Geografier nummer 3

U TFORSK ANDE IDÉER OCH KRE ATIV REFLEKTION

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Juni 2016

TIDSKRIFTEN GEOGRAFIER

3: Redaktionen Johanna Adolfson Josh Levy Anders Sjöstrand Miron Arljung Hanna Roos af Hjelmsäter Emma Creathorn Johanna Åstrand Prenumerationer Årsprenumeration 3 nummer 390 kr. redaktionen@geografier.se.

Tryckeri Östertälje Tryckeri Grafisk form Isabel Fahlén Omslagsbild Mallory Lee Skribenter Martha Davis Natasha Ryan Pär Lundgren Daniel Thornton Won-Hee Lee Mallory Lee Sandra Doung Jessica Spijkers Mare Kandre Illustratörer & fotografer Jennifer Bergkvist Sandra Doung Emily Fahlén Isabel Fahlén Markus Johnson Sebastian Larsmo Mallory Lee

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www.geografier.se facebook.com/geografier

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“If your complete freedom of choice regarding what to think about seems too obvious to waste time talking about, I’d ask you to think about fish and water, and to bracket, for just a few minutes, your skepticism about the value of the totally obvious.”

Det där är ett citat av David Foster Wallace. Jag har tagit det från boken This is Water: Some Thoughts, Delivered on a Significant Occasion, about Living a Compassionate Life. Boken är den nedskrivna versionen av ett tal Foster Wallace höll till avgångsklassen på Kenyon College 2005. Ingenting i talet har egentligen med havet att göra, annat än i den förnumstiga öppningsanekodot som givit titel till boken, obligatorisk enligt Foster Wallace i ett amerikanskt lyckönskningstal. Detta är inte ett amerikanskt lyckönskningstal, även om det kanske borde vara det nu när halva redaktionen tagit master under våren. Och jag är ju inte en geniförklarad författare som kan… Du fattar! Men jag är redaktör för Geografier, denna tidskrift som nu kommer ut med ett tredje nummer och vi kommer att prata om fisk och vatten. För det är något med havet. Denna ursymbol för obändliget och på samma gång denna ständiga plattityd. Men vad finns kvar av havet som vi känner det? I detta nummer har vi samlat texter som på olika sätt tar sig an frågan. Vi är mycket lyckliga över att ha fått tillåtelse att publicera kapitlet Vid havet ur I ett annat land (1984) av Mare Kandre. Läs den täta, ödesmätt-ade texten på sidan 32. Vi kommer att prata om havet som resurs: Meryl J Williams berättar om fiskeindustri och var kvinnorna finns - vid strandkanten, som dykare, i köket eller fabriken? (s.23), Jessica Spijkers pratar om matsäkerhet världen över när fiskebeståndet minskar till följd av ett förändrat klimat (s. 38) och Pär Lundgren delar med sig om sin kärlek till iskallt vatten (s. 19). Rafaela Flach lotsar oss igenom frågan om vatten är globalt och hur det i så fall ligger till med det populära måttet water footprints på s. 28. Vi pratar också om vatten som rättighet. I april publicerade Raul Wallenberg Institutet en rapport om vatten och sanitet som mänsklig rättighet i relation till romers situation idag och (faktiskt) historiskt.

På s. 21 har författarna till rapporten, Martha Davis och Natasha Ryan, skrivit en introducerende text för Geografier. I detta nummer introducerar vi dessutom ett nytt segment: Recomended Read. Här tipsar vi om särskilt intressanta nya uppsatser! Först ut är Sandra Doungs uppsats Rising Island: Enhancing adaptive capacities in Kiribati through Migration with Dignity, om klimatförändringar, hav, migration och framtid i Stilla Havets övärld. I en övärld lite närmare Sverige ligger flyktinglägret Moria, på den grekiska ön Lesbos. Den grekiska övärlden ligger nära Sverige både geografiskt och mentalt. På sidan 10 och 12 delar Won-Hee Lee och Mallory Lee med sig om sina respektive erfarenheter från volontärarbete på ön och deras tankar och reflektioner över vad havet har blivit. Slutligen, på en annan ö, sitter Daniel Thornton och undrar hur fan han blev en del av den konstgjorda turistindustrin. Läs mer om det på s. 14.

Välkommen till Geografier nummer tre. Den här gången pratar vi om meningen med livet.

Ps. Läs This is Water av David Foster Wallace, utgiven av Little, Brown and Company.

Läs A Supposedly Fun Thing I’ll Never do Again också. Den handlar om ett kryssningsfartyg och är utgiven av samma förlag.

Johanna Adolfsson

Geografier

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FILM I april 2010 exploderade oljeriggen Deepwater Horizon i Mexikanska golfen. Uppskattningsvis har 4,2 miljoner fat olja pumpats ut i havet. För bara ett par veckor sedan dömde en domstol i New Orleans oljebolaget BP till skadestånd på 160 miljarder kronor efter att företaget bedömts vara “grovt oaktsamt”. 16 mil in mot kusten ligger Grand Isla, Louisianakustens sista bebodda barriärö. Det är invånarna på denna ö som är huvudpersoner i Juliet Browns film Ecocide, som berättar om oljakatastrofen och följderna den fick.

Konceptet ecocide myntades på 1970-talet av biologen Arthur Galston men associates idag starkast med Polly Higgins, jurist och författare, som leder den lobby bakom förslaget att göra ecocide till internationellt brott enligt Romfördraget. Lagen skulle innebära kriminalisering av ekologiskt massförstörelse samt ansvar för de människor som utsätts för påföljande naturkatastrofer. Förstörelse av habitat genom storskaligt markanvändande, påtaglig förorening och farlig industriell aktivitet där hela landskap förstörs (så som fracking) är exempel på ecocides. Läs mer på http://eradicatingecocide.com/ PS. En barriärö är en landform som bildas parallellt utmed en fastlandskust. Formationen uppstår ofta i långa kedjor och kan skapa en unik, skyddad vattenmiljö.

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BOK Punkserier är ett tidigare opublicerat seriemanus av Mare Kandre, som visar den legendariska författaren som begåvad serietecknare. Flera år före bokdebuten hade hon gjort sig ett namn som sångare och låtskrivare i flera punkband och hon gick en termin på samma konstskola i London där Clashs basist Paul Simonon varit elev. Boken innehåller flera serier, bilder i färg och svartvitt från samma tid och faksimil av fanzinesidor, skivomslag, affischer, samt en CD med musik, och ett efterord av Jonas Ellerström, som kände Kandre under hennes musikertid.

Texten är hämtad från kartago.se

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Ecocide: Voices from Paradise av Juliet Brown

Kartago: Punkserier av Mare Kandre

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A Failed Confession Attempt KONST Den palestinska konstnären Alaa Abu Asad föddes i Nazareth, Israel. I sitt konstnärskap undersöker han fotografi, bild och seende genom att ifrågasätta både objekt, vittne och fotograferandet i sig. Som palestinier i Israel betraktar han landskapet; i videoverket A Failed Confession Attempt betraktar han sin faster och hennes familj när de badar i det hav de inte längre har tillgång till. Den fjäderlätta stämningen faller tungt till marken när han frågar sin faster som vinkar från vattnet “Får vi vara här?”.

Videon undersöker återanvändande eller kanske till och med felanvändadet av platser märkta av trauma.

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Verket A Failed Confession Attempt hittar du här http://aboasadalaa.wix.com/thismakes-no-sense#!aunts/c1aun

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Du kan se mer av Alaa Abu Asad på hand tumblr http://alaabuasad.tumblr.com/

Marin nationalpark FENOMEN Kosterhavets nationalpark är Sveriges första marina nationalpark och består främst av vatten och undervattensmiljöer. Parken inrättades 2009 och gränsar till de redan skyddade Kosteröarna samt den norska marina parken Ytre Hvaler.

Palm Island Nature Reserve är en libanesisk marin nationalpark just utanför Tripoli. I kriget mellan Hezbollah och Israel 2006 föll israeliska bomber över värmekraftverket Jiyeh söder om Beirut. 15 000 ton olja läckte ut från kraftverkets tankrar och hotade ödeläggelse av Palm Islands ekosystem.

I nästa nummer av Geografier kommer vi att prata om naturskydd. Du som sitter längst fram i klassen kan förbereda dig redan nu genom att läsa People, Parks and Poverty: Political Ecology and Biodiversity Conservation (2007) by William M. Adams and Jon Hutton.

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Dramaten: Astroekologi av Johannes Heldén

Havsutsikt TIDNING Havsutsikt är en tidskrift om havets miljö och aktuell havsforskning. Den ges ut av Stockholms universitets Östersjöcentrum och Umeå marina forskningscentrum. http://www.havet.nu/havsutsikt/

TEATER Vart är vi på väg när klimatförändringen skenar och vi manipulerar DNA och utrotar arter? Vad händer med våra inre och yttre landskap? Med inspiration från astronomen Carl Sagans världsbild visar konstnären och poeten Johannes Heldén på kontrasten mellan vetenskapens stora sammanhang och individens personliga förhållande till naturen. Hur människan letar mönster i tillvaron – för att förstå den, kontrollera den, känna trygghet. Världsrymden möter poesi i en ekologisk ton.

Föreställningen är en gränsöverskridande konstupplevelse med animationer, poetisk uppläsning och specialskriven musik av Wildbirds & Peacedrums (Mariam Wallentin och Andreas Werliin) och Johannes Heldén själv. Knutna till projektet är också Irena Kraus, dramatiker/dramaturg och Helena Franzén, koreograf.

Texten är hämtad från dramaten.se

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Illustrationer: Jennifer Bergkvist

Campus in Camps – experimentellt lärande för avkoloniserad kunskap PROJEKT “The prolonged exceptional temporality of the refugee camps could paradoxically create the condition for its transformation: from a pure humanitarian space to an active political space, the embodiment and the expression of the right of return”.

Campus in Camps Campus in Camps är ett kreativt resultat av de informella formerna för lärande som uppstod under de långa perioder av utegångsförbud som rådde under den första Intifadan. Projektet utgår ifrån en gemensam lärandeprocess där deltagarna tillsammans utforskar hur flyktinglägret kan relatera till omgivningen utan att fastna i stela roller av offer, fattigdom och passivitet - och samtidigt inte normalisera sin existens. Lägret måste vara en manifestation över både framtid och förflutet.

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Det finns en tankerikedom i projektet på Västbanken som är nödvändig för att lirka upp det baklås som stängt in debatten om de tillfälliga lägrena i Sverige. I Palestina finns läger från 40-talet. Faktiskt, bara på Västbanken finns 19 stycken. Gaza har 8.

Tillsammans utgör de bostadsort för mer än två miljoner palestinier - på flykt sedan 1948. Kriget mellan den nyfödda staten Israel och dess grannländer tvingade 700 000 människor från sina hem. Palestinsk flykting är den idag som har en pappa, farfar eller farfars far som flydde under kriget ‘48. Flyktinglägret som fenomen är både till semantik och arkitektur tillfäligt men har i Palestina vuxit och utvecklats till stadsdelar i städer som Ramallah, Bethlehem, Hebron, Nablus och Tulkarem. Palestinas stelnade tältläger hänger med inventerad logik samman med de tillfälliga strukturer som står och suckar i grönområden runt Stockholm, Göteborg, Malmö, Linköping och Umeå, ständigt hotade av rivning. För de palestinska lägret är ett spatio-temporalt rum inklämt mellan politiska enheter och tiden tickar här i lägret inte bara framåt utan också bakåt. Lägret är en manifestation över kravet på att få återvända och kan således inte släppa taget om sin tillfällighet. Med de läger för utsatta EU-medborgare, romer ofta, är det samma sak fast tvärtom. Även de här lägrena är spatio-temporala rum där tiden inte tickar framåt. Men istället för bakåt tickar tiden runt, runt i en evig loop. 3 månader. 3 månader. 3 månader. Humanitära strukturer så som vattenkran, sophantering eller sanitetsaläggning går på rak kollisionskurs med värdstaternas desperata önskan att visa på lägrets tillfällighet.

Läs mer om Campus in Camps på http://www.campusincamps.ps/ och läs om Martha Davis och Natasha Ryans rapport om svenska läger på s. 21.

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Euros. That’s how much it cost us to take the ferry across the narrow strip of the Aegean from Greece to Turkey. Standing out on the deck, shivering in the wind in spite of the sun’s rays, we stared out at the sea. It was difficult to imagine how many lives had been lost unnecessarily in these beautiful waters; how many people had paid a thousand euros or more to risk and lose everything crossing in a rubber boat with a faulty engine. The number of stories I heard over the days in camp Moria were endless. 100 people crammed in boats meant for 20, engines dying and having to row through storms, throwing everything over board to try and prevent sinking, losing family members in the waves. One boat didn’t have enough gas to make it to the other side, and the only single man aboard managed to somehow guide the boat safely for hours to shore. He said it was the proudest moment of his life. He had managed to save over 30 people, nearly half of whom were young children. The smile he had when he arrived was one I would never be able to forget. And yet it breaks my heart to think of him because I know that this risk he took, the savings he spent crossing into Europe will guide him nowhere he had hoped to go. He will be stuck in a camp somewhere indefinitely, the heroic actions he took saving the lives of these families will not help him, and no one will notice him because he is just one of thousands of single men.

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Text: Won-Hee Lee

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Before leaving for Greece, I had been advised and warned by more than a few to keep safe, never be alone, and to try and always have a male volunteer close by, especially at night. I would assume that apart from the simple want of making sure I was staying safe, it was also in response to the media’s reports that most of the refugees were in fact single male migrants. I soon learned that the side of camp Moria that I was working on was inhabited mainly by these single males as the compounds on the official UNHCR side were meant for women, children and families.

Perhaps one might think that it would just be common sense to not go wandering late at night in the camps occupied primarily by males, but there was much work to be done and I soon learned it was a completely unnecessary worry. Not once in the weeks that I worked surrounded by these men did I feel unsafe or uneasy. They called us Sisters and were so grateful for our help, they would jump at the chance to help their sisters in any way, whether it was carrying large bags of blankets or pots of food, I never made it around the camp without someone offering me a hand.

On a particularly cold night with only six available volunteers to cover our side of a full camp, I was assigned to the food tent, alone. Climbing up the muddy slope to the edge of the olive grove, passing the over crowded tents and single men who were left to sleeping on the frozen ground, I wondered how on earth was I, a violinist, practiced only in cooking for myself and a few friends, going to have enough food prepared for the potentially hundreds of new arrivals during the night?

Having been given a vague run-down on the workings of the food tent, I had no idea where anything was; knives, cutting boards, seasoning, can openers.. they were all hiding in the unorganized shelves and cupboards of this make-shift kitchen sitting in an olive grove, meant to feed the thousands that passed through each day.

Ducking nervously under the back entrance flap, I was greeted by a group of young Moroccan guys, joking and laughing as they leaned or sat on the kitchen counters. Some weeks previously, it had been announced that a number of nationalities would not be eligible to register anymore, and so had all been detained in Moria indefinitely. Instead of falling into despair as many had done, they chose to help the volunteers in any way possible and took to cleaning, cooking and serving at all hours of the day.

Within minutes they became my guardian angels. These Moroccan boys, branded opportunistic economic migrants by the media, became my protectors, my souschefs, my brothers, my friends. For the next few nights, they refused to leave my side. Communicating in a garbled mess of French, Arabic and English, they helped me decide what to add to the food, cleaned the kitchen and tent, helped the refugees who arrived, and provided much needed emotional support when things got rough.

Camp Moria was a world of it’s own; one tangled family comprised of volunteers from all over the world working together. Of all the memories I take away, the one I hope I never forget is the selfless integrity of these boys. Even knowing that they would never make it beyond the camp, that their efforts wouldn’t further their goals in any way, they worked tirelessly alongside one another day and night without fail, merely with the hope of trying to create some semblance of humanity in the centre of merciless chaos.

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E R T SPEA K A W N E S, WH L I STE N Text: Mallory Lee

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year ago I found myself staring at water and examining my relationship with it. I was standing on a diving board several meters high, in front of a fixated audience, and on the verge of performing the final dive of my athletic career. As I stood there, I realized I had been waiting for this moment for a long time. For four years I had practiced six days a week for four hours a day, and here I was, at its culmination. I exhaled, then inhaled, then smiled; allowing myself to feel what it felt to be content.

People used to ask me what I thought about before I did a dive. They often presumed it was fear and yet it very rarely was. Diving teaches you to concentrate inward, never allowing your body to be a step ahead of your mind, forcing you to be totally and wholly present. As I stood staring at the pool, I realized it had never been a battle between the water and I; the water was constant, my head and mind 12

Text & foto: Mallory Lee

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had been the abstract. I looked at the water, thankful for the lessons it taught me and grateful for the pain it put me through. I was overwhelmed with a sense of calm, my adrenaline counterbalanced by peace — a form of enlightenment.

And yet today, exactly one year later, I find myself again gazing at water, this time filled with rage, I beseech the silent sea to give me answers. I am sitting on a ledge in Tripoli, Lebanon, 20 miles from the Syrian border. I think of how I am so close to my friend’s children and wife in Aleppo and how he misses them daily; I think about the guitar my other friend left behind when he fled his hometown, and I think of how the smell of saltwater lingered on the clothes of the refugees.

I sit there, encircled by darkness, save for the neon lights of a sheesha cafe to my left, the lights of the whizzing cars behind me, and the white foam from waves crashing into the rocks; my head dizzied in thoughts. I think of what water means to me now. I think about the night I sat on the shore of Lesvos with my friend from Damascus and together we watched the waves ebb and flow. I think of how the moon created a spotlight on the water and I think of how he took out his phone to take a picture: “I need to document the moment I found beauty in the thing that I was so afraid of,” he had confided. “I was so scared on the boat. I thought we were going to drown.” I had sat there, unsure of what to say, rocking back and forth with my hands hugging my knees.

I think of how several minutes later he cringed and his body trembled when a plane flew over our heads, “I can’t help but jump; I’m waiting for the bombs to drop.” He laughed lightly, perhaps to fill my silence, and rolled up his sleeves to expose arms covered in tattoos.

A car honks behind me and I jump out of that memory, readjusting my position on the ledge and refocusing my mind on the meditative movement of the waves. And so I stare, in a faceoff between the ocean and myself, caught in a one­sided interview where I plead for answers and am met only by muteness.

I hate the water now, how it swallows lives and determines at random who floats and who sinks. I reflect on a conversation I had with a friend at the refugee camp.

“Perhaps it is safer for these people to be taken by the sea; perhaps they will find peace there that they would never have found in this life,” she had suggested. She said this at a moment we were silent, save for tears falling down both our faces, both grappling with the news that over 40 people had died in separate shipwrecks on one of the deadliest nights we had worked.

“Maybe,” I said. But I didn’t agree; nobody should enter a better life by ending their last in such misery and fear. And as I refocus my mind to my current state, I dwell on how caught I am in the past. I think of the peace I felt a year ago and the naseous I feel presently. As I stare into the water, I can hear it softly whispering to me: “Have I not taught you other lessons? Use the knowledge I have given you as a light and the pain that you feel as a catalyst.” Perhaps then I have found another form of enlightenment, one where my eyes have been opened and I must only choose how to act.

The story was originally published 3 March, 2016, on www.medium.com.

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TRAPPED IN C A V

Text: Daniel Thornton

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We drop into Punta Cana in an hour, heads bloated and fuzzy from 3 hours of sleep that should have been 8. Hope is that by shelling out more for an all­inclusive package we’ll have a less despairing vacation in paradise. Hope is that this place won’t go to every last measure to make paradise a cheesy and tawdry affair.

Hope is we don’t go mad here.

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unta Cana is one of countless tropical locations around the world that exist solely as Vacationland. There lies, far from the resorts, a town of 100,000 people living for the singular thrill of attending to every petty need of the almost 6 million annual vacationers that squeeze through the airport and shoot out across the string of resorts like locusts. Of course we’ll never see the actual town, because the walls around Vacationland are high and toothed indeed.

My fellow passengers are a collectable set of overstressed mothers and under­appreciated fathers, overfed sons with nappy faux­hawks and underwhelmed daughters with long­suffering looks of pained annoyance at the notion of Eden. There are more than a few fake pairs of sunglasses being tossed to and fro across the sea of bobbing heads. Having departed New York City in a cold midnight, everyone is dressed for winter but in various stages of conversion to tropical wear, such that the plane resembles a tightly bunched wad of vacationing caterpillars blossoming from black overcoats into bright pastels at their own rate.

The plane floats noiselessly over the tropical sweep of the Northern Dominican coast, with your blues and greens parrying for territory in a sea that’s pawing at the beach. The interior of the country is cloyingly verdant and one keeps an eye peeled for a romping T­Rex or a gaggle of Velociraptor combing through the long grass.

After you land, your first taste of indulgent service that actually inconveniences comes when they shephard you around the tarmac onto buses that drive 15 yards to the entrance to customs. We wait as employees come one by one to help each disabled person onto the bus, situate them comfortably, and then we all board for the 12 second ride to the Quonset hut where they stamp our passports and every frantically dives into bags or wallets for an on­the­spot customs fee no one knew about.

An emerging theme is that you can’t get through any building in Vacationland without passing through its raison d’etre enterprise zone. You shuffle with the bovine vacationing crowd through the Duty Free, around which one shall not pass, and then you’re greeted with the organized swell of cab service, with all its complexly layered systems of duties and obligations, tanned men in Fedoras tossing you back and forth between assignments, each requiring a different tip. After 4 different men have passed off my luggage and found me a car and a 5th man to drive me, I’m whisked away through the Dominican countryside, which is basically replete with the kinds of trees and cacti that thrive in desert conditions, and the roadside view alternates between half­constructed gated resorts and scenes of impoverishment that are genuinely difficult not to laugh at. A shack with a donkey tied up outside and a big sign saying Punta Cana police station. A young boy pushing a wheelbarrow with 7 avocados in it. Two men felling a young Hispaniolan pine and then playing tug of war with it for ownership. All the resorts are painted in primary colors and all of the hovels are made of stick.

The Luxury Grand Bahia Principe is a sprawling campus of various indistinguishable affiliates. There are clubs for families with nightmarish obelisks that remind one of popular American cartoon characters but definitely stay well abreast of copyright infringement. A 30 foot tall Mickey Mouse watches drolly over kids clambering around the waterpark. It becomes increasingly evident that luxury is less directly adjectival than a matter of comparison. Anything “luxury” is a gilded and slightly more carefully appointed than your non­luxury alternative. The week turns 15

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out to be a constant low­frequency drift in and out of various stages of luxury, with constant entreatments to elect for the luxury alternative. Drinks are included, but not luxurious top shelf spirits. The resort is pretty in its own way; you’re less struck by the beauty of it than you are by how obvious it is that at the right angle it surely makes a beautiful picture. It’s less beauty than the form of beauty, just as the food is less food than the simulacrum of cuisine. And the whole experience is less fun than it is a picture of fun with a caption below it.

Certain of my co­vacationers spent much of the week green­faced and nauseated.

It was these all inclusive buffets. Variations on fish­rot on proudest display. Insipid vegetables laying there in ambush, plotting revenge for being plucked before their prime. The selection was truly perplexing. A Caribbean theme with 2 types of Caviar. Why? What homo sapien with intact nervous system saunters toward an all­ you­can­eat buffet expecting Caviar? One wants to burst through the kitchen doors and assault whoever appointed the foul thing thusly. Ever so succulent goat whose meat can’t be found under the complex of goat bone and decorative cucumber qua flower. Undercooked eggs with foamy trails of blood. Beef carpaccio so old and decaying it looks pixelated. A behemoth hulks behind the omelet station, smiling oafishly and throwing vegetable detritus into a blob of simmering egg, smiling expectantly as guest after guest sheepishly accepts the mess and return to their family in pyrrhic victory. After a couple of days you learn to just eat the soft boiled eggs which, luckily, are hard­boiled. The sweep of the buffet is grandly colorful and busy in a way meant less to impress than to distract. By the end of the week, my friends are literally dying to scale the precipitous walls of Vacationland if only for a morsel of food.

During the day the ocean is cordoned off by long slimy ropes, vivisecting the ocean into each resort’s quarters. The white noise of the peripatetic tourist frenzy. At night the beach is deserted and the moon fills the sky and bathes the shore in pale white light that makes the swaying palms look like beautiful ancient ruins. The plangent tourist scream subsides and mother nature seems to coming swelling back.

The employees are summarily cheery and lighthearted and tease one another in ways that give the impression they actually don’t mind working there. To be sure, some are positively thrilled. The pool boys leading aqua Zumba classes are jumping with glee to the music as a captive audience of variously wrinkled women pump their arms and splash most of the pool water onto the deck. You can’t see their legs pushing along the pool floor so from above it looks like a well­organized grid of old women are floating eerily left and right in unison, like some strange court performance for the pleasure of a sadistic boy­Sultan. The employees seem to be happy as long as they don’t have to wear an absurd hat, like the bandana­clad guys working the poolside sushi bar, which I never had the pluck to try. The resort features nightly dance performances that find ever­inventive ways of incorporating propane fire, all led by a manic MC with dark skin and a different outlandish suit every night. While performers swing fire violently and balance on something or other, the MC takes very seriously his job to whip the crowd into a frenzy with a caffeinated mania that makes most people uncomfortable. He was something of a fixture at the resort, rocketing around the campus on a motorcycle and howling at the top of his lungs, completely obliterated on cocaine. We learned to watch our backs for him bursting through the bushes in a purple tuxedo, motorcycle bucking and skidding as he cackled like a hyena at the moon and disappeared around the corner with a howl and screech of brakes.

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Illustration: Isabel Fahlén

The crew are, to a man, affable and easy to strike up conversation with. On a late night walk back through the pool area, a 20­something fellow bussing tables by the buffet pulls me aside and proffers me a glass of rum, and much to my delight it burned the living hell out of my throat. The watered­down booze is perhaps the greatest letdown and the greatest source of grumbling complaint from the guests, even as everyone silently agrees that it’s probably for the best and the only thing keeping the vacation from being a delirious vomit festival.

The man tells me he makes about 40 dollars a week at this gig, a work­week being 6 days and today being Christmas eve. Don’t think for a second he doesn’t know how much we pay to stay there, and don’t think he can’t do the math. His is a life of subsistence employment, mixing margaritas for bloated Americans with swollen feet bursting out of their Sperrys.

All of this is wildly distracting from the fact that Punta Cana is absolute paradise.

The sand is soft like milled oats and the ocean view is screensaver quality. It seems to have been too much of a paradise for anyone to control themselves for the past two decades and now the resorts are bursting over the dunes and practically spilling into the ocean. The vacationers are reversing millions of years of evolution and bringing humanity crawling back to the seas, leading with their beach chairs and massage huts, an acid commercial vanguard melting the land with the sea. The smart ones have prepared for our return to the aquatic world and are already wearing snorkels and flippers.

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The convenience of all­inclusiveness is mitigated somewhat by a Kafkaesque dining schedule. Buffets that open and close with no discernable scheme. A “snack bar” that coincides perfectly with dining times and offers no recourse. And again, back to the Caviar. I think it’s the best entry into the psychology of the resort.

Management has an “ideal guest” in mind, just assuredly as guests have an ideal resort. So who is the Caviar for? Anyone with the means to develop a taste for Caviar will in so doing become as discerning as they are interested in Caviar. Buffet Caviar isn’t for rich people.

But neither is it for poor people. These vacationers are neurally middle class and have few pretensions otherwise. Middle class people tend to have the good sense to avoid things like buffet Caviar. Were they merely misinterpreting the nature of our middle class? Did they have such aspirations for the superficial trappings of their upper class that they thought we had the same tasteless deference. I don’t think that’s quite it. In the end it has something to do with combining their perception of our tastes with their own sense of aspirations that cross class lines. This is Vacationland.

And as this ugly truth hit me, I sat down in the sand so the frothy fingers of collapsed wave just licked and wet my bum and the sand become softer for me to press my feet into. I was this hack, this compensated fool. I was this tasteless whale­spume of a person, thinking I’m lucking out because the guys preparing my food make no money. Thinking I’m fortunate and doing well because I get to be guilty for a second about the destitute staff. Their lives were the entree, a happy source of guilt that showed me who I was: white, American, and alone, in need of strange comfort.

And caviar.

Editor’s note It is easy to view tourism as many politicians and development agencies do­something that must make a generous contribution to any domestic economy. In witnessing the swarms of foreigners from the United States and Europe arriving with swollen wallets and leisurely dispositions at airports throughout the Dominican Republic, it’s a fair and convenient assumption. But the ‘all boats rise’ narratives advanced by neoliberal apostles are hardly uncontroversial. One would do well to read Cabezas (2008), who articulates the plethora of problems emerging from the rapid expansion of resort development throughout the Caribbean. These include ecological degradation, rising land values, disenfranchisement of local people, exacerbation of social tensions, and many other issue that serve to perpetuate and worsen existing problems, rather to alleviate them.

See: Cabezas, A.L., 2008. Tropical Blues Tourism and Social Exclusion in the Dominican Republic. Latin American Perspectives, 35(3), pp.21­36.

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et är en grå morgon i februari i en svensk liten kuststad. Det har regnat och blåst hårt under natten och just nu hänger en klibbig fukt i den tregradiga luften. Det är en perfekt dag för surfing! Stora delar av föregående kväll har gått åt till att studera prognoser, uppdatera observationer och hålla kontakten med en liten men dedikerad kärna av personer.

En vit van, en sån som det varnas för i Skåne på sociala medier, rullar in på parkeringen och efter att ha kastat in brädor och tjocka våtdräkter är vi på väg. Vi åker längs kusten i en för dagen passande riktning. Passerar uddar och vikar vi använder som riktmärken, där går inte att surfa men om det går vita gäss precis vid den stenen eller om flaggan på stugan har ett speciellt läge så borde det funka dit vi ska och det räcker med en snabb titt från vägen för att se att vi kommer få åka idag och stämningen är hög!

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Mil efter mil avverkas och regnskurarna avlöser varandra men med vårt ärende spelar det ingen roll. Vi lär bli blöta ändå!

Jag tappar alltid peppen i bilen så jag kickar igång kroppen med en kaka och läsk, det är bara en jumpstart, det ska snart bli mycket mer stimuli av belöningssystemet!

Väl på plats i en skyddande vindpinad skogsdunge är det uppehåll och vi hör hur vågor slår in över stranden och stenarna rör sig. Det är ett magiskt ljud! Vi tar vår vanliga stig ner till stranden och kliver upp på den sista sanddynan för att få facit på prognoserna. Det ser okej ut. Vågorna vrider runt den lilla udden och där bakom är dom vindskyddade och spegelblanka. Lite större hade dom kunnat vara men midjehögt får duga idag!

Efter några minuter ser det ut som en bomb har slagit ner i skogen. Färgglada brädor i alla möjliga former och storlekar ligger spridda bland träden och halvnakna människor kämpar med att få på sig våtdräkter och skor. Tricket är att hålla sig varm innan en hoppar i vattnet. Då kan varken snöstorm eller tvågradigt vatten stoppa oss.

Jag är klar och går upp mot vågorna. Det är några hundra meters anmarsch. I surffilmerna från varma sandstränder joggar folk ner till vattnet och hoppar lätt på brädan när det blivit knädjupt. Men nu är vi i Sverige och varken palmer eller badshorts syns så långt ögat når så jag tar min tid. Vandrar över sanddynerna, njuter av morgonljuset, av uppehållet i regnet och att det är helt vindstilla här. Vinden har byggt upp vågorna och sen haft den goda smaken att vrida in över land så att vågorna får några sekundmeters motvind. Jag balanserar ut på stora runda stenar där varannan är såphal och börjar paddla ut. Allt innan är mysigt men det är här euforin börjar. Perspektiven förändras totalt bara 30-40 meter ut från stranden när allt du har att förhålla dig till är en surfbräda och dina bästa kompisar. Vågorna förändras ständigt och det som såg ut som midjehögt från stranden uppfattas som huvudhögt härifrån, sanningen ligger nog någonstans mittemellan. Två grader kallt vatten uppfattas som ganska varmt och tio sekunder på en våg känns som en evighet. Molnen spricker upp och solen lyser på oss från sitt låga läge över dom krumma tallarna. och även om det bara är under 30 minuter så gör det hela dagen oförglömlig. Vågor som innan varit grymma blir med lite nordiskt solljus magiska väsen som skapar ett beroende lika stort som vilket centralstimulerande som helst.

Jag surfar så mycket jag orkar och ändå finns det vågor över för mina vänner. Jag sitter och vilar guppandes innanför udden och väntar på rätt vågor. Dom kommer men jag sitter still. Njuter av att titta på vågläppar som rullar i motljuset. tjoar när polare glider förbi på flytande sluttningar av glädje och njuter när vågen passerar mig i precis rätt läge, slår över och skickar en plym av vattendimma bakåt i den svaga frånlandsvinden. Det borde kännas för jävligt när tvågradiga vattendroppar slår emot ansiktet i tre graders lufttemperatur. Men det är känslan av eufori och glädje som slår mig i ansiktet. Det är nu känslan kommer. Varenda krona det har kostat mig att ta mig hit och varenda avkall jag har gjort på annat för att ha råd och tid att vara precis här precis nu har precis betalat av sig!

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Access to Water and Sanitation in Sweden’s Informal Settlements

By Martha F. Davis & Natasha Ryan A report of the Raoul Wallenberg Institute for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Södertörn University, and the NuLawLab of Northeastern University School of Law, April 2016.

REPORT SUMMARY On November 3, 2015, residents of one of the largest informal settlements in Sweden were evicted. The camp, nicknamed “Sorgenfri” after a nearby city street, was located in the southeast quadrant of Malmö, a diverse city in southern Sweden.

The Sorgenfri camp was located on a privately owned empty lot. At times more than two hundred people, primarily Roma, resided in the camp. When the eviction occurred, Sorgenfri had been in existence about 18 months, maybe more. By then, the owner wanted to clear the property and worked with the city and the police to complete the eviction.

Conditions in the camp were rough, and access to water and sanitation was a particular challenge for residents. Without a water source on the property, residents 21

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obtained water for cooking and washing from a cemetery and several gas stations within a few blocks of the camp. Sanitation was an even greater challenge. The property had no bathrooms and the city provided none. When the eviction notice finally came, lack of sanitation was one of the grounds. In fact, the Sorgenfri eviction was one of at least eighty-nine official evictions of informal Roma settlements carried out in Sweden from 2013 to 2016, more than one every three weeks. Lack of sanitation was invoked in almost all of these actions.

The issues raised by informal Roma settlements in Sweden are complex and have been the subject of significant public discussion. The purpose of this report is not to deny the complexity of the subject, but to examine these issues through a new and illuminating lens based on the human rights to water and sanitation. In particular, we look at (1) the history and scope of water and sanitation access in Sweden for Roma people; (2) relevant international human right norms concerning water and sanitation; and (3) opportunities for municipalities to act as leaders in honoring those human rights norms.

First, lack of access to water and sanitation is not a new predicament for Roma in Sweden. Rather, it is a central theme running through the Roma experience here for nearly a century, and the report sets out many first-hand accounts of the ways in which lack of access has affected individuals. As shown on the interactive map accompanying this report, http://maps.nulawlab.org/all-maps, municipalities throughout Sweden have initiated scores of evictions of Roma on grounds of “sanitation,� even though most municipalities have provided little assistance to the Roma residents in dealing with water and sanitation needs. Municipalities often express concern that such steps would encourage more permanent settlements or longerterm stays. Yet in the Swedish context, where water and sanitation access is the expected national standard, the absence of these basic human rights undermines the human dignity of vulnerable EU citizens and virtually assures their ultimate eviction.

Second, even as they have carried out these actions, municipalities have been given little guidance from the national government concerning how to deal with informal settlements consistent with human rights norms. Sweden is a party to a number of European and international human rights treaties which clearly establish the human rights to water and sanitation. International bodies and human rights experts have repeatedly clarified that these rights are not conditional. They extend to informal residents as well as formal settlements, and to undocumented and documented immigrants. National government policy should reflect these norms.

Finally, whether or not national guidance from a human rights perspective is forthcoming, municipalities themselves have opportunities for leadership in assuring access to these basic human rights. Water and sanitation access are regulated at the local level. Even if the national government fails to step up to meet its human rights obligations, municipalities can and should protect and ensure the basic human rights to water and sanitation of those residing in informal settlements. A number of municipalities have made strides in this direction, and we review some of the promising practices that they are pursuing to implement these rights, extending basic human dignity to all.

The full text of the report is available at the website of the Raoul Wallenberg Institute, http://rwi.lu.se/.

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The Geography of Gender and Fisheries

When I mention my interest in women and fisheries, friends commonly ask “what do women have to do with fishing?” – showing that women are not visible in places where fish is handled.

Women are more likely to work behind factory walls or walk alone collecting shellfish than to heroically haul fish and call out on the fishing dock. Despite this invisibility, in number, if not in economic contribution, women make up nearly 50% of the capture fisheries workforce (World Bank, 2012) and a substantial but unknown share of the aquaculture workforce.

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ender and fisheries is like a marriage between human and physical geography, with feminist geography as the matchmaker trying, in the face of gender inequality, to highlight the real value of women. In geographical terms, place and space are fundamental in fish production, starting with the water in which fish and other aquatic organisms live and grow to where they are captured, channelled into the human food chain and eaten, usually far from home waters. The partnership between place and gender is revealed by considering who handles the fish and where, as it moves along the supply chain. Even more would be revealed if the gender relations were explored, but to date this happens too rarely.

At all scales, fisheries (and aquaculture) space is gendered: in the household, on the boat, on the fish farm, in the community, on the beach, in the processing factory, the market and in the national management plans. Yet, the spatial dimension of gender remains largely implicit, such as in the growing body of descriptive studies on local, typically household and local, divisions of labor.

Change is also a feature of the fish sector and therefore displacement is the inevitable close relation of place.

Fish is the most highly traded of all foods. Its production and disposition are in the throes of a major transition (Williams, 2008). Until thirty years ago, developed countries produced and consumed more fish than developing countries, and capture fisheries dominated production. Now, developing countries, especially in Asia, dominate production, and farmed fish are overtaking capture fisheries. Industrialization, modernization, and horizontal and vertical integration in supply chains propel changes in the human geography of fish.

Mainstream fisheries and aquaculture experts routinely ponder issues with spatial themes such as fish spawning grounds, coastal fishing zones, Exclusive Economic Zones, seasonal closed areas, marine protected areas, marine spatial planning, shared fish stocks, highly migratory species, pond and fish cage site selection, international fish trade, traceability. The experts rarely mention gender in these themes.

Place and gender In fishing and aquaculture societies as in others, women and men are subject to similar place-based expectations. Women generally shoulder more of the childrearing, care and reproductive functions, physically 24

tying them more to the house than men. Hence, they do not tend to go to sea or fish on boats and they constrain their fish-based activities to sites closer to home so they can also fulfil their caring roles. In many cultures, approved places for women are emphasized by taboos on women, e.g., on fishing boats in many Asian and Pacific Island cultures.

GLEANING Gleaning is an under-recognized fishing method that, despite being common, usually is not recorded in national statistics (Kleiber, 2015)1. In coastal communities and wetlands, women, children and sometimes men, may spend many hours a day gleaning. Gleaners target sessile animals, mainly invertebrates, and so its essence is spatial. Recently, I have noticed some of the papers on gleaning using Google Earth images to show the women’s coastal gleaning areas. One of these was about the gleaning by women in Lido village of WestSepik Province, Papua New Guinea. The Lido women manage their reef space by constructing artificial habitat to attract sheltering octopus and catfish (Si and Lahe-Deklin, 2016).

FISHING FOR INVERTEBRATES BELOW THE TIDE On the fringe of the sea, the Ama women divers of Japan (Lim et al., 2012), and the Haenyo of South Korea (Ii, 2012) are remnants of older diving traditions. In Korea, only women dive, whereas in Japan men still dive for invertebrates. In both countries the average age of dive fishers is increasing because the young spurn the activity (Ii, 2012). Japanese male divers tend to combine diving with other types of fishing and farming, whereas the women are dedicated. In Japan, the women divers do not participate formally in the management of their fisheries, being subject to the rulings of the men who control the local fisheries cooperatives. In both countries, women divers have a low social status, but a strong camaraderie and pride in their occupation.

Also in the coastal realm, a small women’s revolution is underway in the northeast of the United States where a group of mainly young women fishers are making inroads into the Maine lobster fishery. Under the Facebook name “Chix Who Fish,” their first successful collective action was to demand, and achieve, high quality wet weather gear designed for women’s bodies. From a gender activist perspective, their story is worth following. By way of contrast with these inshore and more coastal fisheries, the world of offshore crab fishing in the rugged Bering Sea, as portrayed in the US televi-

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sion reality series, ”Deadliest Catch,” is hyper-masculine. Tough on men, and women, few women make it as crew, but women (wives, partners, daughters) play other demanding roles as “skipper of the shore-crew”, as defined by Marilyn Porter (1985). Thus even in this fishery, women are important, although they operate in a different space to that of the men.

Displacement Few fish reach consumers without being touched by women’s hands. Fish supply chains, however, are evolving so rapidly that, long term, no places in them, including those of the women, are secure. Displacement of people is a common reality.

AQUACULTURE AND DISPLACEMENT Of the ways to produce fish, aquaculture has changed most the face of the Earth and, once introduced, it does not remain static. Ponds have taken over prime coastal and agricultural land, and cages have been deployed to privatise parts of coastal seas, lakes, reservoirs and rivers. With growth, ownership of prime aquaculture assets tends to become more concentrated, and the scale of operations increases. Both asset concentration and scaling up have gendered consequences. The rate of growth and the pace of change are sources of pride in the burgeoning aquaculture community; the growing workforces are praised. Little focus is given to the obverse of the scale changes, including in Norway, which is truly a leader in aquaculture. From 1990 to 2010, Norwegian salmon production increased by 600% and per employee production by 450%, producing little jobs growth. As a share of the static total employment, however, women’s employment dropped from 20% in 1990 to just 9% in 2010. Farm ownership became more concentrated as family farms, where most women worked, were absorbed into the larger companies. Local communities hollowed out (Maal, 2013).

At most scales, women typically face major challenges entering and staying in aquaculture by virtue of the low level of assets they control. In Kerala State, India, small-scale mussel farming offers promises and challenges. Through the intervention of women’s Self Help Groups and the transfer of raft farming technology from the Central Marine Fisheries Research institute of the national government, women established themselves as successful mussel farmers (Kripa and Surendranathan, 2008). As their financial success grew, men 26

also began to enter the industry, and the women discovered that their legal rights to farming sites were not secured. In contradiction, in the same State, the legal rights to cage culture sites for high value fish – a men’s industry - were protected from the outset. In the words of C. Ramachandran (2012): A paradox … is the ambivalence of the State in manifesting itself as a positive “bargaining” force in the intra-household domestic space (by providing State-sponsored platforms through the Self Help Groups) while leaving the “common access resource” space, from which these platforms gain sustenance, less amenable to its democratic ideals.

SHIFTS IN SUPPLY CHAINS CAN TRIGGER DISPLACEMENT Even a relatively small change in fish landing locations can displace existing traders. Along the Kerala coast of India, for example, when more modern gear and vessels shifted to landing their catch in designated ports, local women traders lost their access to the produce of the ring net fishery which lands half of the State’s fish (Gopal et al., 2014).

In fish market places, women traders can be crowded out by competitors such as trading companies with greater capital. Fisheries modernization schemes have never given priority to improving women’s local markets for food safety and the comfort and security of the women. This is true even when the women traders have a long trading history, such as the Koli ethnic group in Mumbai, India. Despite facing common challenges such as threats to their fishing villages and markets by land developers, however, the formal and informal women fish traders of Mumbai saw each other as competitors, making collective action difficult. As new fish markets are built, Shuddhawati Peke (2013) said that women traders were “on the verge of extinction due to their inability to regroup and restructure themselves and due to the negligence of the fisheries sector organizations in protecting their interests”.

Conclusions Peering into gender and fisheries cases of place and displacement reveals many insights on women’s inequality, coupled with the under-appreciated capacity of women to contribute and survive, though too rarely by fighting for their collective rights. For this reason, feminist geography seems a necessary tool to apply, along with human and physical geography, to studies of space and

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place in fisheries and aquaculture. Displacement narratives hint, however, at critical issues. A typical development approach assumes the solutions can be found if women can accumulate assets and achieve prosperity, i.e, the approach sometimes described pejoratively as “fixing women� through empowerment, training, etc.

(Choo and Williams, 2014). In reality, this appears almost futile in the face of the scale of changes that displace women from their historical roles in fish supply chains.

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A Spatially-Explicit Water Footprint and Virtual Trade Assessment of Brazilian Soy Production

Text: Rafaela Flach

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Who has the ethical responsibility in a long chain of global trade? Does water know boundaries?

Rafaela Flach tells you the story on how the food we consume connects us to distant and diverse environments – and why that matters.

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oy is one of Brazil’s most important agricultural export commodities; it is currently commercialized all across the globe and its production has diverse impacts for water resources, among other societal and environmental impacts. And these soybeans are virtually ubiquitous: after the mad cow outbreak, soy cake became the biggest provider of protein to livestock, in Europe and elsewhere (Ziggers 2004).

The last decades have seen a sharp increase in the length and complexity of global commodity supply chains that has led to a series of concerns related to appropriation of natural resources, degradation of ecosystems, and human rights. The pursuit for achieving and improving the sustainability of supply chains has required an increased accountability of governments, consumers and businesses, and has been followed by the development of a diversity of instruments to ensure this accountability (e.g. certification and labelling schemes), environmental and socio-economic indicators (e.g. footprints), and institutional arrangements (consumer, retailer and producer associations). Despite this, increasing efforts are necessary to unveil how countries and companies interact in these systems, how governance influences them and what are the impact pathways for different sectors. It is also imperative that the gap between research and action is filled by providing more meaningful information and tools for policy making.

Is Water Global or Local?

Although impacts on water resources materialize on a local scale, they are globally interlinked through teleconnection processes within the global water system - such as atmospheric moisture transport or transboundary river flows. Global trade is one of the most important drivers of global impacts on water availability, carbon emissions and land use change, connecting regions in the global water system. Changes in consumption and trade of food, feed and bioenergy are important drivers of impacts in the water system across scales (Hoff 2010; Rockström et al. 2014). ‘Socio-economic teleconnections’ are usually characterized by international trade, and all the processes that encompass the phenomenon known as the ‘globalization of water’ (Hoff 2009). The need for better understanding of scale interdependencies, linkages and teleconnections in the global water system is increasingly manifest (GWSP 2005; Savenije et al. 2014; Hoff 2009; Rockström et al. 2014).

The water footprint concept was introduced as a method to account for the cumulative water content of goods and services consumed (Hoekstra 2003), aiming at measuring human appropriation of global water resources (Ercin & Hoekstra 2012). The concept arose from the need to see water resources management not only as a local or river basin issue, but also to unravel the links between consumption and use, and between global trade and water management (Hoekstra 2009).

A large body of knowledge in this field has been produced and along with it questions about its relevance and limitations. Unlike carbon footprints, water footprints are spatially and temporally specific, with impacts varying considerably between locations and often occurring in very short lapses of time. Moreover, given its locality, the impact of a given amount of water use is qualitatively different and not interchangeable or possible to offset with water use reduction elsewhere (Ercin & Hoekstra 2012). Although nowadays water footprints are assessed with global models at high resolution (e.g. Rost et al. 2008; Mekonnen & Hoekstra 2011; Liu et al. 2007; Siebert & Döll 2008), their results have to be aggregated when combined to country-to-country trade (e.g. Kastner et al. 2011). The integration of high-resolution footprint accounting with spatially-explicit material flows would allow for greatly improving the relevance and applicability of virtual footprints. Spatially-explicit footprints also allow analyzing the footprints in the context of their environmental and human relevance; the same footprints in regions with different water scarcity levels result in different impacts on the local water system. There is a lack of spatial-explicitness in assessing the global fluxes of virtual water, and the need to assess the footprint’s environmental relevance. The use of fine-scale trade data makes it possible to have water footprint analyses that are both globally informative and locally relevant (Godar et al. 2015), and characterizing water stress is essential in linking global consumption to freshwater scarcity (Ridoutt & Pfister 2013).

With large availability of both land and water, Brazil is nowadays one of the main global producers of agricultural commodities, with increasing importance in the global trade market and in meeting present and future global food demands (Flachsbarth et al. 2015).

Brazil became recently the world’s biggest exporter of soybeans, and is the world’s biggest soybean producer country. In 2014, soy was the country’s major agribusiness export product, followed by beef, sugarcane products, pulp and paper, corn, and coffee (SECEX 2013).

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Availability of water and land in Brazil are, however, neither invariable nor absolute; water availability has striking regional variability in Brazil (ANA 2013).

Water and the Trade of Brazilian Soy The idea of assessing the connection between consumption in different world regions and the potential local water use impacts was the theme of my recent study that was submitted as a master thesis to the department of environmental change of Linkoping University. In this study I combined a model that accounts for water footprints globally (Mekonnen and Hoekstra 2011), a trade model that trades production of Brazilian soybeans in the municipal level (Godar et al. 2015), and high resolution information on water stress in Brazilian micro basins (ANA 2013). The novelty of the approach applied in this study was that the municipalityto-country trade model enabled a better consideration of regional variability, as the footprints did not need to be grouped in the country level, as well as of consideration of local water stress. When considering spatiallyexplicit virtual water flows, this study demonstrated, the water footprints associated with different countries changed dramatically both quantitative and qualitatively because of how the spatial distribution of sourcing regions differed from consumer to consumer. When we separated the consumer countries between Brazil, China, “EU” and “Other Countries” and analyzed the virtual water flows between 2001 and 2011, a series of interesting patterns could be identified. Chinese soy consumption grew more than for any other consumer, and currently accounts for around a third of total Brazilian soybean exports. Although EU consumption did not grow as much, both EU and Chinese sourcing has shifted towards producer municipalities located in the North and Center-East regions of Brazil, in the Cerrado and Amazonian biomes. The ‘Other Countries’ consumer group, on the other hand, remained and increased consumption from soybeans produced mainly in the South region of the country. These differences and changes in sourcing locations result in different water footprints, and consequently in different impacts to local water resources.

Higher green water footprints 1are related to an in30

creased dependency on precipitation water. In recently deforested areas, green water footprints are also an indicator of the competing role of water for food production and for supporting natural ecosystem biodiversity; this is especially important considering the estimation that, before 2006, 30 percent of soy expansion occurred through deforestation (Gibbs et al. 2015). In land and precipitation abundant Amazon and Cerrado biomes, where most of EU and Chinese footprints were located, both factors play an important role in local resources.

On the other side, soy is the crop with the third highest irrigated area in Brazil after sugarcane and rice, and a large share of the irrigated areas are located in the South (Portal Brasil 2013); more irrigated area and climate variability result also in higher rates of water stress in this region. An episode of severe drought in 2005 that hit mainly the crops grown in the South resulted in loss of crops and a stark reduction in yields. The results from this study showed that the predominance of blue water footprints in this region was connected to a larger variability of footprints to the consumer group denominated “other countries”, whose supply of soy was much more affected in the drought of 2005 than other consumer groups. The results showed two contrasting patterns: the green water flows from Amazon and Cerrrado Biomes related to EU and Chinese consumption with links to resource dependency and deforestation, and blue water flows from regions of high water stress and climate variability in the South related to consumption from ‘other countries’. These complementary patterns tell a much more complex story

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about how impacts on water resources and consumer groups are connected, and offers expanded possibilities for governance and policy making.

Water Governance: Local or Global?

Water footprint and virtual water flow assessments have been an extremely important instrument for consumer decision making and research on global water use, but a limited one. Nowadays it is possible to know how much “average water” was used to produce my hamburger, but not if this was in a region with high water scarcity, if this water was made available by deforestation or a breach of human rights: this is only possible with improved supply chain transparency. Reaching out beyond the narrow focus of this study on one commodity and the aspect of water, the potential for providing better governance with improved and transparent socio-environmental assessment of commodity chains is enormous. Recent studies have attempted include in these assessments other actors of the supply chain, such as major ports and traders (Godar et al. 2016).

As another example of the importance of this kind of approach, it is not widely known that the city of Sao Paulo, in Brazil, is home to the biggest Swedish industrial center outside Sweden, being also called “little Sweden” (Gahnstrom & Oberg 2007). That is located in Brazil’s most populated area, and home to most of the country’s industrial and agricultural production. It is also the region that, in 2015, suffered one of the most severe droughts on record that left population, agricul-

ture and industry of the area vulnerable to alarming levels of water scarcity.

Having better supply chain transparency offers improvements for all actors: in the local level, having all stakeholders at the table increases fairness, while for consumers having full disclosure of the chain might prevent shocks by external vulnerabilities. We are not quite there yet, and there is still a long way until it we have better instruments to disentangle the role, benefits, impacts, and responsibilities of all actors in supply chains. But the more transparency, the better. The possibility of including more actors in the table offers the possibility of not only better governance, but maybe new types of governance.

This article is based on the master thesis Global Systems, Local Impacts: A Spatially-Explicit Water Footprint and Virtual Trade Assessment of Brazilian Soy Production, developed at the The Department of Thematic Studies - Environmental Change in partnership with the Stockholm Environment Institute. You can read the full version on diva-portal.org.

Green water footprint Volume of rainwater consumed during the production process. This is particularly relevant for agricultural and forestry products (products based on crops or wood), where it refers to the total rainwater evapotranspiration (from fields and plantations) plus the water incorporated into the harvested crop or wood.

1

Blue water footprint Volume of surface and groundwater consumed as a result of the production of a good or service. Consumption refers to the volume of freshwater used and then evaporated or incorporated into a product. It also includes water abstracted from surface or groundwater in a catchment and returned to another catchment or the sea. It is the amount of water abstracted from groundwater or surface water that does not return to the catchment from which it was withdrawn. http://waterfootprint.org/en/water-footprint/glossary/#BWF 31

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V E A T H D VI Text: Mare Kandre

En lång, svart väg leder till havet.

Vi åker genom dungar och jag letar efter djur. En gång blundar jag och vet: i nästa dunge står en hjort.

Jag gör mig beredd.

Solen står högt.

Vi rullar ut ur dungen och träden krusas i middagshettan. Ute på slätten trycker solen mot biltaket.

I nästa dunge står en hjort, tänker jag med en sorts självklar tillit och ro.

Astrid sover. Långt borta lyfter fåglarna ur sanden och stora, osynliga djur rör upp ett mäktigt, gult damm.

Jag blundar och inväntar skuggan under träden. Ögonen rullas bakåt och in i skallen.

Huvudet sväller och vidgas. Jag gapar och låter vinden blåsa över tungan.

När svalkan äntligen sköljer över mig lutar jag mig försiktigt fram.

Mark och stammar är spräckliga av brusten sol.

Den tunga, blånande grönskan ligger stilla och luften är söt och fadd av löv, multnande grenar och ångande mylla.

Men jag behöver inte leta.

Under eken står hjorten. Vaksam, spänd och väntad, som jag. Om jag inte känt dess närvaro redan 32

långt innan, under solen på slätten, hade den gått mig spårlöst förbi.

Den ser in i mig och andas. Ögonen mörknar och smalnar. Näsborrarnas skåror sluts. Pälsen sväller som en fjäderdräkt och muskelknippen krusar bog och länd.

Oändligt sakta vänder den in mot dungens torrare mitt eller hjärta, bärs viktlös över rötter och mark, styr som ett smäckert skepp mot djupare, bottenlösa vatten.

Jag lägger mig ned vid Astrids sida, nära drömmen i hennes huvud, sedd och seende.

Vi rullar fram ur dungen och solen blixtrar till över plåttaket.

Jag vaknar av att vi är nära havet.

Astrid sitter vid fönstret och regnstinna moln spränger över oss. En kall vind böjer buskarna och horisonten glöder vit, som om den stod i brand.

Jag håller för öronen och blundar, igen.

Snäckbruset i handflatorna stiger och i marken fortplantas vågornas slag mot stranden, som trampet av djurhjordarna. Sanden och vägen leder mullret.

Vinden doftar redan friskt av tång och fisk. Jag sträcker ut handen genom den nedvevade bilrutan och

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snart skimrar huden av ett fint stoff, ett sprött silver: salt som fälls ur brisen.

Himlen är fortfarande grå men speglar en rörelse, blänker som plåt. Måsarna klättrar i vindarna och vänder mot strömmen.

Jag håller andan ett tag och fattar Astrids hand.

Saltet knastrar i lungorna. Vi känner det båda. Som när en fot eller arm somnar. Ett envist tillrande och sprittande.

Himlen lägrar sig över oss men skjuter strax ifrån igen och ger havet plats. Vi vill liksom flyga bort och som måsarna rispa bukarna mot vågornas vassa, vita betar och horn.

Vattenmassorna är starka och magnetiska. Skepp förliser och sjunker här. Man drunknar och dukar under för strömmen.

Bland stenarna blänker husvagnarna. Och här finns bord och bänkar att äta vid.

Hundlokor och rallarros blommar vid grusbankarna.

Mamma och Pappa vänder ögonens känsliga skivor mot vattnet och andas tungt.

Astrid och jag sitter bland stenarna på stranden, långt ut, för det är ebb. Vi har med oss syltburkar och snören och gräver efter musslor i tången.

Människorna ropar till varann och stranden är tom och öde som ett fält, sanden mjuk av djur som gräver lufthål medan tid är.

Musslorna är små och svarta, skalen räfflade som naglar. Små hjärtan och lungor slår därinne men vi bänder ändå upp dem och letar efter pärlor vi vet inte finns, firar ner dem i vattnet som beten.

Skuggorna stelnar och vi väntar.

Havet längre ut är oroligt och grått, men vi fryser inte. Ur stenarna vi sitter på glöder en sträng, god värme som andas mot fotsulorna och in i oss.

Det är plötsligt mycket tyst. Vattenmassorna dras åt och samlar sig.

Men skuggorna förblir låsta och svarta.

Inga krabbor plockar sig listigt fram, bara bubblor vandrar sakta och makligt, som genom glas, och lösgörs ur mörkret under snäckor och stenar. Allt levande trycker, i väntan och bävan, långt inne i jorden.

Vi låter musslorna ligga och tömmer syltburkarna, går tillbaka över stranden, nästan ensamma under himlavalvet.

Vi ser oss om då och då: våra spår försvinner stilla och omärkligt i den svällande våta sanden. Snart ser det ut som om vi kommit ur ingenstans. Nedstigna 33

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från himlen. Sprungna ur jorden.

En trolsk spänning binder luften som en väv. Vi märker att vi fångats i ett kraftfält, mellan vågorna och stranden.

Solen bränner bakom molnen och havet fräser i fjärran. Vinden blåser sorgsna toner i våra öron, spelar en melodi i skallens håligheter och lindar sitt vilda vinande runt oss.

Längre bort ligger en sten, tror vi. En svart svulst i sanden. Astrid ser den först och pekar.

Motvilligt bryter vi oss ur vattenmassornas magnetiska lågor och rör oss yrvaket i dess riktning.

Måsarna viker i vinden och fjädrarnas pappersprassel är mycket nära, som lakan motörat om natten.

Vi ser plötsligt den långa stenpirens raka finger peka ut mot andra länder och öppna hav, som om det verkligen fanns någon annanstans än här.

Det tar oss ett helt liv att nå svulsten. Trehundra år eller tusen! Men det är ingen sten, utan en jättelik krabba som sköljts upp ur havens djup eller krupit upp själv.

Nu ligger den död och hård på rygg, omkullvält och ovan vid den tyngd och vikt som i luften är skoningslösare och värre.

Sömnigt slår vi en lov kring den.

Dess pansar är knottrigt och kallt att ta på men 34

levande och sjudande hett för ögat.

Den gallerrandade buken buktar alldeles stilla men tickar ändå öde och omärkligt av invändig oro, tid som går, förruttnelse, små ägg som kläcks och ätande larver.

Kanske är den redan tom inuti och fjäderlätt? Men när vi pressar oss mot dess sida händer ingenting, och när vi fattar den stora, röda gripklon förstår vi att den fortfarande spränger av krabbhjärtan, krabbdrömmar och krabbminnen, att den bara stannat, helt flyktigt, som en klocka.

Vi lägger oss intill det sorgsna och nästan osynliga ansiktet. Vi formar tumme och pekfinger till öglor att kika genom, rakt in i krabbans fina lilla öga som med ens blir större.

Genast ser vi att något fastnat därinne: ett ögonblick förevigats, en skräck överrumplats och fullbordats.

Och krabban ler ett färglöst, hemligt leende, som om detta något fortfarande, för evigt pågår, långt, långt borta, och inte här och nu.

Vi hör vågornas smatter och stamp mot sanden, ännu långt ifrån oss, men annalkande och på väg.

Pirens yttersta spets är försvunnen, gömd under ett nafsande hav som kommer tillbaka, hungrigt igen.

Vi går i motsatt riktning. Husvagnarna blänker i

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vinden.

Vi vänder oss om och kisar mot krabban som blir svartare och svartare, mindre och mindre.

Havet rusar och skyndar, letar och fingrar vilt, vitt och starkt över sanden.

När vi står i säkerhet, där sanden övergår i små, skära snäckor och snäckskär sten, kan vi nätt och jämnt se vågorna nosa vid den mörka krabbans kropp, havet dra sig tillbaka, ta sats, genast stillna och lugnt och mätt vända ut igen.

Vi går tillbaks till Mamma, Pappa och bilen.

Blommorna doftar starkare, som om de slår upp inom oss och är våra. Av kött, peppar, kryddor, läder och eld.

Vi plockar fram pappersdrakarna ur bagageluckan och springer uppför grusbankens brant.

Vinden vrids upp och skallrar i det röda papperet, trycker upp drakarna mot molnen. Snörena spänns och viner och är alldeles för korta.

Astrid står framför mig. Hennes bleka armar stansas försiktigt fram ur den fallande skymningen och hon håller hårt i snöret.

Vi tar några steg bakåt, i tvekan, för Mamma och Pappa ropar att regnet snart börjar falla.

Jag ser på Astrid som sakta ger efter och släpper taget om snöret.

Jag lutar mig bakåt, öppnar fingrarna och springer sedan efter henne, utan att se drakarna som eldröda piskar mot de regntunga skyarna, i vinden.

Kapitel ur I ett annat land, utgiven 1984 på Albert Bonniers Förlag.

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ร kenspรถke 36

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Bild: Sebastian Larsmo 37

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THE IMPACT OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON GLOBAL FOOD SECURITY: a Fi s he r i

es

Pe

Text: Jessica Spijkers

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That the oceans and consequently the marine organisms they contain are under great stress is no longer novel information. The impacts of climate change on the physical and chemical properties of the oceans are well-recorded: rising sea water temperatures, ocean acidification and sea level rise due to excess heat and CO2 are a concerning reality (Gattuso et al. 2015). Add the usual suspects of human mismanagement into the mix (overfishing, illegal fishing, pollution and habitat destruction) and we can start to fathom how different our future oceans might look in case we do not limit greenhouse gas emissions and overthrow unsustainable ocean management.

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FISHERIES: VITAL COMPONENT OF GLOBAL ANIMAL PROTEIN SUPPLY aving the future of our oceans is of vital importance not only because the vast blue moderates the effects of greenhouse gas emissions on the climate, or because it houses a tremendous diversity of organisms. Marine ecosystems also provide essential social and economic services that are expected to feel the hit of climate change. For one, between 11-12 percent of the world’s population depend on fisheries and aquaculture for their livelihoods (ICTSD 2015).

Perhaps more importantly (and often overlooked) is the significant contribution capture fisheries and aquaculture sectors make to global nutritional security by providing the world with an average of 16.7 percent of animal protein intake (ibid. 2015). In certain low income food deficit countries fish contribute on average 25 percent to animal protein intake, and more than 50 percent in some small island developing states such as Bangladesh or Cambodia (ibid. 2015, Merino et al.

2012). Despite the large contribution of fisheries to global animal protein supply, the conversation oftentimes features only the climactic impacts on production from terrestrial biomes (Cheung et al. 2010). A recent example is an article featured in the Guardian discussing how climate change affects land-based agriculture (e.g. by cutting available fruit and vegetables by 4%), and the impacts of those changes on diets available to people (The Guardian 2016). The grim conclusion resulting from the study was that “severe climate change would cause changes in food availability, leading to 529,000 more people dying in 2050 than would have without warming” (ibid. 2016). Opening up this conversation to include capture fisheries and the aquaculture sector is imperative to ensure comprehensive assessments of climate change impacts on global food security (Cheung et al. 2010).

S

EFFECTS OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON FISHERIES Large-scale changes are anticipated in the capture fisheries sector as climate change alters the distribution of fish and total fish catch. Certain fish species are undergoing a shift in distribution as a consequence of ocean warming, including commercially important fish species (ICTSD 2015, Gattuso et al. 2015, Rose 2005). Cheung et al. (2010) reported that regions in the northern hemisphere could largely gain in catch potential, while many tropical and subtropical regions may lose. Changes in distribution are expected to affect especially tropical and polar fish, where the Pacific

could face a decrease by up to 42% from the 2005 level in catch potential (Gattuso et al. 2015, Cheung et al.

2010). The warming of northern waters, on the other hand, could result in an increase of the abundance of species into new territories such as the North Atlantic (Rose 2005). Besides capture fisheries, climate change will also impact aquaculture (varying by location, species, and aquaculture method) due to possible higher mortality rates and lower productivity (Gattuso et al. 2015).

FUTURE FOR FOOD SECURITY The projected changes in species distribution and decrease in total catch are expected to have important implications for global food security. Many tropical communities that are strongly dependent on fisheries resources for both protein intake and revenues, such as Indonesia, could experience a disastrous reduction in fish supply (Cheung et al. 2010). Lam et al. (2012) put their focus on West-Africa and have reported on a potential loss of 7.6% in protein for Sierra Leone due to climate change (with respect to what they consumed in the 2000s), and 7.0% for Ghana, both countries being highly dependent on fish protein relative to other proteins (Lam et al. 2012). Further taking into consideration that most fish stocks are fully exploited, over-exploited or collapsed and that the global marine catch has reached or even exceeded its biological limits, it is hard to imagine how we can either prevent fishdependent communities from experiencing a grave decline in the nutritional quality of their diets, or how we can provide a rapidly growing population with ample fish protein (Pauly et al. 2002). Many turn to aquaculture as a savior because the sector has expanded around 8.3 percent per year, making it the fastest growing food production system (ICTSD 2015). However, aquaculture has its own set of issues to deal with as its growth has relied heavily on the availability of fishmeal and fish oil from wild catches while the efficient use and sharing of those products represents a major hurdle for the sector (Merino et al. 2012).

ZOOMING IN: WOMEN IN THE PACIFIC AS A VULNERABLE SEGMENT OF THE POPULATION In the Pacific region, women are most involved in harvesting from coastal and inshore areas while men mostly work in shore and deep-sea fishing (UN Women Fiji, 2014, see also the Pacific Gender & Climate Change Toolkit). As the Pacific coastal areas are likely to experience more severe impacts from climate change, it is important to zoom in on potential gender-specific con39

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sequences resulting from large-scale change. As coastal areas are anticipated to deteriorate more heavily, it is the women’s ability to provide food security and nutrition for their families that is at greatest risk (ibid., 2014). Moreover, because providing food for their families becomes more difficult, the workload of those women dependent on coastal fisheries could increase greatly, leaving less time available for income generation and education (ibid. 2014).

Of course, the drivers and interactions that ultimately determine food supply and consumption are complex, and consequently so will be the solutions geared towards food security. However, it is important to make a holistic assessment of all food sectors and their projected productivity under climate change to understand how we can ensure global food security with a world population headed to 9.3 billion in 2050. Moreover, understanding gender-differentiated impacts of climate change in the context of marine systems is imperative to protect and aid those most vulnerable to change. This holistic approach is essential to achieve the sustainable development outcomes in a post-Paris agenda architecture.

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Some theses are really good. With this summary of Sandra Doung’s thesis Rising Islands we’re introducing a new section in Geografier!

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Nominate a thesis for next issue? Contact the editors at redaktionen@geografier.se

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By Sandra Doung

Master’s Thesis in Geography Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University www.humangeo.su.se 41

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ISLA G N I N S DS I R Enhancing adaptive capacities in Kiribati through Migration with Dignity Sandra Doung

ABSTRACT The main body of research within climate-change induced migration has focused on displacement migration. The “sinking islands” reference is often used to describe island states being in the forefront of climate change impacts, and their inhabitants at risk of becoming the first climate change refugees in history. The aim of this thesis is to understand what circumstances are needed for Kiribati’s ‘Migration with Dignity’ concept to enhance the adaptive capacity of livelihoods.

By using the Sustainable Livelihood Approach this thesis examines what impacts climate change has on different aspects of livelihoods in Kiribati. This study uses a case study approach. Data has been collected through 14 semi-structured interviews during an eight weeks long minor field study on the capital atoll South Tarawa. While Kiribati faces many development challenges, being a least developed country with a rentbased economy, climate change puts additional strains on the country’s capacities to cope with the increasing monetization and urbanisation, and abilities to satisfy the growing population’s aspirations. The empirical evidence shows a need among the population to find education and skilled wage employment. Harmonisation between migration, development and adaptation policies can increase livelihoods’ economic conditions and abilities to cope with climate change-related stresses, especially for future generations.

THE STORY – IN CUT BY THE EDITORS All world regions are likely to some extent experience 42

the effects of climate change but the tipping point to inhabitability is each nation’s ability to adapt. 49 of the least developed countries in the world are said to be threatened by climate change, especially by rising sealevels. Concerns are well-justified since 44 percent of the world’s population live within 150 kilometres of the coast lines. According to various attempts to estimate the number of people affected, by year 2050 anything between 25 million to 1 billion people might be forced to leave their homes because of environmental reasons (Laczko and Aghazarm, 2009, p.5, 14-15).

Changes in the environment have historically been a reason for people to move but during the recent decades, climate change-induced migration has been described as an unprecedented phenomenon (ibid., p.13).

20 years ago the topic of climate migration gained momentum, and in 1990 the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) called it “The gravest effects of climate change may be those on human migration as millions are displaced by shoreline erosion, coastal flooding and severe drought” (cited in Raleigh and Jordan, 2010, p.105) Displacement caused by sea level rise and coastal erosion affects many low-lying areas. Most well-known cases are Bangladesh, Vietnam, and island nations.

Pacific Island countries (PICs) and other Small Island developing states (SIDS) are particularly exposed and often said to be on the frontline of climate change because of its small sizes, limited natural resources,

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Foto: Sandra Doung

and low development. By year 2100 projections estimate that temperatures will increase by 1.4-3.7°C in the PICs region and that sea level will rise with 1.22 m which will have great impacts on the habitability of PICs especially along the coastal areas where most people today live. Other severe climate change impacts are increased intensity and frequency of storm surges, cyclones, flooding, and reduced reliability of rainfall (Hugo, 2010; Nunn, 2012).

The scope of this master thesis lies in the study of environmental and social effects of climate change in the Pacific island nation Kiribati, which is considered to be highly vulnerable to climate change (ADB, 2009).

The government has often expressed its frustration with the pace of global response to the calamity that climate change poses and the survival challenges that it creates (Tong, 2014). In response to its current and future situation, Kiribati is responding by finding solutions for the loss of land that climate change causes. In early 2014 Kiribati bought 6,000 acres on the largest island Vanu Levu in Fiji to primarily ensure food security (Government of Kiribati, 2014). Kiribati’s president, Anote Tong, has even considered the option of build-

ing a man-made floating island resembling an offshore oil platform priced at 2 billion US$. This idea may sound radical but the president has argued that such option must be considered when a country is at risk of submerging (Marks, 2011).

The Migration with Dignity concept was coined by the president and is a central component of Kiribati’s long-term relocation strategy. The Government seeks to create conditions that permit its people, known as IKiribati, to migrate with dignity. The core principle of the concept is that a win-win situation should be created between Kiribati and the receiving country where IKiribati people should migrate as attractive, skilled and sought-after migrants (Government of Kiribati, n.d.).

Departing from the specific context in Kiribati and using their Migration with Dignity concept as a case study this thesis seeks to uncover some of the linkages between climate change, migration, and adaptation.

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N U A T

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Under hösten kommer Geografier att undersöka naturens politik. Vi kommer att ställa oss frågor om landskap som minne och makt; markanvändning, jordbruk och skyddad natur som ekologi och politik. Vad finns i gränslandet mellan idéer och biologi? Drömmar, projektioner eller kanske till och med nykolonialism?

Geografier är en interdisciplinär plattform för utforskande idéer. Vi publicerar unga akademiker, skribenter och illustratörer. Geografier kommer ut som papperstidning men vi använder oss fritt av olika medier för att undersöka våra aktuella teman. Vill du veta mer?

Kontakta redaktionen på redaktionen@ geografier.se eller läs på vår hemsida www.geografier.se. Välkommen med ditt bidrag till hösten!

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Geografier is a magazine for interdisciplinary reflections on geographic topics, for young academics, theorists and artists. Next issue deals with the notion of nature as a political agent; landscape, land use, agriculture and conservation as ecology, resources, power and maybe even as colonialism? This fall nature is political!

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We publish young academics, writers and artists. Geografier is published as a printed magazine but we work with various forms of media to explore our current theme. Read more on our website www.geografier.se or contact the editors at redaktionen@geografier.se!

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Geografier Jessica Spijkers

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Cheung, W.W.L., Lam, V.W.Y., Sarmiento, J.L., Kearney, K., Watson, R., Zeller, D.,

gender. Asian Fisheries Science 25S, 47-58.

Pauly, D. (2010). Large-scale redistribution of maximum fisheries catch potential in the global ocean under climate change. Glob. Chang. Biol. 16, 24–35. doi:10.1111/

Kleiber, D. (2015). Gleaning. [Blog] GENDER IN AQUACULTURE AND FISH-

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Kripa, V., & Surendranathan, V. G. (2008). Social impact and women empower-

Portner, H.-O., Rogers, a. D., Baxter, J.M., Laffoley, D., Osborn, D., Rankovic, A.,

ment through mussel farming in Kerala, India. Development, 51(2), 199-204.

Rochette, J., Sumaila, U.R., Treyer, S., Turley, C., (2015) Contrasting futures for

ocean and society from different anthropogenic CO2 emissions scenarios. Science

Lim, C.P., Ito, Y., and Matsuda, Y.. (2012). Braving the sea: The Amasan (women

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Asian Fisheries Science 25S, 29-45.

The Guardian, 2016. More than half a million could die as climate change impacts diet – report [WWW Document]. URL http://www.theguardian.com/environ-

Maal, B. (2013). Rich aquaculture –poor fisheries communities – growth, equity and

ment/2016/mar/03/more-than-half-a-million-could-die-as-climate-change-impacts-

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