public Cargo Working Area (西區公眾貨物裝卸區,俗稱西環碼頭), colloquially known as “the Instagram Pier” (西環天空之鏡).

By June 2019, there are at lease 16,000 photos on Instagram which is dedicated to this site alone. They can be found on the social platform with the tag #instagrampier.

Right | Fig. 2. A screenshot showing number of photos tagged with #instagrampier at June 2019. 16

Above | Fig. 3. Sunset in the Instagram Pier. An amazing place it is. 18

Below | Fig. 4. People from all walks of lives just gather and bring lives to this empty pier. 19

But... Don’t you find it odd?

At least I do. An industrial site, which is never meant to be designed or used as a public space, has captured Hong Kong people’s and global tourists’ heart. Why would this happen? What happen to other spaces that are designed as proper public spaces in the city?

Right | Fig. 5. A speed boat departing from the Instagram Pier. 20

01 BELIEVE IT OR NOT,

WORKING AGAINST THE NORM, IS PROBABLY, THE NORM YEAH, SOMETIMES IT IS LIKE THAT.

The rise of Instagram Pier has shown that a public space does not necessarily have to be a designed one. It essentially depends on how it actually operates. In fact, such phenomenon is nothing new in Hong Kong. With its residents known for being versatile and resourceful, the public space can be anywhere in this tiny city... And when I say ‘anywhere’, I mean literally, anywhere.

Below | Fig. 6. A weekend outing. This is the elevated pedestrian walkway in Mong Kok, Kowloon. During weekend, it transforms into a semi-public informal park, where the domestic workers spend time with their friends. Some even start hosting pop-up shops selling food and providing massages for their people. 24

Above | Fig. 7. A band performing on a street. This is the street that I grew up with. It was my favourite street in Hong Kong. 25

Sai Yeung Choi Street South is a main road located in Mong Kok, the most densely populated area in the world (Keegan, 2017). A portion of the street was pedestrianised in 2000 to enhance the safety of people, in which the vehicles were prevented from entering the streets every day after 5pm and every weekends (Ng, 2018). The newly created car-free space was subsequently appropriated and shared by different people, including musicians, hawkers, protesters, or even salesmen who sell the broadband services (Ng, 2018). With the emerging bustling activities, the street started to earn a reputation both locally and internationally, becoming a popular hang-out place for local teenagers, or being promoted as a tourist spot on the Russian S7 Airlines (S7 Airlines, 2019). It was a place that united people and activities which are normally deemed as incompatible with one another temporarily. Everything was possible here. Sadly, its lawlessly-liberated condition had also been a source of spatial conflicts, causing nuisance especially to the people who have been residing on the street since decades ago. After nearly two decades of unregulated flourishing, the pedestrian zone has been axed by the district council in July 2018 (Cheung, 2018).

Top | Fig. 8. An uncle performs Chinese circus tricks in Sai Yeung Choi Street South. Bottom | Fig. 9. An instant pop-up photo booth in Sai Yeung Choi Street South. 26

At the same time, the vibrancy in the Sai Yeung Choi Street South is rarely found in other public parks, such as the pocket park in Yu Lok Lane, Sai Ying Pun. This little park is a public open space produced from an urban renewal project. It is designed by the Urban Renewal Authority and managed by Pioneer Management Limited. The park is fitted with benches, flowerbeds and even statues that re-enact the lives of the old Hong Kong people living in this area. It is a pleasant space in the midst of the concrete jungle. However, when compared to the bustle in Mong Kok, the site looks exceptionally empty. In fact, many residents regard the site as a privatised courtyard due to the fences and its fancy appearance (Chan, 2016). Or even worse, they thought the park is haunted by the statues which look exceptionally spooky at night (Wong, 2016). All these discourage the residents from visiting the park.

Top | Fig. 10. A statue is chilling with his bird, in Yu Lok Lane public open space in Sai Ying Pun. Bottom | Fig. 11. A halfly fenced space in Yu Lok Lane public open space, Sai Ying Pun. See the sign (highlighted area)? You cannot walk your dog here, cycling and skating, or even speaking loud (because you are ‘asked’ to keep the voice down). 28

Good bird, what a good bird!

Is there a design dilemma? I asked.

/daɪˈlem.ə/ noun 1. a situation in which a difficult choice has to be made between two different things you could do

I am very intrigued with what I observed in Hong Kong. An undesigned space is being used as a public space, and vice versa. It works completely opposite to what I have learnt in the university! Something must have gone wrong, I think. I asked myself if there is a ‘design dilemma’. During my academic studios, I often took full control to guarantee all design elements were precisely curated and placed, so they would work as I planned. Yet, they ‘might’ only work - as I was aware that I would never know the outcome until they were actually being built (not sure if it would ever come true) and used. The designed spaces in Hong Kong, as proven by the pocket park, are regarded as ‘failures’ when they are judged by the norms of urban spaces. Are the design responses problematic? Or should we blame the designers? This is best summarised by Pong (2017) in his article “Unfolding the Western District Public Cargo Working Area in Hong Kong”:

“The natural occurrence of vibrant activities within WDPCWA is in opposite to the practice and pedagogy of urban planning an design.”

And what happen to the undesigned spaces, as shown in Sai Yeung Choi Street South? Why are they being so popular despite the fact that they have no infrastructure to cater the public activities?

Why does the design dilemma happen? In fact, before we could ask ‘why’, we need to ask ‘what’... We need to understand what kind of public spaces we are dealing with.

It seems there is no way to interrogate the design dilemma with the death of the pedestrian zone... Until I came across with this space which locates across the harbour. It has been repeatedly mentioned by my friends and acquaintances, both local and foreign. It becomes a popular subject of conversation over coffee, because of its rarity - an Instagrammable industrial pier in this concrete jungle! Its name speaks for itself. Many people have spoken out about their love of the space. And luckily it is still an alive space, which I can properly investigate. This is how my thesis begins.

RESEARCH QUESTION ONE

WHAT IS THIS EMERGING ASIAN URBAN SPACE THAT HAS NEVER BEEN CHARTED IN THE LANDSCAPE DOCTRINE? 32

WHAT IS ITS ORIGIN AND HOW DOES IT OPERATE?

DECODING THE WORLD OF CHAOS IS NOT AS HARD AS IT SEEMS, IF YOU KNOW THE WAY IN.

The emergence of Asian urban space has to be acknowledged. They do not sprout from nowhere. They have always been there, yet they are constantly suppressed and neglected. It is only until now people start seeing them when Asia is better understood by the rest of the world.

Red light districts.

Top | Fig. 12. Kabukicho, Tokyo. Bottom | Fig.13. De Wallen, Amsterdam. 36

Markets.

Top | Fig. 14. Tung Choi Street (Ladies’ Market), Mong Kok, Hong Kong. Bottom | Fig. 15. Docklands, Melbourne. 38

Public Parks.

Top | Fig. 16a & b. Sanan Luang, Bangkok. Normal state v.s. the Rotal Crematorium of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Bottom | Fig. 17. Sheep Meadow, Central Park, New York. 40

ASIAN URBAN SPACES The spaces discussed in the previous chapter can be catergorised as Asian urban space in general, as they are all born out from an Asian city. It is apparent that the Asian spaces are different from the Western counterparts, especially when it comes to the visual aspect, as shown in the parallel photos. It is challenging to find an existing terminology to explain the dynamics of these Asian urban spaces. How can we describe an urban space which is not a strictly urban space but works like an urban space? It is apparent that the Asian urban space does not fit well into any known landscape typologies. They do not exist in the current doctrine of contemporary Landscape Architecture. As a result, we have no means to decode the mechanism of the Asian urban space since they completely defy the urban open spaces we understand. We also do not know how to approach and design them. They break all the rules we know. They are unidentified landscape objects. They exist in a parallel dimension, out of our reach.

Right | Fig. 18. Strolling in Tamshui Old Street, Taipei. 42

Below | Fig. 19. Rush hour in Ho Chi Minh City ,Vietnam. How would you cross this sea of motorbikes? Hold tight, or I might lose you.

The Western academia is very fond of Asian urbanism as it shows them an opposite way on how a city operates. It is something that they never see before. A city which can go up high into the sky, be active 24/7, and be intensely dynamic and flexible. Driven by their fascination, the profession and academia have tried to study the Asian way and other related urbanism. This leads to the publication of a wide collection of materials and the establishment of multiple forums, such as Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “Other” Cities of Asia (Chalana & Hou, 2016), the Making of Hong Kong: From Vertical to Volumetric (Shelton, Karakiewicz & Kvan, 2014), Cities without Ground: A Hong Kong Guidebook (Frampton, Soloman & Wong, 2018), Insurgent Public Space: Guerilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities (Hou, 2010), Informal Urbanism Research Hub in Melbourne School of Design (Melbourne School of Design, 2019), etc. The Asian world has never enjoyed this much attention. Being an Asian myself, I am glad to see my world has been put under the global spotlight. Yet, I am also puzzled by the word choices in these discussions. Informal is the main terminology used to define the characteristic of Asian urbanism. It is being adopted as an umbrella term in regard to its dynamic yet ambiguous attributes. In fact, it is problematic to abuse this term when reviewing Asian urbanism. It simply implies all Asian urban practices are outlawed when the reality is never just black and white. Right | Fig. 20. The image is not available due to copyright issue. 46

UNDERESTIMATING THE ASIAN URBANISM There are two main reasons leading to the improper simplification. Firstly, the Asian urbanism has its own rules which cannot be easily comprehended by outsiders. In other words, it is a form of “organized complexity”, first coined by Jacobs (1961). Judging from the visual appearance alone, it is easy for the outsiders, especially Western societies which are accustomed to formal practices, to see the Asian way as chaotic, and often illegal. But these chaos are not essentially illegitimate – the messy shops in the Tamshui Old Street are indeed proper licensed shops (fig.18 on p.59). The outsiders brush it away because they cannot see there is a hidden set of complex order which governs and produces these messiness (Hou, 2016). This mechanism can only be experienced by people who live in it, as concluded by Hou (2016, p.3), after he has gone in length to decode different Asian cities in his book Messy Urbanism:

“Crowded, bustling, layered, constantly shifting, and seemingly messy, these sites and activities possess an order and hierachy often visible and comprehensible only to their participants, thereby escaping common understanding and appreciation.”

Right | Fig. 21. Kowloon Walled City at its most mature form. This was one of the best examples of organized complexity in the world, yet it was demolished in 1994 as the government could no longer tolerate its decades-long existence. 48

The second reason for simplification is the Western academia fails to acknowledge the fact that the evolution of contemporary Asian urbanism is deeply rooted in one city’s history. It is different from its prevailing Western counterparts, such as suburbanism or green urbanism, which respond to the technological advancement or theoretical discussion on utopias. In contrast, it is shaped by the two most powerful causes that drives the development of a city, economic development and political ideology. This has been demonstrated in Wang’s (2017) studies on the urbanization of modern China. The urban spaces or parks was first considered as a dispensable beautification tool in China since it had no direct relation with the communist-style urban development; yet it has been prioritized in the recent years as it can generate immense market value for the real estate development (Wang, 2017). In a few decades, the contemporary Chinese urbanism has evolved from nothing to something that we all amaze.

Honestly speaking, it is equally questionable to use the word ‘Asian urbanism’ alone. There is no one Asian urbanism which can be used to explain the urban practices in all Asian cities. The Asia itself is home to billions of people of different ethnicities and cultures, residing in cities of different topographies and systems. Each city has developed a specific urbanism which is unique to it, although all Asian urbanism share strikingly similar characteristic, such as the constant flux and dynamics. Their differences are further amplified by the political and economic changes happened across the Asia in the last century, with much of the Asian countries gaining independence from their colonists. Therefore, it is technically inaccurate to adopt ‘Asian urbanism’, since it is an umbrella term created out of convenience. In short, the emergence of Asian urban space has been briefly recognized by the mainstream schools of thoughts. But they have great difficulties in deciphering it and finding a space for it in the current dogma of Landscape Architecture, given its complex nature. It leaves a great expanse of uncharted territory in the discipline. However, this does not mean the end of the rising Asian urbanism. We can still try to investigate and map them, through a road less traveled.

Right | Fig. 22. Yanweizhou Park in Jinhua City, designed by Turenscape. 50

The Asian urbanism is still emerging and there is a lot of gaps waiting to be filled. We will need a lot of research and studies to understand its origins and operations, followed by the formulation of the design methodology to address each of them. There is still a long way to go. From now on, we will focus on the Hong Kong urbanism, the context where the Instagram Pier belongs.

Above | Fig. 23. Capturing the sunset on the Instagram Pier. 53

THE HONG KONG ENGIMA NEEDS ITS OWN BOMBE.

Hong Kong is known for its hybridised culture and volumetric urban mass which inspires the literature genre of cyberpunk. Commonly featured in blockbuster movies such as The Dark Knight, Blade Runner and Ghost in the Shell, Hong Kong is often viewed and understood by the audience through the lens of such films. However, the formation and operation of the city is far more complex and nuanced than what the movies show.

The images of Hong Kong that circulates on Google...

Above | Fig. 24. Mini vans waiting for customers at night. 56

Above | Fig. 25. A monstrous group of high-rise buildings rises from the ground. 57

The unique landscape inspires the birth of one whole literature genre. Above | Fig. 26. Overviewing Tsim Sha Tsui East in the 2017 movie Ghost in the Shell.

BUT THIS I NOT HON KONG. SO SORRY BU THIS IS NO NOT HON KONG. SO SORRY BU BUT THIS I NOT HON KONG. SO SORRY BU BUT THIS I NOT HON KONG. SO

IS NOT HONG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG ORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG. UT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG. SORR BUT OT HONG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG ORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG. UT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG. SORRY IS NOT HONG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG ORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG. UT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG. KONG, SORRY but an imagination. IS NOT HONG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NG KONG. SORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG ORRY BUT THIS IS NOT HONG KONG.

WHAT IS HONG KONG?

Alternatively, the city was a former British colony, in which the colonial government had all say in the production of public and private spaces. It is a city technically built on the sea. It is a tiny Asian stronghold that tries to establish itself in the global world. And all these factors are interconnected, and they all share a role in the landscaping of Hong Kong. I am going to share my findings about Hong Kong with you.

COLONIAL POWER Placemaking can only be done by the one in power. In Hong Kong, the production of space is dictated by the government and its subordinates, such as quasigovernmental organizations (e.g. Urban Renewal Authority, and private property developers (e.g. Henderson Land Development). In other words, all public spaces are constructed through a top-down approach, with very few exceptions. This practice is nothing new in Hong Kong, and it can be traced back to the colonial era. Hong Kong was a British colony from 1841 to 1997, serving as a port to maintain the British influence in the East Asia. However, with the colonist being the ethnic minority, it was exceptionally challenging for them to manage the colony. Therefore, the Britons maintained their power through asserting exclusive control over access to the most precious resource of the city – land.

Right | Fig. 27. Queen Victoria, the first Queen of British Hong Kong. 62

power power power power power power power power power power power power power power 63

Landscaping was one of the main tools employed by the colonial government to rule the city. This was implemented in the form of two instruments. Firstly, the government proclaimed their ownership of the city by declaring all land as ‘crown land’, with the sole exception being the Anglican Cathedral (Morris, 1988, p.159). This ensured the sovereign’s permanent ownership of the land, which the monarch or its representatives (i.e. governors) could lease to anyone they deem worthy or desirable. It was noteworthy that the benchmark of ‘being worthy’ was subjected to change over time.

The second instrument was spatial segregation, which proved to have prolonged impact on the urban fabric. To contain the Chinese majority, the government enforced racial segregation, restricting the Chinese communities from setting foot in the central business areas frequented by the Britons and Caucasians from other Western countries (Ho, 2016). This led to the significant divergence of the urban development within the colony. On one end, there was European-styled Victoria City decorated with grand promenades and lush green parks, providing ample open spaces for the upper-class to enjoy; on the other end, there was the Chinese-styled Tai Ping Shan overcrowded with informal structures and winding alleys, where people struggled to make their living on the streets (Ho, 2016). The former was a mirage of London, allowing the colonists to reminiscing about the glory of their homeland despite of being miles away. Many of these places are still well-preserved and can be visited. The latter was regarded by the British as an uncivilized and insanitary eye sore, which was eventually bulldozed and rebuilt into a ‘modernized’ community due to the 1894 plague (Ho, 2016).

Right | Fig. 28. A sign of a park in Shanghai from the Hong Kong- produced movie Fist of Fury (1972). This is a dramatizing nod to the racial segregation which was strictly enforced in Hong Kong. 64

Above | Fig. 29. Plan of Victoria City (now Central), 1888. The red line is the legal division line between the Chinese and European settlements, with the upper and lower orange areas highlighting Tai Ping Shan and the Peak respectively. 66

Top | Fig. 30. Tai Ping Shan in 1894, with Chinese-styled houses closely packed against each other. Bottom | Fig. 31. The Peak in 1919, decorated with grand European-styled houses. 67

Yet, this did not prevent the spread of the Chinese informal settlements. Large clusters of slums and squatters had sprawled across the valleys in Hong Kong in the next 50 years, covering the city with poorly built huts (Ho, 2016). This eventually led to the most serious fire in the Hong Kong history: nearly 58,000 people’s huts were burnt down in the 1953 Christmas Fire (Ho, 2016). With this, the British government could no longer tolerate and determined to clasp the Chinese spaces. This has led to the rise of top-down urban planning and landscaping, in which formalized landscapes are preferred and prioritized. Self-constructing spaceswere often discouraged and illegitimised to prevent any placemaking that deviated from the government’s vision. It was through this intervention that the government had figuratively brought the people down to their knees.

Given the effectiveness of the measures, the post-colonial government has followed in its predecessor’s footsteps. It has even tightened its grip on the land through numerous ordinances to seize the lands as it sees fit. This is because the holding of the land is vital to the government’s treasury. Unlike its predecessor which was backed by the host country, the contemporary government can only rely on itself, which sources its money from the auction of the land parcel. The highest bidders are always the developers with deep pockets, who seek to shape the land into something that can bring them more gold coins. With the land securely kept in the hands of the government and developers, the powerless public will never have their land to make their own living places.

Right | Fig. 32. Shek Kip Mei Squatter, before it was engulfed in the Christmas Fire. 68

Above | Fig. 33. Sau Mau Ping, a part of the Kwun Tong Satellite City Urban Planning Project begun in 1960s. Three groups of public housing estates are shown in this photo, which are Sau Mau Ping Estate, On Tat Estate, Po Tat Estate, comprising 43 high-rise buildings.

PSEUDO-PUBLICNESS Public spaces in Hong Kong are never truly public. This is because the public spaces in Hong Kong are never universally accessible, publicly-owned, and recognized as part of the collective identity at the same time, which are the three criteria listed by Patterson (2010) and Hou (2010). Nearly all public spaces in Hong Kong are quasi-public, highlyregulated open spaces.

In Hong Kong, one of the earliest examples was Status Square, built on a reclaimed land in 1896 to display a bronze statue of Queen Victoria (Ho, 2016). It became a symbolic ground of the British sovereignty over Hong Kong, where the Chinese commoners were banned from entering the square during the colonial era (Ho, 2016). As a result, people avoided the square as it did not belong to them and retreated to the streets and sidewalks for their daily life (Chalana & Hou, 2016; Hou, 2010).

To understand this absurdity, it is crucial to know the concept and the operation of public spaces in Hong Kong. The concept of public spaces as a place for public is largely absent in the history of Asia, as all spaces, understood as land, are ultimately owned by the absolute sovereignty. This was particularly true in the Imperial China (Ye, 2014); such concept was enforced in the colonial Hong Kong following the proclamation of the crown land. Instead, public spaces are ‘stages’ for the authority, where it can display its power (Dovey, 2008). These places mostly come in the form of a massive square, a piece of void among the buildings where everyone can see. Some of the iconic examples are the Tiananmen Square in Beijing, the Nuremberg rally grounds in the Nazi Germany, and the Red Square in Moscow.

Right | Fig.34. Statue Square in 1930s, with the Queen’s statue being sheltered by a canopy (highlighted) and the first HSBC headquarter at the background. 72

These narrow strips of spaces became the primary public space for the public in Asia, as opposed to the plazas and parks in the Western context (Chalana & Hou, 2016). Despite the lack of openness, people occupied the corridors and used the space as if it were the extension of their homes, which is evident in the old photos of Hong Kong and other Asian countries (fig. 45 & 46 on p.100 & 101). Hou (2016, p.33) has made a comment in regard to this :

“It is the street, or at doorsteps, that most things take place. The street is his shop and living room, his playground, observation post, and almost everything else.”

Left | Fig. 35. The street is the playground where the kids played with their mates. 1950s. Right | Fig. 36. The street is also where the adults run their shops to meet their needs, 1950s or 1960s. 74

With the modernization of Hong Kong, the ‘Western’ public spaces, such as parks and plazas, started to emerge in the urban fabric. It is not difficult to see them being tightly knitted into the mat of buildings. However, as mentioned previously, these are no true public spaces. The contemporary (quasi-)public spaces can be divided into two types: a publicly accessible private space, and a regulated or privatized public spaces. One notable examples of a quasi-public space is the ubiquitous shopping mall. Hong Kong is filled with the masses of shopping malls, which are depicted in detail in Frampton, Soloman and Wong’s (2018) Cities Without Ground. They are some of the most important publicly accessible spaces as they play a central role in Hong Kong people’s daily lives. Shopping malls are extremely popular among Hong Kong people, where they can seek refuge in the hot and humid subtropical weather. They are also fitted with internal parks and resting areas, offices, transport hubs, or even schools, forming all sorts of platforms and facilitating all social interaction. Yet, regardless of its publicness, shopping malls are after all private spaces since they are private properties, and the users can be barred from using the spaces if they violate the rules.

Right | Fig. 37. Festival Walk, a high-end shopping mall in Kowloon Tong. 76

The remaining ‘public’ spaces in Hong Kong belong to the latter. Regulated or privatized public spaces are often come in the form of parks and sitting areas, or promenades along the waterfronts. These are formalized spaces as they are often designed with programs in mind, which are materialized through structures and surfaces. Similar to their Western counterparts, they are publicly owned (i.e. owned by the government) and, in theory, can be accessed unconditionally. However, the public spaces are fitted with signs of regulations to inhibit particular uses (fig. 39 & 40 on p.106 & 107). This is the practice continued from the colonial period, where the government put effort in trying to maintain an ideal and civilized image. People will be fined if they do not observe the ordinances. Apart from this, fences and handrails are erected at large scale by the government, citing management issues and safety concern (fig. 38). Yet, the installation of the fixtures has restrained people’s movement, turning the space into a virtual prison. Opening hours may also be put in place to prevent people from gathering during midnight and causing “troubles”. Both practices have privatized the public spaces through their appearance and operation, which further diminish their publicness.

Right | Fig. 38. The gated entrance of Caine Road Garden. 78

The prevalence of quasi-public spaces in the city has created a paradox for its residents who grow up in these spaces: there is no clear distinction between private and public spaces. They can be private and public at the same time. This greatly influences Hong Kong people’s understanding on public spaces. It is in their belief that all public spaces essentially come with rules. People are expected to behave properly the moment they step outside their homes. They have to exert extreme caution for every action, as they are constantly reminded by the signs at every corner. It is only in the unformalised and undefined spaces Hong Kong people can find their true freedom. Spaces where the “common” rules do not apply.

Above | Fig. 39. A signboard at a park in Sai Ying Pung. Right | Fig. 40. A plate showing the complete list of regulation is being placed at the back of the same park in Sai Ying Pun. 80

ARTIFICIAL GROUNDS Much of the urban Hong Kong is built on reclaimed lands. Hong Kong’s natural profile is defined by numerous hills and mountains with steep slopes, such as Lion Rock and the Peak. There are only less than 40% of flat grounds which are suitable for development (Geotechnical Engineering Office, 2019; fog.51). This creates an urging need of land for urban expansion to cater the booming population. To address the shortage, the colonial government decided to artificially create the land by themselves, setting up the signature practice which continues till today. This was done through land reclamation, and sometimes, the removal of natural terrain (Ho, 2016). The reclamation is achieved by the use of pierre perdue, which involves the construction of seawalls and its subsequent filling with boulders from the removed hills, and sand from seabed dredging (Ho, 2016). Both methods are effective in making accessible lands to meet the dire need of the city, providing foundation for one-fifth of the urban area (Development Bureau, 2016).

Right | Fig. 41. The distribution of natural terrain in Hong Kong. 82

However, the production of artificial lands is very costly, prompting the government to maximise their potential (Wallis, 2018). Embedded with a functionalist mindset, the government will try to squeeze as many functions as it can onto the tiny pieces of lands. It often prioritises the construction of infrastructure and other necessities, such as housing and public amenities, as neatlypacked massive blocks on the reclaimed land.* Green spaces and public spaces often come last, serving as a beautification tool to greenwash the infrastructure. This results in little quality open spaces, scattered and fragmented.

*For further reading, the examination of such hyper-effecientvolumetric measure is widely covered in The Making of Hong Kong (Shelton, Karakiewicz & Kvan, 2014) and Cities Without Ground (Frampton, Soloman & Wong, 2018).

Above | Fig. 42. Land reclamation in Central, creating land for the construction of Central-Wan Chai Bypass.

Above | Fig. 43. Location and Age of the Reclaimed Lands around Victoria Harbour. 86

Above | Fig. 44. Dominating Land Uses of the Reclaimed Lands around Victoria Harbour. 87

There is another reason to explain the government’s functionalist approach on utilising the reclaimed lands : the designers and planners have little ideas and knowledge working with them. Reclaimed land is arguably a terrain vague, a term coined by Ignasi de Sola-Morales to describe a brownfield site, an abandoned lot which has its original natural condition (i.e. terrain) wiped and replaced by anthropogenic functions. However, unlike the post-industrial sites, reclaimed land is completely contextless. It has no geological, hydrological and ecological systems, and it is too new to be of socially, historically or culturally significant (Wallis, 2018). Reclaimed land is a blank space, literally appearing out of nowhere. There are not many large-scale reclamation project in the world due to its substantial cost. As a rarity in its kind, people have little experience working with reclaimed lands (Wallis, 2018). Its nature makes the design process exceptionally challenging, since the designers are required to create the context, including terrain and microclimate, from nothing - this is evident from West 8’s approach on West Kowloon Cultural District (Chung, Chen & Biewenga, 2018). Given the tremendous effort required to make the artificial land into a quality space, it is relatively easy for the government to seek the easy way out, dumping programs onto the spaces. It’s just like a SimCity game, implemented on a gigantic scale.

Right | Fig. 45. The land created for the construction of Hong Kong International Airport. 88

WORLD CITIES Be global in order to be global, that’s the only way to survive. Globalisation is one of the defining characteristics of the millennial era. It can be understood as “the process of becoming international in scope, application of influence”, followed by “the perceived development of a single worldwide economy and culture, brought about by the removal of restrictions to international trade, travel and mass communication” (Butler, 2013, p. 498). These are all thanked to the technological advancement, such as air travel and internet, which shortens the physical and virtual distance between everyone in the world. The world has never been this close – we can be present in each other’s proximity literally within seconds. However, with more people visible in sight, it also means greater competition. Cities are not exempted from this worldwide battle either.

With talented labour and capital freely flowing across borders, it is crucial for the cities to be able to attract both to settle and invest in these places, to fuel their economic, social and cultural development. Therefore, many cities have donned the urban camouflage to portray themselves as one of the many global cities, the creative havens promised with contemporary chic lifestyle (Dyckoff, 2017). This act has converted the urban spaces, the largest and most visible asset of a city, into “brandscapes” which advertises the city’s image (Dyckoff, 2017). Architecture, streets, building facade, parks... are all carefully created and maintained to keep up the look. One of the notable examples is Toronto, as mentioned by Dyckoff in his Book “The Age of Spectacle” (2017, p.147 - 151). The controversial yet iconic Sharp Centre For Design (a.k.a. the Flying Tabletop) was constructed for the Ontario College of Art and Design as an attempt to kickstart Toronto’s artistic ego. Another well-known example is Melbourne, the city I live, which proudly presents itself as the “Cultural Capital of Australia” in Visit Victoria (2017), especially when compared to its counterpart, Sydney, which is more known for its financial activities.

Right | Fig. 46. The art spirit is readily visible in the logo of the Melbourne council, as part of the placebranding strategies. 90

Yet, the definition of the “global city” or “world city” has been strongly associated with New York and London, the two leading powerhouses in the world. This is because they are the traditional strongholds of stock exchanges since the world wars, where all money comes together. Their impressions are marked by the modernistic, shiny, and eye-catching architecture soaring in the sky; this idea is further affirmed by the first image I found when googling “world city”: the skyline of London. With its wide circulation in the international world, the global image becomes the common, or even the only visual standard of a world city. As a result, this forms the basis of the urban camouflage, a sparkling spectacle which captures everyone’s gazes.* The competition among the Asian countries and cities are even more fierce. This is because they are eager to attract the investment from the developed countries and cities, which will boost their economic development greatly. Incentivised, the cities up their games and offer the best they can provide, including cheap labour, low tax rates, technology, or even exotic lifestyle.

*For further reading: This touches the discussion on the theory of Spectacle, which was first proposed by Guy Debord in his 1976 book “The Society of Spectacle”. In his book Debord discusses the effect of commercialization and mass media on people in a general context. Here, the term “spectacle” is employed to refer the resulted architecture and urban landscapes, as elaborated by Dyckoff (2017).

Top Right | Fig. 47. London is the first image found when googling “world city”. Middle Right| Fig. 48. Singapore. The city is among one of the cities that top the global city rankings. Bottom Right | Fig. 49. Tokyo, Japan. It is the largest city in the world. 92

Compared to the recent emerging cities such as Ho Chi Minh City and Kuala Lumpur, Hong Kong had a head start thanks to the industrialization in the 1960s. Back then, Hong Kong was crowned as one of the “Four Asian Tigers” or “Four Little Dragons” alongside Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan due to its rapid economic growth. However, Hong Kong started to lose its edge after the transfer from Britain to China in 1997.

The dominance and prevalence of the Westernised spectacles has rendered all cities visually uniform and ambiguous. It wipes out the local characteristics of one city, converting it into a partial replica of London or New York. This is especially disastrous to many Asian cities where their messy spectacles are treated by many with disdain. They may be lost forever in the sea of globalization.

To compete with other rising Asian cities, particularly Seoul, Shanghai, Tokyo and Singapore, Hong Kong decides to rebrand itself to elevate its position in the global ranking. Apart from just being one of the many Pearls of the Orient, Hong Kong is now the “Asia’s World City”, a reputable and cultured city which has inherited the British elegance. This has pushed the city to fondly embrace the global image, reshaping its own character and appearance to be the equivalence of London. At the same time, the local value, aesthetics and spectacles are devaluated, being regarded as outdated and backward. This is proven by the sprouting of numerous modern skyscrapers along the Victoria Harbour, overshadowing the older local buildings such as the Bank of China Tower and Jardine House. The contextless reclaimed land has also provided extra ammunitions for the city to gear up. They are the perfect canvas to house all the global designs without disrupting the harmony of the existing urban fabric. The high-rise clusters near to the West Kowloon Cultural District is one of the convincing examples for an adorned land fill, seeking resemblance to the Docklands of London. Right | Fig. 50. The exterior finishing of a Cathay Pacific airplane, the flag carrier of Hong Kong. 94

Above | Fig. 51. The panorama of Victoria Harbour, as one of the most circulated photos to promote Hong Kong by the government. Hong Kong, can you make it through without losing yourself?

HONG KONG PUBLIC SPACES IN A NUTSHELL

In Hong Kong, the production of space is a privilege for those in power, both physically and politically, as a mean to control the crowd, realize ideologies, and perhaps gaining benefits. It does not necessary serve for the greater good as the local spectacle are constantly viewed as inferior and thus disrespected.

BEING WORTHY OF THE NAME OR NOT?

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We now shall delve into the real-life contemporary landscape architectural projects which are produced under these identified contexts. How do these public spaces help the city living up to its name as the “Asia’s World City”? This is a small review on the current landscape architectural projects and practices in Hong Kong.

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I have cherry-picked two recent landscape projects as well as a proposed local project which directly takes place at the Instagram Pier. They all faithfully reflect the characteristics proposed in the previous chapter.

西九文化區 WEST KOWLOON CULTURA

V I C T O R I A

西區海濱概念性總體規劃 WESTERN HARBOURFRONT MASTER PLAN

102

梳 SA

H A R

ALSTRICT

梳士巴利花園及星光大道 ALISBURY GARDEN + AVENUE OF STARS

U R O R B

103

WEST KOWLOON CULTURAL DISTRICT 西九文化區

104

MAIN DESIGNER CLIENT AREA BUDGET DURATION

FOSTER + PARTNERS, WEST 8, FARRELLS, HERZOG & DE MEURON, etc. WEST KOWLOON CULTURAL DISTRICT AUTHORITY 400,000m² EST. HKD $21.6BILLION 2009 - 2012; UNDER CONSTRUCTION (2026) 105

Above | Fig. 52. Aerial artist’s impression of the district, by Foster+Parnters. 106

Above | Fig. 53. Artist’s impression of M+ Building, the main art museum in the District, by Herzog & de Meuron. 107

The first project is often the talk of the town because of its ambitions, its massive scale, and the enormous amount of time and money invested. Western Kowloon Cultural District is the largest arts and cultural project at date in the city. It is situated on a gigantic reclaimed land which is a by-product of the construction of the Western Harbour Crossing in 1990. The project was first envisioned as a star tourist spot in 1998 to elevate Hong Kong’s status to a cultureenriched city (West Kowloon Cultural District Authority, 2019). In fact, Hong Kong has always been one of the most popular travel destinations, being known as a ‘food heaven’ and a ‘shopping paradise’. Yet the arts and culture were never Hong Kong’s strength, which was evident in a survey undertook by Hong Kong Tourism Board in 1996: many tourists expressed that the city might be lacking some cultural facilities, such as concert halls, galleries and museums (Chow, 2013). Determined to break the myth of the ‘cultural desert’, the Chief Executive of the time, Tung Chee-Hwa, decided to utilize the reclaimed land from the Crossing, converting it into the future cultural capital of Asia.

Subsequently West Kowloon Cultural District project was launched as a major boost to the tourism industry of the city. It is advertised as the representation of “Hong Kong’s commitment to the arts” by West Kowloon Cultural District Authority (2019), providing state-of-the-art facilities to house performances and exhibitions, as well as an ample harbourfront promenade to the public, in the midst of the concrete jungle.

“...to create a quality green open space for Hong Kong...This park will provide a vibrant venue for open-air performances of music, dance and theatre, as well as art exhibitions and other cultural programmes.” - West 8’s Martin Biewenga on the design objectives of Free Space (Chung, Cheng & Biewenga,2019)

Right | Fig. 54. Artist’s impression of Free Space in the district, by West 8. 108

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In order to create this exquisite, top-tier art district, many international design practices were invited by the government to prepare a masterplan for the complex, such as Foster+Partners and Rem Koolhaas’s OMA. It was hoped that with their participation, Hong Kong could benefit from the ‘Bilbao effect’. However, the project was trapped in the development hell due to its impossible budget and the strong disagreement among different stakeholders. The public was particularly vocal on opposing the project due to its “single-developer model, financial arrangements, land usage, and the feasibility of the canopy design (proposed by Foster)” (Chow, 2013). It is only after ten years of dispute, the project is finally back on track with the establishment of West Kowloon Cultural District Authority, which manages and dictates the development of the district. With the new peace, Foster+Partners is allowed to remain on the design team, and together with other talents, they are finally able to shape the site into an avant garde, international grade art district, potentially comparable to the West End of London or the Broadway of Manhattan. The development went smoothly until 2016, when the Chief Secretary of the time Carrie Lam dropped the news of the Palace Museum unexpectedly, a secret she had withheld for a year from everyone except five (Cheng, 2017a). In the space originally intended for a large performance venue, a $3.5 billion museum subsidiary to the Palace Museum in Beijing will be constructed to exhibit some of the collections from the parent museum. This has Right | Fig. 55. Current opened areas of West Kowloon Cultural District. Next Page| Fig. 56. Designers’ footprints in West Kowloon Cultural District. 110

sparked another wave of public outrage due to its obscure planning, the secretive appointment and the total lack of public consultation (Ng, 2016; Cheung, Chou & Ng, 2017). To atone this unwelcoming surprise, a postannouncement consultation was held in the form of short questionnaire, which was slammed by many as a masquerade (Cheng, 2017a; Cheng, 2017b). Nonetheless, being named as ‘“one of the most influential museums’ in the world” by the Chief Executive of the time Leung Chungying (as cited in Ng, 2016), the project is greenlit singlehandedly by the government, with the museum opening its grand doors in 2022. Regardless of all dramas, West Kowloon Cultural District is destined to be the ultimate crown jewel (if it goes according to the plan), sealing the name of Hong Kong as a multi-faceted, world class tourism hub of Asia.

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2007

2006

Canopy design was scrapped due to great criticism. 2005

2004

2003

Invitation of proposal was sent to other companies, followed by public consultation.

2002

Gigantic canopy system, by Foster+Partners, was adopted as the main masterplan. 2001

2000

1999

1998 The project was proposed.

1997

1996

Reclamation was completed. 1995

1994

1993

Supplementary Note : Following the Timeline Fig. 57. Reclaimation of West Kowloon. Fig. 58. Forster+Partners’ original canopy proposal for the district. Fig. 59. M Pavilion, serving as a temporary museum whilst the actual building is being built. Fig. 60. The proposed design for the Palace Museum, by Rocco Yim. Fig. 61. The Xiqu Center, designed by Ronald Lu and Partners. 114

115

Xiqu Center was opened, with its naming and design garnered great criticism.

M Paviliion was completed.

Foster+Partners’ masterplan was selected. after public consultation.

Public consultation continued.

2022

2021

2020

2019

2018

2017

2016

2015

2014

2013

2012

2011

2010

2009

2008

Announcement of the construction of the Palace Museum.

Construction of main buildings began.

Masterplan proposals submitted by OMA, Foster+Parterns, and Rocco Yim.

SALISBURY GARDEN + AVENUE OF STARS 梳士巴利花園及星光大道

116

MAIN DESIGNER CLIENT AREA BUDGET DURATION

JAMES CORNER FIELD OPERATIONS NEW WORLD DEVELOPMENT COMPANY LIMITED+ LEISURE AND CULTURAL SERVICES DEPARTMENT HKSARG 457m + 6000m² est. HKD $20BILLION 2015 - 2019 117

Above | Fig. 62. Aerial artist’s impression of the whole precinct, by Field Operations. The buildings wrapped by the precinct belt is the InterContinential Hong Kong and the now demolished New World Center, both developed by New World Group.

The second project is a central promenade adjacent to the Victoria Harbour. The site has a prominent place in the Hong Kong people’s collective memories, and is often being a source of fond memories for the tourists. Locating at the waterfront of Tsim Sha Tsui, Salisbury Garden and the Avenue are the keystones of Hong Kong’s urban fabrics. Being right next to the harbour, they provide the best vantage points for people to admire the well-known panoramic night view of neon nights. Seeing its economic potential, the New World Development, which owns the neighbouring New World Center, transformed the waterfront into a well-furnished promenade in 1982 (Wong, 2019). The harbourfront, as a result, is moderately privatised, to beautify the exterior of the commercial complex. It also helps drawing people to the site, boosting the business in the New World Center. Since then, the promenade has become a popular site where people gather to celebrate the major festivals, such as the Christmas and New Years, to appreciate the largescale decorations and to enjoy the festive atmosphere.

In 2003, the economy of Hong Kong was scarred by the SARS outbreak. In order to revive the retail and tourism industries, the New World Development upgraded the waterfront with the support form both governmental agencies and private organisations. The existing promenade is converted into the Avenue of Stars, an Asian version of the Hollywood Walk of Fame in Los Angeles, as a homage to the Hong Kong film industry (Wong, 2019).It is adorned with the plaques of the celebrities’ handprints and autographs, and most noticeably, the bronze statues of the two most recongnised stars, Bruce Lee and Anita Mui (AOS Management Limited, 2019).

Right | Fig. 63. The Avenue of Stars before renovation, with a plaque on the ground. 120

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After 11 years in service, the waterfront, and its neighbouring Salisbury Garden, were given another revamp to further improve the image of Hong Kong. Teaming up with the Leisure and Cultural Services Department, the New World Development came up with “an ambitious revitalization project” to transform “this heritage site into a world-class waterfront and a cultural destination for the Hong Kong people and the world”, according to Adrian Cheng in his interview with CNN Travel (as cited in Wong, 2019). It was suggested that the revitalization project was to correct the original design, which lacked seating, shelters, greenery and characters (Wong, 2019). With this in mind, James Corner of Field Operations was enlisted to give an international retouch to the site (AOS Management Limited, 2019).

“...this exciting network of new open space will improve connectivity to the Tsim Sha Tsui neighborhood... These spaces will help to attract more local and international visitors to this popular global landmark destination.” - James Corner on the Avenue of Stars (Stevens, 2017)

Right | Fig. 64. Artist’s impression of the main lawn of Salisbury Garden’s main lawn, by Field Operations. 122

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Regardless of James Corner’s fame and capability, the development was met with intense criticism from the public due to its unclear planning process, its lack of public consultation, its potential adverse impact on existing trees and traffic, and particularly, the loss of public access to such an iconic place for three years at a minimum (Fung and Lai, 2015; Hong Kong Economic Journal Company Limited, 2015; Kammerer, 2015). This shocked the New World Development: both government and developer were being scrutinized heavily, and the project was believed to be a hoax to cover something happening under the table (Fung and Lai, 2015). To dispel the rumour, a three-week public consultation was organized. Yet, the project went ahead albeit “having 328 out of 348 submissions opposing it” (Fung and Lai, 2015). In 2019, the waterfront was finally completed and opened to the public. To the public’s dismay, the iconic ‘stars’ are brushed aside: instead of being in the center of the corridor, the plaques are retrofitted to the sea-facing handrails where the beloved celebrities are subjected to prolonged salt spray. The Avenue of Stars has now become the Avenue of Artistic Benches and Trellises. Salisbury Garden is no longer a simple park for people but an outdoor art gallery packed with installations: a large lawn and a pavilion are introduced as the stage of art events and exhibitions. Nonetheless, it is certain that the new Avenue of Stars and Salisbury Garden will enhance Hong Kong’s attractiveness and competitiveness in the world.

Right | Fig. 65. Aerial artist’s impression of the Avenue of the Stars, by Field Operations. 124

125

2007

2006

2005

2004

2003

...

1998

1997

Salisbury Garden was constructed by the government.

1996

...

Promenade converted into the Avenue of Stars.

Promenade built by New World Group. 1983

1982

...

1960s Reclamation of Tsim Sha Tsui Waterfront.

...

Supplementary Note : Following the Timeline Fig. 66. Pierce Brosnan walking along the promenade in Noble House TV series, 1988. Fig. 67. Salisbury Garden in 2009. Fig. 68. Avenue of Stars before renovation in 2015. Fig. 69. Art Square at Salisbury. 126

127

Salisbury Garden reopened.

Salisbury Garden transformed into the Art Square at Salisbury.

2022

2021

2020

2019

2018

2017

2016

2015

2014

2013

2012

2011

2010

2009

2008

The Avenue of Stars reopened.

Management contract expired. The precinct was closed for renovation.

These two projects are the perfect examples, demonstrating the spatial outcome being shaped by all factors discussed in the previous chapter. They are created for the purpose of boosting the reputation of Hong Kong, to invite more foreigners to travel, study or work in the city. They also help inviting overseas investments by maintaining that immaculate image. Considering the tremendous cost involved in these projects, it is important for the clients, i.e. the government and the development, to ensure they get what they pay for. Therefore, a full top-down approach is adopted, granting the client full control of the planning process and minimizing unwanted external influences. The hiring of international designers also helps guaranteeing the success of the projects, since they can certainly appeal the global, especially the Western, audience. All these constitutes a perfect formula for a ‘spectacular’ public space.

With Hong Kong flooded with the international projects, I am sadly to inform you that this phenomenon has retarded, or perhaps killed off the development of the landscape architecture in Hong Kong. Hong Kong spectacles, like the Instagram Pier, is slowly disappearing.

A spectacular public space where there is no room for the local people, the very people who live in the city. Despite of the great resistance, the projects continue to realize their true purpose: to attract more money. These spaces have been commercialized to bring more commerce to the city. All spaces can be rid of their nature and meaning, to transform into global cities, for money to come.

Right | Fig. 70. Artist’s impression of the main lawn of Salisbury Garden’s main lawn, by Field Operations, with the background of the Victoria Harbour intentionally obscured by the author. 128

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THE MISSING SPECTRUM Is it true that contemporary Hong Kong landscape architecture does not exist? Technically. Contemporary Hong Kong landscape architecture is technically non-existent. Other Asian realms have maintained their styles and practices rooted in their culture. For example, Chinese landscape architecture is often characterized by their vernacular style and ecological practice, while Japanese landscape practice is often focused on the minimalistic and poetic expression. However, Hong Kong landscape architecture is nearly absent. There is no definition on what a Hong Kong landscape architecture is or should be. Instead, the industry is dominated by the Western-influenced practices, which closely follow the Western teachings. This is demonstrated by the small local presence of the practices and practitioners in the city of 8 million population. According to the Hong Kong Institute of Landscape Architects (HKILA), there are only 15 registered practices, 436 members of all categories, and only one accredited academic course provided by the University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Institute of Landscape Architects, 2012, 2019a & 2019b). These figures are minuscule when compared to another political entity, Australia, the country where I received my tertiary education and professional training.

Right | Fig. 71. The cover page of the HKIA Journal ‘Occupy Landscape’. 130

Australia, with 24 million population, has more than 500 practices, 3500 members, and nine universities providing the accredited education (Australian Institute of Landscape Architects, n.d.a. & n.d.b.). When compared relatively, it is understood in terms of local capability, Hong Kong falls way behind of Australia, and with the lack of local talents, it is very likely that a lot of projects in Hong Kong are being awarded to foreign practices. As the local landscape architects fail to establish their presence, the cause of the discipline is often determined by the architects and urban planners. They often dominate the professional and academic discussions on topics related to the landscape architecture. For example, “Occupy Landscape”, a journal referenced in this thesis, is published by the Hong Kong Institute of Architects (Chung, Tsang & Wang, 2018). Although the landscape architects do publish their own journals, “Lpod”, it mostly serves as an internal noticeboard for the members, rather than a platform for dialogues. The social climate in the city does not favors, or even inhibit the growth of the Hong Kong landscape architecture. Therefore, it is difficult to develop a unique school of landscape architecture rooted in Hong Kong’s urbanism.

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Left | Fig. 72. The content page of the HKIA Journal ‘Occupy Landscape’. Right | Fig. 73. The index page of the HKILA Journal ‘LPOD’ Issue 31. 132

CONTENT OF LPOD ISSUE 31 ...02

HKILA UPDATES & FEATURE

MEMBERS’ CORNER

• • • • •

Standardisation of Soft Landscape Planting Materials Specification Professional Practice Examination 2019 Mark Your Diary - HKILA Annual Dinner 7 March 2020 Resilient City – Landscape Planning Towards Climate Adaptation Hong Kong 2020 International Urban Forestry Conference Challenges and Opportunities of Urban Greening in High-density Cities • Public Space Boot Camp 2019 • Urban Tree Planting and Management - Arboriculture and Sustainable Urban Forest Management • Joint Institutes’ Dinner

...31

NEWS AND ACTIVITIES • Young Landscape Architects’ Group

...09

CPD EVENTS AND REPORTS

...11

• Feature: A Brief Introduction on Ornamental Grasses In USA and Study of Potential Ornamental Value In Hong Kong • Sharing of IFLA World and Regional Meeting • Crossing the Professional Divide • Book Recommendations • Highlights of International Horticultural Expo 2019 Beijing • Kyoto Workshop - The Japanese Garden

...32

UPCOMING EVENTS

• Seeking Common Ground while Reserving Difference: An answer to the controversy in contract administration manifested by the use of NEC in Hong Kong • Forum on Sustainability and Bamboo 2019: Bamboo Architecture & Building Materials In HK • Integrity Requirements - Conflict of Interest and Confidentiality

• Discussion Forum on Lantau Tomorrow Vision for Future Generations • LA Professional Enrichment Sharing

RECORD AND UPDATE

...33

• HKILA Record (May 2019 – Dec 2019) • Change of Membership and New Members

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

EDITORIAL BOARD

Publication Committee of the HKILA

The Editorial Board would like to acknowledge the kind contributions of all the authors. The Hong Kong Institute of Landscape Architects would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to them for their support.

Chairperson Mr. Gap CHUNG Committee Members Ms. Kathy NG Ms. Wynona LEE Mr. Yin Lun CHAN Mr. David YUEN

Any suggestions and contributions, please send to publication@hkila.com

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01 | Lpod - issue 31

Hong Kong Institute of Landscape Architects

133

WESTERN HARBOURFRONT CONCEPTUAL MASTERPLAN 西區海濱概念性總體規劃 134

MAIN DESIGNER CLIENT AREA BUDGET DURATION

FACULTY OF ARCHITECTURE, UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG CENTRAL AND WESTERN DISTRICT COUNCIL 6 hectare (2420m waterfront) N/A 2013 135

Unlike the Western Kowloon Cultural District and the Avenue of Stars, the Western District Public Working Cargo Area is nothing but ordinary. It is a typical industrial pier, reclaimed solely for cargo handling 40 years ago. Along with the Western Wholesale Food Market, they form the main industrial district in the Central and Western District. Although the industrial precinct is out of bounds by its nature, the residents from the neighbourhoods could enter the site without hindrance. They jog and stroll next to the open sea, enjoying one of the best secret gardens in the urban jungle. The makeshift promenade remained hidden from sight until the rise of the Instagram in 2010, where photogenicity is prized. Awed by its rustic aesthetic and panoramic view, the cargo dock becomes one of the most photographed sites in Hong Kong. It is often featured as a posing backdrop, frequently appeared among the top-liked photos on the Instagram. The wide circulation has earned the pier fame among the global audience. It even made its way to the National Geographic, in which Stone (2017) has publicly crowned it as the “Instagram Pier”.

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With the newfound fame, the jewel which hid away from the public gaze, has finally caught the eyes of the district councillors, who saw a great opportunity for development. The Central and Western District Council invited the Department of Urban Planning and Design, of the Faculty of Architecture of the University of Hong Kong, to orchestrate a grand vision for the cargo area. A true believer in formalization, the planners see the site as “one of the few remaining unplanned and underutilized prime waterfront site in the Victoria Harbour” which requires proper treatment to utilise its “tremendous potential for meeting local as well as strategic needs of Hong Kong”, such as tourism development (University of Hong Kong, 2013). As a result, the “Western Harbourfront Conceptual Masterplan” is conceived to “make the Western Harbourfront to be an attractive, vibrant and accessible water front by improving its open space and converting it into a Western Gateway – a new landmark of Hong Kong”, restoring “the past glamour of the Western Harbourfront”, as claimed by the professionals (University of Hong Kong, 2013).

“Through placemaking, the Plan will achieve a number of planning objectives including revitalizing and transforming the Western Harbourfront to become the Western Gateway and new tourist attraction of Hong Kong, enhancing visual and physical access to the waterfront, increasing local and district open space provisions; and conserving and revitalizing cultural and historical heritage.” - HKU on the Western Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan (2013)

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Above | Fig. 74. The Conceptual Master Layout Zoning Plan. 138

Above | Fig. 75. The Conceptual Master Layout Plan. 139

The ambitious masterplan has divided the waterfront into three areas: the Piers, the Inner Harbour and the New Praya. The Piers consist of a culinary-themed market, a water fountain garden and an observation tower at the tip to mark the entrance of the Western Gateway. The Inner Harbour is an event hub featuring a sea-facing amphitheater and a floating stage. The New Praya is a gathering open space for the public, providing traditional sports amenities as well as “distinctive facilities such as Infiltration Garden and Urban Beach Plaza” for different users. (Department of Urban Planning and Design, 2013). Supporting access strategies are also drafted to improve the connection between the industrial sites and its surrounding spaces, opening up the waterfront to more people. A bright future has been bestowed on the cargo dock. The industrial site would be transformed into a dream public space, bloomed in full vibrancy. With their great vision, the mundane pier would be turned into an iconic “Western Soho”, on par with places like the Sydney Opera House and the Singaporean Merlions (Department of Urban Planning and Design, 2013).

Right | Fig. 76. Artist’s impression of the Piers subarea. 140

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Top | Fig. 77. Artist’s impression of the Inner Harbour subarea. Bottom | Fig. 78. Artist’s impression of the New Praya subarea. 142

Top | Fig. 79. Overview rendering of the Western Harbourfront at day. Bottom | Fig.80. Overview rendering of the Western Harbourfront at night. 143

A LOST SOUL The prospect promised by the master plan resembles nothing near to what we see from the Instagram. It speaks nothing of the delicate qualities of the existing site. On the contrary, it disregards and discards all valuable elements of the pier, highly cherished by the people. The design team from the University of Hong Kong has successfully replicated another internationalized waterfront, yet failed to produce a Hong Kong landscape rooted in the cultural soil of the city. The new proposal, in terms of both process and outcome, shows several symptoms of an undermining landscape which the site is destined to be a hypocritical open space – said to be for people but in fact not.

To begin with, the professionals failed to appreciate the spatial qualities which makes the pier a Hong Kong landscape. They single-handedly deny the popular cargo area, describing it as “chaotic and boring”, a dangerous and uncivilized place where one should avoid (Pong, 2017; Department of Urban Planning and Design, 2013). It is apparent that the authority and academics have different opinions than the public: they cannot see the beauty recognized by the people, even though it has been constantly captured and admired on the social networks. Instead, they wanted to straighten it up, aiming to turn the Instagram Pier into a “Soho”. Their clashing stance might be caused by their devotion to spatial formalization, causing them to overlook and understand the seeminglymessy Asian space. Sadly, this self-affirmation only deepens the professionals’ biases, further crippling them from reading the spaces properly.

Right | Fig. 81. The second slide of the presentation, with the literal words “chaotic and boring”. 144

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Also, the master plan is conceived without the active involvement of the public. Although Pong (2017) suggests the proposal “was built upon an initiation from a local NGO and had referenced bottom-up planning models in neighbouring districts”, this was never mentioned in the formal statement of the Department of the Urban Planning and Design (2013), or press releases issued by the University of Hong Kong (2013a & 2013b). The authority and professionals’ intention of monopolizing the design process is reflected by highlighting the names of the personnel and carefully omitting public opinion in both press releases and presentation. With the users’ presence wiped out, the design outcome is simply an utopia dreamt by the planners: the arrangement of space and functions is decided by the professionals, in their own wish, based on their own judgment. The soon-to-be-former pier is packed with heaps of programs and functions, squeezed into the tiny, precious, reclaimed lot to maximize its usage. The users never have a say in the proposal, with their activities on site fully predetermined by the planners. This is an act of privatization, in which the professionals successfully materialised their effort, at the cost of taking the land away from people.

With the professionals dosed by the internationalized spectacles and given full power, the design outcomes left with little traces of the original aesthetics. The drawings show the Instagram Pier is inhabited with highly polished glossy structures, such as the futuristic spiraling tower and the fan-shaped glass canopy, which can be easily found in elsewhere of the world. The local rustic qualities which make the pier earned its name, are nowhere to be found. With its uniqueness gone, the former Instagram Pier loses its shine, reducing itself to just some piers that can be in any American or European cities. In the eyes of the professionals, the existing cargo dock, regardless of its popularity, is an ugly duckling which tarnishes the beautiful Victoria Harbour. It is only through their impeccable scheme should the pier reborn as a phoenix, soaring through the skies. Yet not everyone agrees with the opinion from the ivory tower. As a result, the government’s effort on formalizing the pier has sparked a great controversy in the community, who strongly oppose the plan and even retaliate by offering their own design solutions, as seen in the local group “Protect Kennedy Town” (2019).

Right | Fig. 82. People protesting on site against the introduction of a community garden in the pier. 146

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Above | Fig. 83. Led by the convener of “Protect Kennedy Town”, Cherry Wong, people protested on site against all formalising attempts of the site, 148

In the citizens’ perspective, these great projects may do good to the city economically (unequally), but the benefits shall come at the great cost of consuming their remaining precious public spaces, bit by bit. They are angry that their opinions are not respected, their attachment to the spaces disregarded, and their feelings ignored. These can be hardly quantified and judged from a pure professional ‘objective’ stance. Perhaps, that’s what makes these places invaluable.

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HUMAN,IS HUMAN ISAN AN EMOTIONAL BEING AND THAT’S WHY IT’S UNHEALTHY TO BE TOO PRACTICAL ALL TIME.

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The Master Plan is not the first attempt to formalize the cargo dock. The government has tried converting the pier into a fenced community garden, a waterfront boardwalk, and a dog walking path. They have sparked a great controversy among the people, who strongly oppose the proposals and even retaliate by coming up with their own solutions to improve the Instagram Pier. Some people suggested using the pier as a temporary outdoor cinema and art spaces (Wong, 2017). An artificial beach was proposed in the Collaborate HK workshop to allow people actually swimming in the Victoria Harbour (Ngai, 2018). Some people even listed Tempelhof in Berlin, a former airport urban park known of its co-planning, as the example to guide the development of the Instagram Pier (Cheung, 2017). It is apparent that people have their own visions about what the pier should be. The pier being their pier.

This is the design dilemma I brought up at the beginning of this journal. The design dilemma, as mentioned at the beginning of this journal, is caused by the origins and the operations of the public spaces in Hong Kong. Yet, it is likely to have something to do with the designers’ role, which they might have neglected the people’s true opinion on the spaces. There is a chance that the professionals are blinded by their bold confidence in their ability, making them failed to listen and empathize to the non-professionals. Or, the designers become fixated with their teachings, being afraid to deviate from the doctrine which is often regarded as the gospel. In both scenarios, sadly, the outcome is widely detested by the public.

It is undeniable that the professionals had rolled up their sleeves and had given the best they could, judging by the content and the graphics of the Master Plan package. But the outcome is still not welcomed by the public. What has gone wrong?

Functionalist. Pragmatic. A bit too practical, for the people.

What else could we see behind the veil of the unnecessary glamour, and potentially, the hidden power struggle?

Remember, humans are not robots.

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“Design is a systematic process. It promises the provision of innumerable quantitative data and claims to have reflected the interconnected relationship the mainstream design and planning canons concern…

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…But these data do not measure the aesthetic value, personal experience, or sense of freedom people enchanted in the WDPCWA. With the same methodology in design where certain qualitative information is rendered invisible, the outcome will always be similar.

Design nothing is a bold action. The urge for far more programme is desperate. Not only clients request for higher economic returns, designers parallel the quantitative index and form to successful designs. Designers are trapped in between being perfectionists and pragmatists but often overlook the need of the real users.”

- Benni Pong on the Western District Public Cargo Working Area in Landscape Architecture Frontiers (2017), p.120

DESIGN DILEMMA IN A NUTSHELL The words, ‘design dilemma’, is an invention of mine one cannot find related expression in any academic journals or general discussion. However, this concept is not pristine. It is commonly found in the studio crit(iques) where the students await to be bashed by the guest critics for their design works. “Does this really work?” “How do you know the users will use the spaces as you intend? How can you make sure of that?” “As a person who happens to frequent this place, I can say I dislike your design and I am totally against it.” (Feedbacks eavesdropped at school.)

This phenomenon could be registered as a mismatch between the design outcome as designed and as built. I came across with these terms when I was studying “Green Star Rating Certification” from my architectural elective. It is a sustainability rating system adopted in Australia, which comprises of two types of certifications: “Design Review certified rating” and “As Built certified rating”, The former evaluates a proposed building’s performance during its design process, and the latter assesses the same building after its practical completion and full operation (Green Building Council Australia, 2020). While a building might be awarded with high Green Star ratings as designed, it could fail the assessment as built after the construction, unable to fulfill its promises on sustainability as marketed. This is because the building performance has high chances to be crippled by human factors, such as overoccupation and under-maintenance (or usage) to keep it 'green', which could never be fully predicted during the design process. This concept can be borrowed for application and assessment in other realms, where humans play a crucial role for their success. In our case, it is the users (humans), the primary users of our public spaces (landscape architecture), who determine the success of the places.

Right | Fig. 84. The certificate of 6-Star Green Star Rating of the MSD Building, issued in May 2014, seven months before the building is officially opened in February 2015. Six years has passed and this remains as the main testimonial of the MSD’s environmental commitment - no post-occupancy evaluation has undertaken since the building is in full operation. 154

This is to certify that

The University of Melbourne Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning Development Has been awarded a

6 Star Green Star Rating Representing World Leadership Awarded to

The University of Melbourne May 2014 green building council australia Romilly Madew Chief Executive Green Building Council of Australia

Education Design v1 2014

155

The discrepancy between the expectation and reality has long-existed in Hong Kong’s urban history. A new architectural or landscape project often attracts intense criticism when their designs unveiled in front of the public, who shout “that’s the last thing they want”. This is because the users are often left out from the decision-making process, being spoon-fed with a wishful design solution formulated unilaterally - this is a sign of the authoritarian-monopolised placemaking. I have identified this design style in my earlier research / manifesto, “Mediating between Planning and Evolution, in the case of Hong Kong” (Fong, 2017), illustrating my observation of the placemaking practice in Hong Kong. In this style, the professionals are the “design dictators” who singlehandedly determine the whole process without involving the users (Fong, 2017, p.2). The produced spaces thus are “merely the realization of the authority’s vision, which does not necessarily address the needs of the inhabitants” (Fong, 2017, p.6). They are the designers’ dreams and visions being enforced on the users. This is evident in all three examples from the previous chapter, as well as other urban redevelopment projects, such as Lee Tung Street (a.k.a. Wedding Card Street) and Sai Yee Street (a.k.a. Sneaker Street).

There are several factors contributed to the design dilemma. This includes the limitation posed by the physical landscapes and the conquering attitude derived from the political dynamics, which come in the form of land maximization and colonial suppression respectively. Its formation can also be attributed to the designers, whose attitude and ability to properly respond and address the concerning context directly give rise to the dilemma (Fong, 2017). Yet, there is another aspect few have laid their eyes on – the design methodology, the very design tool employed by the designers, to fabricate the design solutions. In the following discussion, I will focus on analysing and synthesizing the mechanism of the pragmatic design approach, the unspoken methodology of the Western Harbourfront Conceptual Masterplan project, and perhaps of many other landscape projects.

Right | Fig. 85. Residents protesting in Lee Tung Street before the buildings were bulldozed. 156

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THE FUNCTIONAL PRAGMATIST The pragmatic approach, otherwise known as the functionalist approach, is a design methodology emphasizing on the scientific and rational reasoning of the spatial composition of one space. It is driven by the design and arrangement of programs, functions, uses or activities, in order to produce one effective and efficient spatial system to keep the site ‘running’. It is one of the most popular approaches preached in the landscape architecture profession and education, where its influence can be immediately denoted from the project typologies of the design portfolios: streetscape (streets and laneways), civic space (plazas and squares), parks and reserves, waterfronts… The names announce the primary functions of the designed spaces. The origin of the functionalist approach is unclear as there is no proper study on it. But traces can be found from the historical garden designs, in which the gardens were designed as collections of elements of different functions harmoniously knitted together. This is visible on the plans of these gardens where one can directly identify the components: geometric pathways as circulation corridors, ponds and gazebos as main activity zones, and plants as ornamental decorations to please one’s eyes. Despite of these little traces, the approach remained vague until it was refined and articulated in a systematical way by the Scottish landscape architect Ian McHarg.

Right | Fig. 86. Plan and section of Villa Lante in Bagnaia, Italy, built in the 17th century. 158

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Ian McHarg was a legend in landscape architecture as he was among the first persons to bring the environmental design into the spotlight. He argued that the designers had to take spatial attributes into consideration, such as soil profile, water channels and topography, in order to design a space that goes with the nature. To support his advocacy, McHarg proposed a new design method, Graphic Overlay Method (Overlay Analysis / McHargian Overlay), in his book Design with Nature, which could “break down a region into its appropriate use” (Wenz, 1995). In this approach, a land is divided into different lots, rated according to their conditions and development suitability. Prime functions, such as commercial activities, usually take up the most developable or valuable areas: the centers of cities and towns are often located on fertile flatlands near the water sources. It is equally important to factor in the compatibility of the neighbouring functions to facilitate symbiotic growth. For example, industrial landuses should not be mixed with residential landuses due to the pollution issues, whilst green open spaces are universally compatible due to its dual role as a buffer and recreational space. A good example of this pragmatic approach is the zoning plan presented in the Western Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan. The land is compartmentalized into smaller areas, colour-coded to show their respective functions in relation to their existing conditions. The functions are also carefully positioned to ensure they are in harmony: the Passive Recreation Area is placed adjacent to the existing Belcher Bay Park and Kennedy

Town Swimming Pool, whilst the active Art and Cultural Area stays near to the existing residential clusters and Tram Depot for a better audience exposure. With thorough reasoning, the designers can always help the programs finding their homes. In short, the pragmatic approach is characterized by the intensive and ultra-accurate placement, insertion and organization of functions through extensive two-dimensional visual assessment, exploration and representation. With its direct and simple rationale, the pragmatic approach is widely applauded by both professionals and outsiders. The resulted designs are often backed by sounding evidence and logical thinking, wowing the clients and winning their approvals easily. The functionalist approach becomes the goto methodology in the landscape architecture. It is the gospel. It seems impeccable, this methodology of everything. But is it really flawless? We need to recognize the fact that nothing is perfect in the world, i.e. there is no one size fits all. It is undeniable that the pragmatic approach is loaded with merits given its popularity – but this does not make it bulletproof. Hereby I am going to discuss three major weaknesses of this practical approach, supported by the study of the Instagram Pier and its associated Western Harbourfront Conceptual Masterplan project.

Right | Fig. 87. The composite map of Richmond Parkway on Staten Island created by Ian Mcharg. The overlay method is first recognised and demonstrated in a project for Richmond Parkway on Staten Island in 1968, which is elaborated in great detail in Ian McHarg’s book, Design with Nature. 160

161

Site Inventory Mapping of all relevant attributes

Suitability Analysis Categorise and analyse the spaces based on their attributes

Above | Fig. 88. The core concept of overlay analysis (now being generalised as spatial analysis), extracted from my very first introductory class to site planning. 162

Composite Overlay Identify areas that share same preferable conditions, and rank the spaces according to their overall qualities

Concept Plan Assign programs to areas that are most compatible

163

THE GOD’S VISION We like to organize and keep all items visible at a glance, as it assures our feeling of in-control. A master plan will always be the first drawing conceived during a design process, followed by other detailed figurative drawings, such as circulation diagrams and sections. This applies to both site analysis (to map out and understand existing conditions) and design development (to brainstorm and realise the design solution). This is essentially compartmentalization: one gigantic space is divided into regions of different themes, which are further broken down into districts or even smaller zones. This large-to-small forward workflow is very effective and popular because it allows the designers to sort out the initial limbo and establish a hierarchical framework of a space. They can concentrate working on one scale per time while maintaining the cross-scale spatial coherence. The boundary and relationships between layers (or scales) are clearly defined and referenced, making the space to be read like a book. With the Instagram Pier being an unreasonably chaotic, barbaric and horrific Asian space, the plan-first approach seems to be the most suitable to untangle the clutter. All elements would be visible from one look, orderly sitting in their supposed positions. Surely, through developing the plans, the designers have won the control and tamed the beast. Nothing beats a fully decluttered and hyper-organised shelf that sparks joy all the time. Right | Fig. 89 & 90. Design concept diagrams of the master plan, showing the hierarchy of the design rationale (+ author’s annotation). 164

Scale: Large

Scare: Medium

Scare: Small

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However, the plan-first approach has one critical issue. Despite of the arranged appearance, it disregards and wipes out the spatial dynamics across scales, which in turn limits the designers’ capability of comprehending the existing spaces across dimensions. This weakness is especially fatal since the concerning space (the Instagram Pier) is an Asian urban space, in which the seemingly ultra-messiness cannot be understood through typical means, i.e. dissect, separate and group the elements according to their categories. Instead, the Asian urban spaces require a holistic approach, considering the connections from across and within scales, jumping back and forth, in and out all the time. As the designers attempt to use the plans as the basis to represent the spatial information (at the stage of analysis), they can only access the spaces through the “bird’s eye view”, or the “god’s perspective” as oppose to our usual human-eye perspective. The change of view flattens the 3-dimensional solid spaces (length/x-axis, width/y-axis, height/z-axis) into 2-dimensional planar surfaces (length/x-axis, width/y-axis). The loss of the vertical distance (z-axis) prevents the observers seeing the site from other angles but the top. Also, the human users are no longer visible as their flesh have been reduced to the abstract, static symbols like circles and dot, and more often these representations are omitted due to their visual ineffectiveness. As a result, the dynamic interaction between the users (human-human), and the users and the Instagram Pier (human-space) is completely lost from the beginning: this is evident in both analysis and master plans of the Western

Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan. With the designers standing high among the clouds, they can hardly share the same perspective with the people, who stand firmly on the ground.

Right | Fig. 91. Vision of the site, which ironically, can never be perceived by the existing users from their ground perspectives. 166

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A FORCEFUL MAQUILLAGE With the height dimension dismissed, all experiential and sensual qualities, such as sound and light, are lost in the pragmatic approach (Pong, 2017). Their intangible nature can only be captured by the 3-dimensionmal representation, such as perspective and sectional drawings, photographs and videos, realistic renderings, or even virtual reality, in which the site is viewed from the human eye. If a designer attempts to quantify a photogenic scenery, he or she can only likely translate it with symbols, hatches (fig.92), text, or an actual drawing – which is essentially a perspective drawing. Regardless of these attempts, the result is fruitless. The existing qualities are wiped out without properly understood in the first place, leaving an incomplete image for the designers to study. This leads to an inaccurate estimation and reasoning in the design process, which the choice and location of the programs may not essentially match one another. At worst the outcome may even impair and destroy the qualities of the site. For example, the insertion of the iconic tower (fig. 93) has disrupted the seamless harbourview prized highly by the community (and ironically valued by the proposal), tearing the horizon apart. The site is also jammed with clusters of programs, destroying its rarely founded openness(fig. 75 & 76). This will turn the site into another ordinary, crammed corners of the urban jungle. This is a missed

opportunity – the existing qualities would become a true urban legend lost in our contemporary tale. One may think it is untrue that the experiential qualities is lost as the space thrives in the 3-dimensional artists’ impressions. With the realistic renderings, these spatial qualities are seemed to be maintained and utilized in the design intervention. Yet, this is very likely an illusion: the 3-dimensional drawing tools are often employed at the later stages as a “make-up” tool to appeal the clients and users, instead of a building tool which facilitates the construction of the design. These are evident in all artists’ impressions in the presentation slides of the Master Plan (fig. 7781). In other words, the 3-dimensional drawings are not the designs but the derivatives projected from their true form of plans. The designers often create 3D models from plans, but rarely vice versa. As a result, the renderings we see are often artificial, because the existing qualities have been lost in the first place, leaving the designers with their own imagination as the basis of the 3D representation. Without the original reference, the artists’ impression will always appear immaculate, reflecting one ultimate true wish of all designers – the perfect design.

Right | Fig. 92. McHarg used hatches to indicate areas of high scenic value in Staten Island, yet it is unsure what are these qualities. Are they sunrises? Tidal waves? Views of the open sea? 168

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Left | Fig. 93. Visual analysis of the artist’s impression of the Piers. Right | Fig. 94. Visual analysis of the artist’s impression of the Praya. 170

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Left | Fig. 95. Visual analysis of the artist’s impression of the Inner Harbour. Right | Fig. 96. Visual analysis of the artist’s impression of the bird’s eyes overviews. 172

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THE UNWITTING DICTATORS This distilled perfectness has also hinted that the designers have inadvertently become the design dictators. The blind spots created from the pragmatic planar approach have prevented the designers from seeing the site in full. Without the users in sight, the designers become the sole body to determine the fate of the site – it is up to their own judgment to decide the best for the site even though they may only know the site for less than a month. The choices of program are simply a product resulted from the breeding of the designers’ desire and piecemeal analysis, which the users are being informed aftermath. They are being told by the designers on how they should use the space despite of their years-worth experience on the site. For example, a basketball court is only for playing basketball while an amphitheater is purely for performances, and these activities are not allowed to be happened on an empty dock. The users are also being told where they are allowed to access, and where they are out of bound. This is an outcome brought by the clear boundaries to delineate the programs, which is often materialized in the form of fence or obstacles, a common practice in Hong Kong. Such installation is often further intensified due to the safety consideration, which may end up officially fencing the users themselves.

As a result, the conceptual master plan, which is designed with programs but not humans in mind, is being viewed as another polished prison by the public. It aims to trap the users with programs, as well as disregard their opinion and their love of the site.

Right | Fig. 97. Analysis of the presentation slide of the programmes on the Praya. 174

The people suggest how the future users should behave This is all about program and function

•

Sport activities are the only items mentioned, implying this space is designed for sports (and for sports only). Otherwise, more options should be included to suggest alternative possibility.

175

First time using this word - Heritage is not defined in the first place. Instead the site is described as “chaotic and boring”.

•

This concerns the outward facing of the piers how does it appeal people beyond the site, but not the users in the site who are using the site.

Left | Fig. 98. Analysis of the presentation slide of the programmes on the Piers. Right | Fig. 99. Analysis of the presentation slide of the programmes on the Inner Harbour. 176

There’s concern on practicality and effectiveness as the activities might not be visible due to the distance between the ships in-motion and the site.

Again history is nowhere to be seen in the proposed program.

‘Activity’ within ‘activity’

•

• • •

Users are only assumed to engage passive activities, either observing performace and watching sunset. Other possiblities are excluded.

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The critique does not attempt to discredit the pragmatic approach as it remains useful in assessing quantitative information. Instead, it aims to point out the fact that this methodology has been abused. While the functionalist approach is very appropriate for regional planning and program-driven/functional-fulfilling spaces, such as institutional (e.g. university campuses and government complex) and industrial spaces (factories and laboratories), it is not suitable to apply on living spaces with extensive spatial qualities and deep human bonds. With humans’ emotion being a delicate matter, these spaces need to be treated with caution in order to preserve their characters and qualities, which take years or decades to develop. Just like trees, it takes a moment to uproot the plants with saws and bulldozers, but a tremendous effort and exceptionally amount of time to grow and nurture them into mature forests. Therefore, we need alternative and better tools to work around it.

Right | Fig. 100. A kissing couple at the Instagram Pier during sunset hours. 178

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Above | Fig. 101. The Mirror of the Sky appears at the Instagram Pier after rain.

RESEARCH QUESTION TWO

IN REGARD TO THE FINDINGS, HOW CAN DESIGNERS RESPOND TO THE POTENTIALS AND CHALLENGES POSED IN THESE 182

ASIAN URBAN SPACE? HOW CAN DESIGNERS WORK WITH THEIR SPATIAL QUALITIES? 183

PART 2 THE MILLENNIAL PICTU /mɪˈlen.i.əl/ adjective 1. denoting or relating to a period of a thousand years 2. denoting people reaching young adulthood in the early 21st century

184

/pɪk.tʃərˈesk/

adjective 1. (of a place or building) v in a quaint or charming wa 2. resembling a pictire: sug 3. an aesthetic ideal that b romanticism, with an asso beautiful and sublime

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visually attractive, especially ay ggested a painted scene belongs to the 18th century ociation to the ideals of

185

BEFORE THE LIKES ARE A THING WE EXPRESS OUR APPRASIAL WITH SOLID WORDS.

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From here onwards, we will focus on documenting and analysing the existing site context, which will be the basis informing the design decision. The pier earns its newfound fame through Instagram. But it has been there for more than 30 years, before the invention of the Internet.

187

188

西環天空之鏡

(OR) INSTAGRAM PIER

西環碼頭

(OR) SAI WAN THE MIRROR OF THE SKY

西區公眾貸物裝卸區

(OR) SAI WAN PIER

WESTERN DISTRICT PUBLIC CARGO WORKING AREA

Apart from its colloquial name, the Instagram Pier, the site is collectively, officially known as Western District Public Cargo Working Area (WDPCWA). It is located at Shek Tong Tsui, the northwestern end of Hong Kong Island, within walkable distance of the University of Hong Kong.

IG 碼頭

V I C T O R I A

B H A R

U R O B

189

WESTERN DISTRICT PUBLIC CARGO WORKING AREA

The pier precinct itself can be roughly divided into three parts: the Instagram Pier, the Promenade, and the Open Space. The Instagram Pier represents the bottom-up appropriation and redesign of a undesigned space. Its outcome may not be fully resolved, but it preserves the qualities at its fullest. The Promenade represents the formalisation of a undesigned space, making the space indifferent to other waterfronts. Meanwhile, with its carpark removed, the Open Space is being left in a limbo as a temporary space, waiting for a transformation at an unknown time in the future.

11 10

9 8

3 KENNEDY TOWN SWIMMING POOL

BELCHER BAY PARK

Right | Fig. 102. Plan of the Instagram Pier and its surrounding. 190

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FUNG MAT ROAD WATERFRONT OPEN SPACE

R B O U H A R

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THE FINGER

I A T O R V I C

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100

200

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191

WESTERN DISTRICT PUBLIC WORKING CARGO AREA 西區公眾貸物裝卸區 192

1979 1981 2010 2013 2013 2017 2018

Reclamation was completed Western District Public Cargo Working Area (WCDPWA) was put in service The pier started earning fame as the Instagram Pier, or the Hong Kong Mirror of the Sky The pier won in the “Outstanding Public Space Elections”category in the Hong Kong Public Space Awards 2013 Ideas of converting the whole pier precinct, including the spaces outside the market, into a formalized pier were proposed Berth no. 1-3 were fenced off and leased to private organisations for events Dismantling of the WCDPWA were proposed, which sparked a great controversy among the public 193

Western District Public Cargo Working Area (WDPCWA) is mostly used by the tenants to load and unload construction materials, such as concrete bricks and bamboo scaffolding, and transport food supplies to the outlying islands. It is active during weekdays from early morning till sunset, with the rest of the time being occupied by the public. Operating as a live industrial pier, the layout of the structures and items are dynamic and constantly in move. As stated in the previous chapter (p.136), the WDPCWA is only a simple pier established purely for industrial uses with limited management. The staff rarely interfere with the business of the pier, leaving much of the spaces unattended. This spells freedom to the neighbourhood, making the pier as the hangout spaces for the community, where they exercise and bond over little gatherings. The pier becomes a main social space for the Sai Wan community, a core component of a Sai-Waner's social identity.

The pier's popularity skyrocketed first when the West Island Line of the MTR opened in 2015, connecting the once-remote Central and Western District to the greater metro network, and again in 2017 when it was formally crowned as the "Instagram Pier" by National Geographic (Stone, 2017). With the calling from the social media, people flock to the pier to admire the beautiful landscape, with both their eyes and phones - all these happen when the pier remains functioning dutifully as a normal, ordinary, cargo loading dock.

The WDPCWA remained a secret garden of the Sai Wan community until the rise of the Instagram in 2010, when people caught wind of its existence. Within a short time, the pier earned itself a strong fan base and was voted as the "Best People Space" in the “Outstanding Public Space Elections”category, of the Hong Kong Public Space Awards 2013, organised by Hong Kong Public Space Initiative, Designing Hong Kong and RFP Magazine (HKPSI, 2015).

Previous Page| Fig. 103. Aerial photo of the Western District Public Cargo Working Area. Top Right | Fig. 104. The Finger of the WDPWCA, looking back to the Market. Bottom Right | Fig. 105. The Finger of the WDPWCA, looking towards to the end of the pier. 194

195

196

ENTRANCE

TO BE CONVERTED INTO COMMUNITY GARDENS

MAIN

ENTRANCE

MAIN OPEN AREA

2 17-2

12 11

B 24

STACKS OF GOODS

ENTRANCE

B Buildings Semi-permanent sheds Zones of main loading activities 1 Inactive loading bay 4 Active loading bay

100

200

500 M 197

CENTRAL AND WESTERN DISTRICT PROMENADE 中西區海濱長廊西區副食品批發市場段 198

1979 1994 2013 2016 2018

Reclamation was completed Western Wholesale Food Market and its piers were completed Ideas of converting the whole pier precinct, including the spaces outside the market, into a formalized pier were proposed Conversion of the piers outside the market began The pier, which had now been transformed into a public promenade, was opened to the public 199

Central and Western District Promenade is a formalized promenade that spans approximately 400 meters. The space was used to be the unloading dock for the Western Wholesale Food Market. It consists of a timber-decked boardwalk, four piers retrofitted for different programs, some gym facilities for elderly people, and amenities such as toilets and seatings.

Previous Page| Fig. 106. Aerial photo of the Central and Western District Promenade, and the Western Wholesale Food Market. Right | Fig. 107. The Central and Western District Promenade. Next Page | Fig. 108. Different zones of Central and Western District Promenade. 200

201

REMNANT CRANE FITNESS

S S

CAFE

S E S

S S E U

ARCH

CAFE U Public utilities, e.g. toilets S Seatings E Elderly Fitness Corner

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S E

PIER #3

PIER #1 PLAYGROUND ENTRANCE ‘ARCH’

MAIN ENTRANCE

R O U R B H A

PIER #2 TIMBER DECK

R I A T O C I V

100

200 M

ACTIVE PIER RESTRICTED AREA

PIER #4 REAL PIER

LAWN

S S S S

SECONDARY ENTRANCE

FUNG MAT ROAD SITTING AREA & PET CORNER

S E S

ESTERN WHOLESALE FOOD MARKET

N G F U

T M A

A D R O

WITTY STREET TRAM DEPOT

H T U G N A N C O

A D R O

S T W E

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FUNG MAT ROAD WATERFRONT OPEN SPACE 豐物道海濱休憩用地

204

1979 1994

Reclamation was completed This piece of land was converted into Fung Mat Road Car Park to facilitate the operation of the Western Wholesale Food Market 2013 Ideas of converting the whole pier precinct, including the spaces outside the market, into a formalized pier were proposed 2016 Conversion of the car park began without public consultation 2017 Part of the car park was transformed into a temporary public park future The temporary park may be further constructed into a formalized public park 205

The car park was demolished to free up the open space, and it has been remained like this since one and half years ago. Millions of Hong Kong Dollars was paid by the council for the brick paving, benches and light posts. Fences are also erected in the ground for safety.

Previous Page| Fig. 109. Aerial photo of the Western District Public Cargo Working Area. Right | Fig. 110. Fung Mat Road Waterfront Open Space. Next Page | Fig. 111. Different zones of of Fung Mat Road Waterfront Open Space. 206

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Entrance

D A N

ENTRANCE 1

L R A N T C E

N E R S T W E

I C T T R D I S

E A D E N O M R P

WESTERN WHOLESALE FOOD MARKET

N F U

Fence Lawn Car park B Bins S Seatings

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WITTY STREET TRAM DEPOT

100

200 M

A T

R O

A D

N N C O

L R A N T E C

D A N

WESTERN WHOLESALE FOOD MARKET

R O U R B H A

FENCE

R I A T O V I C

S S S B

N F U

A T

A D

B B

To Eastern Street North Trucks Car Park

R O

N E R S T

H A R B O U R

T U N

H T U G N A

A D R O

ENTRANCE 2 W/ GUARDPOST

FMTR CARPARK

WITTY STREET TRAM DEPOT

100

N N C O

200 M

Guard Post

Entrance

S T W E

Entrance 209

The local people are glad to see the opening up of the Fung Mat Road Waterfront Open Space. Yet, it is speculated that this piece of pocket space will be subjected to formalisation in the near future. The local people have worried that, with the government’s proposal this valuable open space will become another piece of fenced park (Yuan, 2016). In order to reshape the space into a higher quality one, the local has been calling for the input of ideas from people other than the government, since they have better knowledge about the space.

“政府應該相信民間智慧，不要太多管理，讓居民去開發公共空間，居民比政府更知道怎樣利用社區的空間。” (The government should believe in the people and impose minimum management on the site. They should allow the residents to make their own public space as they know better on the utilization of the communal open spaces.)

- Sam Kam-Lung Yip 葉錦龍 (2016) Executive Committee of Sai Yau Office (西柚辦公室) & Current District Councilor of the Shek Tong Tsui constituency of the Central and Western District Council (Yuen, 2016)

Right | Fig. 112. A planning workshop organised by Sai Wan Concern, providing a platform for the local residents to voice out their ideas. 210

211

07 THE LAST GREAT (?) ENGLISH LANDSCAPE DESIGNER OF THE 18TH CENTURY,

HUMPHRY REPTON AND HIS LITTLE RED BOOKS, REINTERPRETED

212

The pragmatic design approach is considered as inappropriate for the site since its most unique qualities lies in the 3-dimensional realm. The scenery and views are glorified in the Instagram posts, and they are all visually pleasing. Perhaps, the most suitable way is to prioritise and design with these views to provoke awe - which leads us back to the picturesque landscaping design approach...

213

A PICTURE-LIKE DESIGN The picturesque landscaping, as apparent in its own naming, is a design style and an aesthetic ideal which aims to produce picture-like design, a landscape which is comparable to the great drawings, like those from the Renaissance period. It stresses on the quality of producing sublime and transcendent atmospheric beauty which provokes humans’ astonishment, admiration, and possibly, memorial attachment. The style was first developed in the 18th Century England, and soon gaining huge popularity in the Europe. It was seen as a rising counterpart to compete with the French formal garden, which centered around the rational axial and geometric arrangement. The term was first coined by Horace Walpole in 1771, with the theory further refined by William Kent and Lancelot ‘Capability’ Brown (Saniga, 2015a). The most iconic figures in this style are Humphry Repton and John Claudus Loudon, which the former popularised the use of perspectives (and views) as a mean to design. By featuring extensive perspectives and “overlays” of improvements in his little red books, Repton successfully formulated and materialised a new design methodology, with human’s visual sense (and the following emotional provocation) preceding the programs (Saniga, 2015b).

Right | Fig. 113. Repton’s Little Red Book for the Fort, with and w/out overlay. 214

The main design principles for picturesque landscape are as follows (Saniga, 2015a & 2015b): • • • • •

Designing with perspectives Emphasing views as perceived via human eye Focusing on visual composition Employing the layering of foreground, middleground and background Provoking imagination and awe through carefully curated views or the installation of “ruins”

215

With the increasing awareness on environmental issues, the humans’ feelings was considered as less crucial than the global issues that destruct the habitats. The qualitative picturesque landscaping method was seen as obsolete and fell out of favour, being considered as an irrational and improper design measure. However, with the suitable context, the picturesque landscaping can become an appropriate tool again. The rise of the Instagram has shown that by highlighting and repositioning the aesthetic and spatial qualities through images, people will be able to see the space in different scopes and appreciate its beauty with awe. It is through this positive exposure, the users can reestablish their bond with the space, and improve, and defend it, with their love.

*Note in 2021: Based on a further discussion with Dr Perry Lethlean, a parallel was suggested between the forementioned picturesque approach and the landscape principles of the Chinese and Japanese gardens, in which the latter emphasise the accentuation and translation of emotional qualities into visible landscapes. This will not be included here to keep the journal faithful to its original writing in 2019 - and the parallel will be left for further studies, documented in a different medium.

Right | Fig. 114. Repton’s study on reflection perceived by human eyes. Next Page Left | Fig. 115. View from the pleasure ground without overlay, by Humphry Repton. Next Page Right | Fig. 116. People taking photos with their phones at the Instagram Pier. 216

217

From painting a picture with a paint brush...

...to taking pictures with smartphones and cameras.

08 WE NEED TO LEARN BY

DECONSTRUCTING THE SPECTACLES

220

What are the experiential and spatial qualities of the Instagram Pier? Why do people love them so much? How do people use these spaces? And how can we translate these qualities into a tool set of design principles?

221

Most of the information about the spatial and experiential qualities are captured and documented extensively by the public through the Instagram photos. Therefore, with its abundance of images, the Instagram serves as the most important source for the research, providing clues on uncovering its beauty as well as showing how the public appropriate the spaces in unimaginably creative ways.

222

The collection and analysis are done in two scopes, with the focus on the activity performed on site, and the visual content of the photos respectively. For the complete list of photos collected, please refer to appendix 1 and 2.

223

INSTAGRAM ANALYSIS 1 ACTIVITIES PERFORMED The following activities are catergorised and analysed based on the photos posted by the Instagram account @insta_pier (a well-known account dedicating on capturing people’s activities on site) and on-site observations.

226

Daily and Street

Wedding

Graduation

Drone

Cosplay

Chilling

Napping

Running / Workout

Dancing

Yoga

Fishing

Cycling

Skating / Scootering

Toy Car Driving

Pet Walking

Graffiti

Sketching

Music Performance

Kite Flying

Film Shooting

Picnic

Working

Rummaging

Wargame

Parkour

227

INSTAGRAM ANALYSIS 1 ACTIVITIES PERFORMED Analysing 360 photos posted by the Instagram account @insta_pier and other miscellaneous discoveries

1 56.1% Photography 2 3 4 5

Daily and Street Wedding Graduation Drone Cosplay

38.1% 11.4% 2.8% 2.8% 1.1%

15.2% Relaxing

6 Chilling 7 Napping

13.7% 1.5%

14.2% Sports

8 Running and Workout 9 Dancing 10 Yoga

6.7% 5.8% 1.7%

3.1%

11 Fishing

2.5% On Wheels

12 Cycling 1.4% 13 Skating and Scootering 0.8% 14 Toy Car Driving 0.3%

2.5%

15 Pet Walking

6.1% Others

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

Graffiti Sketching Music Performance Kite Flying Film Shooting Picnic Working Rummaging Wargame Parkour

1.4% 0.8% 0.8% 0.6% 0.6% 0.6% 0.6% 0.3% 0.3% 0.3%

228

100

200

500 M

large empty spaces at the end of the pier broken-up spaces for multiple uses and shelters Activity Hot Spot #1 4 11 2 15 21 6 2 11 1 6 1 17 12 1 15 3 2 9 6 21 9 1 10 6 11 12 4 2 18 8 17 12 1 7 13 8 1 2 19 15 1 10 9 8 1 13 8 6 1 9 1 6 8 1 11 1 18 16 8 2 10 6 1 22 1 6 5 12 20 1 15 7 18 8 2 3 1 8 6 9 6 2 1 9 10 1 6 16 7 9 16 20 29 1 22 1 3 28 25 1 23 27

12 11

sheltered pocket spaces enclosed by structures

9 8 7 1

5 1

1 1

7 8

15 14

2 2 3

2 6

8 24 1

Activity Hot Spot #3

2 17-2

24 23 #2 Activity Hot Spot

6 13

INSTAGRAM ANALYSIS 2 OBJECTS FEATURED Many websites and magazines have produced their own recommended lists of objects to be photographed (to get “likes”). The featured objects are catergorised and analysed based on the list curated by @zerolinkhk, and on-site observations.

THE MAIN SEVEN OBJECTS

230

Harbour View

Containers

Road Separators

Oil Drums

The Mirror of the Sky

Bricks

Bamboo Stacks

OTHERS Asphalt Pavements

Sunset

Timber Pellets

Sheds

Birds

Uncategorised

Cranes

231

INSTAGRAM ANALYSIS 2 OBJECTS FEATURED Analysing 400 photos posted with the tags #instagrampier, #西環碼頭(Sai Wan Pier) and #西環碼頭卸貨區(Sai Wan Pier Cargo Unloading Zone) within year 2018, with selected photos subjected for further composition analysis

77% “The Seven”

23% Others

1 2 3 4 5

Harbour View Containers Road Separators Bamboo Stacks Oil Drums

22.8% 16.0% 15.5% 12.3% 3.5%

6 The Mirror of the Sky 7 Bricks

3.0% 2.0%

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

6.3% 6.3% 5.5% 2.0% 1.8% 1.5% 1.8%

Asphalt Pavements Sunset Timber Pellets Cranes Sheds Birds Uncategorised

Note: 1. The photographed items are presented at the site due to the fact of being the tools to facilitate the business of the tenants. 2. Their locations, particularly the movable ones (e.g. oil drums, timber pellets), are subject to change as they are constantly being transported around by the tenants. 3. Such items may also be absent from the site due to this same reason. 232

unobscruted view to the ho

100

200

500 M

vi ew to in Ts a

ltu

in Ts

ist

ric

g id

tK ow W es 6

9 9 10 6 13 1 13 3 13 8 3 6 6 12 10 1

9 1

of sunset 1

9 3

4 11

2 5

11 7

11 7 7

7 7

loading bay of bricks

5 5

12 10 9 1 9 3 8 3 8 7 11 3 2 2 10 2 12 10 8

10 12 10

15 8

12 3 10

10 12

9 8

2 17-2

loading bay of scaffolding bamboo sticks

vie

orizon

direction

loading bay of oil drums

12 14

INSTAGRAM ANALYSIS 2 SELECTED COMPOSITIONAL ANALYSIS

silhouette enhanced by the void, BW contrast

extended vision increased spatial vastness symmetrical reflection

prop epeated sky r enhanced dramatic feeling

puddles as mirrors

one-point perspective creates an endless space easy symmetrical composition

catches attention

panoramic view

one-point perspective catches attention

234

symmetrical layout

eye-catching pattern

sym pa repea

as a f

panoramic view

ra m i n

g to ol

prop

mmetrical, arallel and ated pattern

eye-catching colour

one-point perspective framing tool

f r am in g t oo l

emphasis the foreground

r p osing

orderly pattern

colour contrasting backdrop

235

PRELIMINARY FINDINGS The following findings are concluded from the screening of the 760 photos, which are compared against with the qualities stated by the public through media interviews (appendix 3), and suggested in the doctoral thesis by Chan (2018).

DIRECTLY VISIBLE FROM THE IMAGES Visual experience / phenomenon / natural elements (z-coordinate)

Objects

relatively intangible qualities but can be controlled and corporate into design, at different scales, mostly presented in 3-dimension

any dead physical objects

•

• • • • • • • •

236

sunset (or opposite, sunrise), or even moonset (moonrise), with the projection of silhouette highlighted by the co-existence of the sunset and void panoramic harbour view, this refers to the view of Kowloon Peninsula and Tsing Yi Natural ridgeline from afar unobstructed scenery due to its fence-free and building-free nature close-proximity, nearly zero-distance to the sea dominance of the sea and the sky in the visual boundary quiet and secluded (~sound) the sound of wave cooler climate / sea breeze

• • • • • •

the lack of refinement on the nature of the objects, being seasoned but not specially curated and polished > the sense of crudeness, rough, industrial, without “make-up”, hipster, crafty strong and heterogeneous visual textures (different industrial materials) able to generate parallel, symmetric, and repetitive composition eye-catching colour able to frame the view and create an inclusive backdrop (an isolated environment) other objects that are not subjected to the pier: high-speed boats gliding on the water, wave movements the absence of artificial surveillance or regulatory security barriers, such as CCTV

Beings

The ground plane, the surface of the pier (x, y-coordinate)

any live beings

the stage where everything takes place

•

• • •

the presence of human of different backgrounds, their appearance and activities the lives of the seaman / sailors / tenants who frequent the pier, which is relatively hard to see in Hong Kong animals, dogs and birds the absence of the security staff (except the ones who are from the Marine Department)

• • •

when the mirror of the sky is formed, it gives a seamless view of the sky, from the ground plan to the actual sky via symmetrical reflection seemingly endless extension of the path due to the symmetrical road markings and forced one-point perspective very spacious, with the width of the pier spans more than 40 meters and without any interruption in between the surface itself can be manipulated into proper vertical visual elements if projected from the drone

237

PRELIMINARY FINDINGS (CONT’D) ...These findings help establish a data reservoir of feelings which needs to be preserved. It also informs the designers on what should be achieved in the final design outcome.

ATMOSPHERIC QUALITIES, OR FEELINGS PROVOKED BY THE VIEWS • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

238

The absence / subdued presence of any perception / form of controls, rules, restrictions and regulations (that applied to a formally operated public space in Hong Kong) The absence of the feelings of being formally watched (largely related to enforcers and CCTVs) The absence of the feelings of being suppressed and trapped (not closed, not gated, not fenced) The abundant sense of freedom Openness and vastness The availability of choices (where to go, what to do) High degree of flexibility, adaptability and creativity It’s not programmed; people are not told to do what they are expected to do, and have their free will People are able to create and appropriate the space It’s a space belong to the people, for the people, by the people It is not a conceived space; top-down planning and intervention are minimal The absence of commercialization, that it is being polished to generate income It’s not formalized or promenaded like other waterfront areas Not touristic The sense and taste of simplicity, primitivity, and unsophistication It’s very chill and relax; not hectic and crowded The absence of privatization due to the nature of the pier Everyone is equal and there is no dominate user, co-existence, tolerance, self/mutual-regulation, mutual help, mutual respect A place where strangers can socialize and bond, getting intimate which is impossible in other places

• • • •

A living and lively space High degree of diversity; heterogeneous but not homogeneous Uniquely local and different from the general perception and can represent the spirit of Hong Kong people (which links back to being flexible, mix and match, adaptable) It is an integral part of the identity of Sai Wan

Highlighted : Achievable with landscape elements

KEYWORDS: THE MEANING OF THE PIER Space Recreational Social An extension of your own home Freedom Water Boundless Spiritual experience Self-management Organic Co-existence

239

DECONSTRUCTION Deconstructing the images by putting myself into the photographers’ shoes. After knowing the objectives, it is crucial to understand how the vessels of these spatial qualities the photos - are being produced, which will facilitate the actual design process. Four major spatial qualities are identified in the previous studies, which are: • • • •

harbour view ground surface objects as artificial landform ephemeral scenery

This gives rise to four respective questions to explore the potential principles governing the visual composition: • • • •

what happens on the edges? what happens on the hinterland / ground plane? how do people use the artificial landform? what are the views when viewed from different angle? are there any other unique qualities to that area?

Right | Fig. 117. The range of view from the photographer (who holds the phone). 240

n ti

e sp

cta

cle

average smartphone focal length horizontal angle 63.7° vertical 45.0°

outcome

photographed

photographer

u str

VIRTUAL LAB A virtual photo lab is set up in Rhino 5 to mimic the physical context of the Instagram Pier. It is established to facilitate the understanding and investigation of the creation of the photos. In the lab, two 1.7m cylinders are included to represent the photographer and the photographed. The range of view and angle of view of both human eyes and smartphone devices are also included as surfaces (in magenta, as shown in fig. 118) which will effectively mask the views beyond the range.

Right | Fig. 118 & 119. The virtual photo lab setting for the exploration. 242

243

ANGLE OF VIEW During the setting up of the virtual photo lab in Rhino, a viewing frame which matches the angle of view of a smartphone is constructed. This ensures the images matching with what we see on our phones. The model featured is iPhone 5s. This model is used as it implies the narrowest coverage you could find in the market (as of 2019)- most of newer phones and cameras have wider coverage than a 5s.

Right | Fig. 120. The angle of view from the photographer (who holds the phone). Next Page | Fig. 121. Overview of the four ‘tools’. 244

average smartphone focal length horizontal angle 63.7° vertical 45.0°

angle of view

2. hinterland

ground plane

objects

3. mass as artifical landform

4. alternative angles and temporality

sunset

1. edge harbour

TOOL 1 THE PERFECT DISTANCE BETWEEN YOU AND ME

248

This test is used to look for the ideal distance range for the visual composition along the waterfront edge. With the result, the designers will know the standing location of the photographer, and the spatial coverage for visual clearance.

How far should I stand? Further please, it makes our legs appearing longer!

Left & Right | Fig. 122 & 123. Preparatory sketches. 250

251

Right | Fig. 124. Preparatory sketches. 252

253

TESTING

30m

28m

26m

24m

22m

20m

16m

14m

distance from edge

camera grid identified

254

18m

12m

10m

4m 2m

255

RESULT

photographer

immed invisib field

12m

11m

10m

hinterland

Right | Fig. 125. The spatial ‘ruler’ showing the best spots for photographing the harbour and posing. 256

transitional edge

photographed

diate ble d

visible field

safety edge

257

TOOL 2 SYMMETRICAL HORIZONS

258

This test is used to investigate the ideal angle of the camera, and the idea span of the mirror for the comfort during the photo-taking.

Enough water, bro?

On top of this, the ground condition and finishing will require further exploration in the later design process to maintain the ephemeral presence of water.

Left & Right | Fig. 126 & 127. Preparatory sketches. 260

261

Right | Fig. 128. Preparatory sketches. 262

263

Right | Fig. 129. Preparatory sketches. 264

265

TESTING

85°

80°

75°

90°

70°

first test : to identify the best angle of incidence, 18m from edge

photographer

1392mm 1218mm

1044m m 870mm 696mm 522mm

348mm 174mm

test on mirror length and camera height at 85°

266

1m (2m)

2m (4m)

3m (6m)

5°

second test : to identify the best distance for reflection

normal line midpoint of mirror length

reflecte

4m (8m)

5m (10m)

6m (12m)

min. angle of incidence t ray inciden = 80°

d ray

7m (14m)

8m (16m)

mirror

267

RESULT

midpoint of mirror length

photographer

1392mm 80°

85°

348mm

min. length of mirror from camera = 4m

*this defines the span of the depression on

Right | Fig. 130. The spatial ‘ruler’ showing the best locations for the mirror formation, and standing distance form the mirrors and edge. 268

photographed

15m

16m

ideal length = 16m

n the ground surface

269

TOOL 3 RHYTHMIC MASS AS ARTIFICIAL TERRAIN

270

This observation is used to investigate the size, scale and shape of the components, which will instigate the users’ interaction. In addition, in the texture, patterns and resultant landforms will also need to be considered. The test is used as a guideline for future exploration in the actual design process.

Nah, this is perfect.

Higher?

Left & Right | Fig. 131 & 132. Exploratory sketches. 272

273

Left | Fig. 133. Result - Size and scale of the components. Right | Fig. 134. Result - Texture and interface. 274

texture and interface 275

TOOL 4 TEMPORAL AND ANGLED DYNAMICS

276

This principle is about capturing and creating other temporal atmospheric scenery that is unique to the concerning site. The scenery may be viewed at different times of a day, from different vantage points.

It is highly recommended to take advantage of the projection of light as it appears to be the most sublime intangible material to work with. In the Instagram Pier, this is frequently expressed through the capture of the Sunset. Actual exploration will be done in the later design process. *gasp*

Right | Fig. 135. Observation sketches. 278

279

DESIGN WITH A HUMAN EYE IT’S REALLY ABOUT EYEING THE SPACE.

280

With all the information on hand, it is concluded the first element to be manipulated should be the ground surface, where the mirrors will be formed after rain. The ground surface itself will serve as a foundation for other elements to be built upon. Warning! The design is always a back-and-forth process, and this is very true in my case. The following materials will appear as a pile of chaos to you, but I will try my best to present them well.

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DESIGN WITH THE PANORAMA Designing with views is the most important motif in the picturesque approach. With this in mind, I have composed an existing panoramic perspective, which spans more than 1 meter, to pinpoint the desirable as well as the unwanted qualities. Overlays are used to show the speculation on how the design might be.

Right & Next Page | Fig. 136. Piecemeal scans of the original panorama exploration, and the corresponding overlay 282

283

284

285

FORM GENERATION As mentioned previously, it is challenging to design with the reclaimed land as it is “as flat as a pancake” (Chung, Chen & Biewenga, p.95). The terrain, or the starting ground surface prior manipulation, has to be generated from nothing - thus I was stuck for nearly two weeks without progression. (*Sigh*) Eventually, I decide to take advantage of the most special attribute of the site - on the fact that it is a reclaimed land, and it is not supposed to be there, and it is supposed to be a sea in its natural state. By using the program Grasshopper, I have crafted a starting surface which resembles the wave, or, the seabed.

Right | Fig. 137. Grasshopper script for the landform generation. 286

“What kind of form are you after? What do you want the people to see?” - Jillian Wallis, at around Week 10 when I was really struggling with my progress.

287

VARIATIONS

Above| Fig. 138. Outcomes of different Grasshopper tests. 288

289

DESIGNING WITH VIEWS Thirteen viewpoints are established to cover the site comprehensively. While maintaining in the same perspective, the topography is then adjusted to accentuate or smoothen the undulation. More depression is formed as a result for the formation of mirrors to reflect the targeting views.

Right & Next Page| Fig. 139 & 140. The thirteen overlay sketches prepared for digital terrain manipulation. 290

291

This Page| Fig. 141. The resulted landform from digital terrain manipulation.

WRAPPING THE LANDFORM The impervious concrete or asphalt are the standard materials to go with for creating the reflection pools as mirrors. Yet, it would be undesirable to cover the whole ground surfaces with the non-porous paving, in the subtropical climate, because of their excellent heat-retention ability. Therefore, it is crucial to have another material to mix with the impervious concrete in order to make the space more habitable. Timber deck becomes another viable option due to its mellow texture, which strikes a great contrast with the asphalt paving of the nearby Instagram Pier and the brick paving of the promenade. The Memorial of the 150th Anniversary of the Battle of Puebla, in the Mexican city Puebla, designed by TEN Arquitectos, has demonstrated the possibility of "wrapping" the whole terrain with timber decking (proyectobaq, 2016; TEN Arquitectos, n.d.).

Right | Fig. 142. The undulating terrain of the Memorial of the Battle of Puebla. 296

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KEEPING THE EDGE CLEAN It is understood that the visual clearance along the waterfront edge has to be kept for the integrity of the panoramic view. In response, nothing intrusive is designed for this area. An extended lower deck will be extruded into the sea as a safety buffer zone.

Top Right| Fig. 143. The edge as shown in Rhino 5. Bottom Right| Fig. 144. Conceptual sketch for the edge. 298

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CUTTING HOLES IN THE FABRIC The site is very exposed and is lacked habitable spaces. Therefore, learning from TEN Arquitectos, holes are ‘cut’ from the ground fabric, where trees will be planted. Three types of trees are selected from the Street Tree Selection Guide, published by the Greening Landscape and Tree Management Section in Hong Kong (5h). They are Plumeria rubia (Frangipani / 雞蛋花), Thespesia populnea (Portia Tree / 恆春黃槿), and Sapindus saponaria (Western Soapberry / 無患子). They are selected due to their tolerance to salt-spray and wind, as well as their familiarity among the public. It is noticeable that the Western Soapberry has earned some fame for providing free cleaning materials to the local residents, as soap can be formed by rubbing its fruits in water.

Right| Fig. 145. The tree pits blend perfectly with the wavy terrain. 300

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VIEW FROM THE BACK To encourage the users' exploration, trees are also used to conceal people’s view when entering from the back entrance (Fung Mat Road) instead of the front (the promenade). They are all strategically placed to prevent overshadowing of the views and other design elements. The tree crowns serve as a visual buffer to match with the views from nearby streets, which are packed with buildings and structures. As people walking closer to the edge, the view will be unfolded in front of them.

Right| Fig. 146. Viewing from the back entrance. 302

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HERE COMES THE LIGHT The Instagram Pier has a stunning view of sunsets, and I believe the site deserves its own “sunset”. Therefore, learning from the exploration of the design principles, I decide to incorporate light as another main temporal materials (alongside water) to provoke awe. The material which captures the light best is the translucent, or transparent concrete, which is a mix of concrete and glass optical fibers (Howes & Laughliln, 2012). It allows light to pass through the solid opaque structure, forming a transcendent view that cannot be translated into textual description. The illuminated patterned can be altered by rearranging the matrix of fibers, creating lights as one pleases. Translucent concrete is a relative new material and the number of real-life application remains small. Thus, I decide to make some prototypes to verify its lightcarrying effect. This is created by mixing optical fibers with plaster.

Right| Fig. 147. Translucent concrete. 304

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Anti-clockwise from Top Left| Fig. 148-151. Prototype making. Right| Fig. 152. A boxboard mould showing the maximum potential of translucent concrete. 306

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BRIDGING THE SKYLINE The equivalent ‘sunset’ view will be installed on the surface of the structural walls on the western part of the site. The walls form the elevated road leading into the Western Harbour Crossing. Measuring 6m on average, the walls have supplied a vertical blank surface to house the ‘sunset’. At night, the whole Victoria Harbour will be lighted up by the buildings, forming the stunning Victoria Harbour night view. Yet, with the blank walls erecting in front of the buildings, the skyline looks amiss when viewing from the site. They appear as a dark patch that breaks the blooming skyline. Therefore, translucent concrete panels, backed with LED light panels, will be placed on the blank canvas, with the light pattern echoing with the glowing buildings at the back.

Right| Fig. 153. Conceptual sketch on the visual connection. 308

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SHOWERING IN THE LIGHT The skyline light only functions during the night time, hence I introduce its daytime counterpart translucent concrete columns. This will replace the existing wire fences which separates the site from the Easter Street North Trucks Car Park. The columns will form an effective, non-intrusive, bordering separator while providing a glimmering experience to the visitors.

Right| Fig. 154. The preliminary conceptual sketches on the ‘lit’ spaces. 310

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WATERING THE MIRRORS The low-lying areas of the terrain will be paved with a mix of foam concrete and translucent concrete, providing an impervious surface to facilitate the formation of mirrors. The foam concrete will be compressed or even break overtime as a result of repeated trampling, which will indirectly reshape the terrain overtime. Similar to the transparent concrete for the skyline wall, the concrete in the ground surface will also glow at night. In the Instagram Pier, the mirrors only form after rain - and people will create their own mirror by using buckets, sourcing water from the sea in a sunny day. To save people from the labour, water pumps will be installed at strategic locations, making mirrors on the people’s behalf using collected rain water or sea water.

Right| Fig. 156. Conceptual sketches on the mirrors of the sky. 312

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This design is designed to act as a counterproposal on how the designers can design alternatively, other than placing programs. It designs with views and perspectives, as perceived by the human eye. It internalizes external spatial qualities into the site, through strategically manipulation of the surfaces, and placement of the mass for visual highlight or concealment. In this case, it is translating the four existing qualities of the Instagram Pier into this open space, which are panoramic view as preserved by visual clearance, mirrors as produced by reflective surfaces, artificial landmass for interaction and ephemeral phenomenon induced by the change of time. The result is an alternative landscape typology, an experiential landscape or a landscape canvas where the users can interpret the space and determine its meanings freely, painting their own paintings, with smartphones. This is a designed landscape that is neither produced through top-down or bottom-up, but the union of the designers’ curated space and the users’ creative appropriation of it. With the design, the space will draw people to it through its sensual and spatial qualities. Then people will bring with them activities, giving the spaces meaning and function, designing the space in their own manners. All these will be captured through the Instagram images, as a proof that a good, meaningful public space, can only be produced through the union of the effort of both designers and the users.

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10 HERE COMES

THE MILLENNIAL PICTURESQUE

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“... As you approach the space from the entrance, you will first notice the undulating terrain. This honours the fact that the site is a reclaimed land, and its most unique context is, it was supposed to be the sea in its natural state. Then you can see the panoramic view of Victoria Harbour unfold in front of you – this will be one of the few places along the Harbour where you can have intimate interaction with the water as there are fences in other waterfronts. You can dandle your feet here if you want! After rain, you will find there are mirrors on the ground which gives you a seamless world of the sky and land. If there is no rain? No worries, you can simply push the button which the pump will draw the collected rain water, or sea water for you to create the mirrors. As you walk along the edge, you will reach the lightbathing void, where you can bath in the filtered, soften sunlight. This void is formed by the translucent concrete columns, which transform the space with its translucent qualities, as seen by this prototype. After this, you can chill, or take a nap between the extrusions, or if you are brave enough, climb higher to get a better view. If it’s a summer hot day, you can take shelter in these tree shades. You should wait until the sunset before you leave, because at that time, the translucent concrete at the ground and the extrusion will light up, echoing with the glowing Hong Kong skyline at the back...”

- Excerpt from the Final Presentation

FINAL PRESENTATION & EXHIBITION SET-UP

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PANORAMA

TERRAIN MODEL & PLAN

INSTAGRAM ‘POSTS’ AND DETAILS

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2020 REVISION OF MAIN GRAPHICS

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+ ARTIFICIAL TECTONICS

348 + DISTANCE COMPOSITION

TEMPORAL DYNAMICS +

+ REFLECTIVE MATHEMATICS

TOOL SET

PLAN

50M

PANORAMIC SHORE MIRROR TROUGH

LIGHTBATHING VOID

OASIS CREST

AFTERGLOW CLIFF

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+ SUNRISE-LIT COLUMNS

THE LIGHT-BATHING VOID

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+ TRANSLUCENT CLIMABLE WALL

THE AFTERGLOW CLIFF

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358 + NATIVE TREE ‘WESTERN SOAPBERRY’

+ GLOWING RECESSED CIRCLE

THE OASIS CREST

+ SEAWATER PUMPING SYSTEM

+ GLOWING CONCRETE FLOOR

+ MIRROR OF THE SKY

THE MIRROR TROUGH

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+ INFINITY DECK

THE PANORAMIC SHORE

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There are two main comments I received from the final presentation. One - the speculative Instagram photos I portrayed in my panels are relatively generic and rigid. The users’ behaviours and appropriation are not as creative as the presentation suggests. Firstly, there is a limited amount of time available, or I would create more photos to better illustrate the potential. Secondly, no matter how hard I try, I can only truly represent myself despite of putting effort on guessing how the users may behave. This brings us back to the design dilemma - which pinpoints the designers could never predicts the mind of the users. The act would also contradicts with the brief of thesis in a technical way, on the ground that this design is designed to be appropriated in whatever ways the users desire. Therefore, my portrayals would never be able to disclose the full picture on how people can appropriate the space (as I am not them). Yet, all the images are modeled after existing Instagram posts, thus the authenticity is preserved. Two - the design gesture itself has a risk on conflicting with the intention. Although the space is heavily designed with a completely different intention, which is to highlight the spatial qualities and designed to let the users utilise their freedom. Where does this line of balance lie in order not to over-control? 361

THE DESIGN DILEMMA SHALL ALWAYS EXIST

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But it is up to you (the designer) on how to respond it.

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THE RESPONSIBILITY This delicate line of balance is drawn by the designers alone in regard to the context. It is the designers’ own responsibility to discipline themselves, and decide what to do is the best for the site and its users.

To be honest, this is a very difficult question as there is no definite answer for it. It touches the philosophical core of this thesis, which in turn touches the issue on the design ethics. Maybe, the proper question to ask, is, What is the role of designers? What are we (as designers) trying to achieve with our design response? And, most importantly, What is design? The answer will vary based on the context, the issue, and the designers’ ability. In this thesis, I am specifically responding to the Asian/Hong Kong context, which has a very complex situation when it comes to public spaces. Therefore, I choose to address the two most crucial issues - the abuse of pragmatic approach (followed by bureaucratic management) and the lack of appreciation of local spatial qualities. The outcome is indeed, a heavily designed, carefully curated terrain, but it is designed with an intention which completely diverges from its predecessors. This is the line of balance I drew for this site, in regard to all the discussion and consideration I listed in this journal. And I believe my design gesture is appropriate.

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If the whole thing happens in Melbourne, where I studied, the line of balance will be placed at a different location. This is because pragmatic approach is not used in the same way as it is in Hong Kong (at least without all those legal ordinance and fences), and the spatial qualities of the public spaces are (somewhat?) respected by the design profession. When it comes to the design process, the designers can never control the context and issues - they are governed by the greater systems, by our society, by the world we live in. Yet, the thing that the designers can control is, their minds, which at the same time, is their greatest assets. I believe, if the designers are meant to make good, quality public spaces for the public, from the bottom of their hearts, after multiple trials, fails, and learning, they will eventually know where to draw the line of balance. This is my belief.

I am very happy that I am able to continue my inquiry from my manifesto. In my manifesto, I was only able to pinpoint the issues without providing solid suggestion on how it can be improved. But, with the thesis, I can actually follow this up and produce a design methodology on how to address the design dilemma. This is the best thing a design student can ask for during the academic career, to be able to pursue something that he or she is passionate about. So, from your point of view, what is design?

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THE DEATH

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IT’S SO HARD TO SAY GOODBYE On February 28, 2021, without prior notice, the Marine Department officially fenced off the working cargo area, citing the prevention and control of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the overdue safety issue. The department emphasises the fact of the pier being an industrial working space and it is never meant to used as a public amenity. The pier becomes a restricted area to the public unless they produce valid working permits and white cards, proving themselves as the tenants. It once again reverts to an ordinary, simple, industrial pier. The closure met with polarised responses. Some people opposed the decision, seeing the measure as the encroachment of an important public space loved by many, and the violation of citizen’s rights (to the city), especially the closure was taken place without community consultation. Meanwhile, others argued the pier had lost its spirit and had become a nuisance to the neighbourhood when it was flooded with inconsiderate and reckless visitors who disregarded other users’ safety, such as vandalism, arson and unlawful entry to the working sheds. Nonetheless, all but the government expressed sorrow for the loss of their precious eden, the one and only Instagram Pier. The pier ultimately became the very victim of its own fame.

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"西環碼頭的最後一個早上一覺醒來，我們已失去了社區的後花園。如果你認為壓縮的空間還未觸及自己的生活領域，我想告訴你的是，曾被選為「最佳公共空間」，深受街坊及市民歡迎的西環碼頭已被封閉，不再讓公眾進入。中西區的社區休憩空間一直在規劃標準以下，在舊區中，康文署的公園容不下街坊最簡單的活動，踩單車、放狗及無障礙海景，惟此地皆有。政府部門的低度介入，讓空間充滿可塑性。此處之珍貴，除了其景觀氛圍，更是那份建基於街坊及碼頭工作人士一直互相尊重及信任的「管理模式」。

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可惜，在未有任何通知下，政府今早已將此處封閉，人員呼籲市民到附近已有「完善規劃」的西區副食品市場海濱長廊及堅尼地城新海旁活動。政權要全面接管每一寸土地，監控市民每一項活動，從前那自主、自發、自律的空間，再也容不下。"

"THE LAST MORNING AT SAI-WAN PIER We lost our communal backyard in one night's sleep. If you consider your living space remains unscathed from the (political) pressure, I would like to inform you, the Instagram Pier, which was once elected as the "Hong Kong's Best Public Space", favoured by many including the neighbourhood and Hong Kong people, has been barred and is no longer opened to the public. The quality of communal recreational spaces in the Central-Western District are known to be below standard. There is no room for the simplest activities in the parks managed of the Leisure and Cultural Services Department, such as cycling, dog-walking and simply enjoying the boundless harbour view. Yet the Instagram Pier offered a place for all that. There were unlimited possibilities in this pier, thanks to the minimal interference from the (Marine) department. In addition to the landscape, what made the pier so invaluable was the "voluntary management system" built upon the mutual respect and trust among the neighbours and pier workers.

Regrettably, the Pier was sealed off this morning by the government without notice. People have been advised by the staff to visit the nearby Central and Western District Promenade and Kennedy Town New Praya instead, which are the products of "perfect planning". The regime is going to take over every single inch of the land, and monitor every single move of the citizens. It no longer tolerates the existence of these spaces, the epitome of spatial autonomy, spontaneity and self-regulatory.

- Kai Yin Cheung 張啟昕 (2021) Former District Councillor of the Centre Stret constituency of the Central and Western District Council

THE GRATITUDE

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I want to thank Jillian Wallis, my inspiring and knowledgeable supervisor, who have been guiding me in the past six months. It is of yours supervision that I managed to narrow down my interest into this thesis topic and interrogated it vigorously. I really learnt a lot from you. Sidh Sintusingha and Ziming Xie, my thesis coordinators. Thank you for all your advice and assistance. And for being so open-minded, to have all sorts of interesting and exciting discussion with me.

And, Hong Kong, the place I grew up. It is because of you that I am able to pick up all the traces during my lifelong observation, which gives rise to everything discussed and explored in this thesis. Despite of all the hardship, I hope your future will remain as lustrous as one of your nicknames, “Pearl of the Orient”. Thank you all very much. Iris Fong June 2019

My dear friends, especially Edward Yee, Anthea Lui, Luke Kim, Stewart Wu, Hidy Wong, John Vo and Jeremy Cheang, who have been helping me all these times. Without your help, I could never finish this thesis. My parents, who have been supporting me unconditionally back in my hometown.

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REFERENCE

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Fig. 80. Department of Urban Planning and Design, Faculty of Architecture, HKU. (2013). Future Western Harbourfront (nighttime), Western Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan¸ 24 [Presentation Slides]. Retrieved from http://www.cpao.hku.hk/media/FINAL_Presentation.pdf Fig. 81. Department of Urban Planning and Design, Faculty of Architecture, HKU. (2013). Current Situation, Western Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan¸ 2 [Presentation Slides]. Retrieved from http://www.cpao.hku.hk/media/FINAL_Presentation.pdf Fig. 82. Cheng, T. F. (November 12, 2017). 西環碼頭變社區園圃團體促撤回改設臨時電影院 [Photo], HK01, retrieved from https://www. hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/132925/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E8% AE%8A%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E5%9C%98%E9%AB%94%E4%BF%83%E6%92%A4%E5%9B%9E%E6%94%B9%E8%A8%AD%E8%87%A8%E6%99%82%E9%9B%BB%E5%BD%B1%E9%99%A2#media_id=974597 Fig. 83. Leung, P. S. (December 7, 2017). 西環碼頭變社區園圃？中西區居民組織抗議要求保留 [Photo]. Apple Daily, retrieved fromhttps://hk.news. appledaily.com/local/realtime/article/20171207/57553086 Fig. 84. Green Building Council Australia. (May, 2014). 6 Star Green Star Rating Certificate for the University of Melbourne Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning Development [Certificate]. Retrieved from https://msd.unimelb.edu.au/about/msd-building/6-star-green-star-rating Fig. 85. Lui, Tsz Lok & Chan, Pui Man. (2007). Failed Protest in Lee Tung Street [photograph]. Retrieved from http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/ art/20071028/10347043, viewed 28 May 2017, Fig. 86. Newton, N. T. (1971). Design on the Land. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Fig. 87. Composite Map. From Design with Nature (P.114), by McHarg, I. (1992). New York: J. Wiley. Fig, 88. Chen, S. (2015). ABPL20040 Landscape Studio 2 Site Planning & Design - Week 2 Site Analysis & Design Process. [Lecture Slides] Fig. 89-91. Faculty of Architecture, HKU. (2013). Western Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan. Retrieved from http://www.cpao.hku.hk/media/ FINAL_Presentation.pdf Fig. 92. Staten Island Analysis. From Design with Nature (P.111), by McHarg, I. (1992). New York: J. Wiley. Fig. 93-99. Faculty of Architecture, HKU. (2013). Western Harbourfront Conceptual Master Plan. Retrieved from http://www.cpao.hku.hk/media/ FINAL_Presentation.pdf Fig. 100. alyson_kka. (2018). Sunset. Retrieved from https://www.instagram.com/alyson_kka/ Fig. 101. wailim68. (2018). Mirror of the Sky [Instagram Post]. Retrieved from https://www.instagram.com/p/BlE6u7-hKvQ/ Fig. 102. Self. Fig. 103. Nearmap. (2019). Sai Wan Pier [image]. Fig. 104-105. Self. Fig. 106. Nearmap. (2019). Sai Wan Pier [image]. Fig. 107-108. Self. Fig. 109. Nearmap. (2019). Sai Wan Pier [image]. Fig. 110-111. Self. Fig. 112. Sai Wan Concern [城西閞注組]. (2018, March 2). Planning-game workshop [Facebook post]. Retrieved from https://www.facebook.com/ saiwanconcern/photos/a.360553230782876/853234281514766/?type=3

Fig. 113. Saniga, A. (2015b). Classicism and Romanticism, the Picturesque Garden in Europe [Lecture Slides]. Lecture given in Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne. Fig. 114. Saniga, A. (2015a). Landscape Gardening and Reform [Lecture Slides]. Lecture given in Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne. Fig. 115. Saniga, A. (2015a). Landscape Gardening and Reform [Lecture Slides]. Lecture given in Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne. Fig. 116. insta_pier. (2017, October 10). When two is better than one [Instagram post]. Retrieved from https://www.instagram.com/p/Bn5hImUl9-Y/ Fig. 117-141. Self. Fig. 142. proyectobaq. (2016). Emblematic Monument of the 150th Anniversary of the Battle of Puebla. Retrieved from http:// arquitecturapanamericana.com/monumento-emblematico-del-150-aniversario-de-la-batalla-de-puebla/ Fig. 143-146. Self. Fig. 147. Litracon. (2019). Litracon Classic [image]. Retrieved from http://www.litracon.hu/en/products/litracon-blokk Fig. 148-156. Self.

Front & Back Cover. Self. All images, diagrams and photos of Chapter 10, Chapter 11 and Appendice (p.316-397). Self.

APPENDICE 1 2 3 4

384

THE INSTAGRAM CATALOGUE VOLUME 1 : ACTIVITIES THE INSTAGRAM CATALOGUE VOLUME 2 : VISUAL CONTENT LIST OF ARTICLES AND NEWS RELATED TO THE INSTAGRAM PIER MANIFESTO : MEDIATING BETWEEN PLANNING AND EVOLUTION, IN THE CASE OF HONG KONG

APPENDIX 1&2 THE INSTAGRAM CATALOGUES

385

APPENDIX 3 ARTICLES RELATED TO THE INSTAGRAM PIER

「日落勝地」西區裝卸區或活化成休憩地 https://topick.hket.com/article/1392312/%E3%80%8C%E6%97%A5%E8%90%BD%E5%8B%9D%E5%9C%B0%E3%80%8D%E8%A5%BF%E5%8D%80%E8%A3%9D%E5%8D%B8%E5%8D%80%E6%88%96%E6%B4%BB%E5%8C%96%E6

%88%90%E4%BC%91%E6%86%A9%E5%9C%B0

守護「西環碼頭」，街坊大集合﹗反對黑箱作業，還我公共空間﹗ https://medium.com/@judykahei36/%E5%AE%88%E8%AD%B7-%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD-%E8%A1%97%E5%9D%8A%E5%A4%A7%E9%9B%86%E5%90%88-%E5%8F%8D%E5%B0%8D%E9%BB%91%E7%AE%B1%E4%BD%9C%E6%A5%AD-%E9%82%84%E6%88%91%E5%85%AC%E5%85%B1%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93-

b35688cf3693

影子長策會: 西環碼頭─邊開放邊規劃

西環 – Hong Kong history 香港歷史

http://hk.history1.org/wp/zh/2017/06/24/sai-wan/

2017 公共空間大事回顧 - 拓展公共空間 https://thestandnews.com/city/2017%E5%85%AC%E5%85%B1%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93%E5%A4%A7%E4%BA%8B%E5%9B%9E%E9%A1%A7/

西環碼頭 — 原來要不要欄杆也是世代之爭 https://www.thestandnews.com/society/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD-%E5%8E%9F%E4%BE%86%E8%A6%81%E4%B8%8D%E8%A6%81%E6%AC%84%E6%9D%86-%E4%B9%9F%E6%98%AF%E4%B8%96%E4%BB

%A3%E4%B9%8B%E7%88%AD/

https://www.facebook.com/1387942798092154/photos/a.1387957014757399/2046965008856593/?typ

西環碼頭 - 我話事！

e=3&theater

https://supporthk.org/zh-hant/node/4520/?fbclid=IwAR37TlN-6C98KmVq7k3QvBJAi8hnPVpoxrNLUXqdP7aVCinAhMQL8KCkrp0

https://hk.on.cc/hk/bkn/cnt/news/20160228/bkn-20160228090022735-

https://theinitium.com/article/20160229-photostory-instagrampier/

我城我區：西環碼頭天空恐破鏡 0228_00822_001.html

抗議西環碼頭變社區園圃居民促保留作公共空間 https://www.inmediahk.net/node/1053394?fbclid=IwAR3MDBAPaX_HR5gqZdzjREn4HOtzCMAQsSLQ5FYfbwgbKLAsR_ZeqUCQVAc

拓展公共空間 Hong Kong Public Space Initiative - 香港公共空間大獎 2013

西環碼頭：被圍欄包圍之前的Instagram Pier 西環碼頭再規劃最佳海濱或變圍欄公園

https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/7535/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E5%86%8D%E8%A6%8F%E5%8A%83-%E6%9C%80%E4%BD%B3%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1%E6%88%96%E8%

AE%8A%E5%9C%8D%E6%AC%84%E5%85%AC%E5%9C%92

西環碼頭將變社區園圃大空地得返行人道團體：政府零諮詢 https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/131311/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E5%B0%87%E8%AE%8A%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E5%A4%A7%E7%A9%BA%E5%

http://www.hkpsi.org/projects/%E9%A6%99%E6%B8%AF%E5%85%AC%E5%85%B1%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93%E5%A4%A7%E7%8D%8E-2013/

9C%B0%E5%BE%97%E8%BF%94%E8%A1%8C%E4%BA%BA%E9%81%93-%E5%9C%98%E9%AB%94-%E6%94%BF%E5%BA%9C%E9%9B%B6%E8%AB%AE%E8%A9%A2

https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/170277/%E6%94%BF%E5%BA%9C%E6%93%AC%E5%BA%B7%E6%96%87%E7%BD%B2%E7%AE%A1%E7%90%86-%E6%B8%AF%E7%89%88%E5%A4-

https://www.thestandnews.com/city/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E5%BB%BA%E5%9C%8D%E6%AC%84-%E5%B1%85%E6%B0%91%E4%B8%8D%E6%BB%BF%E7%A0%B4%E5%A3%9E-%E6%B5%B7%E5%A4%A9%E4-

%A9%E7%A9%BA%E4%B9%8B%E9%8F%A1-%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E5%85%AC%E5%85%B1%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93-%E6%93%AC%E5%AE%89%E8%A3%9D%E6%AC%84%E6%9D%86

%B8%80%E8%89%B2-%E6%99%AF%E8%87%B4/

https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/147118/%E6%94%BF%E5%BA%9C%E8%90%BD%E5%AF%A6%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E5%8A%A0%E5%9C%8D%E6%AC%

https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/7976/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E6%88%96%E8%AE%8A%E4%BA%BA%E5%B7%A5%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1%E9%95%B7%E5%BB%8A-

84-%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E7%99%BC%E5%B1%95%E5%B1%80-%E5%B8%82%E6%B0%91%E4%B8%80%E7%9B%B4%E9%9D%9E%E6%B3%95%E9%80%B2%E5%85%A5

%E8%A1%97%E5%9D%8A-%E6%9C%89%E5%9C%8D%E6%AC%84%E5%B0%B1%E5%83%8F%E7%9B%A3%E7%8D%84

https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/127117/%E6%97%85%E9%81%8A%E6%A5%AD%E7%99%BC%E5%B1%95%E8%97%8D%E5%9C%96%E6%9B%9D%E5%85%89-%E5%9B%9B%E5%A4%A7%E7%AD%96%E7%95%A5-

https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/132905/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E6%93%AC%E8%AE%8A%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E9%97-

%E5%90%B8%E5%AE%A2-%E6%B0%B4%E4%B8%8A%E7%9A%84%E5%A3%AB%E9%80%A3%E6%8E%A5%E8%A5%BF%E4%B9%9D-%E5%95%9F%E5%BE%B7

%9C%E6%B3%A8%E7%B5%84%E5%8F%8D%E5%BB%BA%E8%AD%B0%E5%96%84%E7%94%A8%E5%A4%A7%E5%BB%88%E8%A1%97%E5%B7%B7%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93

https://hk.news.appledaily.com/local/realtime/article/20171111/57446439?fbclid=IwAR0mrV3wzMRlaLsDNLj9MCDE6n1S3UBPJQiN3EgEgtbCjeMriHb-UDTo5j4

https://www.inmediahk.net/node/1053276

https://www.thestandnews.com/society/%E6%B0%91%E5%BB%BA%E8%81%AF%E9%99%B3%E5%AD%B8%E9%8B%92-%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E6%9C%AA%E5%B0%8D%E5%A4%96%E9%96%8B%E6%94%BE-%E4%B8%80%E6%97%A

https://www.inmediahk.net/node/1053743

政府擬康文署管理「港版天空之鏡」西環碼頭公共空間擬安裝欄杆政府落實西環碼頭加圍欄、社區園圃發展局：市民一直非法進入旅遊業發展藍圖曝光四大策略「吸客」水上的士連接西九、啟德林鄭和應民建聯改劃西環碼頭做農圃居民憂變私人花園民建聯陳學鋒：西環碼頭未對外開放一旦開放必須有「安全措施」 6%E9%96%8B%E6%94%BE%E5%BF%85%E9%A0%88%E6%9C%89-%E5%AE%89%E5%85%A8%E6%8E%AA%E6%96%BD/

民間智慧創意爆棚「打卡」熱點西環海濱倡建人造沙灘 https://today.line.me/HK/pc/article/8JMNRn?utm_source=copyshare&fbclid=IwAR26q1DmmyZ1saeG9L4GT6L2lDTLepTjab_INN66Gls5vUB9qxKG3VzB4QA

港大城市規劃及設計系「西區海濱概念性總體規劃」打造「香港海港西大門」新地標 https://www.hku.hk/press/press-releases/detail/c_10078.html

發展局拒開放中環海濱地軍用碼頭年燒30萬公帑「養雜草」 https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/53382/%E7%99%BC%E5%B1%95%E5%B1%80%E6%8B%92%E9%96%8B%E6%94%BE%E4%B8%AD%E7%92%B0%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1%E5%9C%B0-%E8%BB%8D%E7%94%A8%E7%A2%

西環碼頭建圍欄居民不滿破壞「海天一色」景致西環碼頭或變人工海濱長廊街坊︰有圍欄就像監獄西環碼頭擬變社區園圃關注組反建議善用大廈街巷空間西環碼頭改建社區園圃街坊反對批政府黑箱作業西環碼頭——空間規劃新想像西環碼頭變社區園圃團體促撤回改設臨時電影院 https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/132925/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E8%AE%8A%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E5%9C%98%E9%AB-

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西環碼頭變社區園圃？中西區居民組織抗議要求保留 https://hk.news.appledaily.com/local/realtime/article/20171207/57553086

西環變幻時

https://www.facebook.com/groups/westerndistrict/permalink/10154914811650286/?__tn__=CH-R

這個城市還要幾多「欄杆」？

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https://www.thestandnews.com/city/%E9%80%99%E5%80%8B%E5%9F%8E%E5%B8%82%E9%82%84%E8%A6%81%E5%B9%BE%E5%A4%9A%E6%AC%84%E6%9D%86/

https://www.hkcnews.com/article/9008/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD-%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E5%8D%80%E8%AD%B0%E6%9C%83-9016/%E8%A6%8B%E5%BE%AE%E7%9F%-

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見微知著的西環碼頭事件

西區公眾貨物裝卸區 - 西環體育會 https://saiwansc.fandom.com/zh/wiki/%E8%A5%BF%E5%8D%80%E5%85%AC%E7%9C%BE%E8%B2%A8%E7%89%A9%E8%A3%9D%E5%8D%B8%E5%8D%80

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除了「天空之鏡」，西環碼頭折射出最港式的日常生活風格

【圖輯】意想不到的公共空間意籍攝影師每天記錄西環碼頭自拍族

西環海濱被圍封司馬文批政府未經諮詢剝奪公眾空間團體聯署反對變社區園圃

https://www.hk01.com/01%E5%BD%B1%E5%83%8F/134703/%E5%9C%96%E8%BC%AF-%E6%84%8F%E6%83%B3%E4%B8%8D%E5%88%B0%E7%9A%84%E5%85%AC%E5%85%B1%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93-%E6%84%8F%E7-

https://www.thestandnews.com/city/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1%E8%A2%AB%E5%9C%8D%E5%B0%81-%E5%8F%B8%E9%A6%AC%E6%96%87%E6%89%B9%E6%94%BF%E5%BA%9C%E6%9C%AA%E7%B6%93%E8%AB%AE%E8%A9%A2

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【專訪】政府擬建社區園圃意籍西環碼頭攝影師：希望保持現狀 https://www.hk01.com/01%E5%BD%B1%E5%83%8F/134704/%E5%B0%88%E8%A8%AA-%E6%94%BF%E5%BA%9C%E6%93%AC%E5%BB%BA%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83-%E6%84%8F%E7%B1%8D%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%

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【時事全方位】西環碼頭建園圃

https://news.now.com/home/local/player?newsId=243142

【消失的西環碼頭 – 以臨時園圃為名的2030+假公共空間騙局】 https://medium.com/@samyip/%E6%B6%88%E5%A4%B1%E7%9A%84%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD-%E4%BB%A5%E8%87%A8%E6%99%82%E5%9C%92%E5%9C%83%E7%82%BA%E5%90%8D%E7%9A%842030-%E5%81%87%E

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地區營造西環碼頭

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Gov’t scales down community garden plan at popular ‘Instagram Pier’ amid criticism https://www.hongkongfp.com/2018/01/03/govt-scales-community-garden-plan-popular-instagram-pier-amid-criticism/

Kennedy Town Waterfront Closed off 堅尼地城海濱空間「被」關閉 https://www.am730.com.hk/column/%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/kennedy-town-waterfront-closed-off-%E5%A0%85%E5%B0%BC%E5%9C%B0%E5%9F%8E%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1%E7%A9%BA%E9%96%93%E3%80%8C%E8%A2%AB%E3%80%8D%E9%97%9C

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Public push to protect Instagram Pier http://www.southside.hk/public-push-protect-instagram-pier/

團體辦論壇探討西環碼頭興建園圃議員質疑成為私人派對

Residents and community groups protest against gov’t plans for popular ‘Instagram Pier’

http://hd.stheadline.com/news/realtime/hk/1068986/

https://www.hongkongfp.com/2017/12/10/residents-community-groups-protest-govt-plans-popular-instagram-pier/

https://www1.hkej.com/dailynews/commentary/article/1727056/%E5%9C%B0%E5%8D%80%E7%87%9F%E9%80%A0%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD

區議會斥370萬西環碼頭旁建臨時公園團體批︰設圍欄欠諮詢 https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/26103/%E5%8D%80%E8%AD%B0%E6%9C%83%E6%96%A5370%E8%90%AC%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E6%97%81%E5%BB%BA%E8%87%A8%E6

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保護西環海濱 — 西區公眾貨物裝卸區規劃 2016 年第一次報告 https://www.thestandnews.com/city/%E4%BF%9D%E8%AD%B7%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1-%E8%A5%BF%E5%8D%80%E5%85%AC%E7%9C%BE%E8%B2%A8%E7%89%A9%E8%A3%9D%E5%8D%B8%E5%8D%80%E8%A6%8F

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中西海濱長廊新段設計曝光三大區域可多角度看海

打卡熱點西環碼頭今起「封區」區議員：港人失去社區後花園 https://www.hk01.com/18%E5%8D%80%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/592951/%E6%89%93%E5%8D%A1%E 7%86%B1%E9%BB%9E%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E4%BB%8A%E8%B5%B7%E5%B0%81%E5%8D%80-%E5%8D%80%E8%AD%B0%E5%93%A1-%E6%B8%AF%E4%BA%BA%E5%A4% B1%E5%8E%BB%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%BE%8C%E8%8A%B1%E5%9C%92

【新聞追擊】西環碼頭「逐客」網民研判八大死因

https://www.hk01.com/18%E5%8D%80%E6%96%B0%E8%81%9E/248298/%E4%B8%AD%E8%A5%BF%E6%B5%B7%E6%BF%B1%E9%95%B7%E5%BB%8A%E6%96%B0%E6%AE%B5%E8%A8%AD%E8%A8%88%E6%9B%9D%E5%85%89-%E4%B8%89%E5

https://hd.stheadline.com/news/realtime/hk/2022876/%E5%8D%B3%E6%99%82-

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【西環碼頭變天】組織憂成觀塘海濱翻版 NGO無力管變黑箱作業？

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https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/147121/%E8%A5%BF%E7%92%B0%E7%A2%BC%E9%A0%AD%E8%AE%8A%E5%A4%A9-%E7%B5%84%E7%B9%94%E6%86%82%E6%88%90%E8%A7%80%E5%A1%98%E6%B

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【親水文化．2】海邊築鐵絲網、欄杆學者：港府規劃「偽親水」 https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E5%8D%80%E5%B0%88%E9%A1%8C/281497/%E8%A6%AA%E6%B0%B4%E6%96%87%E5%8C%96-2-%E6%B5%B7%E9%82%8A%E7%AF%89%E9%90%B5%E7%B5%B2%E7%B6%B2-%E6%AC%84%E6%9D%86-

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【負皮如潮】全新中西區海濱公園遭全民插爆 https://hk.news.appledaily.com/district/realtime/article/20180430/58135584

西環海濱變園圃 1,200人聯署反對斥民建聯食言棄爭建寵物公園 https://hk.news.appledaily.com/local/daily/article/20171113/20212573?fbclid=IwAR1iJZRMBXCDZGb0UKRHxprdI9vGsveGkU7Dv-ks8gtjAGFL57D09gMzIMo

西環海濱變社區園圃？各界憂多限制倡保留公共空間 https://hk.news.appledaily.com/local/realtime/article/20171119/57478439?fbclid=IwAR0_DI3UX8szoEnlgV8lIZlvAsNZVvXmuoAjcxqKRXCmObCVSLivvRVuVEU

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APPENDIX 4 MANIFESTO: MEDIATING BETWEEN PLANNING AND EVOLUTION, IN THE CASE OF HONG KONG The material has been modified in order to fit into this publication. All images are excluded from the material. For full reference list, please refer to the original manifesto.

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A NEED TO CHANGE We, the designers for the built environment, have been acting as the ‘design dictators’ for too long. Our arrogance has given rise to the cities which are the products of our dreams. This is detrimental to the future of our civilization as our cities are unable to response and adapt to the changes. We need to change. Here, I want to make a call to all landscape architects to make a change in their practice. Landscape architects should not determine the whole design process of urban spaces and feed the audience with the solutions. Instead, they should share their authoritative power with the audience and recede their role to coordinators. They should mediate the influence between the political authority and inhabitants, helping them to come up with their own interventions. This will eventually enable the cities to self-evolve.

THE CITY OF FUTURE: A SELF-EVOLVING CITY The future has never looked so dim for the human civilization. Our cities, especially the Asian megacities with skyrocketing population and hyper density, are unable to respond and adapt to the immense challenges lying ahead of us, be it climate changes or overpopulation. This has put our lives at stake. In light of this, a new concept, self-evolving city, is nominated to help us re-envisioning our cities in the future (Organizing Committee of UIA 2017, 2017). A self-evolving city is a resilient city which is able to respond and evolve accordingly (Organizing Committee of UIA 2017, 2017). It is a result of two complimentary processes, planning and evolution (Organizing Committee of UIA 2017, 2017). The former is a top-down element which refers to the interventions from the authorities. The latter one is a bottom-up element which can be understood as the resultant physical form of a city (figure 1), or the way the inhabitants respond to the changes (figure 2). Both elements are crucial to the development of the evolving ability of a city as they react against each other constantly. If one of them is removed from the self-evolving cycle, the city will not evolve but remain in a static condition, making it vulnerable to sudden changes. This is what happening in Hong Kong, my home town.

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THE STORY OF ASIAN CITY SPACES: IS HONG KONG A SELF-EVOLVING CITY? Hong Kong is a post-colonial Asian city which I deem it as everything but a self-evolving city. Its current city form is produced from a binary situation, which its urban space either produced from total autonomous or total authoritative approach. Both approaches failed in equipping Hong Kong with the self-evolving ability. Total Autonomous Design Approach – Before the Fire Total autonomous approach refers to the scenario which the production and design of urban spaces are dominated by inhabitants, which prevailed in Hong Kong between the 18th Century and the Fire in 1953. This approach had made Hong Kong as one of the least planning British colonies (Mar, 2002). Seeing Hong Kong as a borrowed gold mine, the British government took no interest in interfering with the future planning of the city because it did not want to provoke the people’s resistance (Mar, 2002). Therefore, nearly all the urban spaces are controlled by the inhabitants. These urban spaces were not uniform and often came in piecemeal, being hidden among the buildings (figure 4, 5, 6, 7). The production and design of the urban spaces were driven by the inhabitants’ demands, being created on spot and tailor-made to meet their needs (Mar 2002; figure 5, 7, 8, 9).

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However, this approach did not make Hong Kong a self-evolving city as the planning element was absent in the cycle. Although the urban spaces were flexible in performance, these spaces did not create with the vision to adapt to sudden changes. They only responded to the existing condition. There was also a lack of coordination among all spaces, leading to an overcrowding city (Mar, 2002). The resultant city was susceptible to many threats, such as fire and diseases. The weakness of this approach was exposed in full picture when Shek Kip Mei Squatter was engulfed by fire in 1853 (figure 3), leaving 53,000 residents in turmoil (Mar, 2002; Apple Daily, 2013). The residents had no back-up plans for their burnt-down homes. This fire was the key event which changed the government’s mind in taking back its control of urban spaces (Mar, 2002; Zhao, 2012; Shelton, Karakiewicz & Kvan, 2002).

Total Authoritative Approach – After the Christmas Fire and Handover in 1997 Total authoritative approach is the scenario which the production and design of urban spaces are completely determined by the political authority and professional designers, which prevails in Hong Kong since the fire. The government realized their ignorance on the urban spaces would compromise their gains from Hong Kong (Mar, 2002). Thus, it took a more initiative role by building the first ‘resettlement estates’ which provided shelters for the victims of the fire (Mar, 2002, p.50; Zhao, 2012; Shelton, Karakiewicz & Kvan, 2002; Apple Daily, 2013). This marked the start of the government’s design dictatorship (Mar, 2002; Zhao, 2012; Shelton, Karakiewicz & Kvan, 2002; Siu & Huang, 2012). The government expanded its control by building more public housing estates (figure 10) and new towns (figure 11), transforming the city progressively into its imaginative civic utopia (Mar, 2002; Shelton, Karakiewicz & Kvan, 2002; Tieben, 2016; Zhao, 2012). The urban spaces in these newly developed regions were precisely managed and

designed, which completely excluded the inhabitants’ involvement by suppressing any autonomous interventions (Mar, 2002; Carlow, 2013; Siu & Huang, 2012; figure 12). After the Handover in 1997, the Hong Kong government further rejects the inhabitants’ engagement and cooperates with private developers on the design of urban spaces for the sake of its own profits (Lan, 2013; Cheung & Tang, 2016). This can be seen in the projects in recent years, which have sparked great controversies among the public (Tam & Leung, 2013; Yam, 2016; Chu, 2011; Unknown Author, 2011; Unknown Author, 2017; Reporter from HK01, 2016; CitizenNews Reporter, 2017). With the absence of evolution element, this approach also fails in making Hong Kong a self-evolving city. The resultant urban spaces are merely the realization of the authority’s vision, which does not necessarily address the needs of the inhabitants. The conflicts between the authority and inhabitants have further eliminated any remaining evolving ability of Hong Kong as the latter refuse to react to the interventions (Lan, 2013). Without the reaction in the self-evolving cycle, Hong Kong is trapped in its form which is only suitable for its near past and future. A new approach is required for Hong Kong to become a self-evolving city. It is neither total autonomous nor total authoritative. But what is this approach and how? Given my position as a landscape architecture student, I would like to first review the role of landscape architects in a city. This will help me to formulate the new approach for Hong Kong. 391

THE ANATOMY OF A CITY: THE ROLE OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTS IN MAKING A SELF-EVOLVING CITY In order to look for an ideal form for modern architecture, Le Corbusier developed his ‘five points of architecture’ by deconstructing a house into five elements (Curtis, 1996). Matter, Eames and Fuller (1944) also theoretically dissected a house into five functional components in order to formulate a recipe for prefabricated housing. This helps people to understand the relationship between different components of a system. I decide to borrow their gestures and apply to a city.

Locating the Landscape Architects in the Structure of a City A city can be seen as a gigantic system (Weinstock, 2013). It is an organism which can be dissected into four parts accordingly to the function and scale, namely inhabitants – cells, buildings and infrastructures – organs and bones, urban open spaces – muscles and skins, and coordination among components – nervous and circulatory system (figure 13). Inhabitants are the basic units of a city which contribute to the construction and operation of the other three components. Building and infrastructure, which are design by architects, are responsible in supporting the important functions of a city, such as residential and commercial. Invisible connections and coordination, such as urban policies, are design by urban planners and designers to ensure the city’s operation as a whole. Urban open spaces, which are designed by landscape architects, are the remaining part of a city. It is the most important component for the self-evolving cycle. Firstly, they – as the skins – are the most visible part of a city, which faithfully reflects the value and condition of a city (Jacob, 1993). A city can be either viewed as alive or dying simply by looking at how the urban open spaces are being used (figure 14 & 15). The presence of inhabitants on the urban spaces will determine the evolving ability of a city. Secondly, urban open spaces – as the muscles – are the cradles of major

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civic events which push the cities to change (figure 16 & 17). These events allow the cities to ‘take action’ and evolve. More importantly, urban open spaces – as both skins and muscles – never exist on their own. They are always attached to other components in order to survive and function. Therefore, landscape architects are required to think across scales and disciplines frequently during the design process.

Repositioning the Role of Landscape Architects in Hong Kong

Regarding the unique nature of urban open spaces and its designers, I argue landscape architects are the most suitable profession in leading Hong Kong to its path of becoming a self-evolving city.

Inspired by my hometown, I would like to ask all landscape architects to make to choice of sharing their authoritative power with the inhabitants, for the sake of our future. These urban open spaces belong to the Hong Kong people because they spend their life living in these spaces (Purcell, 2008). The Hong Kong people should have the right to participate in the production and design of the urban spaces and the right to access them (Purcell, 2008). However, this right to the city never comes for free; it always lies in the hands of the ones with authoritative power (Marcuse, 2009; Mitchell, 2003; Harvey, 2008; Purcell, 2013). Over the years, the government becomes more determined to seize its power, distancing itself even further away from the people (Ng, Tang, Lee & Leung, 2010; Yum, 2016; Reporter from HK01, 2016; Chu, 2011). Hong Kong people will never gain their rights unless they struggle at all cost, or the authority willingly give up part of their power. This authority can be landscape architects. They should take the first step. They should act as mediators between both sides, engaging and coordinating everyone in the design process of the urban spaces in order to make Hong Kong selfevolving.

Because of its professional status, landscape architects belong to the planning group. In the design process, they have a choice. They can choose between staying within their own domain, or get out of the circle and interact with inhabitants, which will trigger the evolution (figure 18).

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THE MEDIATED DESIGN APPROACH: FOR THE FUTURE PATH FOR HONG KONG The new design approach, namely mediated design approach, is required for Hong Kong to gain its selfevolving ability. This approach has stressed the role of landscape architects as mediators in the design process. Before assuming the role, there are seven items that landscape architects should be aware of. I consider these as the factors which influences the self-evolving ability of Hong Kong. Threshold Threshold is the selection criteria of determining who will participate in the design process. Determined by landscape architects, inhabitants will be invited based on their living location, occupation, citizenship, etc. (Purcell, 2008). By inviting a wide spectrum of participants, the self-evolving ability of Hong Kong will likely be higher as more reactions from a larger group of inhabitants are enabled in the self-evolving cycle. However, the boundary of the threshold should always be drawn in regard to the scale of projects to avoid input from unrelated sources. A smaller group of residents can be involved in the smaller projects, such as Lee Tung Street and Sai Yee Street (Tam & Leung, 2013; Lee Tung Avenue Management Co. Ltd, n.d.; Urban Renewal Authority, 2017a & 2017b). In the large scale projects which most Hong Kong people can access, such as West Kowloon Cultural District and Kai Tak, all people should be allowed to participate in the process (unknown author, 2011; unknown author, 394

2017; West Kowloon Cultural District Authority, 2017a; Civil Engineering and Development Department, 2008). Attitudes The attitudes of both planning group and inhabitants will determine their willingness to cooperate with one another. For the planning side, the authority needs to respect and value their inhabitants’ advice (Crewe, 2011). For the inhabitants, they need to trust the authority and willing to respond to their intervention. In the example of Tempelhof in Berlin, the landscape architects are open to the inhabitants’ suggestion and the inhabitants has expressed their trust by actively responding to the designers and interventions (Tempelhof Projekt GmbH, n.d.). In Hong Kong, the inhabitants lose their trust in the authority and only see their consultation sessions as merely ‘cosmetic gestures’ (Lan, 2013, p.123125). As a result, the inhabitants refuse to respond to the authority, breaking the connections in the self-evolving cycle of Hong Kong. Therefore, landscape architects should try to cultivate the relationship between themselves and the inhabitants and win back their trust. They need to adjust their mindset and understand that the survival of their profession is depended on the users (Crewe, 2011). They need to be earnest and see themselves as equal as the inhabitants. At the same time, they need to maintain the transparency

of the design process to relieve the inhabitants’ doubts. They can be done by disclosing all design and political documents to the public. It will take ages for the inhabitants to change their mind, so it is essential for landscape architects to be patient.

government to drop their plans. They have to show their stances to show the government who are the real design experts.

Motives of the Authorities

The civic awareness will directly affect inhabitants’ reaction in the self-evolving process (Lan, 2013; Zhao, 2012; Ng, Tang, Lee & Leung, 2010). The inhabitants need to care about their own city and be clear about their desires for their urban space in order to respond to the changes. In Tokyo, the residents have reacted actively by transforming small vacant lots into temporary gathering spots for the community (Jonas & Rahmann, 2014). This can also be seen in the case of Tempelhof (Tempelhof Projekt GmbH, n.d.).

The ambition and vision of the authority may also impede the reaction in the self-evolving cycle. In Japan, Emperor Meiji was eager to transform his country into a great power which could stand side by side with other Western countries, such as Germany and Britain (Sorensen, 2002). Seeing these countries as example, he formulated his centralized design approach, another form of total authoritative approach, and applied it across the whole Japan because he saw this is the only way to modernize Japan (Sorensen, 2002). In Shanghai, the government intentionally use gentrification to develop the urban areas as a mean to boost its benefits (Huang, 2004). Many local inhabitants thus are excluded from Shanghai, effectively restrain the reaction in the self-evolving cycle of Shanghai (Huang, 2004). A good motive, as shown in Japan, will not necessarily enable to the self-evolution of a city. But an unhealthy motive will likely halt the selfevolution process, which is shown in Shanghai and Hong Kong. The Hong Kong government has set its gains as the top priority. In response, landscape architects should make use of their professional knowledge and experience to convince the

Civic Awareness of the Inhabitants

Thanks to the application of the authoritative approach, Hong Kong people have developed a high civic awareness which can be seen in their creative ways of using the urban spaces in the city and their attempts in preserving their living spaces (figure 9, 20, 21, 22). Thus the inhabitants should be able to respond to the authority. Yet, landscape architects may find it challenging to collect feedback from the inhabitants since there is a serious trust issue in Hong Kong at the moment, as mentioned in the section of attitudes. Design Language Not everyone share the same knowledge and language. The authority possess a specialized knowledge and communicate in jargons and codes 395

while the inhabitants possess daily wisdom with no experience in communicating in professional languages. Hence, landscape architects need to establish a set of common design language, allowing everyone to share their knowledge and interact with ease (Bratteteig & Wagner, 2012; Kallus, 2016). In Hong Kong, the description of the design projects are often written in a vague way, such as Kai Tak, which may not be comprehensible to the inhabitants (Civil Engineering and Development Department, 2008). Attending consultation sessions and written feedbacks are the only two channels for the Hong Kong people to engage in the design process. These have placed the inhabitants in a passive position with little grasp of what is really happening in Hong Kong (Cheung & Tang, 2016). Hence, landscape architects should be more straightforward by featuring appropriate real-life examples when they explain the projects to the inhabitants (Stephan, 2016). They should also reinvent the means for the inhabitants to express themselves, such as ‘photo porfolios’, ‘color maps’ and online media (Bratteteig & Wagner, 2012, p.107; Lan, 2013, p.126). Landscape Architects’ Skill in Provoking Response Reaction is a very important element in the selfevolving cycle. The degree of reaction will vary depending on the previous factors. In Hong Kong, the reaction is likely to be minimal as both the authority and inhabitants turn their back on one another. Thus, landscape architects should make use of their own skills to provoke response from both groups. 396

Zerwas (2016) suggests that landscape architects should ‘design for debate’ instead of ‘design for production’ (p.263). In other words, landscape architects should raise questions to both groups and encourage them to answer (Zerwas, 2016). These questions can be ‘Do you think this is suitable for this place?’ or ‘Is this really what you want?’. Zerwas (2016) also introduces the concept of ‘Hero’s Journey’ (p.266-274), in which landscape architects pose challenges to both groups and ask them to resolve them. The challenges can be in the form of mini-games and role-playing task, such as Sim-City and dramas. By doing these, landscape architects can promote the reactions in the cycle while assisting both groups in seeking for the interventions that are suitable for Hong Kong. Contextual Influence Influence from the international context shall never be underestimated as it can directly affect all the factors mentioned above. Facing with the invasion of Western powers, unfair treaties and post-world wars trauma, Emperor Meiji had employed his centralization (Sorensen, 2002). His actions had effectively disabled the self-evolving cycle of Tokyo, leaving Tokyo in a full static condition until 1990s. After the Handover, the influence of the Beijing government has become greater in Hong Kong which makes the Hong Kong government adopts a more aggressive authoritative approach to maximize its own benefits (Yam, 2016; CitizenNews Reporter, 2017). Despite of the

prevalence of the pro-Beijing attitude in the planning group, landscape architects should stick with their professional ethics and remain faithful to their real audience, the Hong Kong people. This is the ultimate way for landscape architects to turn Hong Kong into a self-evolving city in the future.

THE CHOICE Hong Kong is my hometown and I do not want to see it falls simply because it cannot adapt to the future changes. I believe this is the last scenario we want to see in our home towns. Therefore, I would like to plead all landscape architects to share their power with the inhabitants by working as mediators. This is the choice we need to make for our cities.

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The Millennial Pictureque : A Hong Kong Urbanscape from a Hong Kong Eye | Journal