Combat - October/December, 2022

Editorial

Collective Bargaining

The recent announcement by His Excellency President Irfaan Ali regarding pay rises to workers employed by the State has brought renewed focus and attention to the issue of Collective Bargaining. For more than a decade now, increases for public employees have been devoid of any engagement between the recognized unions and the Government. Several rationales ad vanced for the non-engagement have included the need to award increases before the year-end, the need to provide relief to work ers, among other things. On the surface, the justifications appear to have reason.

It may be difficult to counter that Government needs to conclude its financial expenditures by year-end and thus the need to award increases. Moreover, additional disposable income at the year end would be useful to workers and their families. Similarly, in situations where unprecedented developments have taken place in the cost-of-living, there is an urgent need to provide salary increments to help to assuage the situation. Again, hard-pressed workers will accept the improvements with open arms. Combat is also mindful that Collective Bargaining is a lawful en titlement of workers. Article 147(3) of the Constitution of Guyana says, “Neither an employer nor a trade union shall be deprived of the right to enter into collective arguments.” This declaration is further enhanced by the Trade Union recognition Act which at Section 23(1) says, “Where a trade union obtains a certifi cate of recognition for workers comprised in a bargaining unit in accordance with this Part, the employer shall recognize the union, and the union and the employer shall bargain in good faith and enter into negotiations with each other for the purpose of collective bargaining.” The foregoing is a clear recognition of the right to Collective Bargaining within our country. Additionally, these rights are supplemented by the International Labour Organ isation’s (ILO) conventions on the matter, which binds all parties within the field of industrial relations to Collective Bargaining. Those conventions have, in some respects, been recognized as international law.

It is disconcerting to note the evasiveness in engaging the rec ognized unions in Collective Bargaining. While it may, at times, be contentious, that is no excuse to avoid engagement. Collective Bargaining plays an important role in allowing both employers and workers to engage in a frank and respectful manner. It pro vides room for discussion, and plays a critical role in building consensus and healthier working relations. Collective Bargaining has been eschewed by the neoliberal economic model as an im pediment to the efficient functioning of the economy. At the same time, it can be argued that without employees having a voice at the workplace, the efficiency of economies can be compromised.

It is useful to remind that Collective Bargaining emerged in a state of great upheaval during the 18th and 19th centuries. In that period, opposition to workers’ struggles in calling attention to their working conditions, inequality, and all-round hardship were brutal, repressive, and often resulted in substantial collat eral damage. The foundation of the ILO in 1919 gave recognition to that reality, and the very first line of its Constitution aptly held that “Whereas universal and lasting peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice.” Collective Bargaining is essential to the attainment of social justice and promotes equity and fairness.

Sugar production sinks to less than 50,000 tonnes

At the beginning of the year, the Guyana Sugar Corporation Inc (GuySuCo) had setout to produce 66,000 tonnes of sugar. Before the first stalk of cane was cut for the year, the target was revised downward to 64,889 tonnes, with 20,261 tonnes to be produced in the first crop and the remaining 44,628 tonnes to be produced in the second crop. In articulating its projections, the GuySuCo said it conducted a comprehensive assessment and took into ac count the effects of the flood conditions during 2021 on canes to be harvested during this year. In view of the explanations, it could be said, that the accuracy of estimates was firm and the Corporation had within its fields all the canes to realize the sugar target that it set all by itself.

Alas, as has become customary, the first crop target was missed to a large extent. In acknowledging the first crop perfor mance, the mechanical breakage at the Uitvlugt factory was a significant factor. That factory only operated for a few days, and suffered after a gear of a major component became damaged. Ef forts to undertake local repairs were unsuccessful, and brought a premature end to the crop. It would be remiss not to express concern over the quality of maintenance and the inability of not recognizing such problems long beforehand.

Apart from Uitvlugt Estate, the other two (2) estates – Albion and Blairmont – also failed to attain their targeted production. Both estates had harvested all of their crop canes and had ex tended to harvesting immature canes earmarked for the second crop 2022. Despite seeking to fill the deficit, the production shortfall persisted.

The situation forced the GuySuCo to further revise its production target for the second crop to 40,255 tonnes sugar. The revision persisted despite the GuySuCo previously proclaiming a vigorous examination was done of all canes available. As far as we can recollect, there was no explanation for the revision, notwithstand ing that Uitvlugt Estate had its first crop canes yet to be har vested. Had the second crop target been realized, the GuySuCo would have produced 53,331 tonnes sugar when the first crop production (13,076 tonnes) was taken into account.

As at December 07, 2022 production at the various estates was as follows:-

Estate Target Production Variance

Albion 21,556 18,346 -3,210

Blairmont 7,899 9,576 +1,677

Uitvlugt 10,800 6,014 -4,786 Industry 40,255 33,936 -6,319

Already, Blairmont and Uitvlugt Estates’ crops have been con cluded and with Albion Estate expected to end production in a matter of days, this year’s production will eclipse last year’s re cord low. It is known that the insufficiency of investment between 2015 and 2020 have contributed partially to the situation the in dustry confronts at this time. But we should not fail to recognize as well that substantial support has been provided, and some improvement should be expected too.

October-December, 2022

Voice of the Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU)

The Uitvlugt Estate sugar factory is the lone surviving factory in the county of Demerara. This year, the factory faced tremen dous setback, and did not operate for the entirety of the first half of the year as the mill turbine gear broke and could not be repaired. It has contributed partially to the low production of the sugar industry in 2022, but other factors are responsible.

The sugar industry

The sugar industry remains a critical element to rural employment and social well-being in Guyana. The industry continues to be challenged by several factors. Regularly the industry has blamed the weather and the workers for its poor performances. Weather though unpredi cable can be managed with proper planning. In terms of labour, there is scant recognition to the plight of the workers. Presently, the industry pays G$1200 (US$6) for a work to cut a tonne of cane (2200lbs) and then fetch those canes on their heads and carry them some distance in order for it to be transported to the factories.

The sugar industry, despite its challenges, re mains the single largest employer in our coun try. Presently, nearly 8,000 workers secure a livelihood through the industry, and it plays a critical role in providing employment in rural areas. In recent times, the industry has con fronted serious difficulties and production has slidden. The Guyana Sugar Corporation Inc (GuySuCo) has attempted to justify its perfor mance against the background of weather and labour. For those who have followed the indus try, they would know that the pronouncements are not new. It seems to be an attempt to blame everyone and everything else but themselves. The Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU), on several occasions, has ex pressed its concern regarding the stewardship of the industry, and its failure to deliver on its objectives.

Regarding weather, we are regaled with ex planations that opportunity days to undertake field work had declined. This has hamstrung the timely completion of activities. It is recognized that despite the naysayers climate change re mains a real phenomenon. Confronted with this reality, as far as GAWU is aware, the GuySuCo has not developed any plan regarding climate mitigation. We are not even sure whether, de spite the recognition, any serious attempt in ad dressing the challenge has been pursued. So, in as much as the Corporation cries the sky is falling, we must ask what measures are being pursued. It cannot be a repetition of the past, as the rules of the game have changed. Until this is recognised, the weather, we believe, will remain a perennial excuse.

As it relates to labour, it appears there is an ostrich-like approach of placing their heads in the sand and ignoring the plight of the work ers. It is almost unimaginable to recognize that, in 2022, a cane harvester received less than $1,200 to cut and load a tonne of cane. In un dertaking such tasks, a worker would have to

firstly cut approximately 2,200 pounds of cane, and then in 100 pound bundles, place them on his head and fetch them some distance to discharge them into the cane punt. Workers un dertake such tasks in uneven fields, sometimes with obstacles that impede their efforts. Similar circumstances confront other workers as well.

At the same time, the GuySuCo has engaged contractors in other tasks. As a union, we re main concerned by this practice, as it could threaten jobs in the industry. The GuySuCo has sought to downplay such concerns. Significant ly, it is recognised that contractors, are earning more than workers. The sugar company has ex plained that it may appear more is paid to con tractors but apart from wages paid to workers, the company also provides personal protective equipment (PPE), medical services, National Insurance Scheme (NIS) contributions, among other things. This may appear a reasonable ex planation, but does it hold water? GAWU has learnt that the GuySuCo is considering contract ing a certain task to contractors at rates which are far more than the company’s cost. So, if our information is correct and the GuySuCo sees the wisdom to provide contracts greater than it costs the company to undertake the exact tasks, it signifies that the company may be un derpaying its workforce.

The GAWU firmly believes that the industry has chances of success. Those are hinged on the need to improve the cadre of skills and to ade quately motivate the workforce. Clearly, as we have said before, workers remain a critical ele ment in the industry’s success, and their con tribution should not be disregarded. Investment in the workers today ensures returns tomorrow, yet the GuySuCo is ignoring this cardinal princi ple. Additionally, the company, for far too long, has confined itself to a certain way of pursuing its task. Clearly, there is a need for outside-ofthe-box thinking to infuse new ideas and meth ods in addressing the situation in sugar. GAWU remains available to lend its support, but credi ble measures are required.

FITUG extends congratulations to Government on sale of carbon credits

The Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Guyana (FITUG) joins in extending warm congratulations to the Government of Guyana, and more particularly His Excellency President Dr Mohamed Irfaan Ali and Vice President Dr Bharrat Jagdeo, on the sale of carbon credits. The Federation recognizes that our country is once again on the forefront of environmental protection and mitigation of the existential chal lenges posed by climate change.

As a patriotic organization, we see the agree ment inked with the Hess Corporation as yet an other milestone in our long-standing efforts to preserve our forests to the benefit of the world’s people. The unlocking of further resources for national development, with a substantial sum directed to our first people, is yet another reason

for the Federation to be optimistic for the future. The FITUG having participated in the delibera tions on the Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS) in its present and past incarnations, is of the firm belief that the strategy offers our peo ple a roadmap for the future which balances our development ambitions and our environment.

The FITUG must lament that we believe that had valuable time not been lost between 2015 and 2020, our efforts may have been further along. Inasmuch as we are disappointed by the lack of emphasis during that period, we believe that every effort will be made to make up some of the time lost. We also anticipate that, in the coming times, further sale will accrue greater resources for a service our country provides to the entire planet.

Collective Bargaining

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There is also an element of democracy within the concept of Collective Bargaining. Its thrust to enable engagements enhances workers’ voices within their workplaces. It provides the opportunity to share their views, express their concerns, and demonstrate their challenges. It also allows employers similar opportunities, and discussions between the parties provide a framework for consensus. Having a voice is a distinctive feature of democracy. Given our own democratic struggles within our country,

our embrace of Collective Bargaining should be enhanced.

As we bid 2022 goodbye, we lament that the institution of Collective Bargaining continues to be ignored. We remain of the firm belief that such engagements have proven useful in the past to both workers and employers. We are convinced that, given our rapid development, the involvement of all stakeholders remains a critical prerequisite to ensure that the gains are evenly distributed. We urge, as others have, that Collective Bargaining be embraced in a respon sible and respectful manner.

Involvement of all critical to addressing workers’ challenges - FITUG

Berbice Bridge workers benefitting from 9% to 15% pay increases

The Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Guyana (FITUG) has recognised the recent announcement by His Excellency President Ir faan Ali regarding pay rises for 2022. In his ad dress, the President contextualized the eight (8) percent pay rise to State employees within the framework of other measures approved by his government since coming into office. Indeed, we have taken note of those measures, and we believe they were undoubtedly aimed at im proving the lives and well-being of our ordinary people. This has not escaped our attention, and kudos where appropriate. We, however, have shared the view that we do not believe that ev ery measure reached the intended beneficiaries – the ordinary people. It calls into question the axiom of trickle-down economics, which has attracted some deal of criticism in recent years. We are, however, of the considered view that had it not been for the proactive measures of the Government to mitigate the exogenous challenges, the cost-of-living would have been much higher. We are conscious that every mea sure has a limitation, and in some instances, such as the excise tax on fuel, that threshold was reached. Despite the proactiveness of the Administration to ease the sitation, we have rec ognised the Ministry of Finance 2022 Mid-Year Report informing that inflation up to June 2022 stood at 4.9 percent. More recent data from the Bureau of Statistics recorded that inflation had risen to 6.5 percent up to the end of Septem ber 2022. Should this trend remain consistent, there is a real fear that in spite of the improve ment granted, workers may see a regression in their real earnings. We are certainly hopeful this is not the case, and more updated data would be provided to draw an informed view.

The Federation has noted as well that state ments juxtaposing the increase approved with in the context of long-term sustainability. Such contentions cannot be discounted. We believe that data to provide a greater understanding

would be helpful. Alongside such views, we have heard of the need to invest today for a sound tomorrow. Given the deficits in health, education, housing and infrastructure, to name a few, it is difficult to argue with such conten tions. While certainly there is always a need to keep an eye on the future, we recognize too that we should not ignore our present-day circum stances. They have implications for the future as well, and we believe there is an undoubted need to ensure that we promote efforts to en sure egalitarianism in our society.

The FITUG has seen, too, statements ad vancing the upholding of Collective Bargaining. Before speaking specifically to the issue, we cannot fail to recognize that some who es pouse the concept of Collective Bargaining to day had in a past era trampled wantonly on it. Today they come with crocodile tears heralding its value. As a trade union organization that is mindful of our history and the struggles of the working-class, we believe every effort should be further to involve the representatives of the workers. We believe that in an atmosphere of respectful, frank and mature discussions, much could be accomplished across the table. We are conscious such suggestions may evoke strong responses, but given the stage of our develop ment, the involvement of all is critical to our long-term success as a nation and people.

The President in his announcement has indi cated that further efforts are being pursued to address the earnings of lower-earning workers. Already, we have recognised that trainee teach ers will no longer receive a stipend. These are credible measures which can go a long way. We nonetheless hold the view that collabora tion with all stakeholders can lend to credible outcomes in the interest of all Guyanese. In this regard, the pay rise announcement we hold as a first step to addressing some of the challenges the workers face.

The Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU) and the Berbice Bridge Company Inc (BBCI) on November 16, 2022 have been able to conclude negotiations for 2022. Through the agreement reached, workers of the com pany will enjoy pay rises of between nine (9) percent and fifteen (15) percent. The negotiated increases are retroactive to January 01, 2022. Additionally, through our discussions, the par ties agreed to revise the salary scales. Those workers whose earnings fall below the new scales will be brought up to the new minimum of the scale. This would see such workers re ceiving in excess of fifteen (15) percent pay increase.

Apart from wages, the GAWU and the BBCI

have agreed that all allowances would be in creased by nine (9) percent across-the-board. Through the agreement reached, arrangements regarding the scheduling of staff engaged in the retraction of the bridge on weekends and holi days were clarified and addressed. The issue of year-end bonus also received attention during the negotiations.

The workers and the Union are pleased that we were able to reach agreement at the bilateral level. The discussions, we believe, were cordial, respectful and frank, and assisted in reaching a speedy conclusion. For their part, the workers are pleased with the increases secured by the Union, and, at this time, the Company is ad dressing the retroactive payments.

DHB negotiations commence

ration assigned to the Harbour Bridge and the other regard ing employees assigned to its Asphalt Plant operations.

Negotiations between the Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU) and the Demerara Harbour Bridge Corporation (DHBC) commenced on November 25, 2022. Before the negotiations are two (2) claims from the Union – one regarding employees of the Corpo

Through the discussions between the Union and the Corporation, the workers have accept ed an eight (8) percent pay hike retroac tive to January 01, 2022. Additionally, the union has made certain proposals regarding other allowances paid to workers. At this time, the Corporation has sought some time to further consider the Union’s proposals, and another meeting is to be held.

What climate debt does the North owe the South?

have gotten to real zero by now. And because of the war in Ukraine, they’ve even backtracked to increasing their use of fossil fuel, with Germany, for instance, turning back to coal.” As Tom Athanasiou points out, getting to zero by mid-century “would be hard even if we had functioning democra cies and responsible leadership, and we don’t have either. In fact, a lot of very powerful people stand to lose a lot of money by phasing out the fossil fuel industry.”

there being no money but about the political will. The movements for climate justice and debt justice have to go together. So, we need to talk about debt cancellation as part of rep arations.”

In addition to the compensation for loss and damage are the opportunity costs associated with keeping fossil fuels in the ground. Other costs would include those associated with cli mate refugees forced to resettle because their homes have become uninhabitable. “Even if we determine what should be paid, who will pay?” Athanasiou asks.

By John Feffer

To keep the planet from overheating, there’s just so much more carbon that humans can pump into the atmosphere. From the onset of the Industrial Revolution until today, humanity has used up approximately 83 percent of its “carbon budget”. At the current rate of emis sions, the budget will be used up within the next decade.

Equally troubling has been the distribution of those carbon emissions. “With just below 20 percent of the world population, the Global North has overconsumed 70 percent of the historic carbon budget,” notes Meena Raman, president of Friends of the Earth Malaysia and head of programs at Third World Network, at a Global Just Transition webinar. “Those who became rich in a world unfettered in terms of emitting greenhouse gasses are responsible for much of the destruction we’re facing today.”

Because of this large disparity in emissions and in wealth earned alongside those emis sions, the rich countries of the North owe the poorer countries a kind of “climate debt.” Now, when carbon emissions have to be controlled severely, the north has a historic responsibility to help the south make its own transition to a post-fossil-fuel future.

This responsibility is not simply a function of carbon emissions. The extraction and burning of fossil fuels by the Global North during and after the Industrial Revolution went hand in hand with an ongoing process of looting the Global South. The colonial era established an unequal power balance between the North and South, which has continued into the post-independence era. The Global South continues to supply the Glob al North with natural resources, increasingly to support a “clean energy” transition. The coun tries of the Global South also remain locked into various forms of debt servitude to the financial institutions of the Global North.

“We need to talk about all of these external debts - foreign, financial - which involve co lonialism, the exploitation of labour, racism, and patriarchy,” observes Alberto Acosta, Ec uador’s former Minister of Energy and Mining. “These ways of expropriating nature have been from the beginning instruments of domination over the Third World or developing countries or poor countries. These countries on the periph ery have been historically bled out.”

Avoiding the worst-case scenarios of climate change will require money: a lot of it. “Regard

less of how we frame the discussion - climate debt, climate reparations, climate fair sharethe challenges are immense,” points out Tom Athanasiou, co-founder of EcoEquity. “There is no conventional politics that can properly ad dress both the climate crisis and the inequal ity crisis. The science tells us that we have to phase out fossil fuels globally in only a few decades. That means that the countries of the Global South must rapidly decarbonize even while they are still poor, even if they have fossil resources they hope to extract and sell for de velopment.”

The stakes

In 2021, the Inter-Governmental Panel on Cli mate Change (IPCC) concluded that 85 percent of the world’s population had been affected by climate change. This year, unprecedented mon soon rains late this summer put one-third of Pakistan under water. Drought has brought high levels of malnutrition to East Africa, while the deforestation of the Amazon has happened at a record pace in the first six months of 2022.

A shift in the political dynamics might also result from disruptions that take place beyond national borders, such as glacial melt in the Antarctic. The Thwaites glacier, nicknamed the “doomsday glacier” for the impact its melting will cause around the world, is now shrinking at twice the rate it did over the previous decade. These recent disasters are the culmination, not just of climate change, but of a maladap tive human philosophy toward nature. “This cli mate collapse reflects the reality of anthropo centrism,” observes Alberto Acosta. “But this disequilibrium of the planet is not the result of all humans, but of privileged humans exercising their consumerism. It’s the history of capital ism, a history of voracity for accumulation that affects billions of people on earth, especially women and indigenous communities.”

In part because of the effects of this disequi librium - the floods, droughts, intensified hurri canes - humans have finally begun to address climate change, but not with the requisite ur gency or resources. So, for instance, the Paris Agreement in 2014 established targets for the reduction of carbon emissions, but national ef forts towards these targets are voluntary. Sim ilarly, the more recent pledges by countries to reach “net zero” by 2050 are not enforced by any international authority.

“Net zero by 2050 is too little, too late,” Ra man points out. “The developed world should

Although nearly everyone in the world now experiences a byproduct of climate change, these impacts vary according to geography and wealth. “The countries with the high est climate vulnerability indexes - the countries most vulnerable to climatic destabilization - are almost all ex-col onies,” Athanasiou adds. “That tells you a lot right there.”

Alberto Acosta puts the blame squarely on colonialism. “The extraction of resources is a function of colonialism,” he says. “Con sider the destruction of the Amazon to grow soybeans and export protein in the form of animal feed to the richest countries on earth. This transfer of natural resources to the Glob al North to feed industrial processes is done without consideration of the costs to the Global South. Meanwhile, going the other way from the Global North to the countries on the periphery is the spread of agricultural monocultures, the imposition of the most polluting industries, and the dumping of toxic wastes.”

The scale

To put the brakes on global warming, the richer countries of the world need to reverse this co lonial relationship and provide the funds neces sary for the poorer countries to make the tran sition to a post-fossil-fuel future. This, Meena Raman points out, is not just an ethical or moral issue. It is a legal commitment. But what is the price tag for this transformation, and what are the mechanisms to effect this change?

First, the richer countries have made commit ments. In 2010, they promised to reach $100 billion per year in climate financing. “The num ber was plucked from a hat,” Meena Raman re ports. By 2021, the richer countries claimed to have mobilized around $80 billion, but in reality the figure was, as Oxfam estimates, about one third that much.

Another mechanism of paying off the cli mate debt is the Green Climate Fund, an ini tiative pushed by the Group of 77 and based in Incheon, South Korea. “Since 2014, it has delivered only $13.9 billion, which is very little in terms of the scale,” Raman reports. The Ad aptation Fund, created in 2001 under the Kyoto Protocol, has committed only $850 million.

According to one research report last year, the world needs to spend $5 trillion by 2030 in cli mate finance to meet the Paris goals by 2030. But as Raman points out, this figure is based on only 30 percent of the costs. Meanwhile, on the adaptation side, the UN Environment Program estimated in 2016 that $140 to $300 billion a year was necessary to cover adaptation costs in the developing world.

“We have to put the scale of the crisis in prop er context,” Raman concludes. “It’s not about

Who pays?

The climate transition will cost trillions of dol lars. The developing world, locked into a neo colonial relationship of debt and dependency, doesn’t have the resources. So, where will the money come from to help the Global South leapfrog into a post-fossil-fuel era?

Fossil fuel corporations have historically prof ited enormously from peddling the products that have produced climate change. Even worse, they are making windfall profits now as a result of the Ukraine war. Another option is the tradi tional climate debt approach, to make the rich countries of the North pay. Because wealth is not so neatly divided between North and South, “maybe it should be rich people and not rich countries that pay,” Athanasiou suggests.

In 2020, the world subsidized fossil fuels to the tune of nearly $6 trillion. This is a wasted re source, which could be redirected to the devel oping world to address both the climate crisis and the development crisis. A next mechanism would be for the international community to pay countries to keep their fossil fuels in the ground. We have to keep underground two-thirds of all fossil fuel reserves, whether oil, gas, or coal. If we don’t, global temperatures will increase past the 1.5-degree limit.”

Another mechanism for redirecting resourc es southward would be the “special drawing rights” or SDRs that the IMF issues. During the pandemic, the IMF issued $650 billion in SDRs. “These went to rich countries,” Meena Raman reports. “The IMF can do this, but it’s not doing it for the developing world.” The Prime Minis ter of Barbados, Mia Mottley, is attempting to change this situation. She has called for redi recting $500 billion of these SDRs to the devel oping world annually for decarbonization.

Making connections

To address climate change effectively, coun tries have to work together across any number of divides: North and South, East and West, rich and poor, and those rich in fossil fuels and those rich in sustainable energy sources. This impera tive to cooperate extends to civil society as well. We need to have a longer conversation about how to connect progressive movements. In the Global South, we can do what we can, we can bring progressive governments to power. But if the Northern governments maintain the current mechanisms, we won’t have real change here. So, change has to come in the North. We need massive progressive solidarity movements in North. These movements are working in your interests in the North and in our interest too. That’s the motto for Friends of the Earth Inter national: mobilize, resist, and transform for real system change.

The volatility of US hegemony in Latin America: the Pink Tide surges, 2018-2022

months after the success in Peru when the rul ing Sandinista Party (FSLN) in Nicaragua swept the national elections on November 7, 2021. A year later on November 6, 2022, the Sandinistas were further affirmed with a sweep of the mu nicipal elections.

Nicaragua had been recovering from a violent unsuccessful coup attempt in 2018 involving the Catholic Church and other rightwing ele ments. Having failed to achieve regime change by helping to instigate and back the coup, the US has since tightened the economic screws on the third poorest state in the hemisphere, ratch eting up unilateral coercive measures.

Antonio Kast in the presidential election.

Colombia

What happened next was truly historical. For mer leftist guerilla (since moderated toward the center-left) Gustavo Petro and his VP Francia Márquez, an Afro-descendent environmen talist, were the first progressives to ever win in Colombia on June 19th of this year. Their Pacto Histórico coalition had come out of the immense popular protests of 2019 and 2020, which featured indigenous and Afro-descendent participation.

By Roger Harris

Latin America and the Caribbean have again began to take on a becoming pink complexion, all the more so with June’s historic electoral vic tory in Colombia over the country’s long-domi nant US-backed rightwing and a similar reverse in Brazil in October. These electoral rejections of the rightwing followed left victories last year in Peru, Honduras, and Chile. And those, in turn, came after similar routs in Bolivia in 2020, Ar gentina in 2019, and Mexico in 2018.

This electoral wave, according to Venezue lan President Nicolás Maduro, speaking at the Climate Summit in November, “open[s] a new geopolitical age to Latin America.” This “Pink Tide” challenges US hemispheric hegemony, whose pedigree dates back to the 1823 Monroe Doctrine.

The tidal surge

The metaphor of the “Pink Tide” aptly de scribes the ebb and flow of the ongoing class conflict between the minions of imperialism and the region’s popular forces. Back in 1977, the region was dominated by the “rule of the generals.” The infamous US Operation Condor supported explicit military dictatorships in all of South America, except for Colombia and Vene zuela, and in much of Central America.

Then the tide began to turn with the election of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela in 1998. By 2008, almost the entire region was in the pink with the notable exceptions of Colombia, Mexico, and a few others. A decade later, a conservative back lash left Uruguay, Ecuador, Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Cuba, and a lonely handful of other states on the progressive side. But that was to change by midyear 2018.

Mexico

The first blush of pink to the current wave dates back to July 1, 2018, with Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s landslide victory in Mexico. Many be lieve his two previous runs at the presidency were stolen from him. Affectionately known by the acronym AMLO, his broad coalition under the newly formed MORENA party swept nation al, state, and municipal offices and ended 36 years of neoliberal rule.

AMLO has made important foreign policy ini tiatives independent, in fact defiant, of the US. He conspicuously invited Venezuelan President Maduro as a guest of honor to a major Mex

ican holiday celebration. When Biden called a “democracy summit” for the hemisphere last June but did not invite Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua, AMLO boldly led a boycott, which largely sabotaged the affair. And AMLO has been a strong proponent of regional integration promoting CELAC and other multi-national insti tutions.

Argentina

A year after AMLO’s ascendency, the rightist Mauricio Macri was replaced by the left Peronist Alberto Fernández on October 27, 2019. The flip from right to left was a repudiation of Macri’s subservience to the IMF and austerity economic policies, which had generated mass opposition.

Bolivia

Two weeks after the election in Argentina, the left suffered a major body blow on November 10, 2019, when a coup overthrew leftist Pres ident Evo Morales in Bolivia. The coup was backed by the US with the complicity of the Or ganization of American States (OAS) under the leadership of Luis Almagro, a sycophant to the Yankees.

Evo’s vindication came a year later on October 18, 2020, when his fellow Movement to Social ism (MAS) Party member Luis Arce won back the presidency by a landslide. Evo returned from exile and has since played an international role as a spokesperson on climate change, region al integration, indigenous rights, and other left issues.

Peru

Then seven months later, a person from a Marx ist-Leninist party took the presidency in Peru on June 6, 2021. When the rural schoolteacher and strike leader Pedro Castillo emerged as one of the two contenders in the first presidential elec tion round, he was virtually unknown. The inter national press even struggled to find a photo of the future president.

Castillo won the final election round against the hard right Keiko Fujimori. Castillo’s victory spelled the end of the Lima Group, a coalition of anti-Venezuela countries. Strategically, the Pacific rim of South America, which had pre viously been entirely populated by rightwing US allies, now had a leftist in its midst.

Nicaragua

The left trend was further consolidated five

Despite the illegal US sanctions designed to punish its people, the socialist government has done so much with so little. Nicaragua’s 8.3% economic growth during the pandemic is among the highest in the region, and indeed the world.

Venezuela

Then two weeks after the left electoral affir mation in Nicaragua, the same was repeated in Venezuela. The ruling Socialist Party (PSUV) swept the regional and legislative elections on November 21, 2021.

Although the US and a handful of its most syco phantic allies still recognize the Trump-anointed Juan Guaidó as “interim president” of Venezu ela, the vast majority of states accept Nicolás Maduro as the lawful president. The hapless Mr. Guaidó has the highest disapproval ratings among potential opposition candidates for the 2024 presidential election. While polls show that if a snap election were called, Maduro would win.

Honduras

Just a week after the Venezuela election, the sweetest left triumph was achieved. Xiomara Castro became the first woman elected to the presidency in the history of Honduras on De cember 1, 2021. Her husband, Manuel Zelaya, had been overthrown in a coup on June 28, 2009, that was orchestrated by US President Barak Obama and his Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

Castro replaced over twelve years of “nacro dictatorship,” a well-deserved opprobrium that is confirmed by the US government itself. Back in 2009, the facts were so clear that even the accomplice Obama had to admit Zelaya was ousted in a “coup,” though he weaseled that wasn’t a “military” coup.

Chile

Less than two weeks after the defeat of the right in Honduras, Gabriel Boric won the Chilean presidency on December 19, 2021, campaign ing under the slogan “neoliberalism was born in Chile and here it will die.” He replaced the rightist Sebastián Piñera who, incidentally, was the richest person in Chile.

A former student leader turned politician, the 36-year-old Boric came out of the mass an ti-neoliberal protests of 2019 and 2021, which mobilized a significant portion of Chile’s popu lation. Boric had beaten the Communist Party candidate in the progressive Apruebo Dignidad coalition primary and went on the defeat José

Colombia, formerly known as the “Israel of Latin America,” had long been the leading US regional client state and the largest recipient of US military aid in the hemisphere. This election promises to upset that role and break with the influential rightwing former President Álvaro Uribe and his successors.

Brazil

Colombia was a huge splash in the region, but what ensued in Brazil was a crashing tidal wave of global proportions.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, known colloquially simply as Lula, was first elected in 2003 and left the presidency in 2010 with soaring popularity ratings. He was succeeded by fellow Workers’ Party member Dilma Rousseff, who was re elected in 2014. Two years later, the right-dom inated legislature used “lawfare” to oust her from office.

Lula was then a victim of lawfare himself. Al though the most popular would-be presidential candidate, he spent April 2018 to November 2019 in prison. This allowed Jair “Trump of the Tropics” Bolsonaro to assume the presidency. Then in a spectacular comeback, Lula beat Bol sonaro in the next presidential contest on Octo ber 31, 2022.

Sea change in Latin America and the Carib bean

The progressive electoral victories decisive ly tip the regional geopolitical balance to the portside. The rank order by size of the largest regional economies is Brazil, Mexico, Argenti na, Colombia, Chile, and Peru – all of which are now on the left side of the ledger. Brazil’s is the eighth largest economy in the world.

Brazil’s inclusion in the BRICS transcontinental alliance foreshadows an emerging international multipolar independence from the west. Origi nally including Russia, India, China, and South Africa, BRICS+ may expand to include Argenti na, Iran, Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, and others.

Lula campaigned on creating a regional cur rency, the SUR. Maduro, too, has called for a regional currency, which would challenge US dollar dominance.

Lula, Maduro, and their fellow travellers prom ise to be spokespersons for the poor at home, for regional integration (reviving UNASUR and reinforcing MERCOSUR), and internationally for multilateralism (addressing climate change and possibly even helping to broker a peace in Ukraine).

Sub-standard tillage worrying!

Oversized Dondis purchased unusable??

The above images depict the quality of tillage. GuySuCo’s manuals address the soil moisture and tillage depth yet it appears in a haste to conclude operations the clear guidelines were deviated. There is no justification, in our view, for such actions, as they affect the industry over time and the investment will not bring about the desired results.

Arising from the long history of sugar, the in dustry over time has developed standards re garding its operations. These standards have taken account of several factors and are con ducive to healthy cane growth and maximum sugar production and are clearly set out in the Guyana Sugar Corporation Inc (GuySuCo) man uals which are provided to all estates and are known to all staff. Given this industry general knowledge, the Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU) has learnt that in some fields in estates the clearly set out methodology and standards were disregarded.

In keeping with the GuySuCo standard, fields are to be tilled to a depth of not less than twelve (12) inches depending on the soil type. The rationale for such depth is linked to allow the cane root system to extend itself sufficiently into the soil. It is noteworthy to point out that cane fields are replanted after five (5) years. Annually, after canes are harvested new shoots emerge and they are harvested over the five (5) year life cycle. The replanting period is also influenced by historical experience in maximizing sugar production.

The Union, through a usually reliable source,

has found out that there are fields which have tilled to depths of about six (6) inches. The source expressed worry of the inability of canes planted in those fields from having adequate root depth. It was warned that in instances of high winds or heavy rains such canes could be come uprooted and the investment not realizing anticipated returns.

Our source also informed that tillage oper ations were conducted though cane fields had excess moisture content. Again, the GuySuCo manuals clearly address the level of soil mois ture to facilitate tillage. In the high-moisture fields, tilled soil was not sufficiently loosened. This restricts the growth of new cane plants and undermines the tillage investment.

It is not clear what influenced the deviation from established practices. On social media, we have seen circulating a video of a tillage trac tor which became stuck in the mud after it was tilling lands with high-moisture content. If these reports are true, it causes us to become appre hensive of the sugar targets GuySuCo has set it self for 2023 and beyond. The growth of a good crop of canes start with proper tillage and if this is compromised it poses serious challenges.

The Guyana Sugar Corporation Inc (GuySuCo) is reported to have purchased incorrect rotary drain ditchers known in the industry as dondis. As part of the mechanical tillage process, the dondis are implemented attached to tractors and are used to form the infield drains to enable excess water to be drained from the fields. According to reports from workers, the ditch ers are far larger than those usually purchased by the company. The Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU) understands that there is no tractor within the company to which the dondis can be attached. Additionally due to its size the drains it would form would be much larger than is required and thus cannot be utilized.

It is unclear what contributed to the bungled

purchase but GAWU from its checks has learnt that ditchers were ordered during the latter part of 2021 after a contract was awarded by the National Procurement and Tender Administra tion (NPTA). It is understood that purchasers are invited to supply bids after specifications for the item are supplied by the GuySuCo. Our Union also learnt that before a bidder is selected, a GuySuCo official along with other officials as signed by the NPTA evaluate bids submitted and thereafter makes a recommendation. Whether this was the process utilized in this instance is not known at this time but the dondis have been delivered and according to workers have remained at estates in the weather without use.

The oversized dondis delivered to GuySuCo lying unused though scarce resources were spent to aquire the assets

Workers have reported to the Union that three brand-new lighting plants delivered to Albion Estate have remained unused since their delivery. The plants, which were procured at some costs, are intended to be utilized to do work during the night time hours in the fields. It is unclear whether there is a case of insufficent work being done or additional plants being pur chased without a purpose. Whatever is the reasoning, the company has utilized its resources only not to derive any benefit. There have been several concerns in recent times regarding the purchase of equipment and implements by the GuySuCo.

GuySuCo returns deficient cane loaders

Work to enhance youth and women workers ongoing

In the previous edition of Combat, it was re ported that the Guyana Sugar Corporation Inc (GuySuCo) had purchased eight (8) cane loaders. The supplied loaders were different from the previous Bell-type loaders which the company had purchased and utilized for many years. Soon after they were put into operation, it was reported, the new loaders could not per form as expected.

More recently, Combat was advised that the GuySuCo had returned the cane loaders to the supplier. It is unclear whether the sugar compa ny had paid over any monies and if so, what would happen. Even if no monies were paid over, the GuySuCo requires the use of the equipment and their absence would restrict the company’s efficiency lev els. Workers have tended to favour working with the cane loaders as it makes their tasks easier and enhances their pro ductivity. The absence of the loaders are also a setback for the workers.

It is unclear whether it was a case of Guy SuCo supplying the incorrect specifications, or whether the supplier delivering a wrong-type of machine. Whatever is the case, the victim is the sugar industry and its workers. Given recent ex periences, the Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU) must wonder what is really taking place in the industry.

BBCI GAWU Branch conference concluded

The Guyana Agricultural and General Workers Union (GAWU) on November 02, 2022, held a seminar at the GAWU Labour College involv ing young and women workers. The seminar, which focused on topics relevant to the two (2) groups, was conducted simultaneously, and sought to address several issues.

During the seminar, presenters enhanced par ticipants’ knowledge of the Union and their role as union members. The structure of the Union and its importance were discussed. During that presentation, focus was also given to the histo ry of the GAWU and its gains and advancements it has secured over its existence. Discussions regarding the role of shop stewards and the participation of union members in activities also received attention.

During the more specific sessions, issues af

fecting young and women workers in Guyana and in other countries in the region received attention. This element of the programme was more interactive, and allowed for the exchange of views and information. The participants ac tively took part in the exercises, and recognised that several issues persisted across workplac es.

Arising from the discussions, the comrades have undertaken to organize other young and women workers at their workplaces in expand ing their ranks. The GAWU places great value on expanding its work among young and women workers who may have specific issues which require special attention. In the coming year, the Union anticipates furthering its efforts and edu cational work.

The Berbice Bridge Company Inc (BBCI) GAWU Branch conference was concluded on Novem ber 23, 2022 at the company’s patio, D’Edward Village, West Bank Berbice.

Some twenty (20) workers from the fifty (50) person workforce attended the Conference which reviewed the work of the BBCI GAWU Branch since the last conference in 2021. From the Branch Secretary’s report, the conference was briefed on the activities of the branch in cluding meetings, representation of matters, ne gotiations, developing the Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) policy, among other things. Addressing the conference, was the Union’s General Secretary Cde Aslim Singh. In his ad dress, the General Secretary congratulated the

branch on its work over the past year and encouraged the branch to continue to expand and meet regularly. He un derlined the impor tance of the branch to the workforce which gives them a forum to discuss matters collective ly and to chart the way forward. Cde Aslim reminded that through the work of the Union and the Branch several gains were won for the workforce and there was a need to ensure that solidarity and discipline were hall marks of our work.

New Branch Committee elected

The Conference elected a new Branch Com mittee which will serve until the next Conference due in 2023. Arising from the election Cdes Chetwantie Ramdyal was elected as Chairper son, Poonam David as Secretary, Alissa Kadir as Assistant Secretary, and Narendra Singh, Parmanand Mathur, Lakeram Gangadin, Clint McPherson, and Kirwanti Jakoon as Commit tee members. Combat takes this opportunity to congratulate the comrades on their election and wishes them a successful stint.

GAWU/GFC engaged in negotiations

to the workers. Through the dis cus sions, the GAWU has put forward certain pro posals to the Com mission. In re sponse, the Com mission

Discussions between the Guyana Agricultur al and General Workers Union (GAWU) and the Guyana Forestry Commission (GFC) regarding the union’s claims regarding improvements in wages/salaries and other working conditions commenced on November 24, 2022. Through the discussions between the parties so far, an eight (8) percent pay rise hike has been ap proved.

The Union is also seeking that the Commission address improvements in allowances payable

has informed it needed to consult further before offering its response and committed to meeting the Union thereafter.

The GAWU also reminded the GFC of the dis pute regarding the termination of five (5) work ers. In that regard, the Union offered a proposal to the Commission. On this matter, the Commis sion’s team undertook to also consult and then to engage the Union.

Participants attending the youth and women workers’ training activity on November 02, 2022

GAWU/GGB CLA brings new benefits for workers

The Guyana Agricultural and General Work ers Union (GAWU) and the Guyana Gold Board (GGB) on November 08, 2022 inked their first Collective Labour Agreement (CLA). The 16page agreement addresses thirty-three (33) clauses on a range of matters. Among the is sues considered by the CLA are the payment of overtime, annual leave, subsistence allowance, meals allowance, hazard allowance, the mech anism for promotion, sickness leave, occupa tional safety and health (OSH), among a host of other conditions. A new feature in the CLA regards the provision of Paternity Leave, where fathers would receive one month’s leave with pay on the birth of their child. It is the first time the GAWU has been able to negotiate such con dition, and it is an issue which is important in our contemporary times.

During a simple signing activity at the Minis try of Labour, GAWU’s General Secretary Aslim Singh expressed satisfaction that the agreement was reached at the bilateral level. He noted that through frank and full discourses, issues were fully ventilated and each side had the op portunity to make their points-of-view known.

This, he held, augured well for the relationship between the parties, as, the General Secretary indicated, the Union looked forward to fruitful relations with the GGB. GGB’s General Manager Eondrene Thompson who offered remarks ex pressed the Board’s delight in reaching the point of signing the agreement. She said the Board recognised the importance of ensuring employ ees were comfortable, and that the discussions took place in a manner which lends to mutual ly satisfactory outcomes. Chief Labour Officer Dhaneshwar Deonarine congratulated the par ties on behalf of the Ministry. He noted that the Ministry was pleased to have the parties being able to settle the agreement bilaterally, as he ex pressed best wishes to both parties.

The GAWU, in latter 2021, secured bargaining rights on behalf of the employees of the Board. Since our recognition, GAWU has been working with the workers in developing and negotiating the CLA. Apart from that, the Union has been able to address a few other issues in the interest of the workers. The GAWU is pleased that it has been able to continue to advance the interest of workers.

FITUG welcomes fuel price reduction

The Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Guyana (FITUG) was heartened to learn of the decision regarding the reduction in fuel pric es by the Guyana Oil Company Limited (Guy oil). The announcement was greeted by many workers who expressed elation at the decision. The FITUG recognizes that the escalation of fuel prices over the last few months was primarily influenced by external events, of which we were an unwitting victim. We recognized the efforts of the Administration to reduce taxes on fuel to zero in an effort to mitigate the impact of the sudden price rises. This policy, had it not been pursued, would have made the bad situation even worse.

In recent weeks, we have observed a grad ual reduction in oil prices, and had anticipated that such reductions would have reached our

shores. Undoubtedly, the announcement by Minister Dr Ashni Singh demonstrates the active attention the Government is giving to address the cost-of-living of Guyanese. This is notewor thy, and is an undoubted demonstration to the ordinary people. The Federation, at this time, anticipates that other fuel providers will follow suit and provide similar reductions to their cus tomers. Similarly, we also expect that savings accruing to businesses, public transport oper ators and others will also be passed on to ordi nary Guyanese. Our workers and their families are in need of such respite.

The Federation notes other measures to ad dress the cost-of-living in Guyana. The collec tive policies are aimed clearly at providing a cushion for the Guyanese people at this time of global upheaval and uncertainty.

GAWU’s tribute to Cde

Philomena Sahoye-Shury

by Seepaul Narine, President

Comrades, for us in the GAWU, the life, the ex amples and certainly the teachings of Cde Phi lomena Sahoye-Shury are an epitome of what GAWU stands for. Since her passing, many comrades, in paying tribute, have recalled the trailblazing life she lived and the significant con tributions she made. Cde Phil lived a life in ser vice to our fellow citizens, she had always stood alongside and in defence of the working-class, the farmers, the youth, and other dispossessed groups. She was a voice for the voiceless, a towering strength of inspiration, and a comrade who never shirked in her responsibilities and was deeply steeped in promoting equality and dignity among us all.

Today, as we remember the ‘Fireball’, we also remember her humbleness, her warmth, her kindness, and her unstinted dedication to building a better country. These, comrades, are some of the many outstanding features that de fined Comrade Philomena. Despite the heights she reached nationally, her affableness never faded. She would always make time to engage comrades and enquire about their families. Often I would recall her seek ing to find out how comrades were doing, and how they were fearing. It is a testament to her humanity, and is an ideal we should all seek to aspire. Indeed, she had several quali ties which we should all emu late in our own lives.

Comrade Phil came from an epoch where struggle and battles were necessary to win re spect and dignity for our people. In those times, the situation was daunting. Indeed, activists of all shades were labelled as enemies seeking to disturb the order that had dominated from time immemorial. But she was not cowed by those circumstances. Indeed, she had described her steeled determination to bring an end to the ex ploitation that had perpetuated that eventful peri od of our history. She and her comrades stayed the course, and together they brought us free dom and the right to chart our own destiny. We own an immense debt of gratitude to Cde Phil and those comrades from that period. Indeed, today we are stronger for their contributions, and are guided by their ideals.

For the GAWU, the ‘Fireball’ played a monu mental role in the Union’s development. After the political intrigues of the 1950s, despite the difficulties, she took on the role as General Secretary of the Guyana Sugar Workers Union (GSWU), the forerunner to GAWU. In that peri od, the situation for the workers in the industry

had grown more acute. The plantocracy, despite the many struggles of workers, continued to perpetuate exploitation and oppression. It was in that period that Cde Phil took on the man tle within the Union. Together with other out standing comrades of the Union, the struggle for recognition of the field and factory workers grew significantly. Her contributions at Union meetings were certain to inspire the workers, and her powerful presentations earned her the name ‘Fireball’.

For her efforts, she earned the ire of the plan tocracy and their handmaidens in the State. She was jailed for her role in the struggles at the Le onora in 1964 which led to the martyrdom of Kowsilla. Some may have been intimidated by such hardship, but Cde Phil was undoubtedly special. After her release, she was steeled and never lost a step as she immediately became re-engaged in the struggle for recognition of the GAWU. That struggle culminated in 1975 when GAWU obtained a clear majority of the support of the sugar workers. Even after she left the Union, she remained connected. For instance when I and Com rade Neil Kumar visited her, most of the conversation had been about how comrades were do ing, and what must be done to keep GAWU strong. She could always be counted upon to lend her voice or provide support. I recall on several oc casions when she spent time with new cadres of GAWU leaders, myself included. She was an inspira tion to many of us, and she imbued within us a sense of commitment, purpose, and dedication to the workers of Guyana.

Today a proud graduand of the ‘Fireball’, I am heartened to say that the GAWU is today stron ger for her contribution. We remain committed to the ideals she and others had long estab lished as we stand forthrightly in the defence of the working-class. The fact that GAWU has grown from strength to strength is a tangible demonstration of the foundation Cde Phil and others laid for us. We stand on her contributions and are proud of her efforts.

Finally, maybe it is coincidental that we pay tribute to this outstanding comrade as our coun try recalls the restoration of democracy thirty (30) years ago. The triumph of democracy is yet another chapter of the contributions of Cde Phil to a land she loved dearly and to a peo ple she cared for greatly. As we remember this outstanding icon, let us take inspiration from her legacy, and lets go forward as we seek to building a prosperous, strong and secure ‘One Guyana’

GAWU General Secretary Aslim Singh (centre), Union officials, GGB Management and the Chief Labour Officer displaying copies of the signed agreement