Bridges: The Journal of Global Urban Lab

BRIDGES

THE JOURNAL OF GLOBAL URBAN LAB VOL. 1 2013 - 2014

Global Urban Lab Research Journal Copyright 2014 Rice University. All rights reserved. No parts of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced to a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, without the prior written permission of Rice University’s School of Social Sciences. Requests for permission should be directed to ipek@rice.edu.

Online presence at http://globalurbanlab.rice.edu Ipek Martinez, Associate Dean of Social Sciences, Director of Gateway Michael Emerson, Ph.D., Professor of Sociology, Global Urban Lab London Faculty Director Eugenia Georges, Ph.D., Professor of Anthropology, Global Urban Lab London Faculty Director Abbey Godley, M. Ed., Gateway Administrator Alexander Wyatt, Social Sciences Coordinator, Editor Courtney Stefancyk, Social Sciences Staff Assistant, Contributing Editor

INTRODUCTION Global Urban Lab, founded in 2010 by Rice University’s School of Social Sciences Gateway program, has grown in depth of student research. The papers in this 2014 volume represent some of the best examples of student research. What is especially noteworthy about this set of papers is the strength of their comparative perspective. All of the papers included here compare two cities—either London and Istanbul, or Istanbul and Houston. Much is learned by this comparative perspective, as these papers demonstrate.

Rice students are bright. Global Urban Lab is a powerful tool to take these bright students, give them vital international experience, and combine that experience with critical thinking and valuable research skills. Truly, this is the wave of the future.

Michael Emerson, Ph.D. Professor of Sociology Co-Director, Kinder Institute for Urban Research Faculty Director, Global Urban Lab London

TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION 1. ARTS & CULTURE Instruments of the Divine: Devotional Music in Houston and Istanbul .......................... 3

by Mary Charlotte Carroll Fashionable Cities: A Study of London and Istanbul Fashion Weeks ........................ 13

by Ariel Guerrero-Stewart Coffee: Commerce, Culture and Consumption in the Globalizing Era ...................... 23

by Veronica Saron Communicating Transforming Urban Identity through Public Art ................................ 31

by Melissa Teng

SECTION II. EDUCATION Medical Education: Baylor College of Medicine and Koรง University School of Medicine ............................................................................................................................................ 43

by Nitin Agrawal

SECTION III. HEALTH The Role of Medical Tourism in Urban Centers: A Case Study of London and Istanbul ................................................................................................................................. 55

by Stephanie Agu Implementation of Electronic Medical Records in Turkey and the United States ....... 65

by Charles Ho

SECTION IV. IMMIGRATION Exploring the Refugee Experience: A Comparison between Houston and Istanbul ......... 77

by Meredith George Asylum Law and Syrian Asylum Seekers in Houston and Istanbul ............................ 87

by Sevita Rama

SECTION V. SPORTS Development of Professional Athletes in Houston and Istanbul .................................. 94

by Calvin Tsay

SECTION VI. TRANSPORTATION Publication Transportation Systems: Comparing London and Istanbul .................... 109

by Ellenna Eccles Infrastructure at the Urban Periphery: Houston’s Third Highway Loop and Istanbul’s Third Bridge ........................................................................................................................ 119

by Kelsey A. Walker

SECTION VII. URBAN DEVELOPMENT The City’s Silent Residents: Cat and Dog Presence and Welfare in London and Istanbul .......................................................................................................................... 131

by Clara Roberts Tarlabasi and Freedman’s Town: Urban Renewal Planning in Istanbul and Houston .................................................................................................................... 139

by Mark Trainer

STUDENT PROFILES ................................................................................................ 149

SECTION I. ARTS & CULTURE Instruments of the Divine: Devotional Music in Houston and Istanbul

by Mary Charlotte Carroll Fashionable Cities: A Study of London and Istanbul Fashion Weeks

by Ariel Guerrero-Stewart

Coffee: Commerce, Culture and Consumption in the Globalizing Era

by Veronica Saron

Communicating Transforming Urban Identity through Public Art

by Melissa Teng

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INSTRUMENTS OF THE DIVINE: DEVOTIONAL MUSIC IN HOUSTON AND ISTANBUL

by Mary Charlotte Carroll EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Music, in a devotional context, is something essential to Istanbul, Turkey, and Houston, Texas. In both of these global cities, music performed in religious settings makes up an integral part of worship, but in very different contexts. The research presented here seeks to investigate the different ways in which devotional music finds a home in Houston and Istanbul by examining the role of Christian gospel music in Houston and the music of the Mevlevi sema ritual of the whirling dervishes in Istanbul. Devotional music in both cities has emerged from minority religious traditions (namely, from those of slavery and the Sufi branch of Islam) as a vehicle to bring listeners closer to God by helping them to leave behind worldly problems and experience the rapture of knowing the Beloved. Although the styles utilized by these two traditions at first seem vastly different—gospel is vibrant and full of energy, while sema music is thoughtful and contemplative—they have a common devotional impulse. Ultimately, these two cities are united by their use of music to seek the divine.

INTRODUCTION The great French military leader Napoleon Bonaparte once said, “If the earth was a single state, Istanbul would be its capital.” Indeed, from the first glimpse of this enormous global city, the sheer number and diversity of people, bridges, vendors, waterways, musicians, and markets overwhelms the senses. Moreover, Istanbul is rapidly modernizing but still maintains its traditional roots. Juxtaposed with brand new office buildings are centuries-old mosques still in use. This speaks to a city proud of its Ottoman heritage as part of an Empire “inspired and sustained by Islam” (BBC 2009). Throughout Istanbul today, the Islamic call to prayer, or ezan, can be heard echoing through the streets as the faithful make their way to one of the city’s many mosques.

Devotional religion in Istanbul begins early in the morning, when the muezzin declares that “Prayer is better than sleep” (Hamilton 2010), but dig a little deeper, and one finds that kneeling upon a prayer rug is not the only way a devoted Muslim might worship God in this city. Alongside the mosque-riddled facade of Istanbul is the ancient tradition of the whirling dervishes, practiced by the Mevlevi Order of Sufis. Nowhere is the devotional element of Islam more evident in Istanbul than in the music and practice of the Mevlevi

sema ritual. In the performance of the whirling dervishes, music serves as a vehicle to bring listeners and participants alike closer to God. On the other side of the Atlantic, in Houston, Texas, devotional music carries the same spirit of closeness with God but is practiced in a different—though no less intense—manner. Nestled in the so-called Bible Belt, Houston abounds with churches of every faith. Still, a common thread links the majority of Houston’s places of worship: devotional music. This special form of music with a message dates back to the oral tradition of the days of slavery and plays a vital role in Houston’s culture. Through gospel music, thousands of congregations in this Texas city are brought to their feet and moved to join in singing hymns of praise to God as they let go of their earthly troubles and seek the divine.

ISSUE STATEMENT To the casual observer, the music of devotion in Istanbul and Houston is indeed very different.

The former is practiced by adherents of Sufism and focused on ancient Persian and Qur’anic verses read by a religious specialist, while the latter is Christian and involves giant choirs raising their voices as one in praise. However,

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the devotional impulse in these two cities is similar.

Both of these musical forms arose out of minority religious traditions, but differences can be found in the amount of freedom with which these traditions were allowed to develop. Mevlevi music was constrained to only a few regions in Turkey by official repression of the Sufi religion, while gospel music, originating in the days of African American slavery, remained a robust musical tradition and was able to spread to other communities. Nevertheless, in both Istanbul and Houston, music functions as an essential channel through which devotional religion finds its expression and achieves direct contact with the divine.

METHODS In order to get a sense of devotional music in Istanbul and Houston in the most experiential and accurate way possible, a variety of methods were used with a focus on qualitative analysis. Before beginning my field research, I conducted a general literature review of the whirling dervishes and Sufism through books and journal articles in order to get a sense of the topic and ensure that a viable comparison could be made between the sema ritual and Houston gospel music. Happily, there is a wide range of literature and web sources available in English for those curious about the Sufis.

Following this, I had the opportunity to travel to Istanbul for 10 days to conduct fieldwork. During this time, I was able to get a feel for the Islamic religious culture of the city but had difficulty conducting formal interviews due to unforeseen health complications. However, I was able to connect with my Istanbul contacts extensively through email, and they answered many of my questions through online interviews, which more than made up for any meetings that did not come together during the trip. One particularly useful component of my research was a visit to the Hodjapasha Dance Theater in the Sultanahmet district of Istanbul. There, I was able to directly observe a Mevlevi whirling dervish ritual. This was an incredibly helpful opportunity to witness the ritual in its entirety, listen to the musical accompaniment, and determine questions for further research.

service. This enabled me to cast as wide of a net as possible to understand Houston’s gospel music scene. In some cases, I used YouTube and online video streaming of church performances that I was unable to attend in person, or ones that were mentioned to me in interviews. Outside of church observations—which were fascinating—I conducted interviews with those familiar with gospel music in the greater Houston area. My most interesting interview was with John Hardin, a freelance Minister of Music and Fine Arts who has previously conducted gospel choirs at churches in Houston and its suburbs, including the choir at Antioch Church in Beaumont, Texas. I used qualitative interview techniques as well as an interview guide to help structure our discussion about the role of music in Houston, which was invaluable.

LIMITS

Although any research project hopes to be comprehensive in its investigation of the topic, it is necessary to limit the focus of this paper in order to maintain accuracy. While there are many facets of devotional music in Istanbul, the research found here will focus on the music of the Sufis, specifically the Mevlevi Order. Likewise, in Houston, one could attend a different church every Sunday for years and still not cover half of the immense variety this city has to offer. The research presented here in no way presumes to apply to all churches in Houston. Rather, it is the result of firsthand studies of a small sampling of churches as well as interviews with those who are familiar with the role devotional music plays in Houston (especially in places of worship to which limited research time did not permit a visit). A 2013 survey by the Kinder Institute for Urban Research at Rice University estimated that among those who have a religious affiliation in Houston, 44.2 percent are Protestant, 34.2 percent Catholic, less than 1 percent are Jewish, 4.8 percent responded “other,” and 11.7 percent reported no religious preference (Kinder Institute 2013). Another survey estimates that about 1 percent of Houstonians are Muslim (Cowen 2013).

However, the research findings here will focus on the gospel music of Christian Churches, specifically during services celebrated at Lakewood Church, In Houston, with the luxury of a freer schedule the Church in the Center, the New Faith Missionary and much more time, I was able to take a more Baptist Church, the New Life Tabernacle Church of in-depth approach. I made it my mission to conduct God in Christ, Windsor Village United Methodist small sessions of participant observation by filling Church, and others described below. These churchevery Sunday morning with a different church es were chosen based on their proximity to Rice

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University (or, for those I was unable to visit in person, based on whether or not church services were available for internet streaming) and because they were recommended to me as research sites during interviews. Demographically, I emphasized African American churches in my research because gospel finds its origins in an African American context, but many churches that I visited did have racially mixed congregations. I observed worship services in March and April of 2014.

HOUSTON: BACKGROUND Houston has a lot of churches. In fact, Houston has thousands of churches. A quick browse through the Yellow Pages lists some 2,500 results for churches or places of worship in this city of 2.1 million people (Yellow Pages 2014). These are not the small, white buildings with double doors and a single steeple that spring to mind when the word “church” is mentioned. In many cases, the churches in Houston are, like many other things in Texas, enormous. Houston’s Lakewood Church (pictured below, Basu 2014) is the largest church in America with a staggering 43,500-person congregation that is ethnically diverse, with a large number of both whites and African Americans in attendance (Cowen 2013). Each Sunday, the façade of this nondenominational megachurch (formerly the arena of the Houston Rockets), stands ready with a praise band to match its audience. The only thing bigger than the churches in Houston is the city’s enormously rich gospel music scene.

Houston’s Lakewood Church Gospel can be defined as a form of devotional Protestant music with dominant vocals and lyrics referencing religious themes. According to Joyce Marie Jackson, a scholar of African American cultural music and performance-centered studies,

gospel music for African Americans in particular as well as in a wider urban context, “forms an important part of the community’s aesthetic expression and is a synthesis of music, dance, poetry, and drama distilled into a unified whole” (Jackson 1995: 185). It is devotion in its most intense form.

There are many forms of gospel—including urban contemporary, southern, jazz, and traditional—but this research focuses on the varieties of traditional gospel music played in religious settings specifically for the purpose of worship. This type of gospel represents a fusion of the past and present that carries many of its traditional roots while also addressing the concerns of a modern congregation (Jackson 1995). Much like the music of the dervishes, gospel involves movement (often repetitive swaying or clapping, a characteristic of many forms of minority musical traditions) and expresses a deep devotion that, through song, allows worshippers to feel closer to God. HOUSTON: THE MANY FACES OF HOUSTON GOSPEL Gospel music in Houston is central; it is something irrevocably woven into the city’s culture. Houston is known as “the hub of gospel. Everybody here sings” (Hardin 2014). Houston as a city has a wealth of gospel musicians, including the Jones Family Singers (pictured below, Dansby 2014), The Walls Group (also made up of siblings), and the late Eugene Williams. Even Beyoncé, one of Houston’s most famous former residents, sang in the gospel choir at St. John’s United Methodist Church in her youth. Like many Houstonians, she once noted in an interview, “I grew up in the church” (MTV 2008).

Gospel is deeply engrained Minister of Music and Fine Arts John Hardin says that he, too, was raised on a diet of gospel music in a family that had been attending church for generations. As a music minister, he directs choirs in the greater Houston area and has recoded his own gospel albums. Currently, he is working with the World Harvest Outreach Seventh Day Adventist Church in Houston. For Hardin, gospel music is a way of communicating “what roads [he has] walked down, and what things [he is] carry-

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ing” (Hardin 2014). Gospel music sings of a love that drives you; it never dies. It is a way of overcoming life’s struggles, big and small, and reaffirming faith in a loving God. In the darkest times of his life, music was there for Hardin, and millions like him. He says singing through his pain, “took me somewhere else” (Hardin 2014), into a trancelike state. The Houston Chronicle’s Andrew Dansby has called gospel as a phenomenon, “music that remains when nothing else does” (Dansby 2014).

Gospel music itself is distinguished by “its declaration of faith. Everything else is kind of null and void...Gospel is different. Gospel tells of a struggle, and sometimes a triumph, and sometimes it’s a struggle and it’s not a triumph yet” (Hardin 2014).

When rehearsing songs with the choir, Hardin says its essential to think about the purpose of the song, which might be reverence, love, adoration, praise, or trial and testimony. Each choir interprets and performs these songs a little differently—part of what makes Houston gospel so fascinating.

ical Center, gospel lyrics are projected onto a screen so that everyone can join in with the seven piece praise band, which features an array of instruments as varied as the congregation: acoustic guitar, bass, electronic drums, accordion, electric guitar, piano, and mandolin. Although the pastor is white, the congregation, numbering around 80 people, is an eclectic mix of whites, African Americans, and people of East Asian and Indian descent. As one, they raise their voices and their arms in response to calls to “Praise with your hands.” Though music, they say thank you to God and celebrate that they have decided to follow Jesus. Miming is another unique way in which some of these choirs show their devotion. The praise dance team at the evangelical Bethel Church of Houston—which officially identifies as independent although many of their doctrines are derived from Presbyterianism—performs interpretive dances to gospel music while sporting faces painted white.

Fountain of Praise, Abundant Life Cathedral, and Windsor Village United Methodist Church are all very animated. Windsor Village UMC, which has a mostly African American membership, sways to a rock beat as they praise God and His love with a congregation of some 13,500 people who have come to hear pastor Kirbyjon Caldwell (Evans-Crawley 2007).

The level of movement and dance depends on the beliefs of each parThe Jones Family Singers perform gospel music. ticular church and the doctrine they follow, though many still shy away from up-tempo Some of the older, more conservative churches dance, which might become something too sensutend to cling to their African roots. According al (Hardin Interview). The New Life Tabernacle to Hardin, these churches favor metered hymns, Church of God in Christ combines strong vocals which involve a sort of back-and-forth between with an enormous, energetic choir that sways to a the choir and the congregation. These have a slow cymbal beat and sometimes even jumps, spins, and tempo and find their origin in the songs of slavery. shouts during particularly powerful worship songs. This can be traced back to the style of repetition The congregation gets on their feet and joins in the and call-and-response characteristic of African vibrant praise music with a true spirit of jubilation. music, which strengthened community bonds and (To hear excerpts from a gospel performance by took slaves into a kind of trance to escape the the New Life Tabernacle, see the bibliography at drudgery of their daily work. The congregation the end of this paper.) At the Church in the Center in churches that use this music tends to be older in (pictured below), a Christian Church that is open to general. The New Faith Missionary Baptist Church all denominations, the congregation may be small, of Houston is another example of a more tradibut the music is big and central to the service. In tional gospel choir. Here, the songs are based on this modern church, which has a diverse body of three part harmonies and classic hymns. The choir attendance due to its location in the Texas Medat this church, which is predominately African

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Music is the central element to worship services in almost all of these churches. In describing the experience of a performance, Hardin says everyone waits for the “call to worship…[then] the lights go down, lights on stage come up, the music starts up, and it gets everyone’s attention. Everybody claps their hands because it’s beginning [emphasis added]…Music never stops” (Hardin 2014).

Gospel music typically centers upon an organ (usually the Hammond B3) or piano. However, not all churches in Houston necessarily use these. For example, the Church of Christ does not believe in using instruments for worship. They seek to follow the model of the early Christians who did not use instruments. Moreover, the Church of Christ argues that “the only musical instrument God ever created is the human voice; man created all the rest” (Roberts). At the North Houston Church of Christ, gospel music is completely a capella, but what it lacks in instruments, it makes up for in energy. The choir claps, sways, and sings with all their heart.

The bass men balance the higher women’s voices, with one or two people providing a beat in the background.

Most gospel choirs in Houston are funded through the general church fund, which is donation-based through tithes and offerings. Still, many choirs have enormous budgets, because they are the source of salaries for the minister of music, directors, musicians, separate bands for youth praise, and so on. Hardin notes that although the recession was difficult for many of the faithful financially, it changed the black church very little because the African American community has known about tight financial living all their lives and gone through many times when things were not easy (Hardin 2014). All churchgoers may not be wealthy, but they give what they have. In most of the services in Houston—from the small gathering of The Church in the Center to the massive Lakewood Church—people in the congregation stand and lift their hands in praise to God as the music becomes more intense. I asked Hardin what he felt motivated this, and he explained that “It’s a chance to release and say ‘Yes, I agree. It’s rough. It’s not easy’…It’s a time of release” (Hardin 2014). You hear and see people crying out in worship and “feel the presence of something bigger than what you are” (Hardin 2014). Demographically, many choirs tend to be mixed. Hardin notes that his choir is from every socioeconomic background. The poorer members—“sometimes they’re just crying

out because they’re going through a rough time.

Middle class—in America—they’re there praying, ‘God, just help me get my son or daughter through college’” (Hardin 2014). They are all trying to worship with a thankful heart through their music, which always points toward what the pastor is saying. People may come for the music, but they stay for the message.

ISTANBUL: BACKGROUND Unlike Houston, which has a comparatively wide variety of popular religions, Istanbul boasts a population that is majority Muslim. Ethnically, about 99 percent of those living in Istanbul are Muslim Turks, with two-thirds of them Sunni Muslims. The rest of the residents are members of the Alevi sect, similar to Shi’ism, with Christians and Jews in a shrinking minority (Library of Congress 2008: 10). This is further illustrated by the total number of mosques—about 3,028—versus the number of churches—about 40 (Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality 2010). The city itself is over six times as large as Houston, with a population of more than 13.5 million people (OSAC 2013).

Although Istanbul is a rapidly growing city, it is steeped in Ottoman heritage. Mosques, palaces, and hamams from days gone by abound—and, in some cases, are still in use. However, few traditions are as mystical (and celebrated) as the Sufi sema ritual performed by the ancient Mevlevi Order of whirling dervishes, a Sufi sect of Islam.

The Mevlevi Order of dervishes, originally founded in Konya, can be traced back over 700 years to the great poet and mystic Jalalu’ddin Rumi, who first performed the whirling dance. The world’s foremost translator of Rumi’s work and author of The Essential Rumi, Coleman Barks, tells of the founding of the dervishes thus: “The story goes that [Rumi] was walking in the gold-smithing section of Konya when he heard a beautiful music in their hammering. He began turning in harmony with it, an ecstatic dance of surrender and yet with great centered discipline. He arrived at a place where ego dissolves and a resonance with universal soul comes in” (Rumi 1995: 277). The term dervish “literally means ‘doorway’” (Rumi 1995: 277), because through the sema ritual, the dervish moves into a different state of conscious presence. To be a Sufi means to have a higher awareness in life than others, to be “at the door to enlightenment” (Friedlander 1992: xix). Barks continues, “Turn-

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ing is an image of how the dervish becomes an empty place where human and divine can meet” (Rumi 1995: 277). Since the death of Rumi in 1273, the whirling dervishes have performed his dance, known in English as the Turn (Friedlander 1992: xix), almost without halt. The ritual was only interrupted in 1924 with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and subsequent secularization policies. However, the sema was reintroduced 25 years later and has since been named one of the “Masterpieces of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity” by UNESCO (UNESCO 2005).

sic in 56/4 or 28/4 time begins (Gamard 2000).

After the third circling, the dervishes bow in unison and remove their cloaks, kiss them, and let them drop to the floor” (Friedlander 1992: 91), leaving their worldly attachments.

ISTANBUL: THE WHIRLING DERVISHES, THE SEMA, AND THE MUSIC OF SUFISM Central to the sema ritual is a special kind of Sufi music, known as ayin, which is based on four cycles of vocal and instrumental compositions. The music is a fusion of Persian and Turkish sounds, using a combination of a singer, reed flute player (neyzen), kettledrummer, and other instruments (UNSECO 2005). During the ceremony, the dervishes enter the semahane, the hall, led by the semazsenbashi, or dance master (Friedlander 1992: 90). The dervishes line up on one side of the hall, while the musicians sit on a raised platform. The sema begins with praise to God and Muhammad in poetic form, known as the Nat-I Sharif, or “Noble Eulogy” (Gamard 2000). This praise, recited by the hafiz, comes in the form of a poetic ode believed to have been composed

by Rumi himself. Since his death, additional praise for Rumi has been incorporated into pauses in the original poem, a characteristic feature of Sufi music (Gamard 2000). The hafiz also recites a selection of verses of his own choosing from the Qur’an during the ritual. Most common are those that begin, ‘“Which ever way you turn, there is the Face of God’ (Qur’an 2:115)” (Gamard 2014).

Following this, the musical Taksim begins, consisting of a solo on the ney, which evokes the pain of longing for God as well as the divine breath.

According to Dr. Ibrahim Gamard, a former whirling dervish trained in the traditional Mevlevi style, the music combined with the constant whirling “helps one to concentrate on the silent repetition of the name of God—Allah—in the heart, called the remembrance of God” (Gamard 2014). The dervishes then slap the floor, calling to mind the thunderous Day of Resurrection, circle the hall counter-clockwise, and bow to each other (contemplating the divine in each of them) as peshrev mu-

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The whirling dervishes spin during a ritual.

The dervishes then embark upon the first of four Salams, or segments. They unfold their arms, with their right palm facing up (letting energy from above enter) and their left down (allowing grace to use the body as a channel and pass back into the earth) and begin to spin (pictured above, Bergner 2013). The four Salams mimic the many purposes of Gospel songs and together seem to form a continuous hymn of praise. The first Salam represents human acceptance of “his condition as a creature created by God” (Sufism and Dervishes 2007). The second Salam “expresses the rapture of the human being witnessing the splendor of creation in the face of God’s greatness and omnipotence” (Sufism and Dervishes 2007). The third Salam involves the dervish dissolving in complete submission to the Beloved, and the fourth Salam allows the dervish to return back to his servanthood on earth (Sufism and Dervishes 2007). As the dervishes enter an ecstatic state of oneness with God, music builds in the background, with a different tempo and quality for each Salam (Friedlander 1992: 93). The music here is devotional in the same sense as gospel, but the tone, composition, and instrumentation are distinct. Finally, “After the vocal part of the Fourth Salam has ended, the musical composition continues with two brief instrumental sections in 4/4 and 6/8 time, followed by a final musical solo improvisation”

(Gamard 2000). When the ceremony concludes and the dervishes once again don their cloaks, it symbolizes that they “have returned to their tombs but in an altered state” (Friedlander 1992: 92).

distinctive, low register and hoarsely sensual sound is “especially associated with spirituality” (Hammarlund 2001: 3). Other salient instruments include the long-necked lute, or tanbur; the pear-shaped lute, or ud; the bowed, three-stringed kemençe; the A distinctive dress is required for participation in kanun, a plucked zither; and the kudüm, a pair of the ceremony, which helps the dervishes to let go small kettledrums (Hammarlund 2001: 4). Quite a of their ego. Tall felt hats represent their tombdeparture from the Hammond organ of Houston! stone, and the black cloak removed before whirlSome of these—as well as the traditional black ing begins symbolizes the darkness of their own cloaks and hats of the dervishes—can be seen in grave (Friedlander 1992: xix). When he is ready the photograph above (Swiss Coopers 2012). Dr. to begin turning, the dervish removes his cloak, and Gamard notes that music is “very central” to the “like a fledgling bird, unfolds and stretches out his sema ceremony (Gamard 2014). It is “considered arms as the long white tenure, the shroud of their to be ‘classical Turkish,’ with similarities to Ottoman future, engraves a circle in the air. With each turn court music” (Gamard 2014), and in general, it is they invoke the Name of Allah, and perhaps for serene and contemplative. Unlike the three part a moment experience their death before dying” harmonies heard in gospel music, Sufi sema music (Friedlander 1992: xix). The dress of the dervishis “basically monophonic” (Hammarlund 2001: 4) es, like the choral uniforms worn by gospel choirs, with one melodic line played in unison. (To examine shows a unity of purpose and understanding. As the translations of authentic Mevlevi musical composidervish spins, “His goal is to loosen himself from the tions, visit http://www.dar-al-masnavi.org/ayinler. earth’s glue which binds him and become one with html.) Music in this Sufi context draws one’s could God, to become a channel for His light” (Friedland- closer to God, mirroring the function of Houston er 1992: 19), just as the Houston singers use music gospel. The difference here is that gospel is almost to channel their praise to God. Gospel choirs may like a shout for God, while sema music supports sway and occasionally jump, but the dervishes spin “the dervishes in the silent remembrance of God in almost constantly. During the sema, dervishes rotate the heart while they whirl” (Gamard 2014). In the on their left feet, using their right foot to propel. The handbook of Sufism by Hafs Omar as-Suhrawardi, dervishes then stare through half-closed lids until he writes, ‘“Music does not give rise, in the heart, to images blur together and they see nothing at all. anything which is not already there. So he, whose For minutes at a time, the dervishes turn without a inner self is attached to anything else than God is break, and as soon as they stop, no one stumbles. It stirred by music to sensual desire, but the one who is is as though they have been standing still all along. inwardly attached to the love of God is moved, by hearing music, to do His will”’ (Schimmel 2001: 12).

Music in this devotional context has been allowed to flourish freely. The music, like the sema, expresses a devotional longing for God. This longing can be seen in gospel, too, in Bible verses such as Psalms 42: ‘“As the heart longs for flowing streams, so longs my soul for thee, O God”’ (Özdalga 2001: preface). Rumi used the reed flute (or, ney), the principle instrument of the ayin, as a metaphor for his longing for God, and it has since become a longstanding symbol of Sufism. The reed of the ney has been cut off from its root and longs always for a reunion, as does the faithful one long for a reunion with God. The flute expresses this yearning through soft calls when it is played during ceremony.

Elisabeth Özdalga writes, “The fact that the ney, a musical instrument, is chosen as an essential symbol for the mystical longing of the Mevlevi dervishes, is telling evidence of the importance of music in Mevlevi ensemble this order” (Özdalga 2001: preface). The ney’s

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CONCLUSIONS Although I sought to be reasonably comprehensive in my comparison, much room for research on the current issues faced by churches in Houston and the Sufi whirling dervishes remains. One thing that became clear during my survey of Houston churches is that there are quite a lot of them, and they’re often large. Houston is a growing city without any strict zoning laws. As such, churches can and do spring up just about anywhere. Although some might argue that Houston’s lack of zoning regulations creates a disorganized, poorly planned city, in fact, it is one of the most crucial elements to Houston culture. The absence of zoning codes creates a dynamic atmosphere in which churches, and by extension, gospel music, are able to bring all sorts of communities together within the city and flourish unimpeded.

In terms of gospel music specifically, there seems to be lack of scholarship on gospel’s role in the white population in Houston or even the United States in general. Gospel at its origin is an African American aesthetic form, the product of an oppressed minority. Most of my research sites were predominately African American (like gospel itself), but gospel is no longer just an African American phenomenon. Gospel has become a movement, spreading its devotional energy to many other communities, including whites. Many spectacular publications exist on the African American connection to gospel, but work remains to be done on its popularity amongst white Americans.

James Goff Jr. argues, “Southern gospel among the white population is a musical subgenre that has been largely overlooked by music historians as well as historians of American popular culture” (Goff 1998: 723). Although African American gospel has a rich and interesting history, it is very well documented; the historiography on the place of gospel in other ethnic groups, however, is sorely lacking. Clearly, there is a research void that begs to be filled.

One issue that Istanbul faces much more than Houston is tourism. Tourism, as a whole, is great for the economy, but it has both positive and negative effects on the culture of a city that hopes to keep old traditions alive. Today, and really since its banning in 1925, the sema ritual has become commercialized. After it was brought back and given UNESCO status, the sema drew great interest from

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Westerners. The Turkish government responded accordingly and sought (successfully) to make it a tourist attraction. While Houston gospel is funded mainly through the general church fund discussed earlier, whirling dervish performances get funding through the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, nongovernmental organizations, and private donations (Göymen 2014). However, as the Mevlevi Order is still technically illegal in Turkey, this has come at the expense of many of the religious elements of the ritual. Tourists do not have the time and patience for a two or three-hour ceremony, and in many cases, the sema has been truncated to under 45 minutes. Gamard notes that in Turkey, it is still difficult to get authentic dervish training because of the 1925 ban, even though the sema was permitted again starting in 1953 (Gamard 2014). In Turkey today, “Sufi traditions can only have the legal status of non-dervish educational organizations (such as the International Mevlana Foundation)” (Gamard 2014). The original sema “was a private remembrance-of-God ceremony for centuries” (Gamard 2014), while the sema common today functions “not as a private dervish ritual, but as a public ‘folkloric’ performance allowed only on stages (for the express purpose of promoting tourism)” (Gamard 2014). He adds that many of the so-called dervishes that perform for tourists in Istanbul today are in reality “young men chosen to have the arm strength to hold up their arms during the performances” (Gamard 2014).

The religious significance of this ritual threatens to slip away, and “a number of musical styles related to the rituals are in danger of disappearing altogether” (UNESCO 2005). The touristy, shortened sema rituals that pervade Istanbul today, “[reflect] the profanation that occurs when sacred rituals are brought out on the market” (Özdalga 2001: preface). It is a cause for concern that this centuries-old ritual, and the music that accompanies it, may lose their true religious purpose.

That being said, tourism’s positive effects on the sema far outweigh its drawbacks. For decades after Turkish independence, the Sufis and their practices were intensively oppressed and outlawed in Istanbul. However, because of its commercialization for tourists, the sema has been able to live on instead of being lost to the ages. Tourism, in fact, is what keeps this ancient ritual alive. Sema reenactments are done with the utmost respect in a very somber atmosphere, and the dignity of the ritual remains intact. The whirling dervish perfor-

mance may be commodified, but it is now opened to a much wider audience than ever before (for a small fee). For instance, in February 2014, I was able to witness a traditional Mevlevi sema ritual firsthand at Hodjapasha Dance Theater. The ritual of the whirling dervishes has gained a sort of global prestige because of this and been able to survive despite its precarious legal situation. As a whole, tourism has had a positive effect as well as a negative one; the sema ritual is preserved but at the cost of some of its religious significance.

FINAL THOUGHTS Houston without its abundant churches and rich gospel scene would be woefully bereft, and—perhaps because of tourism—the whirling dervishes and their musical sema have become a treasured element of Istanbul culture. Devotional music, both Mevlevi and gospel, is like a golden thread woven into the fabric of both Istanbul and Houston and cannot be replaced. Through music as a part of religious performance, Christianity and Sufism are united by a single impulse, which finds its origins in the songs of historically oppressed minority groups. Though the method may be slightly different, the devotion is the same. I would like to conclude with an excerpt from Rumi’s poetry, which helped to inspire the sema ritual and shows the unity of thought behind gospel and sema:

Dance, when you’re broken open.

Dance, if you’ve torn the bandage off.

Dance in the middle of the fighting.

Dance in your blood.

Dance, when you’re perfectly free

(Rumi 1995: 281).

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Friedlander, Shems. The Whirling Dervishes: Being an Account of the Sufi Order Known as the Mevlevis and Its Founder the Poet and Mystic Mevlana Jalalu’ddin Rumi. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. Print.

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Hamilton, Kathy. “Appreciating the Ezan.” Today’s Zaman. 9 June 2010. Web. 5 Apr. 2014. Available from: http://www.todayszaman.com/news-212524-appreciating-the-ezan.html.

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FASHIONABLE CITIES: A STUDY OF LONDON AND ISTANBUL FASION WEEKS

by Ariel Guerrero-Stewart EXECUTIVE SUMMARY London and Istanbul differ in many aspects; however, in a post-industrial age with cities constantly competing for status, money, and tourists, both are interested in developing their creative industries such as fashion. The cities arrived to the global fashion scene in different ways: London with its iconic and historical trends, Istanbul with its expertise in clothing manufacturing, and now, because of the fast fashion movement, its experience in design as well. London is one of the four established fashion capitals of the world, but in recent years it has faced criticism about whether or not it deserves its ranking.

Istanbul held its first fashion week in 2009 and has been increasing its fashion recognition since. Both cities share a common space in the worldwide fashion community and produce internationally watched fashion weeks. By exploring the history and mechanisms of both events the result offers an inside look into both countries’ thriving fashion industries and how the cities showcase themselves accordingly on a global stage.

INTRODUCTION There are four internationally accepted fashion capitals of the world: Paris, Milan, New York, and London, more colloquially known as ‘The Big Four.’ For two weeks every year these cities, their designers, and their shows are put in the spotlight for the entire fashion world to marvel at. Catwalks, models, and Devil Wears Prada references only scratch the surface of these elaborate and expansive events that attract other cities across the world to compete for fashion destination status.

London, one of the four fashion capitals and home to the established British Fashion Council, has been the hub of Britain’s booming fashion industry for decades. London Fashion Week has progressed over the years from car parks and breezy tents to the historic Somerset House and other posh locations throughout central London.

Though the British Fashion Council has allowed for greater funding and support for young designers and city-wide events, the organization has identified key weaknesses in the industry, including the continued outsourcing of local clothing manufacturing. London specifically has in recent years faced criticism for not being able to retain its most prominent British designers, the most

successful of which have been known to relocate to the other three fashion capitals, and questions have been raised as to whether or not the city still deserves its ranking at the top.

Istanbul, with its young fashion week and relatively new arrival to the global fashion scene, has had more experience on the runways of high-fashion than the one might think. For the last thirty years, Turkey has been a key player in the world clothing industry, with many countries around the world, the United Kingdom included, importing Turkish textiles and garments. This competence in manufacturing, along with the introduction of the fast fashion movement, (an accelerated, high-turn-over market producing the most up-to-date fashion trends), has allowed more Turkish design than ever. A close relationship with and proximity to these manufacturers, the creation of the Turkish Designer’s Association, and the opening of Turkey’s first fashion design school, has provided Turkish designers with a platform of opportunity never experienced before.

Despite the two cities’ disparities in history, culture, and primary language, Istanbul and London share this common industry, the drive to improve their status as creative cities, and the effort to produce and support local designers, all similar-

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ities showcased by fashion week. Every aspect of these events is carefully crafted and sewn together to represent the cities, from their venue, to their designers, to their guest lists. The progression of their fashion weeks, and subsequently their fashion industries, reveal more about the cities, their strengths, their challenges, and their posterity than might be expected.

ISSUE STATEMENT The idea of fashion bringing something other than high-end designer clothes and size-zero models to a city seemed slightly radical at first. After spending three months in London, witnessing the number of news articles gearing up for London Fashion Week in the daily papers, and examining the exotic and daring dress Londoners display in virtually every part of the city, the impact no longer seemed too much of a stretch. Additionally, the number of tourists who are frequenters at high profile stores, including the world-renowned Harrod’s, and other similar department stores along Oxford Street, points to a certain allure London fashion brings. Istanbul, too, exhibited a very strong fashion presence, from large billboard signs to chic shopping malls and, of course, the extensive number of markets and shops selling the finest of textiles.

Enil, Evren, and Dincer, professors of urban planning in Istanbul, specifically studied Istanbul’s “cultural industries”—creative sectors also including arts and culture festivals, the film industry, and the fashion industry—and made a case that each contributes to three aspects of enhancing the city: attracting capital, attracting people, and making for a more attractive destination to outsiders. With a greater emphasis on post-industrial knowledge economies and drawing in “highly mobile qualified labour,” industries such as fashion provide a competitive edge for cities trying to re-differentiate themselves from their neighbors (Enlil, Evren and Dincer). The creative scene and cultural promise add to bringing in non-fashion businesses that might otherwise choose to locate somewhere else. In terms of people, cultural industries attract not only workers, who have more choice in where they live and work, but visitors as well. These new-found creative and fashionable destinations “encourage tourists to prolong their stays and help ensure a return visit,” thus providing the cities with more tourist dollars (168).

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In addition to indirectly providing money and talent to cities in terms of drawing capital, workers, and tourists, a growing fashion industry can provide a sizable contribution to a country and city’s GDP. According to British Fashion Council’s current chairwoman, Natalie Massenet, “Britain’s fashion industry is worth a record £26 billion a year,” and the “fashion sector, which accounts for about 800,000 UK jobs, has seen its value soar by twenty-two percent since 2009” (Dacre and McCarthy).Turkey, too, sees a generous portion of its GDP made up of both textiles and clothing.

Combined, the two sectors “had a(n) 18.3% share in total export volume in 2013…[constituting] more than 52,000 textile and clothing companies in Turkey with more than 918,000 employees” (Economy).In both countries, London and Istanbul are the hubs and exhibition sites of this creation of wealth, attracting more investment and talent than anywhere else in the respective countries.

Fashion week thus serves more of a purpose than to “simply showcase next season’s fashionable clothing,…[and has another] main function to produce, reproduce and legitimate the field of fashion and the players within it” (Entwistle and Rocamora). The week is much more for networking, press coverage, and business within the city than it is for observing new trends, colors, and styles, but how exactly did these big events turn in to such high-profile city spectacles?

Zeynep Erdogan Show, October 2013 Fashion weeks, though fleeting and often restricted to those professionally involved, provide a microcosm of the larger fashion industry and creative endeavors of London and Istanbul. This report explores two cities far separated in terms of distance and culture, but brought closer together by the competitive and innovative industry of fash-

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to see any shows from inside, I was able to watch many of the runways online, as with Istanbul.

In London I made several attempts at contacting and arranging meeting times with representatives from the British Fashion Council and professors of fashion and design within the city, but, unfortunately, was faced with learning first-hand about the exclusivity of the industry RESEARCH and therefore had to rely mostly on published information and reports.

Both qualitative and quantitative I was, however, able to converse methods were used to explore with a representative from L’Appart, the fashion industries and fashion the official PR agency of Mercedes weeks of London and Istanbul.

Benz Istanbul Fashion Week, who These efforts began with a literawas able to answer questions about ture review of online news articles this year’s show and Istanbul as a and journals, as well as annual reports from both Turkey’s Ministry Model at London Fashion Week fashion destination. of Economy and the United Kingdom’s British Fashion Council. Several of the articles and websites FINDINGS regarding Istanbul Fashion Week and economy were in Turkish which often proved to be difficult Progress of Fashion in the City - London to translate.

Known for many historical associations with fashion My further research was observational, from living movements including “the ‘Swinging Sixties,’ the in and observing the attitudes toward London Punk and New Romantic movements of the 1970s fashion and London Fashion Week to interactions and 1980s” and the “Cool Britannia image of with tourists and residents, advertisements news the 1990s…,” the British fashion industry has articles, and marketing throughout the city. Obproduced many of the global iconic looks in the servational research continued throughout a nine modern age of fashion (Value of Fashion).To day trip to Istanbul which provided direct insight showcase these new waves, London was home to into the city’s fashion and strikingly unique advermany singular designer showrooms until the ad tisements, which often featured veiled women in hoc Fashion Industry Action Group was created in keeping with the largely Islamic population. Unfor- 1981. Transformed into the British Fashion Council tunately, our visit to Istanbul ended the day before by 1983, Britain and London sought to coordinate Istanbul Fashion Week began which proved difthe fashion exhibition scene. ficult not only with visiting the site and seeing the show in action, but with scheduling interviews with Just one year later, in 1984, the first London Fashthe busy representatives involved. I was, however, ion Week was launched to provide a platform for able to watch many of the shows on the internet designers to showcase their collections and took later on. shape similar to “its current form with a central catwalk venue…” (Council). Subsequent alterations Though I was unsuccessful with timing in regards to and improvements continued throughout the years experiencing Istanbul’s Fashion Week first-hand, I including lobbying for funding to support designwas able to interact with several of London’s show ers, relocating to the Duke of York’s Headquarters, spaces, including the center of operations, Somto the Natural History Museum, and later Somerset erset House, and Top Shop’s Tate Modern show House, and finally securing multi-million pound during London Fashion Week. These visits consisted funding from The London Development Agency. of observing the public courtyard space of Somer- The non-profit British Fashion Council’s responsibilset House, talking to representatives at information ities and influence have extended since its initial desks, viewing and snapping pictures of my own years. In addition to organizing London Fashion of some of the roaming models (see Figure 2), and Week (and now the British Fashion Awards), its role interacting with the space. Though I was not able has developed past event planning to researching ion. Examination of Istanbul and London Fashion Weeks, namely their intertwined backgrounds, the similar organizations behind them, and the progression and aspirations they strive to attain will provide a different perspective of the cities and the often overlooked industry of fashion.

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the fashion industry of the United Kingdom and providing strategic repositioning recommendations in terms of fashion education, job creation, and local designer outreach in the United Kingdom.

In order to carry out all of these tasks, the BFC is supported by “industry patrons” and “commercial partners” in addition to receiving “grant support from the Mayor of London” and specific funding from UK Trade and Investment to support the growth of British businesses (2013 Report).

The organization and financial backing the British Fashion Council possesses and generates allows the city to produce “promising designers who have garnered investments or big jobs” (Binkley). This is the ultimate goal of the British Fashion Council, to help in the success of British designers.

Istanbul proves to have a very different origin for its fashion expertise and like many of the city’s other strengths and weaknesses, centers around location. Tokatli, Wirley and Kizilgun present a case study of a British retailer, Marks & Spencer, documenting its progression from providing most of the clothing production and design in-country, to production in Turkey, to design in Turkey (Tokatli, Wrigley and Kizilgün). The original production was based on a “ready-to-wear” system, with two collections, Fall and Spring, designed and ordered months ahead of the season (264). This system was maintained with predominantly UK-owned suppliers until the mid-1990s when competition proved too heavy, especially from the “fast fashion” retailers.

Whether the Council is able to retain these successful designers is another question entirely. Past British superstar designers including Alexander McQueen, Stella McCartney, and Zac Posen have all relocated to other fashion capitals: Paris, Milan, and New York, after they received investment and started selling their product (Sykes). This retention of established designers as a goal of the Council remains unclear under the heavy emphasis on discovering and supporting new designers. Programs such as NEWGEN and Fashion Forward have allowed for and continue to produce some of the biggest British fashion designers to come to fruition.

Fast fashion, is a phenomenon that began in the 1990s in Europe, then termed the “throwaway market,” which consisted of high fashion and low-price clothing that has been “winning over consumers” for years (Tokatli, Wrigley and Kizilgün). Fast fashion retailers include stores such as H&M, Zara, Top Shop, and Primark, which not only offer “budget interpretations of catwalk styles...[but] clothes in a variety of styles with very rapid design [cycles]” (265). This radical idea, to manufacture and sell garments in real-time fashion trends instead of the traditional route of attempting to predict what will sell in the next season, has played a crucial role in sustaining Turkey’s clothing manufacturing. Paired with Istanbul’s strategic location and its competitive advantage in transportation costs with other frequently outsourced countries, it makes sense that European companies and designers would outsource their textiles and garments to this city (Figure 3).

Another concern of the British Fashion Council and the entire British fashion industry today is the increasing decline in textile and clothing manufacturing within the United Kingdom. The report “Value of Fashion” carried out by students and professors of Economics at Oxford, has called the decrease in UK manufacturing over the past 15 years, “one of the most notable aspects of the historical data” and claims that national “retailers and wholesalers have increasingly sought to source goods from emerging markets…” (Value of Fashion). Coincidentally, one of these ‘emerging markets’ is Turkey, and coincidentally its fashion headquarters is Istanbul.

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Marks & Spencer, being one of these companies threatened by the emergence of fast fashion, urged its suppliers to relocate production to “lowwage but competent countries” and as the years passed, more and more Turkish factories were opened and expanded (266). By 2005, Marks & Spencer had opened a direct sourcing office in Istanbul and the decisions with regard to the “look of the next season” were slowly beginning to be passed on to the manufacturers and their in-house designers (270). Today, with the greatest time constraints in competing with fast fashion turnover rates, Turkish suppliers are now offered more autonomy in designing garments and presenting collections to buyer teams, which, in the case of Marks & Spencer, would fly in from London.

Fashion Council) with president, Mehtap Elaidi, serving as spokesperson for the needs and representation of Turkish designers.

With greater proficiency and confidence in design, and a greater understanding of the global fashion business, Turkish clothing manufacturers and designers are in a better place than ever before. In 2006, a major collaboration between the Turkish government and the European Union established the first fashion design school in Turkey, the Istanbul Moda Academy (Sims). Co-founder of Istanbul Moda Academy and London College of Fashion lecturer, Lynne Hammond, explains that Istanbul is “really set up to produce a generation of high quality designers… More production from big brands is moving to Turkey” and the “manufacturing strength also means that much design training... can be work-based” (ibid). This places design training ahead of other countries, such as the United Kingdom, that requires much of the manufacturing instruction to be “simulated.”

Location

Aspects of Fashion Week Sponsored by a host of corporate promoters, most notably Canon for London and Mercedes Benz for Istanbul, biannual fashion weeks across the globe share many similar aspects. These aspects include central points of operation in their host city, off-schedule show sites, exclusive access to these sites and shows with greater restrictions on the big-name designers, as well as a specific range of key actors who form a hierarchy of importance in terms of access and input.

London Fashion Week, pre-British Fashion Council, had its humble beginnings in parking lots and breezy pop-up tents before moving to several more permanent locations throughout the city and finally settling at Somerset House along the Thames River (Figure 4). The headquarters is located in Westminster with views, not only of the river, but of London’s most iconic structures, including The London Eye, Houses of Parliament, and Big Ben. This location is also home to the British Fashion Council’s base of operations and serves as a grand, neoclassical setting to showcase not only spectacular views of the city, but the new collections of designers.

While Somerset House is the main, on-schedule site for the majority of the week’s shows, the next largIn order to “gain recognition for Turkish designers est official site is Top Shop’s exhibition at the Tate and brands in national and international tribunes,” Modern Museum. This exhibition site just across Istanbul ushered in the well-known Mercedes the Thames River is home to the British Fashion Benz, sponsor and namesake of New York Fashion Council’s designer programs, Fashion Forward and Week, to host the city’s own biannual showcase in NEWGEN, showcasing only new or developing de2009 (Economy). The first fashion week was held signers. Spread out around the city are increasingin a tent without air conditioning and just one year ly numerous off-site and off-schedule exhibitions later, Istanbul Fashion Week 2010 had progressed designers opt to hold instead of joining Somerset to the Istanbul Museum of Fine Arts with a showHouse. This is a growing occurrence, not only in case of twenty-four designers and over 31,000 London, but in other fashion capitals such as New visitors (Sims). Designers across the city have York, and even Istanbul. subsequently started to become successful enough to “start their own brands, move to bigger studSimilar in waterfront location to London’s Somerset ies, open showrooms and even storefronts” (Ross).

House, Istanbul Fashion Week’s main base of acAdditionally, the first Turkish Designer’s Associativity lies on the banks of the Bosphorus in Antrepo tion (Moda Tasarimcilari Dernegi) was created in 3, part of the Antrepo complex of redeveloped 2011, (thirty years after the creation of British warehouses (Antrepo 3). This complex includes

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Istanbul Modern Art Museum, established in 2004 as the first private museum to organize modern and contemporary art exhibitions in Turkey (About). The site flaunts breath-taking waterfront views of the Bosphorus and of Istanbul’s cityscape (Figure 5). While the venue, like Somerset House, displays some of the best views and angles of the city, it is interesting to note that Istanbul, with its strong and extensive history, chose to host their event in the contemporary and edgy Antrepo 3.

This sends a message to its attendees and spectators that Istanbul and Turkish fashion are not only on-par with other sophisticated cities, but that it is part of the future.

As mentioned previously, the recent trend of designers holding off-site shows holds true in Istanbul as well, however, the practice is proving to have a few more difficulties. According to Rene Ames of Time Out Istanbul magazine, the trend did not contribute to this year’s turnout and notes that “in a city not known for easy movement from A to B, [opting for off-site shows] should have registered as an ill-considered decision.” Having experienced the frustration of traveling and transport around Istanbul, it can be said that the effort expended by visiting off-site shows would have been exhaustive.

Actors Fashion week is the optimal place to see all of the fashion industry’s key players in one arena. Designers, models, journalists and other media coverage, buyers from around the world, fashion stylists, celebrities, and personnel who organize the shows all work together to produce a successful event.

These actors, however, can be split up into behindthe-scenes actors and face-of-the-event actors.

Behind-the-scenes actors begin preparation for fashion week even before the previous season’s event has concluded, with dates and locations reserved in advance. While the British Fashion Council organizes London’s fashion week, Istanbul’s is largely put together by IMG Worldwide, a conglomerate which recently acquired Mercedes Benz Fashion Week. Both the British Fashion Council and IMG are responsible for collecting sponsorships, organizing the schedules and designers, acquiring sound, lighting, security, and construction of the venue, and dealing with the press. The press is another actor in the category and often these journalists and reporters are responsible for a

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month or more fashion week coverage, as the four fashion capitals hold their fashion week one after the next. Finally, those responsible for hair and makeup, lights and set, and less priority buyers who will take a seat further back during the show.

These are the people who play the biggest role in making the event run smoothly.

The face-of-the-event actors include the designers themselves, who often make appearances at the end of their show or at after-show parties, the models who are selected to showcase the collections, high priority buyers, and celebrities who are often sought out by the designers themselves or PR agencies. These actors, though important, are the ones who land coverage in the newspapers and online, but have very little part in making the show function. They, however, have access which is more than most people receive during these events.

Access Both London and Istanbul fashion weeks are exclusive, fashion industry events that allow very little access to visitors. The venues are not completely closed off, making it possible to witness parts of the event from the outside such as wandering models, lines of attendees, and in London’s case, the live screen, however, trying to enter a show without a pass is nearly impossible. Exceptions are made for those who have access to a designer or their PR agencies and each of these is allotted a certain amount of guests, often celebrities who will stir up excitement for the designer’s collection.

Observing from the courtyard of Somerset House there was a large distinction between who is allowed to see the collections first-hand and who isn’t. Just conversing with some of the workers at the help desk, it was made very clear that the event was business and that if you didn’t have a special lanyard with an access pass you weren’t going to get very far. Additionally, walking around the off-site shows, this time on the sidewalks outside or the nearby park vicinity as in the case of Burberry’s show in Kensington Gardens those without a ticket were not warmly greeted.

Vodafone London Fashion Weekend, a several day event occurring the weekend after London Fashion Week, is the only time members of the general public can openly purchase tickets to see a runway show; however, the price for a ticket does not come cheap. The least expensive ticket to see a show is thirty-seven British Pounds Sterling, roughly sixty-two dollars, for either a morning or

an evening session (Vodafone Fashion Weekend).

While this may seem like a bargain to some it should also be noted that the less expensive tickets are known to sell out quickly. The most expensive option available even up to the last day of purchase for all times, the Luxe Package, includes front row seats to two shows, access to a program of industry talks, and a VIP limited edition designer tote bag, for only £130, or $218.

Istanbul Fashion Week, in contrast, does not have a separate fashion weekend for the public. The show is still considered an industry event is geared strongly towards industry personnel. Designers, however, do work with their respective public relations agencies and do invite their own guests.

Future of Fashion Week With the intense competition between cities to produce successful fashion weeks and the similar competition between the best fashion designers to produce the best shows, the future of the fashion week will continue to be significantly different than how it was originally envisioned in the past. Several features are likely to occur including increased commercialization through the attraction of celebrities and the diffusion of off-site, off-schedule designer shows.

While designers and their models are often front and center in media outlets (as they should be, considering the event is specifically for the designer and their collections), many stories regarding fashion week follow the celebrities in the front row or even the ones who have their own guest clothing lines. The idea makes sense, in order to attract the right buyers and the right press for the show inviting celebrities is a sure way to achieve both. When the celebrities begin to outshine the designers, specifically the ones without the influence to invite celebrities of their own, and the collections they produce, however, the practice can be called into question.

For example, in order to garner attention for the River Island showcase during London Fashion Week Spring 2013, acclaimed singer, Rihanna, showcased her own guest line, which “undoubtedly raised the profile of London Fashion Week, but it also sucked up all the available media attention for 24 hours, depriving Fashion Week stalwarts…of oxygen in [that] Sunday’s papers” (Sykes). Additionally, this year’s London Fashion Week coverage included many photos and stories about stars such as

One Direction’s, Harry Stiles, and American actor, Bradley Cooper, in place of more coverage for the collections themselves. Istanbul is not resistant to this trend. Several articles covered the footsteps of Georgia May Jagger, the daughter of Mick Jagger, during Istanbul Fashion Week this season (Thistlethwaite). Again, all press may be good press in terms of the city and the fashion week as a whole, however, this future possibility does not bode well for the under-established designer.

Established designers, especially those in possession of enough sponsorships or funds to afford an off-site rental space, are also increasingly beginning to host their own private shows during Fashion Week. This phenomenon, which has become a bit excessive in New York City where “shows in Lincoln Center…represent less than a third of those taking place throughout” fashion week, may be what both London and Istanbul fashion weeks can expect in the coming years (Wilson). The main advantages of showing a collection at the main venue are press coverage and price, as “the spaces are relatively inexpensive compared with the cost of independently mounting a production with lighting and sound” (ibid). If the designer, however, has the resources there is nothing stopping them from pursuing their exhibition elsewhere.

This process of dispersing designers throughout the cities during fashion week, however, also poses several problems. Not only it leave the event less cohesive and less like a community, it distracts some of the buyers and press coverage that would otherwise be given to the less-established, less-experienced designers who would not be able to afford their own space. While this diffusion of runway is more feasible in London with its transportation feasibility, the process in London, as noted previously, is much more difficult and time-consuming in Istanbul. This would restrict the buyers and press even further.

RECOMMENDATIONS While the two fashion weeks serve their purpose in highlighting the collections of local designers and showcasing the cities as creative and attractive destinations, they also have room for improvement in certain aspects. In order to produce a stronger collection of designers and stay competitive in an increasingly dynamic global marketplace I have both recommendations for each city specifically and for both cities together.

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London

WORKS CITED

London Fashion Week already does a great deal to include the general masses in their events, including streaming the shows, providing access to the courtyard at Somerset House, and establishing London Fashion Weekend, however, the latter proves difficult to visit due to monetary restraints.

Because London is already a fashion capital, the city sees plenty of visitors from around the world during Fashion Week who are disappointed at the lack of access they have. Lowering the prices for admission to Fashion Weekend or holding the event at a larger venue in order to maximize attendance could help to further establish connection with the public and aspiring designers.

Ames, Rene. “The Fashion Week That Was.” Time Out Istanbul. Istanbul, April 2014.

Istanbul Istanbul Fashion Week has made strides for only its eleventh show and has already succeeded in garnering a good deal of outside press and recognition. In order to gain more popularity within the city it would do well to create a public event similar to London’s Fashion Weekend. With the support of the citizens and the credibility of the Turkish Fashion Design Association the possibilities are extensive in terms of gaining more funding for Turkish designers and design students.

CONCLUSION To prevent the fashion weeks from becoming a diluted mess of individualized personal shows (as it was in the past), the British Fashion Council and the Turkish Designer’s Association should both incentivize designers to stay in the main fashion week venues. This, as explained previously, will serve to retain buyers and press for all designers from established to novice and make it easier in terms of transportation to and from shows.

Additionally, in terms of fashion design education, collaborating with each other more in terms of design students and professors will allow each city to gain knowledge and insight into the specialties of the other (manufacturing for Istanbul and historical and international design for London). These two fashionable cities have a lot to learn from each other and would do well to share their expertise and experiences.

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“Antrepo 3.” Istanbul The Guide. Retrieved April 14, 2014, from http://www.theguideistanbul.com/spots/ view/1682/antrepo-3/.

Binkley, Christina. “Fashion Week: London: A City’s Designers Come of Age.” The Wall Street Journal. 20 February 2014.

“A Brief History of the BFC.” British Fashion Council.

Retreived April 12, 2014 from http://www.britishfashioncouncil.com/content/1160/History “Clothing Industry.” Republic of Turkey Ministry of Econ¬omy. Web. 2014.

Dacre, Karen and McCarthy, Emma “London Fashion Week: Britain’s Fashion Industry Boosts Economy by £26 Billion.” London Evening Standard. London, 14 February 2014. On-Line.

Eczacıbaşı, Oya. (n.d.). “About.” Istanbul Modern. Retrieved April 14, 2014, from http://www.istanbulmodern.org/en/museum/about_760.html.

Enlil, Zeynep Merey, Evren, Yigit and Dincer, Iclal.

“Cul¬tural Triangle and Beyond: A Spatial Analysis of Cultur¬al Industries in Istanbul.” Planning, Practice & Research. 26 (2011): 167-183.

Entwistle, Joanne and Agnes Rocamora. “The Field of Fashion Materialized: A Study of London Fashion Week.” Sociology. 40 (2006): 735-749.

Gavan, Ian. Zeynep Erdogan Show. October 2013.

Getty Images. The Denver Post. Istanbul, 2013.

Guerrero-Stewart, Ariel. London Fashion Week 2014 Entrance. London, February 2014 –. Model at London Fashion Week. London, February 2014.

–. Somerset House Courtyard. London, February 2014.

Kap, Alara. “Banu Bölen: Woman of a Fashionable Town.” The Guide Istanbul. Istanbul, 15 August 2013.

Ross, Winston. “A Fashionable Turkey.” Newsweek Global. 14 February 2014.

Sims, Josh. “Turkey as a Fashion Hub.” The Financial Times. 20 March 2010.

Sykes, Tom. “Homegrown Talent.” Newsweek Global. 22 February 2013.

Thistlethwaite, Felicity. “Taking a Break from the Catwalk: George May Jagger.” The Daily Mail. 11 March 2014. Web. 14 February 2014.

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COFFEE COMMERCE, CULTURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE GLOBALIZING ERA

by Veronica R. Saron EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This study answers whether or not independently owned coffee shops can co-exist with corporate chains in the same business environment, particularly in the face of cultural factors. To address this issue, we will examine the independent-versus-chain-store dynamic in two countries: the United States, the global seat of capitalism where over 50% of the adult population awakens to a cup of coffee, and Turkey, where coffee preparation, service, and consumption are steeped in traditions hundreds of years old.

While in the United States coffee consumption serves a functional purpose (i.e. caffeinating before or during work), coffee culture in Turkey fuels the human enjoyment of life. Ultimately, this study finds that the two types of businesses in the coffee world - independent and corporate - not only complement each other, but augment each other as well. Coffee shop businesses in both the United States and Turkey serve as a metaphor for how globalization and modern capitalism can indeed co-exist with tradition and small business entrepreneurship exhibited by locally-owned stores.

THE ISSUE Stroll into a Turkish coffee shop and you will find Turks reclining in chairs, sipping coffee and glancing through newspapers after a long day of work. Young Turks may be chatting quietly about their weekend as a waiter brings them Turkish delight, baklava, or pudding with their drinks. Of course, you are also bound to observe Turks smoking cigarettes or even hookah, without anyone complaining of the smoke and stopping their leisurely activities. Half a world away in an American coffee shop, such an atmosphere is improbable. In the United States, you are more likely to see patrons typing away on laptops.

Sleep-deprived students purchase sugary lattes from the counter, and maybe young professionals sit together to discuss projects for the local community.

In the modern era, when life moves faster than ever before, we live in a world fueled by caffeine. Coffee’s importance in our global modern life cannot be understated; value-wise, coffee is the second most traded commodity after oil (“What Are the Most Commonly Traded Commodities”). As global connectivity grows, the capacity for multinational businesses to infiltrate life abroad has expanded and allowed for

incredible cultural exchange. For the most part, these businesses tend to be American, a culture in which capitalism reigns supreme. In fact, the busy students and professionals who so often frequent the local Starbucks represent the capitalistic company that they pay for coffee, which fuels their ambition and work ethic. With multinational corporations enacting such cultural infiltration abroad, many are concerned worldwide as to how globalization will affect local and regional culture. Can the beautifully peaceful coffee shop of Istanbul survive in a world where capitalism appears to threaten their very existence?

My answer is yes, absolutely. The issue of cultural preservation in the face of capitalism has been tackled in innumerable modern analyses, including by acclaimed political science author Thomas Friedman whose book The Lexus and the Olive Tree explores this challenge of finding a “healthy balance between preserving a sense of identity… and doing what it takes to survive within the globalization system” (Friedman 42).

This paper will argue that in the world of coffee, small locally owned businesses and global behemoths like Starbucks not only serve different markets and different needs, but each type of business has its own supreme advantages over the other, allowing for Friedman’s healthy

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balance in the business ecosystem of globalization.

In exploring the balance between locally-owned and corporate-owned coffee shops, we will establish several dynamics. We will first compare and contrast coffeehouse culture for the two types of businesses independently within two cities: Houston, a contemporary American city of diversity and commerce, and Istanbul, a city spanning Europe and Asia where heritage meets modernity on every street corner. After establishing coffee culture within each society, we will examine how Starbucks used that knowledge of culture as a prominent, modern corporation to successfully expand their business into Turkey without disturbing the already present equilibrium of locally owned Turkish coffee shops. As we will see, such realities of global capitalism and local businesses can co-exist in two of today’s most diverse and globally impactful cities.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY To answer my research question, it was crucial to paint a picture of coffee culture in Houston and Istanbul. I first researched coffee’s background in history and business before exploring what comprised the coffee landscape in the two cities.

To substantiate this initial research, I conducted ethnographic observation and interviews in both cities. Finally, I synthesized my findings in this study.

As the first step of my research process, I considered background information from books and online resources about coffee’s significance throughout history and in various geographic locales. I also used these resources to determine modern realities in coffee culture, including general cultural norms surrounding coffee and the business dynamic between local and corporate coffee shops. At times, this research required quantitative data.

Finding reliable and available quantitative data proved challenging and at times out of the scope of this study’s capabilities. Most relevant, accurate quantitative data is either unavailable (i.e. sales of coffee in the city of Houston from independent coffee shops) or expensive to secure (i.e. large scale, corporate, statistical market research in Turkey and the United States). Despite this difficulty, I was able to secure numbers on coffee industry trends on an as-needed basis.

My initial research provided a solid basis upon which I could draw before making the journey to

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Istanbul, where I engaged in ethnographic research at coffee houses and coffee-serving cafes in the city. This involved observing patrons, employees, marketing material, and customer experience and flow within the establishments. In Istanbul, I was also able to conduct interviews with Turkish experts in the coffee business as well as Turkish consumers. Upon my return to Houston, I performed similar qualitative research (ethnographic research and interviews) in order to establish a baseline for American coffee culture in a major American city.

FINDINGS Coffee’s Context and Brief History In order to determine the future of traditional and local coffee culture in a globalizing era, we must first cultivate understanding of the history of coffee and how its importance has morphed over the course of several centuries. Appropriately enough, coffee finds its origins in the Ottoman Empire, the seeds of modern day Turkey. Coffee was originally consumed in the 1400s by Sufis living in Yemen, and the drink quickly spread throughout the Arabian Peninsula (Ellis 14). After this area was absorbed into the Ottoman Empire in the early 1500s, soldiers transported coffee seeds as they moved into Turkey proper and ultimately into Istanbul.

Coffee consumption spread westward as the Ottoman Sultans capitalized upon coffee’s popularity as a means of trade and diplomacy (Göyman).

Traveling Turkish businessmen and soldiers opened coffee shops across the empire and beyond during the 16th and 17th centuries in order to spread the Sultan’s goodwill to other nations while bringing in revenue for the Turkish coffee monopoly (Pendergrast 7). Even when the Ottomans attempted to take over Vienna, the captured soldiers opened up coffee shops in the city, much to the delight of locals (Göyman). The drink was a popular novelty because of its sobering effects - after all, most of Europe had subsisted on some form of alcohol for most of their lives. Even upon waking, most of Europe would consume a “small beer” or wine diluted with whatever safe water could be found (Standage 135). As a result, most awoke to a slight haze that continued throughout the day.

With a jolt of caffeine more powerful than tea, coffee was unlike any other drink experienced by the early modern Europeans who had indeed

been slightly imbibed their entire lives (Ibid 137).

Coffeeshops evolved into information hubs for the great minds of politics, science, and philosophy (Ibid 151).

ated beverages to fuel patrons, who range from students with textbooks and gadgets to business folk brandishing financial statements and taking phone calls. In particular, small business owners and entrepreneurs (affectionately referred to as Just as coffee provided a medium for developing “coffeehouse commuters” by Mashable Media) culture in early modern Europe, coffee continued find that they can work on their laptops at cofto do so as history moved into the modern era. In fee shops during early stages of business when the late 19th century, coffeehouses came to the dedicated office space is unnecessary, unrealistic, United States via Italian and other European immi- or too costly (Swallow). Having a “desk” in public grants who opened shops in city environments like with coffee in easy access can be refreshing, and New York City’s Lower East Side (Pendergast 240). working in a dynamic location can be helpful for As an emphasis on privacy and home life emerged sparking creativity. However, if one is not planning in pop culture throughout the 20th century, coffee to stay and get work done at a coffee shop, both consumption expanded from the old-style coffee corporate-owned and local coffee shops serve as shop into American homes. Coffee shops sold fresh prime locations to fuel up on quality coffee and/ beans for home grinding, while companies like or quick caffeine prior to heading to the office.

Folgers spurred trends in coffee consumption by When one is not using a coffee shop for its free selling ground coffee directly to consumers. In spite Wi-Fi to get work done, coffee shops serve as of the option to brew one’s own coffee, during the designated meeting places for active networking 70s, hippies and counter-culture youths became or socializing with friends and co-workers over the patrons of new independent coffeehouses. As coffee. Usually centrally located, coffee shops the advent of coffeehouses became trendy among tend to be easy locations to find in a city or town. consumers, modern corporate coffee shops StarCoffee shops’ bustling atmospheres of patrons bucks and Peet’s Coffee began to take root during purchasing coffee and working at tables provides the 80s and 90s. With the advent of coffee shops an energetic environment for conversation, espeestablished, it was time for corporate chain and cially if the coffee shop is in a busy area of town. local coffee shops to play their parts in develop“Meeting up for coffee” for an hour or two is a ing American coffee culture. common American social norm, whether for professional or social purposes.

Defining American Coffee Culture The United States comprises the single largest coffee consuming market in the world (“Coffee Facts & Statistics”). It is then of no surprise that coffee shops in the United States are bustling environments, privately owned public places that blur the line between social gathering place and work locale. For the most part, even though a stress on quality coffee does exist in connoisseur circles, consumers in the United States seek functionality from their coffee-drinking experiences: either coffee provides customers with caffeine during or before work, or the event of drinking coffee presents an excuse for consumers to get together.

Much of the impetus for spending time in a coffee house in the United States incorporates another primary function beyond active, purposeful socializing: getting work done. Whether a chain-owned Starbucks or a locally-owned establishment, many coffee shops serve as excellent locations to work. Coffee shops typically offer plenty of table space, free Wi-Fi, and of course caffein-

Map of three extremely close Starbucks

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Between the meetings that occur in a coffee shop and patrons rushing in and out for their caffeine fixes, the spaces can become rather loud. Baristas call out drink orders; when local musicians are not playing, radio commonly plays over sound systems in shops; friends, coworkers, and networking professionals laugh in excited conversation. It is no wonder that coffee shops are, indeed, popular places to hang out and work in modern American culture.

American Coffee Chains In his 2002 Comedy Central feature, acclaimed comedian Lewis Black sarcastically revealed to his audience that he knew where the end of the universe was: on the corner of South Shepherd Street and West Gray Avenue in Houston, Texas, where one Starbucks sits across the street from another Starbucks. “And that my friends,” he remarks, “is the end of the universe!” Starbucks is perhaps the most eminent and well-marketed coffee behemoth in the world, which is why I am using the company’s decisions as the model for global practices among chain coffee brands. With over 18,000 stores in 64 countries, Starbucks is truly omnipresent in American culture, and for good reason (Starbucks Corporation 2013). Starbucks’ corporate office is strategic with where they place their stores in order to purposefully achieve a sense of ubiquity with the public while also meeting the American expectation of convenience for consumers (Arslantürk).

According to Kılıç Arslantürk, Starbucks’ previous country manager for Turkey, all Starbucks stores fall into one of two categories: primary and secondary. Primary stores are located in en-vogue locations, and as such have high visibility with customers. They include stores at high traffic train stations in major cities or on main streets near tourist attractions. Using a complex algorithm that incorporates human walking patterns, transportation, and market research, Starbucks pinpoints the most popular and frequented locales in municipalities to open primary stores (Arslantürk). However, primary stores are in such popular locations that often the fixed cost of high rent eats into profit margins (Arslantürk).

While primary stores provide a means for Starbucks to achieve seeming ubiquity with consumers thereby serving as marketing, secondary stores

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allow Starbucks to actually make money. Taking advantage of the American attitude of functionality toward caffeine, Starbucks will place secondary stores in less trendy areas with high customer potential, like in suburban towns or along commuter paths on highways. With higher sales volumes and lower fixed rent costs, Starbucks’ secondary stores make the company’s real profits (Arslantürk). Although this revenue model is not the same in other countries due to different culture and human patterns (for example, in Turkey, which we will discuss later), Starbucks adopts the same categorization of stores for each of the 64 countries where Starbucks can be found (Gonzalez).

Starbucks’ power as a global chain allows for a highly sophisticated brand strategy that has made its coffee convenient and accessible. With their strategic store placement, Starbucks conveys the idea that loyal American Starbucks fans will never be without their customized latte. Interestingly, at the same time, Starbucks’ strategy aimed at brand ubiquity also captures consumers without brand loyalties (“brand-agnostic” consumers) who simply need their caffeine fix. A successful example of a capitalist brand, Starbucks has leveraged its resources such that in the eyes of American consumers, Starbucks remains the king of coffee.

Distinguishing Local American Coffee Shops Unlike homogeneous shops like those of Starbucks, local coffee shops make profits by providing higher quality drinks, more engaging service, a commitment to local culture cultivation, and maintaining highly unique ambiances. To the joy of coffee connoisseurs, over the past ten years, locally-owned coffee shops have encountered a renaissance in the rapidly growing Houston area, a fertile ground for coffee’s newest locally-owned shops and roasts.

As part of the process of crafting and brewing quality, artisan drinks, local shops specifically source coffee beans independently of large manufacturers (Daumas). In Houston, quality sourcing is easier to accomplish given the city’s port, which has direct access to coffee growing countries’ exports. As a result, Houston receives great coffee both from the Western hemisphere and throughout the entire the world. Local shops in Houston also craft their own recipes, use cultivated methodologies, and operate specialized equipment (i.e. espresso makers) to create the perfect cup, latte, espresso, etc.

Having established quality drinks and a highly differentiated menu, a local shop can offer higher quality service than corporate stores. Local shops distinguish their service by employing baristas whose job descriptions go beyond simply working the register and whipping up drinks. For example, at Blacksmith, one of Houston’s most lauded local coffee shops, baristas serve their carefully crafted drinks directly to patrons at tables rather than patrons serving themselves, adding another layer of luxury to local coffee shop service. For those working at laptops, this is a comfortable service, as it means one can set up their workspace and receive their drink when ready for consumption (Daumas).

Baristas also tend to be friendlier and more willing to strike up a conversation with patrons, building a community feel in local coffee shops.

Adding to local establishments’ community vibe, locally-owned coffee shops in American culture frequently serve as hubs for local arts. For example, Southside Espresso in Houston rotates out a miniature gallery for local artists looking to promote and/or sell their work. Locally-owned coffee shops also frequently host live music and “open mic” socials for local musicians, a feature which brings in more customers and revenue for the shops on peak nights (Daumas). In this sense, local coffee shops have retained similar information-hub-like functions to coffee shops of the 1600s; however, whereas the coffee shops of the 17th century served as an early modern co-working space for discussing science, politics, and philosophy, locally-owned coffee shops of the modern era provide a hub for discussing and engaging with the local art scenes in any given region. By taking the opportunity to showcase local art, locally-owned coffee shops incorporate creative spirit into their brands.

Such colorful, artistic environments combined with providing large open tables and free Wi-Fi make local coffee shops that much more popular as locations to work or meet either personally or professionally.

The USA: Local Coffee Market vs. Corporate Coffee Market In the United States, corporate and local coffee shops can co-exist in the same business environment because they fundamentally serve different market needs. Overall, Americans seek functionality from their coffee drinking experience, but while corporate shops provide convenience for consum-

ers, local coffee shops provide quality service and unique atmospheres.

With the knowledge that their company served a niche for convenient caffeine in the United States, Starbucks optimized store placement and method of service for customers (Daumas). In fact, using their store placement algorithm we discussed earlier, Starbucks usually slips into optimizing for commuting patterns and more frequented streets in local neighborhoods, where potential customers (mostly 18-35 year olds) tend to hang out at peak hours (Arslantürk). Starbucks then standardized the fast coffee-fetching, self-serve process in order to provide to major customers with caffeinated beverages in an efficient, customizable way. At each of Starbucks’ establishments, a consumer will line up to pay for a drink, provide a name, and then upon the drink’s completion a few minutes later, a barista will call the customer over (Ibid).

Provided in to-go cups brandishing the Starbucks logo, customized drinks can either be enjoyed in the store - maybe while working on a laptop on the store’s free Wi-Fi - or on the go, many times on the way to work. Starbucks mastered providing coffee convenience to American consumers.

American coffee connoisseurs are quick to distinguish caffeine enthusiasts – who will go to Starbucks for coffee out of ease and convenience – from coffee enthusiasts, the loyal consumer base for the quality services of local coffee shops.

Suspicious of large corporate brands, connoisseurs in particular abhor Starbucks as the “mainstream” coffee option and argue that such convenience comes at the cost of quality and service (Daumas).

Connoisseurs provide the most loyal consumer base for local shops, and as such they also provide word-of-mouth marketing for the coffee shops.

In the process, connoisseurs invite many common, non-connoisseur consumers - including counterculture youths, students, young professionals, and others - to also often choose niche, trendy coffee drinks cultivated and crafted in local shops (Daumas). Local shops often provide all the needs of modern American coffee consumers who need places to get work done: readily available quality caffeine, a comfortable ambiance with open desk space, electrical outlets, and free Wi-Fi. Combine the fact that baristas at local shops build relationships with customers by remembering names and drink orders, and even a common consumer is more likely to opt for the slightly more expensive but

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higher quality local cup of coffee rather than a Starbucks latte (Daumas).

These amenities mean that larger chain coffee shops like Starbucks are – at times – more threatened by local stores than posing a threat to them. Starbucks failing to move in on local coffee markets can be exemplified by Starbucks’ attempt to penetrate the Australian cafe market in 2000, when the corporation opened 84 stores. Eight years later, Starbucks closed 61 of them because the small independent stores reigned supreme and more popular (Bakersville).

On the other hand, in both the United States and Istanbul, local coffee shops are at times at a disadvantage against large corporate brands in terms of scalability in particular locations and markets. For example, local coffee shops cannot open and become sustainable in areas and situations where caffeine brand-agnostic consumers are in abundance and connoisseurs are less concentrated. Due to their capital resources and proprietary algorithms, coffee chains - in the case of Starbucks, its secondary stores - can open (and remain open) along interstate and intrastate highways, where stores can pick up customers from traffic patterns (Bhargava). Unlike local stores, Starbucks stores can also afford high rent locations, mostly at primary store shops. Similarly, local coffee shops would never open in large public transportation hubs, like airports, where chain stores like Starbucks reign supreme in assisting with caffeinating weary travelers and business folk in a rush (Daumas).

Globalizing Starbucks Wrestles with Traditional Turkish Coffee Culture In 1516, Sultan Selim I opened one of the very first coffee shops with a local entrepreneur in Istanbul (Göyman). As such, the coffeehouse is arguably steeped much deeper in tradition in Istanbul, Turkey, than in any other place in the world. Turkish coffee houses are traditionally like community buildings, informal social centers that usually attract an older crowd and local dwellers (Bhargava). From the method of coffee service to the typical ambiance of a coffee shop, the focus is rarely on work and mostly on relaxation and quiet, intimate socializing.

Such a cultural difference made it difficult – but not impossible – for coffee giant Starbucks to penetrate the emerging Turkish market in 2003.

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When Starbucks was moving to Turkey, the company had to focus on creating relaxing atmospheres in their shops. This is because the typical ambiance of a Turkish coffeehouse is quieter and less hectic in comparison to an American one. Traditionally, coffee shops are not places to work, meet and network with colleagues, and use free Wi-Fi, a utility which is already free in many public spaces other than coffee shops in Istanbul. Instead, coffee shops are explicitly a locale to be served, relax, and unwind. In creating this vibe, Starbucks needed to consider higher square footage for their shops in order to accommodate larger, more comfortable furniture for patrons to relax upon (Arslantürk).

Along with larger shops and more comfortable furniture, Starbucks had to adjust to new coffee service cultural norms in order to secure its Turkish growth. For example, while waiting in line for one’s grab-n-go drink is considered a “convenience” in America, this process is seen as a burden in Turkey (Arslantürk). Customers had to get used to lining up, placing orders at the counter, providing their names, and receiving their drinks. This is an unfamiliar process in a traditional Turkish coffee house where coffee is brought to customers at a comfortable seat. In Europe and Istanbul, service at coffee shops is a particularity: the opportunity to be served is a courtesy and luxury in a coffeehouse.

In the United States, by comparison, being served one’s drink is only a quality service offered in particular local coffee shops, and lining up to wait for one’s coffee is more of a valid expectation.

Another American coffee service norm that took time for Turks to get used to was the customization of coffee drinks like lattes and cappuccinos. In the words of Elif Welsh, the Programs Coordinator for Koç University overseeing food and beverage services, Turks find food and beverages served “the right way” particularly comforting as symbols of tradition. For example, when served correctly, the famous traditional Turkish coffee is brought to customers in a particular sized, small cup, with a small glass of mint water, and some Turkish delight, a gelatin dessert. Typically, one has this particular coffee drink after a meal, and when it is not served in this manner, the coffee drinking experience can feel awkward and incomplete to seasoned Turkish coffee consumers.

As coffee shops serve as centers of end-of-theday relaxation in Istanbul, it is uncommon to see raucous youths chatting loudly or professionals networking and conducting business meetings over a cup of coffee as would be the case in the United States. Guests are often friends of the owners and family (Welsh). Unlike American coffee shop owners, Turkish coffee shop owners are not looking to make an extreme profit – rather, they run the shop simply to get by, make an easy living, and provide a location for the community to relax (Arslantürk).

Instead of playing games online over the free WiFi as American coffee shop dwellers might, Turks at traditional coffee shops enjoy playing board games and sometimes even watching television (if there is a television at the shop) while sipping their coffee, served to them at their seat, exactly the right way.

Turkey: Local Coffee Market vs. Corporate Coffee Market Like in the American business environment, local coffee shops are not threatened by Starbucks shops in Turkey because the two types of businesses serve separate market needs. However, because coffee culture is distinct in Turkey, the country’s market needs are also different: whereas brand names in the United States convey convenience, brand names in Turkey convey trendiness and quality (Welsh). While local coffee shops fill the need for preserving traditions and classic values, Starbucks provides the Turkish market with brand name, quality American coffee beverages.

Starbucks’ store placement was crucial in establishing its position as a trendy brand. While strategizing expansion into Turkey, it became clear that Starbucks could not simply copy their American strategy for placing primary and secondary stores (Arslantürk).

Arslantürk found that while secondary stores provide profits in the United States, most locations for secondary stores would lose money in Turkey. On side streets and even within highly frequented town environments, traditional coffee shops are dominantly popular among customers. Starbucks knew it could not compete with such shops that have existed for decades. In response to this analysis, Starbucks opened no secondary stores in Turkey and only opened primary stores. Arslantürk reasoned that trendy areas with high traffic would both bring in a high volume of customers as well as also provide the visibility that they were seeking as a brand. Star-

bucks also raised prices at primary stores, which had a two-fold effect: first of all, Starbucks made up for higher rent costs due to trendier (and larger) store locations. Second, with higher prices, Starbucks could now position themselves in the Turkish market as a trendy luxury brand rather than a convenient one, as would be the strategy in the United States.

In line with crafting themselves to be a luxury brand name, Starbucks initially marketed to trend-setting youths between the ages of 16-28 upon arriving in Turkey (Arslantürk). Worldwide, this demographic is most likely to “look for attachment” in brand names, and these are the individuals whom Starbucks believed would not only catch onto American brands earliest, but would also spread the brand as a trend to other consumers (Ibid). The strategy worked: young Turks took to Starbucks sugary lattes, and older Turks began to catch onto Starbucks and its perceived quality as a self-portrayed luxury corporate brand.

To Starbucks’ benefit, the American coffee ideal of convenient to-go drinks has certainly become more relevant in Turkey’s evolving modern life; however, many Turks still prefer their traditional Turkish coffee drinks. Although Starbucks serves Turkish coffee drinks as a nod to tradition, individuals who want Turkish coffee served “the right way” will still opt to go to a traditional and independent Turkish coffeehouse rather than purchase Turkish coffee from Starbucks or another chain (Tekin). Even young Turks will make this choice.

“If I want a latte, sure, I will go to Starbucks and get it. But if I want real Turkish coffee, I will not get it at a chain coffee store,” says Aycan Tekin, a Koç University student. “My friends and I find good Turkish coffee elsewhere. It just depends on what I want on a particular day.”

Typical Turkish coffee service

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Given that local traditional shops and Starbucks provide different needs among Turkish consumers, it is no wonder that the two types of businesses can find a balance in the emerging market. Today, Starbucks has 179 stores country-wide, mostly concentrated in Istanbul (“Loxcel Starbucks Store Map FAQ”).

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS Despite different overall coffee cultures in the United States and Istanbul, local coffee shops and chain coffee shops cater to distinct market needs within both countries. Both corporate and local businesses are also able to brandish different sets of strengths: while coffee chains like Starbucks leverage corporate advantages like capital and grand strategy, local coffee shops can rely on community engagement and personal service to secure their customers. These dynamics ensure the continued success of both types of businesses in the American and Turkish marketplaces. This is due to a fundamental principle of business: if there is a market for a product, it can be sold (Arslantürk).

In our era of globalization, the diversity of market needs has grown worldwide.

The issue of globalization is an astronomically large phenomenon. However, this writing narrows down arguments around globalization to the manageable examination of how coffeehouse and coffee cafe culture has evolved in a world more connected than ever. A popular pastime since the Ottoman Empire, coffee culture continues to serve as a vehicle for globalization as well as a preservation of tradition in the modern age. Just as the Sultans of Turkey in the 1500s used coffee as a means of trade and diplomacy, Starbucks has performed the equivalent in today’s globalizing world by spreading and morphing culture, all the while making money. Just as coffeehouses of the 1600s served as hubs for diverse discussion, local shops in today’s day and age provide a place for patrons to either unwind together in Istanbul or recharge together in Houston.

Although globalization is certainly a contentious issue for those concerned about cultural preservation and small-business success, as we can observe, in both cities of Istanbul and Houston, multinational coffee chains like Starbucks can exist alongside locally-owned coffee shops, and will likely continue to do so as a healthy balance evolves between

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the two types of establishments. Perhaps this phenomenon around coffee shop dynamics can prove as a useful metaphor for our modern era: as multinational corporations wiggle into expanding to other cultures and countries, so the realities of regional culture become stronger and serve as the antithesis to such realities of globalization. As Thomas Friedman declares in The Lexus and the Olive Tree, participation in the global economy cannot come at the price of a society’s identity; rather, balance will be the key to success for both the economic health brought about by globalization and the roots of the “olive tree” which feed and color a given society’s culture and heart (42).

In the future, a beautiful “world culture” will exist alongside the most formidable aspects of country, regional, and local culture.

And in such a world, you will be able to enjoy it all with any cup of coffee you would like.

WORKS CITED Arslantürk, Kılıç. “Globalization’s Role in Starbucks’ Expansion into New Cultures.” Personal interview. 7 Mar. 2014.

Bakersville, Peter. “How Do You Compete with Starbucks in the Coffee Industry?” Slate Magazine. N.p., 24 May 2013. Web. Bhargava, Apoorv. “Coffee Culture in Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey.” Personal Interview. 27 Feb. 2014.

Black, Lewis. “The End of the Universe.” Comedy Central.

N.p., 21 Apr. 2002. Web. “Coffee Facts & Statistics.” Specialty Coffee Association of America. N.p., 2012. Web. Daumas, Mason. “A Survey of American Coffee Commerce, Culture, and Consumption in Texas.” Personal interview. 5 Apr. 2014.

Friedman, Thomas L. The Lexus and the Olive Tree. New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1999. Print.

Gonzalez, Angel. “Starbucks Enters Its 64th Country, Oilrich Brunei.” The Seattle Times. N.p., 13 Feb. 2014. Web. Göymen, Dr. Korel. “Global Urban Lab Research Symposium Meeting.” Personal interview. 4 Mar. 2014.

Horovitz, Bruce. “Starbucks Serving Alcohol at More Locations.” USA Today. Gannett, 20 Mar. 2014. Web. “Loxcel Starbucks Store Map FAQ.” Loxcel Starbucks Store Map. Loxcel Geomatics, 7 Apr. 2014. Web.

Pendergrast, Mark. Uncommon Grounds: The History of Coffee and How It Transformed Our World. 2nd ed.

New York, NY: Basic, 1999. Print.

Standage, Tom. A History of the World in 6 Glasses.

New York: Walker, 2005. Print.

Starbucks Corporation. Form 10-Q. (2013) EDGAR. Web. 29 Dec. 2013.

Swallow, Erica. “The Entrepreneur’s Guide to Coffee Shop Etiquette.” Mashable. N.p., 13 July 2011. Web. Tekin, Aycan. “The Turkish Youth Perspective on Coffee Culture.” Personal interview. 5 Mar. 2014.

Welsh, Elif, and Soner Göktun. “Coffee Franchise Differences in Istanbul and on University Grounds.” Personal interview. 5 Mar. 2014.

“What Are the Most Commonly Traded Commodities?”

InvestorGuide Complete RSS. InvsetorGuide, 25 Jan. 2013. Web.

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COMMUNICATING TRANSFORMING URBAN IDENTITY THROUGH PUBLIC ART

by Melissa Teng EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The significance of public art stems from its ability to speak about the actual or projected identity of a public space. In times of rapid urban development and contention, public art can prove to be a transparent platform for dialogue. I seek to understand the impact of a contemporary public arts program in Istanbul. As an initial study of existing public art, I examine the dialogue invoked by installations and event series during the 13th Istanbul Biennial, a major international arts exhibition created in 1987, and to what extent this dialogue speaks to the identity of the often sacred public space it occupies. I examine the implementation of the Fourth Plinth Program in London’s Trafalgar Square—a showcase of imperial pride—as a case study for a successful public art program. My findings suggest that there is great opportunity in Istanbul for art in public spaces to generate positive discussion, but the existing social divisions within the art community – between established exhibition spaces and smaller art collectives – must not be overlooked. Along a similar line, in the establishment of a public arts program, the selection of public art should be fairly represented, generally through the creation of a non-biased artwork selection committee.

INTRODUCTION Over the course of four days in August 2013, a retired engineer named Hüsein Çetinel and his son-in-law painted nearly 200 public steps linking the Istanbul neighborhoods of Cihangir and Fındıklı in rainbow colors. Two days later, Beyoglu municipality workers covered the stairs in gray, triggering an outcry from residents around the city. The following day, municipality workers joined locals in repainting the rainbow steps, but not before a mass peaceful repainting event was planned and shared via social media. Thousands of posts were tagged #DirenMerdiven or #ResistStairs – an allusion to the June hashtag, #DirenGeziPark (Arsu and Mackey). Meanwhile residents of other neighborhoods responded to the event by joining the guerrilla beautification and painting their own public steps with colorful designs.

The people of Istanbul clearly react to public art, which creates an opportunity for influence and opens a new avenue of dialogue between the city and the people. Especially with recent disputes surrounding Istanbul’s rapid redevelopment and changing urban identity as a new global city, clear communication with the public is more important than ever. The role of public art is con-

tentious by nature precisely because it inhabits the public space, asking to be subject to public scrutiny and integrated into urban planning. Thus the controversies and dialogue surrounding public art can only reflect the “voices that represent

Rainbow steps in Findikli

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the diversity of people using the space” (Hall and Robertson). However rather than aspire to myths of harmony, one role of public art is to peacefully address and lend sound to these contradictory voices. By extension of being in the public eye, the other role of public art is to stimulate conversation about these issues and to circulate a shared visual vocabulary that is recognizable throughout the public culture (Irvene). As a global city with much diversity in culture, ethnicity and privilege, as well as many citizens taking an active interest in their city, a strategic public art program in Istanbul could be extremely successful in opening dialogue.

With several key similarities between London and Istanbul—an immense cultural diversity, the shadow of imperial legacy, a history of valuing art, and an urgent need for urban redevelopment—a comparison between the two global cities and how each chooses to represent its rapidly changing urban identity through public art is fitting.

I seek to conduct an initial study of the opportunities afforded by a stronger contemporary public arts initiative in Istanbul. I first summarize relevant literature surrounding public art and its relation to urban development, as well as my findings on Istanbul’s current art community to contextualize the study. Then I analyze London’s Fourth Plinth Program as a successful public art program example, which I use as a platform on which to compare the impact of the 13th Istanbul Biennial, one of Istanbul’s major existing art programs. Lastly, I conclude with several recommendations on how public art can be used to improve communication of transforming urban identity in Istanbul’s specific case.

ISSUE

Katharina Fritsch’s ‘Hahn/Cock’ in Trafalgar Square Widely considered one of the most successful contemporary public art implementations in the world, London’s Fourth Plinth Program is a testament to how radically an urban identity can shift. Annually rotating contemporary art sculptures are installed on the only empty plinth in Trafalgar Square, which was historically a major exhibition space for the British Empire‘s power. Each of the four other major statues installed in the Square, commissioned during the 19th century, blatantly commemorate London’s imperial dominance and naval supremacy. However, the majority of the contemporary sculptures placed on the Fourth Plinth—which are funded by the Office of the Mayor of London—can easily be interpreted as poking fun at London’s imperial history, in an act that could be read as apologetic (Sumartojo). The pieces have also generated conversation about other urban issues such as gender inequality, continued racial tensions, cultural appropriation and rapid urban redevelopment (Ece).

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What is public art?

Public art is generally defined as artwork placed within a public space. However the privatization of many public spaces and the “openness” of some conventional galleries are a reminder that the concept of public space is fluid. Rather, a more encompassing description of public art is any art that “has a desire to engage with its audiences and to create spaces—whether material, virtual or imagined—within which people can identity themselves” (Ece). In this study, we specifically discuss public space in an urban context, and public art placed within this space is a means to enliven the space or to respond to the space’s symbolic and physical problems (Sharp, Pollock and Paddison).

In referring to “public art,” this initial study also assumes the successful installation of specifically contemporary artwork, though it should be noted that the effective placement of public art within a fitting context is not a simple task.1

It is inevitable that installed public art will generate varying reactions, with the place of installation playing just much into the success of the work as the sculpture itself. For example, even the loveliest artworks executed in the studio may generate a reaction that is mainly passive and uncaring because of its poorly chosen location and urban context. Such is the case of “parachute” or “drop sculptures,” which, “[look] as if they had been thrown out of cultural supply helicopters and simply left to lie where they landed” (Grasskamp).

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What are the benefits of a public art program?

ECONOMIC BENEFITS In an analysis of public art’s economic role in Barcelona, one scholar wrote, “The economic role of public art in urban regeneration...is both complex and nebulous. It is complex because it involves the inter-relationship between the aesthetic values, the social identity and the economic behavior of a city’s population…It is nebulous because these three domains of aesthetic, social and economic life tend to use separate, almost unconnected, languages for their discourse” (Bovaird). Thus it is unsurprising that the main contention towards public art is that its economic benefits are a function of various indirect benefits—that is to say, difficult to quantify and contestable. Rather, its main economic benefits and consequences, like most arts, are symbolic rather than material (Hall and Robertson). However to cite several material benefits, the Policy Studies Institute in London listed the following urban issues that a successful public art program can address: attracting investment; boosting cultural tourism; enhancing land values; contributing to local distinctiveness; increasing use of urban spaces; reducing vandalism; and creating employment (Selwood). At the core of it, these benefits largely stem from public arts’ role in directly improving the quality of public space experience and increasing the number of social interactions in its public space (Bovaird).

CULTURAL & DEMOCRATIC BENEFITS The cultural and democratic benefits of public art can be thought of in two levels: the benefits from the process of implementation and the benefits after the piece is installed into the city space.

Inherent in the public nature of the project, both levels boil down to a just sense of shared ownership and inclusion.

On the processes level, the selection, funding and installation of public art is a democratic and culturally sensitive process because the public art is inherently a visual intrusion in urban space that aims to be welcomed on some level. For a successful installation, the relationship between the work and its environment must be scrutinized in terms of form (artistic design principles intertwined with urban architectural design principles) and function (invoking a concept or conversation

about the city—as critique, humor, irony, idolatry, or subversion—while still appealing to the public space’s identity) (Irvene). In order to select the most appropriate work for the space, the artist must collaborate with representatives from different disciplines from the project’s onset, such that the process wholly caters to and reflects the complex identity of the surrounding communities (Ece).

Understandably, local participation should also be included and structured to give recognition to the constituent groups in order to ensure the representation of their interests.

On the finished installation level, the openly accessible nature of public art requires that the finished piece continue to communicate a sense of ownership and representation to the community.

The main role for a public art piece—besides aestheticizing an urban space—is to stimulate conversation through its projected or actual identity, as well as to circulate a shared “visual vernacular” throughout the surrounding community (Irvene).

Especially within a diverse community, this shared public landscape can be a method of social inclusion, serving as a connecting node for local institutions and groups. Other community benefits claimed by advocates include the contribution to a civic identity; a means to address community needs; a provider of educational value; and a promoter of social change (Hall and Robertson).

Public art can also serve as a means of communication between the public and authorities.

Through carefully selected artwork, authorities “can signal their willingness to deal with social and environmental problems” (Sharp, Pollock and Paddison). On the other hand, disagreements in “social patterns of representation, interpretation and communication” through public art can unearth conflicting ideals about “regimes of visibility,” the role of public space and the trajectory of urban identity transformation (Irvene). Ultimately it is important to realize that the installation of public art within the urban landscape is inevitably a political exercise—a product of the artwork’s visibility and ability to influence how locals perceive their urban environment (Selwood). Many of the official discourses on public art pieces are focused disproportionally on particular interpretations of the artwork (“its ability to instill civic pride and to contribute to local distinctiveness”), with the intended transformation of the urban space more often discussed than the actual result (Sharp, Pollock and

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Paddison). In theory, there are many economic, cultural and democratic benefits to public art. But with the inherently contentious nature of public art within the urban arena, there must be room for the actual identity of the finished installation for the public to be at odds with the intended identity, symbolic or cultural, by the authorities.

RESEARCH My research covers three broad subjects: the history and composition of Istanbul’s art markets and community, the success factors of a contemporary public art program, and the impacts of rapid urban regeneration due to global forces on local urban identities.

While there is large body of literature available on Turkey’s growing economic status as a global city, there is significantly less literature circulated outside of the country on Turkey’s emergence in the global contemporary art markets. The body of accessible literature shrinks further still when looking at the contemporary art market only in Istanbul – a product of a new market for producers and consumers as well as a small body of authors with deep global reach. Thus to understand Turkey’s contemporary art market and community, my methods consisted largely of in-person interviews, conversations and observations while in Istanbul. These were supplemented by a literature review of online news articles from local sources, individual or organization blogs and websites, and some academic journals and books sections found in the Istanbul Research Institution.

While in Istanbul, I was fortunate to interview or converse with Dr. Oguzhan Özcan, a Professor in Koç University’s Department of Media and Visual Arts and a leading researcher in interactive media design (a very recent contemporary arts and design field); M. Özalp Birol, the General Manager of a leading cultural center in Istanbul, Pera Museum; and Ray Cullom, the Executive Director of Istanbul’s new multi-venue Zorlu Center for the Performing Arts, opened in 2013. Each of these interactions was recorded for reference and led to new resources that would have been difficult to find without the local knowledge. I was also able to present my research topic to and hear feedback from Dr. Korel Göyman, a Senior Scholar from the Istanbul Policy Center. His perspective as a scholar outside of Istanbul’s art community and

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as the former Undersecretary in the Turkish Ministry of Tourism was useful in revealing how Istanbul’s academic and political intelligentsia understand Istanbul’s public art and the contemporary art community, with public art being an endeavor for the whole community.

Unfortunately my visit to Istanbul did not coincide with the 13th Istanbul Biennial, which was held from 14 September to 20 October, 2013, so I was unable to collect observational or informational data personally, instead relying on information from the event website, detailed program guide, event press and thorough analyses of the event. I was, however, able to observe many examples of Istanbul’s street art – a form of democratic public contemporary art – especially in the main areas Istiklal near Taksim Square, Tünel, and Karaköy. While in London, I made multiple attempts to arrange interviews with Yesim Turanli, the founder of Pi Artworks, an Istanbul-based contemporary art gallery, which expanded to a new London branch in October 2013. As the first Istanbul gallery to send roots into London’s mature and globally connected art scene, Pi Artworks believes the expansion reflects the promise and demand for Istanbul’s contemporary art (Esman). Ultimately we were unable to meet, but Turanli has already conducted numerous interviews for online journals and newspapers that I was able to collect the desired information without problem.

In London, I was enrolled in a course studying the city’s changing global identity, which afforded multiple academic site visits to London’s Trafalgar Square and Fourth Plinth, led by Dr. Anthony Gristwood, Principal Lecturer on global cities and modern London in the CAPA International Education program. Not only were the course discussions and readings useful in revealing the cultural significance of the Square and Fourth Plinth, but the course’s site visits allowed us to observe how the public continues to react to the Square and to a class putting the Square on a pedestal. Altogether, I studied how the Fourth Plinth Program and contemporary art in London reflect the city’s changing urban identity through discussions led by Dr. Gristwood and through observations from Trafalgar Square, the world-class Tate Modern art museum, and living in the city for the semester. These studies were supplemented by a review of the large body of work dedicated to analyzing the Fourth Plinth and Trafalgar Square in relation to London’s imperial heritage and globalized future.

For the remainder of my research on contemporary public art in Istanbul and London, I relied on published material from the press, academia, official programs, and individual and organization interviews and recounts. This included news articles from both local and international newspapers, academic journal articles from art history to cultural geography, and interviews and blog posts reacting to Istanbul’s Biennial or London’s Fourth Plinth Program.

Official programs or website descriptions included reports by the Mayor of London’s Office and the Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts, the group that founded the Istanbul Biennial. The breadth of research spans local, national and international sources. It necessarily incorporates sources from multiple disciplines, from art history and studio art to economics and sociology to urban planning and architecture.

The last task of my research was to create a framework for understanding “public art” as a concept and practice. As mentioned, “public art” can be a nebulous concept, which some might find a reason to undermine its significance. Thus it was important to understand the significance of public art during urban redevelopment.

FINDINGS Culture of Diversity and Divisions Name the European Cultural Capital in 2010, Istanbul is shaped as much by its thrice-imperial heritage as it is by its rich diversity in religion, ethnicity and privilege. One scholar and long-time resident of Istanbul attributed part of the city’s international draw to “a certain disorder and diversity both in the social makeup and behavior,” part of which undoubtedly stems from the dynamic changes to Istanbul’s urban identity in its ascent to “global city” status (Erzen). Between its never truly homogenized population of 14 million and growing competitive influence on the world stage, Istanbul has struggled to balance its desire for rapid urban redevelopment and the preservation of its local urban identity. In an interview for the documentary, “Ecumenopolis,” Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan summarized, “In order to be a ‘global city’…it’s as important to be a cultural, artistic, and commercial center as it is to be [a] financial center” (Azem).

Istanbul’s current position as an artistic center is unclear. On the international markets, the city is represented by the Istanbul Biennial—one of the most successful among all global Biennials in terms of visitor count and artists represented—as well as a small but growing number of largely privately funded museums, galleries and design fairs. Istanbul’s art scene has traditionally been dominated by the fine arts, with a prominent Western influence, but the establishment of the Biennial by the Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts has solidified the city’s foray into the contemporary arts (Erzen). Despite the limited financial and institutional support, so resolute has been the push in Istanbul’s art market that the International Business Development Director at Christie’s, a major interactional art auction house, labeled Turkey a “growth market” in 2011, advising that the term “emerging market” was no longer appropriate (Hewitt).

At the same time, the Program Director of the new Zorlu Center for the Performing Arts expressed some difficulty in attracting locals to their shows, believing that a market demand for theater in Istanbul’s small middle class has yet to be established.

Yet mass displays of interest and participation in public expressions of creativity—including the rainbow stairs in Findikli—reveal that there exists an underestimated local interest in public art.

This chasm between those in higher societal positions (curators, managers and academics in all fields) and those in lower societal positions (students, art collectives, etc.) was apparent throughout my research.

Dr. Özcan from Koç University, working in the new field of interactive digital media, cited more communication with his international colleagues working in the same field than with the still-developing local design industry. As popular as the Istanbul Biennial seems, many of the local art collectives in Istanbul– which largely only publish in Turkey—protested the most recent 13th Biennial, whose theme addressed the social issues of urban redevelopment and art’s role in the public sphere (Fresko). The collectives accused the Biennial’s major financial sponsors of being the perpetrators of urban transformation themselves, revealing a deep-seated social divide rooted in urban redevelopment and globalization.

13th Istanbul Biennial The 13th Istanbul Biennial was held from 14 September to 20 October, 2013, in five separate venues and drew in a record 300,000 visitors (IKSV).

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The lead curator Fulya Erdemci, as with all Biennial curators, was appointed by an international advisory board and was tasked with developing a conceptual framework according to which an international group of artists and projects could be invited to form a comprehensive exhibition.

Erdemci chose the theme, “Mom, am I barbarian?” for the 13th Istanbul Biennial. The concept of “barbarian” refers to the “absolute other,” or the weakest and most excluded in society; the overall theme refers to art’s potential in destabilizing deep-seated discourses in the public domain (in order to create a space for the “absolute other”), as well as the public domain’s potential as a political forum (IKSV). Appropriately, the 13th Biennial repurposed public buildings that had been left temporarily vacant by the processes of urban transformation as exhibition venues.

Gezi Park protests, which “already showed in a spectacular war with graffiti, street art, photography and other visual media” the importance of public space “in terms of social struggles, art and politics” (Kayabali).

Another Biennial visitor who had taken part in the Gezi Park protests pointed out the relative difficulty in relating to the modern artworks exhibited during the 13th Biennial, which were meant to convey messages of public space and its social struggles, compared to the easily interpretable public art pieces created during the Gezi Park protests (Ersoy). Though perhaps more a result of the abstract nature of contemporary artwork, it is nevertheless telling that a conceptual disconnect should exist between the artwork meant to discuss urban transformation in public spaces and the ordinary visitors who may be among the most imSince its inception in 1987, the Istanbul Biennial pacted by these urban transformations. This begs has drawn in world-renowned artists, inviting them the question, who is the Biennial targeting? Given to use the city’s sacred architectural landscape as the varying reactions in official Biennial press retheir canvas through its Public Program. While the leases and international art magazines compared 13th Istanbul Biennial did have a Public Program2 with local reviews in online blogs, it appears the —including the main event series, “Making the City public art program of the Biennial has largely Public,” which comprised of talks, panel discussions penetrated the global public rather than the local and performances on the “very real and violent public. transformations of urban neighborhoods in Istanbul”—it chose to cancel or move many of its public However many performances and artworks creart pieces indoors (IKSV). ated during the Gezi Park protests (“The Standing Man,” a public piano performance, and the Speculators were split between viewing this move painted Findikli rainbow steps) incited mass public as a show of respect to the Gezi Park protests reaction and international press. Erdemci introagainst urban transformation three months prior, duced the 13th Biennial Guide by discussing the or as a symbolic acquiescence by the organization significance of the Gezi Park events; one thing the and sponsors to remove this discourse from the public sphere. In the introductory “Curator’s Text” in the 13th Biennial guide, Erdemci explained, “We were…convinced that ‘not realizing’ [the projects in the public domain] is a more powerful political statement than having them materialize under such conditions” (Erdemci).

In one visitor’s opinion, while the Biennial aimed to examine the ways in which ‘publicness’ was being transformed through urban redevelopment in Istanbul and the world, the Biennial’s contributions were overshadowed for the most part by the 2

German pianist Davide Martello draws mass crowd with a performance in Taksim Square

The 13th Istanbul Biennial Public Program was titled “Public Alchemy” and had three event series: Making the City Public, Public Address, and Public Capital. Speakers from Istanbul and other international locations were invited to speculate on the relationships between urban transformation, the invention and suppression of public space, and capitalism.

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Gezi Park events did prove was the potentially transformative influence of public art over the locals in the public sphere.

While many art pieces in the 13th Istanbul Biennial truly conveyed inspiring, informative and thought-provoking messages about urban transformation, public space as a political arena and art’s role in the public sphere, the lack of public sense of ownership and inclusion prevents the Biennial from communicating its message to its full potential.

Though not without its many social injustices, as in all rapidly transforming global cities, London struggles with balancing major redevelopments of its urban landscape and maintaining cultural heritage, as well as balancing international prosperity and social inequality at home (Zukin). In an official statement, the Mayor of London stated, “Far too many of London’s citizens are socially excluded and poorly represented. Culture and creativity have a unique potential to address some of these difficult social issues” (Sister City Program).

With the full support of the Mayor of London and most citizens, public art has been formally tied to city’s political and social fabric since the Second A global city in every sense, London has one of the World War. The Arts Council of England adopted most mature art markets in the world, with quite an Art in Public Spaces scheme in the mid-1970s, literally thousands of museum exhibitions, gallerwhere an allocation of public building funding ies, collectives, performance houses, and public went to the arts (formally adopted into policy in or street art works—many of which cater to an 1990). In 1982, the Art & Architecture conference audience well-versed in contemporary art. Fuelat the London ICA sparked conversation about the ing this international creative force is an inherent value of art in regeneration and collaborations understanding that “culture is a powerful force, between artists and architects in development bepromoting understanding and a sense of identity” came fashionable. Today, the quality and sustain(Sister City Program). In an effort to celebrate and ability of the urban environment are top governenhance London’s immense cultural resources, the mental priorities, and there is broad recognition of Mayor of London developed a Culture Strategy the role that culture and the arts play in creating surrounding three factors: high quality public realms (Sister City Program).

Best Practices: London’s Fourth Plinth Program

i) Cultural and creative force – understanding that the city’s creative and cultural sectors are significant in generating revenue per annum, creating employment, and bolstering cultural tourism; ii) Diversity – understanding that multiculturalism and a reputation for diversity is a major asset; and iii) Growth – understanding that population growth requires support from enhanced and sustainable cultural infrastructure.

A major component of London’s comprehensive public art program is the Fourth Plinth Program, a sculpture project under the auspices of the Mayor of London. The UK’s most high-profile public art commission, international artists are awarded the commission to create a site-specific, eighteen-month sculpture for display in Trafalgar Square, the heart of London’s sacred and rather dark imperial heritage. The other major statues in Trafalgar Square depict naval generals and royalty who collectively invoke ideals of bravery,

Elmgreen and Dragset’s ‘Powerless Structures Fig. 101’

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military prowess, wealth, slavery and a brutal ability to conquer and suppress. The installation of seemingly whimsical contemporary artworks on the Fourth Plinth (such as Elmgreen and Dragset’s “Powerless Structures Fig. 101”) have prompted national discussions about tolerance, diversity, national identity and public space (Sumartojo).

The Fourth Plinth in Trafalgar Square was originally designed by Sir Charles Barry in the 1840s, with the intention of displaying an equestrian statue. Due to insufficient funding, the plinth was left empty until 1998, when the Royal Society for the Arts, Manufactures and Commerce temporarily commissioned three contemporary works for display on the plinth. With the renewed interest in the plinth’s future, the government established an independent committee that unanimously voted to continue the series of commissioned contemporary artworks from internationally renowned artists. In 1999, the Mayor of London took over responsibility for Trafalgar Square and the Fourth Plinth Commissioning Group was created to guide a public arts program for the Square.

Historically a space for protests, demonstrations and rallies, today Trafalgar Square is a proper public space that encourages an involved and informed public, stimulating public interest and provoking debate. One goal of the Fourth Plinth Program is to provide a sense of public ownership and inclusion. To widen social inclusion during the selection of artwork for the Fourth Plinth, the Mayor formed partnerships with schools and organizations, such as the National Gallery and Arts Council England, to promote awareness of this inclusion. The Mayor also made a large effort to announced public Initiatives—using an interactive website, public exhibition, school visits, grass-roots level community work in London’s boroughs, live debates and a student competition themed around public space and contemporary art (Simons).

The truly public environment surrounding the Fourth Plinth artwork selection saw an enormous media interest, with coverage both criticizing and praising the nominated sculptures. Over ten thousand locals responded to a public consultation on the final sculpture choices. Although the ultimate selection on the commissioned artists was not put to a public vote, comments from the public were a recognizably important element in informing the Commission’s decision.

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Broadly known as one of the most significant public art projects realized in London, the Fourth Plinth reflects the city’s accepting, actively inclusive and democratic public art vision (Ece). While every installation is not universally appealing or understood – in the nature of contemporary art – it is widely understood that the Fourth Plinth Program represents a permanent shift in Trafalgar Square from an institutional, imperial power to a place of populism and democratic representation. In a direct visual dialogue—more clearly read than a written urban policy—the Fourth Plinth artwork conveys a willingness among authorities to listen to social and political issues in the public sphere.

RECOMMENDATIONS During a public panel discussion titled, “Agoraphobia” during the 13th Istanbul Biennial, curator Fulya Erdemci stated that one of the problems of urban transformation was the near-nonexistent room for negotiation. If public art is to be used as a means to communicate during urban transformation (between the public and authority, and between the constituent public groups)—as it has great potential to do—negotiation, democratic representation, social ownership and inclusion are crucial for a successful implementation. Only then will art in a public space be able to strengthen the locals’ ties to the city and its culture.

The very nature of public art, especially in extremely diverse cities with conflicting public agendas like Istanbul and London, reflects the “voices that represent the diversity of people using the space,” and as such, require proper negotiation and representation to function without conflict (Hall and Robertson). By lending voice to contradictory perspectives and allowing the public art to circulate an informed and diverse visual vernacular through the community, the public space will be able to create a “homogeneous” culture without losing its diversity. As a city that has never quite homogenized and with a large population of citizens taking an active interest in their city’s development, Istanbul has immense potential to use public art to establish an honest dialogue during the process of urban transformation.

Using London as an example, a strategic public art program in Istanbul would require the establishment of an independent, autonomous commission who would be responsible for the selection, fund-

ing and implementation of the public art piece.

Their members could be comprised of experts from various relevant disciplines (visual arts, architecture, urban planning, sociology); representatives from public and private institutions working in the visual arts; and members from the government.

For this commission to function democratically and transparently, various discussion platforms—similar to the initiatives the Mayor of London took for the Fourth Plinth—should be created to reach as many people within the “public sphere” as possible.

To account for the city’s immense cultural and socioeconomic diversity, the most important aspect for Istanbul is the inclusion of local participation and representation from all constituent public groups. The inclusion of democratic practices into public art implementation can produce a sense of local pride, which while not entailing a consensus, implies recognition and respect without domination, encouraging the inclusion of a healthy diversity and conflict into the artwork (Sharp, Pollock and Paddison).

This study only broaches the subject of public arts in Istanbul. Further field studies, interviews, surveys and focus groups, as well as a fair statistical analysis, should be conducted to verify claims made about urban identity. Specifically, further studies should be conducted on extent of impact of individual art pieces on urban identity, in both Istanbul and in London’s Fourth Plinth Program.

This initial study has several limitations, included a mostly literature- and conversation-based research. Further interviews with relevant people directly involved in the complex process of urban transformation and public art implementation would be highly useful. Though their similarities in complex diversity and global city status merit a comparison, a direct comparison between London and Istanbul should be cautious, given the cities’ many social and historical differences.

Finally, it should be noted that while a discussion of public art as a general field is fruitful, it is important to understand the many nuances within the artwork itself. Each piece is different and should be analyzed separately.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arsu, Sebnem and Robert Mackey. “The New York Times.” 3 September 2013. With a burst of color, Turkey’s public walkways become a focus of quiet

protest. 17 April 2014 <http://thelede.blogs.nytimes. com/2013/09/03/with-a-burst-of-color-turkeys-public-walkways-become-a-focus-of-quiet-protest/>.

Bovaird, Tony. “Public Art in Urban Regeneration: An Economic Analysis.” Urban Regeneration: A challenge for public art. Ed. Antoni Remesar. Barcelona: Edicions Universitat Barcelona, 1997. 116-127.

Burdett, Richard. “Istanbul: city of intersections.” Urban Age (2009).

Cavaniglia, Consuelo. Non-Permanent & Ephemeral: Public Art Project. Perth Cultural Centre, Government of Western Australia. Perth: Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority, 2010.

Cullom, Ray. An Introduction to the Zorlu Center for the Performing Arts Melissa Teng. Istanbul, 5 March 2014.

Ece, Özlem. Art in Public Space: Proposed Models & Recommendations for Istanbul. Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts. Istanbul: IKSV, 2011.

Ecumenopolis: City Without Limits. Dir. Imre Azem.

Prods. Günay and Anspichler. 2011.

Erdemci, Fulya. Curator’s Text. 13th Istanbul Biennial Guide. Istanbul: IKSV; Yapi Kredi Publications; Vehbi Koc Foundation, 2013.

Ersoy, Özge. “Firing Up, Fading Out: Reflections on the 13th Istanbul Biennial.” Nafas Art Magazine (2013).

Erzen, Jale. “Art in Istanbul: Contemporary Spectacles and History Revisited.” Orienting Istanbul: Cultural Capital of Europe? Ed. D. Gokturk, L. Saysel and I. Tureli.

London: Routledge, 2010. 216-233.

Esman, Abigail. “Yesim Turanli Opens Pi Artworks Branch in London.” Cultural Affairs 11 September 2013.

Fraser, Nancy. “From Redistribution to Recognition?

Dilemmas of Justice in a ‘Post-Socialist’ Age.” New Left Review (1995): 69-93.

Fresko, Lara. “istanbul: Welcoming the Unthinkable.” Art Review (2013).

Grasskamp, Walter. “Public Art.” Art in the City: An Italian-German Tale. Ed. Florian Matzner. Berlin: Hatje Cantz Verlag, 1997. 333.

Hague, Cliff and Paul Jenkins, Place Identity, Planning, and Participation. London; New York: Routledge, 2005.

Hall, Tim and Iain Robertson. “Public Art and Urban Regeneration: Advocacy, Claims and Critical Debates.”

Landscape Research 26.1 (2001): 5-26.

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Hewitt, Paul. “Developments in the Emerging Art Markets: A Global Overview.” ArtInsight. London: Art Radar, 2011.

IKSV. The 13th Istanbul Biennial Ended. Press Release.

Istanbul: Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts, 2013.

—. The 13th Istanbul Biennial Public Programme Begins: Making the City Public. Press Release. Istanbul Technical University. Istanbul: IKSV, 2013.

—. The Conceptual Framework of the Istanbul Biennial Was Annouced: ‘Mom, Am I Barbarian?’. Press Release.

Istanbul: IKSV, 2013.

Irvene, Martin. “The Work on the Street: Street Art and Visual Culture.” The Handbook of Visual Culture. Ed. Barry Sandywell and Ian Heywood. London & New York: Berg, 2012. 235-278.

Jacob, Sam. “Trafalgar Square’s Fourth Plinth.” Icon Eye 55 (2008).

Kayabali, Yaman. “Review: 13th Istanbul Biennial.”

28 October 2013. Exhibition Critique. 12 April 2014 <http://www.exhibitioncritique.com/2013/10/28/review-13th-istanbul-biennial>.

Orer, Bige. “Survey Biennials, pt. I.” OnWeb. Flash Art Italy. 2014.

Pinter, David. “Arts of urban exploration.” Cultural Geographies 12.4 (2005): 383-411.

Selwood, Sara. The Benefits of Public Art. London: Policy Studies Institute, 1995.

Sharp, Joanne, Venda Pollock and Ronan Paddison.

“Just Art for a Just City: Public Art and Social Inclusion in Urban Regeneration.” Urban Studies 42.5/6 (2005): 1001-1023.

Sim, Stuart. Irony and Crisis: A Critical History of Postmodern Culture. Cambridge: Icon Books, 2002.

Simons, Justine. The Mayor’s Fourth Plinth Commission.

White Paper. Greater London Authority. London: Mayor’s Office, 2005.

Sister City Program. Public Realm in London: An Oveview. White Paper. New York: The Sister City Program of the City of New York, 2005.

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Sumartojo, Shanti. “The Fourth Plinth: creating and contesting national identity in Trafalgar Square, 20052010.” Cultural Geographies 20.1 (2013): 67-81.

Zukin, Sharon. “The City as a Landscape of Power: London and New York as global financial capitals.”

Global Finance and Urban Living: A Study of Metropolitan Change. Ed. L. Budd and S. Whimster. London: Routledge, 1992. 195-223.

SECTION II. EDUCATION Medical Education: Baylor College of Medicine and Koรง University School of Medicine

by Nitin Agrawal

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MEDICAL EDUCATION: BAYLOR COLLEGE OF MEDICINE AND KOÇ UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF MEDICINE

by Nitin Agrwal EXECUTIVE SUMMARY While all medical institutions have the main goal of producing competent doctors, the methods that each school takes to achieve this goal can tremendously vary. Medical education can be divided into two focuses: class-based learning and clinical-based learning. In each medical school, the class-based learning precedes the clinical-based learning, but the duration and content for each section can differ depending on the school. Baylor College of Medicine (BCM), a private medical school in Houston, United States, provides a 4-year education focused heavily on clinical rotations. On the other hand, Koç University School of Medicine (KU SOM), a private university situated in Istanbul, Turkey, provides a 6-year education focused equally on the basic sciences and clinical work. There are key differences between the two medical institutions that include, but are not limited to, admission criteria, pre-clinical coursework, clinical rotations and overall philosophy of the medical education provided. As this report will detail, comparing BCM and KU SOM provides the opportunity to explore significant similarities and differences in the aforementioned areas. Further research remains to be done, however, in order to understand the particular effects of these differences in terms of the doctors produced.

INTRODUCTION Medical education is an integral part of a doctor’s life. The education that a physician receives during this time provides him or her with the stepping-stones necessary to become successful as a doctor. A physician relies on his or her medical education throughout his or her career in order to appropriately treat patients. Therefore, the end goal of each medical university is to educate physicians in such a manner that they are able to treat patients in an efficient and effective manner. However, even though the end goal is the same, there are distinctive and important differences in many aspect of medical education amongst the medical universities in the world.

These differences, coupled with some significant similarities, pose the interesting question: Which system is the most effective?

Baylor College of Medicine (BCM), formed in 1900, has had a long history of change. This change includes location, curriculum and philosophy of teaching. Initially started in Dallas, BCM moved to Houston in July 1943 (“Baylor College of Medicine History” 2014). The move to the Texas Medical Center, the largest medical complex in the world, has allowed BCM to increase its affiliations to a wide array of hospitals. Through

the bountiful relationships BCM has with nearby hospitals, medical students have premier access to specialized teaching opportunities. Ever since the move to Houston, BCM has transformed itself into one of the top, private medical universities in the United States.

Front view of Baylor College of Medicine campus On the other hand, Koç University School of Medicine (KU SOM), which accepted its first students in September 2010, is an extraordinarily new institution. Currently, the oldest students at KU SOM are in their fourth year of study, and therefore still have two years left to complete until they become the first graduating class from KU SOM. KU SOM is currently in the process of building a training hospital that is due to open

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in mid 2014. Currently, medical students in Koç University perform their training at Amerikan Hastanesi, a private hospital located in Istanbul.

However, due to the fact that Amerikan Hastanesi is both private and not designed to be a teaching hospital, the availability for skills practice of the medical students is limited (Yalçin 2014). While the curriculum is still in the process of being fully designed, KU SOM ultimately aims to become one of the premier medical universities in Turkey.

emphasis on the basic sciences and memorizing important technical details. Medical universities following this traditional path encourage their students to focus upon memorizing a myriad of facts pertinent to the medical field. This line of thought is evident through the Medical Specialty Selection Examination (TUS). The TUS, taken by Turkish medical students after their 6th and final year of medical school, is often characterized as being very focused upon raw knowledge and facts (Yalçin 2014).

Aerial view of Koç University campus.

ISSUE STATEMENT As Ernest Hemingway stated, “It is good to have an end to journey towards; but it is the journey that matters, in the end.” This quote reflects the essential idea that, for a physician, medical education (the journey) is of supreme importance. That being said, surprisingly, there are still significant variations in medical education for different medical universities.

Since medicine is such a broad topic, teaching medicine to future physicians lends itself to different schools of thoughts on how to best teach it. As a consequence of this flexibility, the variations in medical education range from the initial steps of getting accepted to medical school to the clinical stages. While there are central themes that every medical student is taught, the means to teach these specific ideas can be considerably different. The challenge for most medical universities is not only to most effectively teach these concepts, but also to integrate other important aspects of medicine including, amongst others, ethics, business in medicine and patient/societal interactions.

In general, there are two schools of thoughts for medical education. The first, which is usually adopted by more traditional schools, places a strong

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The second perspective, often more widely used by newer institutes, places substantially more emphasis on the application of concepts and the non-traditional avenues of medicine. The non-traditional avenues of medicine, something that will be often referenced in this paper, refer to subject areas such as bioethics, patient bedside manners and leadership in medicine. In comparison to medical universities worldwide, this newer school of thought is most characteristic of medical universities in America. A testament to this is from the United States Medical Licensing Exam (USMLE), the United States equivalent of the TUS. Unlike the TUS, the USMLE is a three-step exam that is focused on a “physician’s ability to apply knowledge, concepts, and principles, and to demonstrate fundamental patient-centered skills” (“What is USMLE?” 2014). Consequently, the USMLE is more about application of concepts rather than extensive memorization.

Different schools of thoughts give rise to distinctive differences along every junction in the medical education process. However, at the same time, as the end goal of each of the medical schools is the same, no matter the school of thought, there are important similarities in the methods used by the various institutions. The four major similarities and differences between BCM and KU SOM revolve

around the process of getting into the respective medical schools, the pre-clinical coursework, the clinical-based learning and the philosophy of medical education that each institute employs.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY In order to better understand medical education in both universities, a literature review was conducted. While there is plentiful research for the American medical education system, there are very few publications about the Turkish medical education system. Much of the discussion of the current state of medical education in Turkey takes place on personal blogs or forums. In general, however, the literature that was obtained for both systems was often very narrow and technical.

Therefore, the literature was used as a guiding outline that could be further built upon in order to analyze the broad systems for each medical institution. Much of the substantial research came from in-person, open-ended interviews conducted with faculty from KU SOM and medical students from both KU SOM and BCM. Four faculty members from KU SOM were individually interviewed.

Additionally, three medical students from KU SOM were interviewed in a group setting. All interviews were recorded. Two BCM students were interviewed through online correspondence. Site visits were conducted to both KU SOM and BCM. Finally, the websites of the two institutes provided a substantial amount of information on policies and structure.

THE FINDINGS Getting Into Medical School The process and pre-requisites of being accepted to Baylor College of Medicine differ significantly from those of Koç University School of Medicine.

For BCM, an applicant is required to have “completed no less than 90 undergraduate semester hours (or equivalent number of quarter hours) at a fully accredited college or university in the United States by the time of enrollment in medical school” (“Admission Requirements” 2013). For KU SOM, applicants are required to only have completed high school (Yalçin 2014). As a consequence, the medical school students of KU SOM are younger than the BCM students. When asked about the concern for maturity level of the medical students, the faculty and students of KU SOM acknowl-

edged that there may be reasons for concern at first, but they were confident that the rigor of the coursework and clinicals expedite the maturation process and, in the end, there are no difficulties that arise in terms of maturity (Atila 2014).

Applicants for BCM must have completed 1 year of General Chemistry (with a laboratory session), 1 year of Organic Chemistry (with a laboratory session), 1 year of Biology and 1 year of English.

There are no requirements for specific courses that must be taken before entering KU SOM. The pre-requisite courses play a significant role, as will be discussed later, in the initial pre-clinical courses that are offered at each university.

Before applying to Baylor College of Medicine, candidates are also required to take the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT). This multiple-choice exam tests students on the “Physical Sciences, Verbal Reasoning and Biological Sciences” (“About the MCAT Exam” 2014). On the other hand, students applying to KU SOM must take the Higher Education Transition Examination (YGS), a two-step exam (Göymen 2014). This exam tests “Turkish language and expression, basic mathematics, social sciences and sciences” for the first part, and then “mathematics, natural sciences, literature and geography, social sciences and a foreign language” for the second step (“An Overview of Education in Turkey” 2012). The difference of the two tests revolves around the fact that the MCAT is more focused on the sciences and critical thinking while the YGS has a more broad scope.

In this regard, the MCAT seems to be more focused on the subject areas that are relevant to the medical field but the YGS encourages candidates to become proficient outside the technical fields of medicine.

In addition to the previously mentioned requirements, applicants to BCM are required to fill out an application through the American Medical Colleges Application Services (AMCAS). The application contains sections revolving around biographical information, extracurricular activities, test scores, letter of recommendations and a personal statement. After submission of these materials, BCM sends secondary applications to selected students. The secondary applications ask more specific essay questions in an attempt to learn more about the applicant. Upon submission of the secondary applications, BCM selects a smaller pool of applicants to invite for an interview. After

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the interview, which is geared at learning about the applicant’s passions and interpersonal skills, BCM makes a decision on whom to send acceptance letters to. The purpose of this long application process, as the website of BCM states, is to select students with “a strong motivation for a career in medicine, human compassion, an abiding interest in the problems of people, leadership skills, the ability to communicate ideas effectively, and a high level of personal integrity.”

On the other hand, applicants to KU SOM are solely required to take the YGS. An applicant’s score on the YGS and grade point average (GPA) in high school determines whether he or she is accepted into KU SOM. The plurality of factors that determine acceptance into BCM poses the question of “is it necessary for an applicant to excel in all these areas in order to be a good candidate for medical school?” However, on the other hand, the fact that acceptance to KU SOM is solely dependent on GPA and the YSG poses the question of “should more be considered in order to screen for the best candidates for medical school?” Based on my interviews with medical school students and faculty from both BCM and KU SOM, it seems that both systems have their strengths and weaknesses. The numerous factors that are considered for acceptance into BCM allows the school to see not only if an applicant is truly dedicated and interested in medicine but also if the applicant is able to explore alternative avenues. Additionally, it is argued that the plethora of factors allows candidates to discover and pursue activities that they are very passionate about without fear that it would negatively affect their application (Gilani 2014). On the other hand, others argue that the limiting of the screening process to simply a standardized test and GPA allows the university to fairly determine the merit of an applicant (Yalçin 2014). Some of the factors that are considered for acceptance to BCM may be easier for those at a higher socioeconomic level and therefore, it is argued that limiting the selection to be based on GPA and the YSG eliminates an unfair advantage for certain students. Additionally, some argue that limiting the scope that an applicant needs to focus on allows the applicant to be able to concentrate on the most important aspects for “pre-medicine” and not be distracted by other factors (Açis 2014).

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Pre-clinical coursework All medical schools start with courses that teach about important topics in medicine. Certain subjects, such as body systems and pathology, are uniformly taught amongst various medical institutions. However, there are distinct differences in how each topic is taught. The starkest difference for the two schools in question stems from the duration of the pre-clinical coursework. BCM accelerates its pre-clinical coursework to 1.5 years while KU SOM has spans its pre-clinical curriculum for 3 years. A year-by-year comparison of the two schools helps explains why there is such a difference.

In the first year of medical school, students at BCM learn about “foundations basic to science of medicine” relating to the various body systems (i.e cardiovascular, respiratory and neurological) during the first half of the year (“Curriculum-Medical School – Baylor College of Medicine” 2010).

The focus of these classes is to introduce students to these systems in context of medicine. The physiology, biochemistry and anatomy of the systems are all presented. The students are also enrolled in an “Integrated Problem Solving” (IPS) class in which they discuss clinical situations in a group in order to help foster “thinking like a doctor” (Gilani 2014). Additionally, BCM students also take a class learning about the relationship between patients, physicians and society.

The second half of the year focuses around immunology, infectious diseases, the anatomy of the head and neck, the nervous system and behavioral sciences. There is a side emphasis on bioethics, continued IPS classes and a continuation of the patient, physician and society class. On the other hand, first year medical students at KU SOM enroll in classes that revolve around basic science courses such as general chemistry, organic chemistry, general physics, calculus, statistics and cellular biology. Additionally, students are required to take a course in the humanities and social sciences. Interestingly, applicants to BCM are required to take most of the KU SOM first-year classes in their undergraduate careers. However, the courses at KU SOM are much more focused upon the relation to medicine while these same courses that BCM students take can great differ depending on the undergraduate institution the medical students went to. However, an important difference to

note is that, from the start, students from BCM are exposed to non-traditional basic science courses while students from KU SOM are immersed in basic science courses.

During the second year of medical school, students from Baylor College Medicine are enrolled in classes focusing on in-depth studies of the different medical specialties (i.e cardiology, hematology) as well as public health and safety classes. Students at BCM take these courses for half a year and then start clinical rotations after these classes. On the other hand, students at KU SOM take classes on the body systems and behavioral sciences. The body system classes at KU SOM revolve around a holistic view of the systems in that students are taught about the anatomy, biochemistry and physiology of the systems (Yalรงin 2014). An important difference emerges in that the students at BCM, halfway through their second year, are finished with their pre-clinical studies and move onto the clinical-based learning, while students at KU SOM have a third year of pre-clinical studies in order to prepare them for clinical rotations.

During the third year of medical school for KU SOM, students take courses revolving around different diseases associated with the different body systems. Additionally, there is a side emphasis on public health in order to prepare the students for their clinical rotations.

At this point, it is interesting to note that the courses taught in both BCM and KU SOM, eventually, amount to the same thing. For the most part, there are similar courses focusing on physiology, pathology and anatomy. However, the clear differences arise in that students at BCM have already come in taken basic science courses (physics, chemistry, biology) and therefore, are able to learn about a wider variety of topics including bioethics, patient-physician interaction and public safety. On the other hand, KU SOM students are exposed to the same basic science classes in medical school, but in such a way that the class focuses on the medical applications of the basic science classes.

Through this system developed for both institutions, BCM students are less exposed to the medical nature of the technical science classes while KU SOM students are not able to take many classes outside of the technical sciences.

A lecture hall in Baylor College of Medicine.

Clinical Rotations Clinical rotations are one of the most important aspects of medical education. The rotations allow medical students to experience what their careers will eventually surmount to. Many of the medical students interviewed indicated that the clinical rotations were the most influential part in their specialty decisions. The extraordinary importance of the clinical rotations necessitates that medical schools design an appropriate system in which students are able to most effectively learn during these rotations.

The first major difference between BCM and KU SOM centers on the period of the clinical years.

For BCM students, they clinical rotations last 2.5 years while KU SOM students do rotations for 3 years. In both schools, the clinicals are based on the blocks rotations. In this manner, students learn about one subject (i.e Pediatrics) for a period of time and then move to another subject (i.e Surgery). However, while most of the core blocks are the same, there are some important differences.

BCM students must all complete the core clinical blocks of Internal Medicine, Surgery, Psychiatry, Neurology, Pediatrics, Obstetrics & Gynecology and Family & Community Medicine during their two and half years. At the same time, BCM students have the options of taking numerous electives that range from ophthalmology to urology to plastic surgery. During these rotations, BCM students are still enrolled in classes as well (Gilani 2014). For each rotation, there are rotation-specific classes that are mostly case-based discussions.

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Additionally, students are required to take classes that are centered on business in medicine, nutrition, dermatology and evidence based medicine (“Clinical Curriculum” 2013).

As for KU SOM students, the full schedule of rotations is not yet formalized. During the first year of clinicals, students rotate in blocks of General Surgery, Internal Medicine, Pediatrics and Obstetrics & Gynecology. These four core blocks are similar to that of BCM. However, due to the fact that KU SOM opened its doors just four years ago, the curriculum is still being determined for the fifth and sixth year (Atila 2014). Many of the faculty members at KU SOM were not sure of the exact direction that the curriculum would go as it was still under heavy discussion when they were interviewed for this project. However, according to the KU SOM website, the fifth year will have students “work on the diagnosis and treatment of diseases through [the] internship program” while the sixth year will have students “undertake duties and responsibilities [of medical interns], under supervision, in the care of patients and thus complete their training” (“Medical Education” 2012). Based on this, it seems that the last two years are clinically intensive and focused on preparing medical students with hands-on experience. When asked about the possibility of including classes about business, ethics and other non-traditional avenues of medicine into these years, many of the professors acknowledged those were important topics but they stated they were not priorities for the school at this moment. The faculty indicated that the priorities would be the clinical rotations and case-based discussion classes that revolved around those specific rotations. While the case-based discussion classes are similar to that of BCM, it will be interesting to see if KU SOM introduces any of the classes in the “non-traditional avenues of medicine.” In the end, however, it will be intriguing to see the final curriculum that KU SOM lays out for the fifth and six year as there is genuine discussion to fundamentally change the curriculum from that of current medical universities in Turkey that focus solely on clinical rotations during the fifth and sixth year.

Philosophy of Medical Education While medical education is focused on preparing physicians to help treat patients, BCM and KU SOM seem to have different focuses and ap-

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proaches in doing this. BCM, on its main webpage, explicitly states that the school focuses on helping students “keep pace with the rapid changes in medicine, allowing them to be leaders in their fields, contribute knowledge for new treatment strategies, develop new approaches to the delivery of personalized health services [and] provide the very latest in disease prevention and health maintenance.”

Speaking with medical students from BCM, the common theme seems to revolve around the fact that BCM aims to expose students to the hospital as early as possible. This is manifested through the curriculum, which shortens the pre-clinical coursework to one and half years, a half-year shorter than most medical schools in America.

Additionally, the mandatory classes on topics such as bioethics, business and patient cultural diversity expose the students to more holistic views of medicine that are not taught in the basic science classes. BCM seems to fall more in line with the second school of thought referenced in the Introduction.

Overall, the curriculum of BCM aims to mesh basic sciences, clinical rotations and the non-traditional avenues of medicine in such a way that students are able to focus on each of these equally.

As for KU SOM, as the main webpage illustrates that the school “intends to become an educational and medical institution with universal standards, which prioritizes researching, generating knowledge, and serving to the public health with its distinguished teaching staff and aims to train the prospective leaders in medicine.”

Speaking with faculty and medical students from KU SOM, the common message seems to be a strong emphasis on the basic sciences and clinical exposure with an emerging role of non-traditional avenues of medicine. A testament to this statement stems from the fact that first-year medical students are strongly encouraged to perform basic science research in laboratories in Istanbul (Açis 2014). This encouragement is fostered by frequent “research weeks” in which medical students spend a week presenting and discussing their individual research with their peers. Additionally, the strong emphasis on basic science stems from the fact that the first three years of KU SOM heavily focus upon technical science classes.

However, it is important to note that KU SOM is increasingly aiming to have its students also explore medical avenues past the basic sciences. KU

SOM desired to become a non-traditional university in Turkey (Taskiran 2014). Currently, most of the medical universities in Turkey focus solely on the technical sciences in order to prepare their medical students (Atila 2014). Interviews with faculty members of KU SOM clearly indicated that KU SOM is making significant steps in its new curriculum to help expose medical students to non-traditional avenues of medicine. However, because of limitations, such as the need to prepare medical students for the TUS, a highly technical medical licensing exam in Turkey, KU SOM must still place more emphasis on the basic sciences than BCM does. Overall, because of these factors, KU SOM seems to be on track to follow a philosophy that is in the middle of the two schools of thoughts presented in the Introduction. While the majority of the emphasis is on the basic and technical sciences, an emerging role for non-traditional aspects of medicine is slowly arising.

CONCLUSION Although, Baylor College of Medicine and Koç University School of Medicine are at different stages in their development as institutions, they are united in one way: each school is tasked with educating their students to become the leading physicians of the future. Each institution is considered to be a premier university in its respective geographical location. With this prestige comes the great importance of a superb quality education. However, interestingly enough, even with the same final goal, each medical school employs distinctively different tactics in order to best prepare its students. Without research on the effectiveness of the specific methods, it is impossible to make substantial recommendations for each medical university. However, each system does lend itself to certain strengths and weaknesses that can be addressed.

Overall, the major difference boils down to what is emphasized during the medical educational process. Referring to the two schools of thoughts, Baylor College of Medicine seems to aim for the newer and “non-traditional” approach. BCM, through its course offerings including, but not limited to bioethics, business in medicine and patient diversity offers students many avenues to explore past the basic sciences aspect of medicine. On the other hand, Koç University School of Medicine seems to aim for a midway point between the two schools

of thought. While KU SOM strongly emphasizes the technical sciences through intensive coursework, KU SOM is also making a push towards including the “non-traditional avenues of medicine” by incorporating non-science classes in the first year and public health classes in the second year.

Additionally, because the curriculum of KU SOM is still being developed, the active discussion to include more aspects of non-traditional medicine during the clinical rotation years indicates a move towards the second school of thought.

As explained above, it is impossible to determine which approach yields better results. However, recommendations for both schools stem from my literature review of the future role of the physician.

The medical students of today will fulfill the future role of the physician, which is dramatically taking shape into a more and more complex job. A physician will be expected to not only effective diagnosis and treat patients but also “help patients to modify their behavior, make choices among multiple care alternatives and cope with deteriorations in their health status” (DiMatteo 1998). Through this comes the notion that “physician understanding of their patients’ health beliefs, values and preferences is a fundamental feature of patient-centered care” (Street Jr. et al. 2011) Therefore, in order to fully understand patients as Street Jr. explains, medical students must be explicitly exposed to a discussion about a patient’s social and cultural context. As patient interactions are so complex and varied depending on the patient background, it is essential to dedicate some portion of medical education to this subject. Therefore, the major recommendation for both schools is to focus more upon helping future doctors better connect with patients. The best method to do this seems to be through the incorporation of patient-care classes. During the pre-clinical coursework, the classes should focus upon the cultural diversity of patients and what complications a doctor can expect because of the various beliefs that he or she will encounter. Additionally, there should be a focus on basic bedside manners in order to ensure that the medical students will be able to courteously and appropriately treat a patient. During the clinical years, the patient interaction classes should focus upon how to best holistically treat patients. As DiMatteo states, a physician is increasingly expected to help improve the lifestyle of a patient.

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Therefore, ideally, these classes should focus on how to go beyond simply diagnosing a patient.

Medical students should learn about how to best explain to a patient what he or she needs to do in order to follow a healthier lifestyle. Ultimately, since the patient is the main focus of medical care, it is essential medical students are able to effectively use their technical skills to connect with patients on a personal level.

While the task may be a very difficult one, it would be extremely interesting to follow up on the different outcomes with the two different approaches of teaching that Baylor College of Medicine and Koç University School of Medicine use. Some of the avenues that might be explored are physician satisfaction rate, patient satisfaction rate, burnout rate and specialty breakdown. Using data gathered on these important topics will help determine which method seems to better prepare physicians for their evolving roles. Additionally, it would be intriguing to do an in-depth analysis of the specific content taught in the classes for the different medical institutions. In addition, while the general course content may be the same, the style of teaching (lecture vs. discussion) and specific concepts discussed could very well be different. These are some of the many topics that may be researched in order to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of each system of teaching. Through this continued research, the goal of finding the most effective method of teaching the physicians of tomorrow will become one step closer.

LIMITATIONS It is important to note that while Baylor College of Medicine and Koç University School of Medicine are leaders in medical education, their curriculum and method of teaching is not representative of most medical institutions in the United States and Turkey, respectively. BCM is a private university and, because of the flexible curriculum that medical institutions (both public and private) in the United States are required to follow, it has developed a unique path for its students. KU SOM is also a private university and, as stated before, it is aiming to fundamentally change its curriculum from that of other medical institutions in Turkey. Therefore, the classes and system proposed by KU SOM is not necessary the same all throughout medical schools in Turkey.

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WORKS CITED “About the MCAT Exam - Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) - Applicants - Students.” 2014. Web. Medical College Admission Test. April 5. https://www.aamc. org/students/applying/mcat/about.

Açis, Onur. Personal Interview. March 7th, 2014.

“Admissions Requirements - Office of Admissions - Baylor College of Medicine, Houston, Texas.” 2014. Web. Baylor College of Medicine. April 4. https://www.bcm. edu/admissions/admissionsrequirements.

“American Hospital.” Digital Image. mimhotel.com. Mim Hotel Istanbul. Web. April 7th, 2014.

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“Baylor College of Medicine Program (Houston).” Digital Image. Website. Pathology Resident Wiki. Pathinfo. wikia.com. April 7th, 2014 “Baylor College of Medicine History.” 2014. Web. Baylor College of Medicine. April 5. https://www.bcm. edu/about-us/overview/history.

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“Clinical Curriculum - Office of Student Affairs - Baylor College of Medicine, Houston, Texas.” 2014. Web. Baylor College of Medicine. April 1. https://www.bcm. edu/osa/handbook/?PMID=7463.

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SECTION III. HEALTH The Role of Medical Tourism in Urban Centers: A Case Study of London and Istanbul

by Stephanie Agu

Implementation of Electronic Medical Records in Turkey and the United States

by Charles Ho

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THE ROLE OF MEDICAL TOURISM IN URBAN CENTERS: A CASE STUDY OF LONDON AND ISTANBUL

by Stephanie Agu EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Medical tourism is the movement of people from one country to another for medical care. While the movement of people for health reasons is not a new phenomenon, medical tourism is its current state is remarkable. No longer the independent whim of the wealthy, it is now a feasible option for many people in the developed world who find their home’s provision of health care to be inadequate. For many developing countries, it is also touted as a road to economic independence.

Most medical tourism research takes place from a perspective in which the state is the level of analysis.

However, medical tourism does not simply involve healthcare. It is a joint venture between the medical industry and the tourist industry in which both sides utilize their best resources to attract visitors. For both, their most significant resources are located in urban centers so it follows that the cities with the most to offer in both realms are the most impacted by this phenomenon. Global cities are magnets for human, economic, cultural, and intellectual capital. They define the region in which they exist. For this reason, London and Istanbul make for excellent case studies in this urban analysis as they are true outliers within their respective areas and are resource-rich by every definition.

This paper explores medical tourism in London and Istanbul, considering the impact this phenomenon has on the respective cities. This research can lead to a great understanding of medical tourism as experienced by tourists and inhabitants, and aims to initiate dialogue on the future of the practice.

INTRODUCTION Globalization has done much to facilitate the movement of humans and goods around the world. In 2013, the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC) reported that an estimated one billion people visited another country. Overall, tourism is one of the fastest growing industries in the world, and within that realm exists the subset of medical tourism.

Medical tourism is the occurrence of people travelling abroad to access medical treatment, and it contributed 9 percent of global GDP in 2011 (Grout). Although humans have migrated to different parts of the world for health reasons for centuries, in recent years interest in medical tourism has skyrocketed. It is fueled predominantly by the availability and affordability of air travel, access to medical information via the internet, internet marketing by providers, and increasing out-of-pocket expenditures in home countries (Vijaya). Most researchers have paid particular attention to the fourth reason. The

fact that health care costs are rising in many places around the world incentivizes people to take advantage of the arbitrage opportunity the differentials create, either by seeking care elsewhere or helping others seek care elsewhere.

Cheaper travel, in conjunction with rising health costs, have given patients flexibility with regards to their health care. As access to health care has become more limited (either for financial reasons or restrictions) in developed nations, people have become more frequently motivated to travel elsewhere to get it.

Medical tourism encompasses a distinctly separate arena from that of normal tourism. For the most part, tourists and natives occupy separate spaces within the city. There are distinct places which tourists are known to visit (colloquially referred to as the ‘touristy’ areas) and natives, for a variety of reasons, tend to avoid. Medical tourists engage in spaces that are ‘touristy’, but also utilize resources delegated specifically for inhabitants. Medical tourism is a collision of these two spheres, and can create a situation

55

with far reaching urban impacts. This report aims procedures are motivated by this reason because to contribute to the literature by viewing this trend in addition to it being a costly endeavor, it is a through an urban lens, and London and Istanbul one as well. The U.S. NationThe second type focuses on travel with thehighly intentregulated of accessing services illegal in the make for perfect case studies due to their sizes al Institute of Health recommends that bariatric patient’s home country, but legal regions. elsewhere. Manysurgery plastic(weight surgery motivated by and significance to their respective lossprocedures surgery) notare take place unless this reason because in addition to it being a costlythe endeavor, it is a highly regulated one as well. patient is between the ages of 18-65, thus the The that bariatric surgery (weight losswill surgery) THEU.S. ISSUENational Institute of Health recommendsmajority of US plastic surgeons within adherenot this guideline.

Hospitals in of another country may take place unless the patient is between the ages ofto18-65, thus the majority US plastic There arewithin three distinct types to of this medical tourism: Hospitals be internationally butbe obey a differsurgeons will adhere guideline. in another accredited, country may internationally (1) traveling to another country to obtain services ent set of guidelines.

This enables someone who accredited, but obey a different set of guidelines. This enables someone who desires a specific that are illegal in both the home and destination, desires a specific procedure to take advantage of procedure to take advantage of this differential. Also, people may leave in order to take (2) traveling to obtain services that are illegal at this differential. Also, people may leave in order advantage of experimental medical in theirofhome country.medical Stem cell home but legal in the destination, and procedures (3) travelingnottopracticed take advantage experimental proimplantation is an oft cited example.

While in some nations the topic invokes moral and ethical to obtain services legal both at home and the des- cedures not practiced in their home country.

Stem criticisms, a hospital in Turkey proudfortoall state that is the “Umbilical Bank of the tination (Cohen).

One service can is qualify cellitimplantation is an oftCord cited Blood example.

While three categories, distinction between these example in some nations topic and ethical Highest Capacitysointhe Turkey” (Group) . Another of this the again hasinvokes to do moral with organ types is primarilyIndefined by theStates, home-destination criticisms, a hospital in Turkey proud tomanner state that transplantation. the United the difficulties of obtaining an organ in isa timely are country relationship. it is the “Umbilical Cord Blood Bank of the Highest well documented (Howard) due to the strict legalities surround donations. By contrast, organs Capacity in Turkey” (Group) . Another example of were more available in China due to system thatthis relied onhas thetoinvoluntary organ donations of The first type focuses on the legality of aservices. again do with organ transplantation.

In death row prisoners’ until very recently (Feck).

Equally ethically contentious is the sale of an The reason the tourist is traveling is because the the United States, the difficulties of obtaining organs. themore organ salesin business andinthriving.

For laborers living on an service In canPakistan, be pursued easily the desti- is legal organ a timely manner are well documented nation country despite legality status. Abortions (Howard) due to strictislegalities surround doincome of 85 cents peritsday, the $1224 they can earn by selling anthe organ a true profitmaking and female (Walsh). genital mutilations are both services nations. By contrast, organs were more available opportunity that fall under this category. The problematic and in China due to a system that relied on the involuncontentious of these due to for the medical ethical travel tary organ donations of deaththe rowrising prisoners’ The nature third and finalisreason concerns predominantly cost until of and morality ambiguities surrounding the practices very recently (Feck).

Equally ethically contentious healthcare and waiting times associated with different procedures. The people traveling to take (Cohen). This type ofopportunities travel is the least is the sale of organs.

In Pakistan, the organThe sales advantage of particular these arbitrage are overwhelmingly from the global ‘North’. common of the three, but its controversial nature business is legal and thriving. For laborers living procedures the destination are cheaperonand it takesofa 85 certain has made itinbecome one of thecountries most notorious an income centsamount per day,of thecapital $1224asthey well as information access to be able to participate in this phenomenon (Hanefield).

For example, features of the medical tourism debate. can earn by selling an organ is a true profitmaking in the UK a shoulder operation would cost $17,000, yet in India its $2,900 (Vijaya). Even with opportunity (Walsh).

Theadditional second type focuses on travel with the intentand accommodation upon arrival, the cumulative the expenditures of airfare, food, of accessing in the The third and final reason con-it is cost of a visitservices to Indiaillegal would stillpatient’s be less home than the cost of the procedure in for the medical UK. Fortravel many, country, but legal elsewhere.

Many plastic surgery cerns predominantly the rising cost of healthcare more cost-effective to leave.

Table 1. Prices of Surgeries in Selected Countries United States Turkey Thailand Germany Singapore England $11,37515,000

$11,000

$17,335

$30,00033,000

$27,770

$10,500 $1,200 $50,00060,000

$11,781 $4,376

$9,350 $3,000

$20,432 $4,950

$300,000

$11,200 $3,333 $40,00070,000

$250,000

$40,000

$200,000

$20,000

$7,000

$5,200

$5,5007,000

$9,00010,500

$10,100

Heart Bypass Knee Replacement Liposuction Bone Marrow Transplantation

$129,750

Hysterectomy (DEIK)

$40,000 $9,000

56 4|Page

and waiting times associated with different procedures. The people traveling to take advantage of these arbitrage opportunities are overwhelmingly from the global ‘North’. The procedures in the destination countries are cheaper and it takes a certain amount of capital as well as information access to be able to participate in this phenomenon (Hanefield). For example, in the UK a shoulder operation would cost $17,000, yet in India its $2,900 (Vijaya). Even with the additional expenditures of airfare, food, and accommodation upon arrival, the cumulative cost of a visit to India would still be less than the cost of the procedure in the UK. For many, it is more cost-effective to leave.

third party provider can also help them select a specialist, as well as arranging the logistics once the patient arrives. Medical tourists are unique in that although medical care may be the impetus for their travel, it is not the only reason for their stay.

Promotion of these destination countries employ photos of national landmarks as much, if not more, than photos of hospitals and the technologies (Ormond) Tourists choose to go to places that have something to offer by way of entertainment, shopping, and culture (Erdogan). Urban centers in particular are visited for the same reasons that make the cities themselves notable—cultural sites and vast resources.

Waiting times are anasissue in Tourist the figure below. From this figure, one can Waiting times also arealso an issue shownasinshown the Destinations: London and Istanbul understand why patients can be motivated to look elsewhere for care. figure below. From this figure, one can understand

why patients can be motivated to look elsewhere In terms of tourist volume, London and Istanbul are Figure 1. Waiting time of four weeks or more for ina the specialist for care. featured top ten appointment. of global tourist desti-

Overwhelmingly, nations in 2012 (Wong). London welcomed 16 (OECD) oncology, reproductive care, general surgery top the list of medical purposes million international overnight visitors in 2013, a for travelling (Hanefield).

That being said, spenumber whichsurgery is double theofcity’s populaOverwhelmingly, oncology, reproductive care, general topthat theoflist medical cific countries are known for specific specialties. tion. Istanbul welcomed over ten million internapurposes for travelling (Hanefield). That being said, specific countries are known for specific UK dental patients prefer Hungary and Poland tional overnight visitors. For both cities, tourism is specialties.

UKBrazil dental Hungary and an Poland (Smith), and Brazil and Thailand are (Smith), and andpatients Thailandprefer are considered essential part of their economies.

The top sites considered the best places to go for plastic surgery (Ormond).

Often, the logistics of the trip are the best places to go for plastic surgery (Ormond). in both London and Istanbul for visitors are those notOften, arranged by the patient themselves but rather a hospital a thirdheritage party provider. the logistics of the trip are not arranged by byreflecting theorcultural of the city,They such the patient themselves butairport rather to by the a hospital or asisWestminster Abbeywalking in London, and theofHagia provide transfer from the hotel, which typically within distance the a third party provider.

They provide transfer from Sophia in Istanbul (Wong).

These are cities that hospital. If the patient is unsure of the hospital to which they want to go, the third party provider airport the hotel, is typically people desire to comeonce to, regardless of arrives. health canthe also help tothem selectwhich a specialist, as within well as arranging the logistics the patient walking distance of the hospital. If the patient is issues.

Medical tourists are unique in that although medical care may be the impetus for their travel, it is unsure of the hospital to which they want to go, the

not the only reason for their stay. Promotion of these destination countries employ photos of national landmarks as much, if not more, than photos of hospitals and the technologies (Ormond) Tourists choose to go to places that have something to offer by way of entertainment, shopping, and culture (Erdoğan). Urban centers in particular are visited for the same reasons that make the cities themselves notable—cultural sites and vast resources.

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THE RESEARCH In London, several midwives at King’s College Hospital (KCH) were informally interviewed. Interviews with midwives were not scheduled, but their opinions on this particular topic were gathered informally through the course of conversations and projects related to foreign visitors. A formal interview was conducted with the Head of the Overseas Visitor Department at the same hospital.

The questions asked concerned the official stance of the National Health Service (NHS) on medical tourism, medical tourism within London, medical tourism at KCH specifically, and the characteristics of the visitors. A professor from the department of Global Health and Policy from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine was also formally interviewed regarding medical tourism in the UK and London specifically. The formal interviews lasted for thirty minutes to an hour.

In Istanbul, a medical professional from Amerikan Hospital and Koc University was formally interviewed about the state of medical tourism in Turkey and Istanbul, specifically. Two medical doctors at Acıbadem Hospital were informally interviewed regarding their hospital’s relationship to medical tourism and the effect it has on medical professional hiring. All interviews took place during March 2014 and April 2014. In addition to interviews, published academic journal articles were relied upon throughout the course of the research.

No analysis of medical tourism is complete without mentioning the difficultly of obtaining reliable national data, much less urban data. For that reason this report will mainly focus on the general attitude and infrastructure within each city for medical tourism. Data, where available, are referenced.

THE FINDINGS London Because so many people visit London, it follows that it is also a popular destination for medical tourism (Stephens). But this is not a new occurrence.

London has always been a popular destination for medical tourists due to the high quality of facilities and research universities located there. The city has some of the finest research institutions in the world, and has been known having a large num-

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ber of private specialists since the 19th century.

In coming to London, as tourist receives the best of both worlds. However, many Londoners are leaving to seek care elsewhere. The UK is a net exporter of medical tourists, and London follows that trend (Hanefield).

Private and Public Hospitals Public and private hospitals experience different patterns of visitors due to London’s geography and the nature of the NHS. The NHS is the publicly funded system that ensures access to healthcare for all British citizens. With the exception of some charges, such as optical and dental services, the NHS remains free at the point of use for all UK citizens. It is because of this guarantee that UK hospitals have become infamous for their waiting times and issues regarding bed availability and occupancy (Martin). Usage of NHS hospitals can be problematic for anyone, regardless of nationality.

Every NHS hospital has a department that specifically handles non-British citizens receiving care. However, the majority of medical tourists utilize the services of private specialists in central London, where London’s attractions and specialists are (Stephen). Within this area, the hospitals tend to serve predominantly European and American patients (Stephens). Exact numbers on the visitors using specialty services are unavailable as private clinics have no requirement to disclose, but it is reasonable to assume that traditional medical tourists coming to London will utilize these more than NHS hospitals (Hanefield).In the areas located further away from tourist attractions, the medical visitors tend to match the demographic make-up of the area.

Public hospitals in the residential areas of London receive many foreign visitors as well. For one hospital in London, the vast majority of the foreign visitors consist of migrants hoping to settle within the city or people who have overstayed their visas (Stephens). Because London is an immigrant hub, the characteristics of medical tourists vary depending on the area. For example, King’s College Hospital serves the boroughs of Southwark and Lambeth which are known to have a large African diaspora community. As a result, many of the foreign visitors are African. Many of the visitors are in London to visit family members, and have the

expectation of eventually settling in London. These health visitors “take advantage of the NHS system, particularly in regards to maternity” (Stephens) in order to stay in the country. Although these patients cannot be considered medical tourists in the traditional sense, their presence contributes greatly to the negative public perception of the practice.

Public Opinion and Government Support The 2011 EU Directive on Cross-Border Health Care grants a fundamental right to access healthcare services across the European Economic Area for all EEA citizens (NHS). This encourages many British citizens to receive health care abroad in state-run hospitals and by private service providers. British citizens must pay the costs up front and seek reimbursement afterwards, but to receive this benefit they must prove that they are entitled to treatment. If a British citizen cannot have the same treatment in the UK within a medically acceptable period, than they are granted reimbursement. If a citizen has a cold and wants to go to Germany for examination, that will not be covered because that is not a time-sensitive illness, and the examination can occur in the UK. This Directive has helped to alleviate pressure on the NHS system. The Directive is reciprocal so Europeans can receive care in the UK under this system, but Britons are more likely to leave than continental Europeans are to enter (Hanefield).

The NHS and this EU Directive facilitate overseas travel. UK residents tend to travel to Poland and Hungary specifically for dental treatment (corresponding with the varied availability of dental treatment by the NHS), but to Cyprus and Spain for fertility treatment. Rather than being an importer of medical tourists, gathered research suggests that Londoners are leaving at a higher rate than people are entering. It is even possible that Londoners leave more than other British citizens simply because overcrowding within London hospitals is extraordinary. In a 2011/2012 report, 23 of London’s 35 hospitals trusts (hospital groups) reported being at 85% capacity (Watts). Most Londoners react positively to the idea of being able to seek care elsewhere and get reimbursed by the NHS. Across the UK, evidence shows that people going overseas for care generates millions for the NHS (Smith).

By that same token, medical tourism is viewed warily and negatively when it comes to people entering. The British are proud of their healthcare system, but also recognize its challenges with waiting times and overcrowding. A representative of the NHS made the commented that while few foreign visitors in his particular hospital were entitled to receive NHS benefits, yet only 15% of the hospital’s visitors pay out of pocket for their services. The other 85% display the intention to pay, yet “when we send them their bill, it turns out that they lied about their contact information and we never see them again” (Stephens). These foreign visitors may not be medical tourists by this paper’s definition, and often the term ‘medical tourist’ is commonly misunderstood and equated with foreigners using health services. For the particular hospital referenced above, the numbers of foreign visitors were small relative to the overall population. Still, these payment patterns fuel the negativity. In response, local government officials advocate for laws to severely restrict access foreigners have to the NHS system (Mason).

The nature of the NHS creates a conceptualization of health as a commodity that people must compete over, since one person’s usage does have an impact on that of someone else’s. As a result of that and misinformation, the discussion surrounding foreigners visiting public hospitals is fraught with anger and suspicion.

Discussions with NHS representatives are distinguished by statements stressing the mission of the NHS, but also the difficulty of striking a balance between being providing care and being cost-effective. The NHS attempts to keep clinical concerns separate from those of cost, yet inherent in medical tourism is the trading of health services converts health into just another commodity to be traded for profit. This creates a contradiction that can prove challenging to reconcile.

Istanbul Unlike London, for which medical tourism is a contentious issue, Istanbul has overwhelmingly embraced the influx of visitors to its shores. Istanbul overwhelmingly imports medical visitors. Istanbul hosts a multitude of annual medical tourism conventions each year, and it is a government supported endeavor. Istanbul’s success in medical tourism stems from its ability to identify its unique resources as they relate to medical tourism

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while exploiting the demand of today’s tourist for authentic experiences (Chambers). This means that medically, the tourist wants the most cutting-edge treatment. On a tourist level, however, they want to experience aspects of the city that fits their image of Istanbul. This desire is sated by the hospitals and third-party providers. A component of a typical health package to Istanbul includes a visit to Sultanahmet, the oldest part of Istanbul.

The area itself is a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and patients are encouraged to visit the area with a guide provided by the hospital.

the world, and at 43 Turkey has some of the most accredited facilities in the world (Ortac). One of Istanbul’s most renowned hospitals, the Acıbadem Health Group, was declared one of the world’s best hospitals by Forbes magazine (Van Dusen), and boasts a variety of its honors in a 140 page booklet on its offerings. Every pamphlet published by the group boasts the JCI accreditation symbol on the cover. Acibadem is a good example of a private institution with many tourists. Most, if not all, of the staff is fluent in English, and they have contact numbers for different languages.

Istanbul’s geographic location as the link between Europe and Asia has always made it an attractive destination for Europeans and Americans. It makes it a perfect destination for meeting exchanges, such as conferences and conventions, allowing Istanbul to disseminate information about its offerings with ease. Additionally, the strength of Istanbul institutions as well as educated work force has also served to attract people from all over.

Many private hospitals in Istanbul have partnered with prominent American universities such as Harvard, Johns Hopkins, and Stanford for research.

Although the partnerships are primarily in a research capacity, they still have helped to boost the profile of the Istanbul health care sector.

Medical Professionals

Quality of Care The pace at which global health is changing necessitated the creation of an international body that could ensure the quality of care was appropriate. The American-based Joint Commission International company aims to serve this purpose. JCI accreditation recognizes a hospital for achieving international standards within health care (Canadan), and signifies to visitors that the hospital’s services are of comparable quality to those of any Western facility. Hospitals emphasize their JCI accreditation, along with the training of the medical specialists, in order to attract Westerners. Hospitals must pay a fee to be accredited, and this casts doubt on the JCI’s ability to be a true barometer of quality (Hanefield). Despite this, JCI accreditation remains the ‘gold’ benchmark in medical tourism, and appears to have pressured medical professionals and administrators to raise the standards of their hospitals in order to obtain JCI accreditation. JCI has accredited more than 123 medical facilities and organizations across

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Well educated physicians compose the basic building block of medical tourism (Mirrer-Singer).

Consequently, Istanbul is a prime candidate for visitors due to the high quality of medical professionals practicing in the city (Erdogan). The quality of the health professionals in the private sector in Istanbul and the medical institutions is what draws in visitors, as well as the aforementioned, high profile partnerships. The nature of medical tourism allows Istanbul professionals to reap never ending rewards from the endeavor. Medical tourists overwhelmingly travel in search of specialist care to treat rare illnesses. Thus, medical professionals become exposed to rare illnesses that serve to further their expertise in the field, as well as gain notoriety for both the physician and the hospital (Erdogan). This notoriety attracts more medical tourists, and so the cycle continues.

For the medical professionals, there are greater rewards to be reaped by working in the private sector. The high wages are attractive, and the ratio of patient to physician is smaller in private hospitals than it is in public hospitals. Furthermore, the exposure to unique medical cases is attractive for research clinicians. Some do argue that the union of medical tourism and private hospitals furthers the disparity of quality of care between private and public hospitals (Republic of Turkey Minister of Health, 2011) and different cities, and can also lead to a shortage in doctors practicing general medicine (Vijaya). There are others who simply accept both arguments as a feature of a modern health care system, and argue that Istanbul has always been the greatest initial recipient of Turkish resources the eventually trickle down (Erdogan).

Moreover, it is worth noting that the debate regarding overspecialization is not unique to Turkey

or even the developing world, nor is the argument of public versus private quality of care. All should be inclined to agree that the fact the medical professionals remain in Turkey is a positive feature of the current system. It is difficult for foreign born doctors to practice in Turkey so the majority of physicians in Istanbul hospitals are Turkish, yet many have received some kind of training abroad in some form (Ortac). If there is a ‘brain drain’ occurring in Istanbul and other Turkish cities, then medical tourism provides the talent with a reason to stay near the Bosphorus.

Public Opinion and Government Support In Istanbul, media coverage on medical tourism is overwhelmingly positive and government involvement further promotes Istanbul as medical tourism center. It appears as if most people agree that medical tourism is the way for Turkey to become an even more dominant power in the region, and can also increase Turkey’s chances in entering the EU (Yilmaz). If the nation is granted membership, the EU Directive for Cross Border Health would undoubtedly change medical tourism in favor of the Turks. Three federal departments have special agencies solely devoted to medical tourism, and the Ministry of Health alone has two The Foreign Economic Relations Board (DEIK) is the main government department that handles medical tourism issues and inquiries. The Ministry of Finance has instituted favorable tax allowances to hospitals in which 50-100% of their revenues that are associated with medical tourism are tax deductible (Erdogan). Private hospitals that are known to receive many visitors also attract government grants which pave the way for the hospitals to further increase in size and spread to other cities, as well as conduct research (Erdogan). Istanbul is the 2014 location of the World Medical Tourism Conference.

To attract more foreign visitors, the Istanbul airport is building another terminal (making the airport due to be the largest in the world in 2020) and the city’s largest hospitals—Medical Park and Acıbadem—are undergoing plans to open more hospitals in the city (Erdogan) to accommodate the incoming visitors.

CONCLUSION This report, through gleaning what data are available and first-hand interviews, has compared medical tourism in London and Istanbul. The results

of this comparison are instructive, suggesting important implications. The first relates to data availability. Medical tourism is booming but due to the difficulty of data access and amalgamation, there are many harmful gaps of knowledge that remain.

The confounding definitions of medical tourism alone distort the conversation and the opacity of the data further contributes to the distortion. Most research focuses on specific countries where the impact of medical tourism is the greatest, such as India. But even within that, getting exact numbers about who is coming, how many are coming, and what happens after they return is complicated by the fact that tourists have no reason to explicitly state their reasons for travel and private clinics have no reason to reveal how many people are using their services. The phenomenon is one that everyone knows is occurring, but the exact details and numbers are unclear. Moreover, the health risks and chances for patient exploitation by shady clinics and third-party providers are significantly increased. To remedy this problem, upon arrival to a city, medical tourists should be required to fill out a form stating that they are in the city to receive healthcare, name the procedure, the cost, and how they are expecting to pay for it. Once officials have a clear view as to what the actual number of visitors are, then changes can be made to the system accordingly.

Most of the report focused on the medical tourism from a macro perspective, but certain consequences to the individual can be impactful. For both cities, malpractice issues loom over the sector. One study found that many online infertility treatment resources were outright misleading (Okamura), and another found 44 of 130 sites contained false information on breast augmentation (Jejurikar). The wide availability of information is both a blessing and a curse by giving prospective patients who have ‘done their homework’ a false sense of security. Another legal issue is in tort law with respect to negligence. Most third-party medical providers absolve themselves of guilt through agreements with the patient (Lunt), and courts would find it difficult to determine who is at fault should an adverse event occur.

Additionally, determining jurisdiction is a near impossible task. If a case involves a third party provider, many courts are not sure if the case should be tried in the location of the patient’s residence, the location of the provider’s headquarters,

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or the location in which the patient received care (Mirrer-Singer). The current situation could deter medical tourists from receiving care in other countries, and the lack of a cognizant, international body regulating medical tourism will likely become an even greater issue as the phenomenon gains in popularity. Jurisdiction in the field of international is an extremely sensitive matter, so it is unclear if this issue will ever be fully resolved. For now, the JCI is the best mechanism utilized to preemptively correct asymmetric information.

In both Istanbul and London, private hospitals overwhelmingly appear to benefit from medical tourism than their public counterparts. While the NHS is a fairly equitable system, in Istanbul, this imbalance between public and private hospitals can be severe. Private hospitals receive numerous government bank credits as well as grants to pursue research that increases the profile of the hospital, and simultaneously increasing the amount of tourists visiting the hospital. Private hospitals attract talented professionals at a greater rate than that of their public equivalents, although the medical expertise would be of greater service in the public sector. There should be a redistribution of medical tourism revenue to ensure that the public hospitals are also operating at the same level as the private hospitals (Lunt) to prevent a two-tiered system.

Hospitals and providers try to convert what can be a nerve racking experience into one that is safe, cost-effective, and fun. In both London and Istanbul, the impact on the city and the city’s response has been telling. London is a city that views foreigners warily since the sheer scope of the population places great pressure on the health care infrastructure. Any additional pressure is unwelcomed. Istanbul, on the other hand, has had an enthusiastic response to medical tourism. As the cities are on the same strata with regards to tourism, many lessons can be gathered from how each city has respond to medical tourists. Urban data is nearly nonexistent, so first-hand accounts of the effect of medical tourism on each city was extremely helpful. Future research into this area will be extremely valuable to the overall topic.

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Cohen, I. Glenn. “Medical Tourism: The View from Ten Thousand Feet.” The Hastings Center Report (2010): 11-12. Document.

DEIK. “Price Statistics.” 2014. Health in Turkey. Document. 18 April 2014.

Erdogan, Ondur. Medical Tourism in Istanbul Stephanie Agu. 7 March 2014. MP3.

Feck, Fiona. “New era for organ donation and transplant in China.” Bulletin of the World Health Organization November 2012: 793-868.

Group, Acıbadem Healthcare. “Acıbadem.” 2012. Book.

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IMPLEMENTATION OF ELECTRONIC MEDICAL RECORDS IN TURKEY AND THE UNITED STATES

by Charles Ho EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Electronic medical records can greatly enhance the delivery of healthcare by facilitating information exchange among healthcare providers. They can also make healthcare treatments more efficient by providing decision support for physicians and shortening documentation time. Both the United States and Turkey have demonstrated strong interests in the complete implementation of electronic medical records, since both have made major healthcare policies that were indented to stimulate electronic medical record adoption. Despite these benefits and efforts, utilization of electronic medical records has not yet reached its full potential.

This report is a comparative study between the health care systems of the United States and Turkey with respect to the adoption of electronic medical records. The goal is to identify the major factors that may have greatly influenced the implementation process. In order to so, this study examines the fundamental structure of each nation’s healthcare system by reviewing literature on this issue as well as interviewing healthcare experts in both nations. The major findings from this research suggest government policies designed to increase electronic medical record adoption, such as incentive programs, and investment in information technology development are important factors when considering future directions for electronic medical record implementation.

INTRODUCTION Effective documentation of medical information is important for clinicians to provide successful care.

On the individual level, a comprehensive medical record provides the clinical staff, as well the patient, the essential facts and information on the patient’s health status. This gives the opportunity to develop the best treatment possible. From a broader perspective, a practical medical record also allows healthcare managers to evaluate their institution’s current treatment strategies by giving them a better ability to oversee their institution’s care and outcomes.

practical and feasible to implement. This is good news, since limitations in outdated paper-based systems have caused errors in medical care and frustration among medical staff since information was hard to find and exchange (Joe 2014).

Benefits of EMRs are numerous. They facilitate communication among members of the clinical

An electronic medical record (EMR), as opposed to paper-based systems, provides a much needed enhancement in medical documentation.

While computer-based record platforms have been conceived as early as 1978 (Barnett 1978), recent advancements in the information technology field have made EMRs more Example of the electronic medical record user interface.

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staff in order to craft an optimized treatment plan for the patient. Since access to information is near instant, the time to obtain key patient information is greatly reduced. This helps make patient care much more efficient. EMRs also can serve as a vital resource for clinical decision making (Jha 2009). For instance, the electronic record can alert the physician if the prescribed drug has adverse interactions with other drugs the patient is currently taking. The benefits also extend beyond individual patient care. These electronic records allow physicians’ work and decisions to be accounted for and clinical performance can be more effectively evaluated by healthcare managers, as more data can be quickly recorded and analyzed. Clinical research can also be greatly enhanced since more data is available for clinical investigators to analyze. This expands the opportunity to make important findings about clinical outcomes of certain diseases and treatments.

While the benefits are impressive, the implementation of EMRs is currently not universal. EMRs are not a perfect product and needs continuous adjustment to best tailor to the medical setting. In fact, there are several obstacles that must be overcome in order for physicians and other healthcare professionals to usefully utilize digital means of medical records. For example, the electronic systems may be complicated to use. Some clinicians may not be convinced of the practicality of the system. Also, initial starting costs as well as maintenance expenses can be costly and not feasible for certain healthcare practices (Jha 2009).

THE ISSUE Due to the promising enhancements that are associated with electronic medical records, health care systems worldwide have been interested in implementing these digital systems (Iakovidis 1998, Fuad and Hsu 2012, Aminpour, Sadoughi and Ahamdi 2014). Because healthcare spending in the United States has consistently been the highest among all nations worldwide (Anderson et al.

2006), it is reasonable to assume implementation of EMR systems in the United States would be one of the highest in the world. However, that is not the case. Studies have reported that only about half of American primary care physicians use an electronic health system while certain countries in Europe have near complete participation in such systems by primary care physicians (Gray et al.

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2011). Thus, further investigations into this issue need to be conducted in order to identify and better understand the factors involved in integrating electronic records into the health care system.

The importance of this issue extends to national policy making. In the United States, there has been a great deal of motivation for increased EMR implementation. President George W. Bush, in his 2004 State of the Union address, declared that a major objective for future healthcare reform was for every patient in the U.S. to have an EMR by 2014 (A New Generation of American Innovation n.d.). Subsequently, funding for healthcare information technology development was doubled in 2005. Then, by 2007, federal entities such as the Office of the National Coordinator for Health Information Technology (ONC) and the American Health Information Community (AHIC) were established to enhance these policy efforts (Simborg 2008). In 2011, in conjunction with the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, the HITECH (Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health) act was implemented to stimulate the adoption of interoperable EMRs (Blumenthal 2010).

To better understand the contributing factors of EMR implementation, a comparison with another nation’s healthcare system that is also undergoing reform would be insightful. In Turkey, there is also an ongoing effort to reform the nation’s healthcare system, which is known as the Health Transformation Program (Akdag 2010). Like the United States, one major aspect of this healthcare reform entails advancements in healthcare information technology. For instance, the Ministry of Health (the governing body for Turkish healthcare) has required all “secondary and tertiary care providers” to submit EMRs (Akdag 2010). While similar goals have been declared, American and Turkish health care are structured very differently, with Turkish healthcare being relatively more centralized, though privatization has become a recent trend in Turkey (şentürk, Terzi, and Dokmeci 2011) Because of the similarities and differences associated with EMR implementation between healthcare in United States and Turkey, a comparative study and analysis between the health care systems of these two nations may provide deeper understanding of the major determinants for successful adoption of EMRs. The goal of this paper is to

compare EMR implementation policy made in the United States and Turkey. Implications of this comparison may provide some insight into how certain changes may affect the implementation process, which may provide useful information for future policy decisions on this issue.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY In order to compare electronic medical record adoption between the United States and Turkey, a review of literature of EMR implementation for the United States as well as for Turkey was conducted.

This review focused on government policies made by the respective nations with regard to healthcare information technology as well as the structure of the general health care systems.

To supplement the investigation of the Turkish healthcare systems, two structured, open-ended interviews were conducted, lasting approximately thirty minutes each. Both of these interviews were recorded. The first was done with Dr. Ali Sarper Taskiran, MD, a psychiatrist and faculty member at Koç University in Istanbul, Turkey. The second interview was with Dr. Zenyel Mungan, MD, professor of gastroenterology at the American Hospital in Istanbul, Turkey. These interviews focused on gaining knowledge of the government’s role in Turkey’s healthcare system as well as how Turkish physicians utilize EMR in their practice.

This study also involves a more specific comparison between the two systems by focusing on two prominent healthcare groups in two major global cities in the United States and Turkey. In this case, a comparison is made between the Kelsey-Seybold Clinic (Houston, United States) and the Acibadem Healthcare Group (Istanbul, Turkey). A structured, open-ended interview lasting one hour was conducted with Dr. Robert Turner, DO, the Physician Champion of Electronic Medical Records for Kelsey-Seybold. A site visit to the Acibadem Hospital Kadikoy in Istanbul was also performed, where a one-hour open-ended discussion was done with Arda Bozoglu, the Information Technology System Management Supervisor at the Acibadem Hospital. The goal for these discussions was to directly compare how the two practices compare and contrast with respect to the integration of EMRs in their own network of clinics.

This study is qualitative in nature, where general trends and perceptions are identified to help understand the similarities and differences between the American and Turkish healthcare systems.

Conclusions will be made based upon an evaluation on relevant information that can portray the fundamental factors driving EMR implementation in each nation’s healthcare system.

FINDINGS The findings and observations for this comparative study will be described by comparing Turkey and the United States with respect to the following four major topics.

I. Government role in EMR implementation II. Structure of national healthcare system III. Usage of EMRs within clinics and hospitals IV. Case study between Acibadem Hospital (Istanbul) and Kelsey-Seybold Clinic (Houston) I. Government role in EMR implementation

In the recent decade, both Turkey and the United States have proposed major changes in their respective health care systems. In Turkey, the major movement for healthcare change was outlined in their Health Transformation Program in 2003.

In the United States, major landmark reforms in healthcare include the Affordable Care Act in 2011. Both of these influential programs have included measures for increasing electronic medical record adoption.

This was a goal that has been considered by both nations since the mid-2000s, where Turkey declared this in 2003 and the United States government acknowledging this goal in 2004. However, this was much later than that of other developed countries. For instance, policy makers in Germany have been working on this implementation process as early as 1993 (Anderson et al. 2006).

As a means of achieving that goal, the government must allocate a portion of their budget to invest in implementing this modern technology in existing hospitals and clinics. The United States has made large efforts to fulfill this. One example is associated with the highly-publicized American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, also known as the “stimulus package” following the recent economic recession. Part of this large-scale policy was the Health Information Technology for

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Economic and Clinical Health (HITECH) act, which outlined the investment of $36 billion for the creation of an integrated electronic health record system (O’Harrow 2009). Based on the estimated $2.5 trillion of U.S. healthcare expenditures (Fleming 2010), this calculates to about 1.5% of total healthcare spending dedicated to information technology updates. On the other hand, Turkey is relatively less financially invested in strengthening its healthcare information technology, since they devote “much less than 1% of total investment in healthcare” to information technology (Turan and Palvia 2014).

In terms of the actual implementation process, the Turkish Ministry of Health has made several concrete plans to establish a nationally integrated electronic health record system. The overall plan is called the National Health Information System (NHIS). In their Health Transformation Program (Akdag 2010), a nationwide program called “Saglik-Net”, which is part of their overarching NHIS initiative, is a centralized record database where the governing body of health can collect data from individual patients. This system also claims to facilitate the sharing of electronic health records between healthcare providers across the country. Another major component is the development of the Hospital Information System, which attempts to computerize the hospitals under the Ministry of Health’s domain, facilitating transmission of EMRs to the government database.

These efforts are not currently seen in the United States, where the EMR systems are not integrated between healthcare providers in the nationwide spectrum and there do not seem to be any explicit programs currently in progress regarding the integration of EMRs in the U.S. The government can also play a significant role in the implementation process by influencing healthcare providers to adopt this new technology. The United States government has recently applied an incentive program to increase EMR participation among American physicians. This is done through Medicare reimbursements, which is the U.S. government’s method of paying for uninsured or low-income citizens. These reimbursements represent a significant part of a healthcare provider’s revenue. In order to receive these benefits, physicians must demonstrate Meaningful Use, a term used to refer to the defined set of usage criteria.

Furthermore, penalties may be incurred for lack

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of effective usage by withholding of reimbursement funds (U.S. Department of Human and Health Services n.d.). In Turkey, the motivation for healthcare providers to use EMRs is similar. Since the Ministry of Health controls much of the healthcare programs in Turkey, the Social Security Institution is the primary mean for covering healthcare expenditures (World Health Organization 2013). Thus, when the government implements a program and requires healthcare providers to participate, they must do so in order to continue receiving funds from the Social Security program. The difference between this method of garnering EMR adoption seems to be that Turkey has a more control over healthcare processes while in the United States, hospitals and clinics can pursue other means of funding if they do not meet the government’s requirements for reimbursements.

II. Structure of national healthcare system In order to analyze how EMRs are implemented into a nation’s healthcare scheme, its composition should be taken into consideration. The composition of public and private healthcare institutions greatly differs between Turkey and the United States. American healthcare spending has significant resources from the private sector. With the recent healthcare reform policies, the public sector share of expenditures is rapidly rising, but is still only half of health spending in 2012 (Truffer et al.

2010). On the other hand, Turkish healthcare costs are primarily covered by public programs, where 73% of spending in 2011 is accounted for by the social security funding program as well as other government resources (Tatar et al. 2011). However, the private sector has been becoming a larger role in Turkish healthcare in recently years (Çaha 2007). With regards to usage of EMRs, interviews have portrayed the notion that, in Turkey public institutions’ records systems are not as effective as those seen in private institutions. The records completed by public-based physicians are more basic and contain less useful information (Taskiran 2014).

The amount of centralized control the Turkish government has seems greater than that seen in the United States. A fact learned from interviews was that the Ministry of Health can control how many and where physicians are allocated, depending on how the government evaluates the regions that are in most need for increased healthcare access. Phy-

sicians are required to receive approval from the government in order to practice (Taskiran 2014).

This seems to be a stricter criterion than that for American physicians, where the main factors in where physicians practice are not typically due to government influences and decisions. This observation relates to this comparison EMR implementation since it is another instance where the Turkish government has a great degree of influence over healthcare processes. This can affect EMR implantation by providing an additional dimension to motivate physicians to use EMRs.

its nationwide Saglik-Net initiative. However, the sharing of information across all hospitals is neither consistent nor firmly established as of now.

Based on visits to hospitals in Istanbul, there is a general consensus that gathering patient information across different healthcare institutions is not yet a digital process. A similar scenario is present in the United States. The electronic health records are not integrated between most medical providers. This is dependent on the system on which the particular institution’s electronic system is based on.

For instance, numerous U.S. hospitals utilize an EMR produced by Epic, one of several private, commerIII. Usage of EMRs within clinics and hospitals cial companies devoted to developing healthcare information technology solutions. Hospitals under The manner by which clinics and hospitals utilize this particular system can freely exchange and actheir EMRs can vary between the two countries. cess patient records. However, there is a plethora Based on personal observations, physicians in EMR systems.

These distinct platforms the Ministry of Health reports that 85% of ofdifferent healthcare institutions participate in the natio the U.S. who are legitimately utilizing the EMR are not currently interconnected.

“Saglik-Net” electronic Also, they report that all of their public hospitals under t system are directly interfacingsystem. with the computer system as they are making clinical observations statistics regarding EMRSystem impleMinistry of Health’s jurisdiction are usingFinally, the current Hospital Information (Akdag 2010) and interacting with the patient. However, in mentation and adoptions need to be mentioned Turkey,1.5 clinicians claiming to utilize EMR seem per to evaluate the current progressFurthermore, in this important the NHIS syst nearly million EMRs areansubmitted day (Dogac 2010). to indirectly use the computer only to obtain and healthcare initiative. In Turkey, the Ministry of experienced 99% participation byusepublicHealth hospitals 71% by private and store information.

While Turkish physicians reports and that 85% of participation healthcare institutions the electronic system to order prescriptions, the et al. participate “Saglik-Net” university hospitals in Turkey (Dogac 2011).in the In nationwide the United States,elecas of 2013, abou usage of decision-support tools and information tronic system. Also, they report that all of their physicians haveto demonstrated Meaningful Use of EMRs inMinistry their of practice (Doctors and Ho sharing appears be currently limited. Furtherpublic hospitals under the Health’s jurisinterviews IT have indicated thatDoubles relying on the diction are n.d.). using theOver Hospital Information System Usemore, of Health More than since 2012 the past few years, particular electronic system during patient consultations may (Akdag 2010), where nearly 1.5 million EMRs are 2012, thereinterfere has been drastic increase EMR per adoption (Figure 2). This number of can b negatively with theapatient-physician re- in submitted day (Dogac 2010). Furthermore, lationship (Mungan 2014). Instead, these clinicians the NHIS system has experienced 99% participaexpected to further increase in the nexttion few years (Xierali et al. 2013). write their notes and observations by hand, which by public hospitals and 71% participation by are then scanned into the electronic system.

The integration of medical records in the national sense is a major consideration.

One of the promising benefits of the EMRs is the potential to link all patient records in a nation for easy sharing of information and reduction of errors due to missing information.

In Turkey, as mentioned previously, there have been large efforts to implement this type of system through

Figure 2. Physician usage of electronic health records have rapidly increased in 2012 (U.S 69 Department of Health & Human Services)2.

IV. Case study between Acibadem Hospital (Istanbul) and Kelsey-Seybold Clinic (Housto

private and university hospitals in Turkey (Dogac et al. 2011). In the United States, as of 2013, about 50% of physicians have demonstrated Meaningful Use of EMRs in their practice (Doctors and Hospital’s Use of Health IT More than Doubles since 2012 n.d.). Over the past few years, particularly in 2012, there has been a drastic increase in EMR adoption. This number of can be expected to further increase in the next few years (Xierali et al. 2013).

IV. Case study between Acibadem Hospital (Istanbul) and Kelsey-Seybold Clinic (Houston) To provide a more specific comparison between two specific global cities, two major private healthcare groups in each global city are examined. In Houston, United States, the Kelsey-Seybold clinic is a multi-specialty practice with over 20 clinics, and is one of Houston’s largest outpatient clinic systems. In Istanbul, Turkey, the Acibadem Healthcare group is a major practice in Turkey, with multiple clinics through Istanbul as well as internationally.

One observed difference between the usages of EMRs was how physicians recorded their information into the computer system. At Kelsey-Seybold, the clinician directly interfaces with the computer system while making the medical observations of the patient. The physicians are also able to utilize the numerous tools and applications available to them through the EMR in order to provide better treatment for the patient. For instance, the electronic system reminds the physicians to perform certain tests and procedures based on the patient’s previous conditions. On the other hand, in the Acibadem Hospital in Turkey, the physician interaction with the computer system seems to be more limited. Based on observations in the radiology department of this hospital, the physician records the clinical findings by verbally dictating into an audio-recording device. This audio file is then transferred to a human transcriber clerk, who types up the audio record into a word processed document that is added to the patient EMR. While integration with healthcare institutions outside their immediate domain is not fully developed, both Kelsey-Seybold and Acibadem enjoy efficient integration of medical records within hospital and clinics in their same respective systems.

Since both are relatively large clinic systems, their

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adoption of EMRs has been met with more approval, since this system allows all of the clinics to be better integrated. Furthermore, it was interesting to note that both health care systems place a high emphasis on patient confidentiality and data security (Turner 2014, Bozoglu 2014), indicating that this is an important aspect of EMRs that must be addressed before they can be accepted for usage.

DISCUSSION In this discussion, the previously mentioned findings are evaluated with respect to the following major themes: I.

II.

III. IV.

Lack of consistent definition of electronic medical records EMR presence in public and private healthcare practices Monetary investment in EMR development Limitations of current study and consider ations for future research

I. Lack of consistent definition of electronic medical records An interesting, perhaps surprising, finding was that the statistics associated with EMR adoption rates seemed to be much higher in Turkey than in the United States. However, such a strict comparison should be evaluated with caution due to a number of factors.

First of all, this direct comparison assumes that the definition of EMR usage is the same in both countries. However, based on the findings of this study, this does not seem to be the case. Because of the high numbers reported by the Ministry of Health with regards to health information technology adoption, it was expected that there would be an overarching notion that Turkish clinicians are regularly using EMRs during their treatment of patients.

However, when interviewing the Turkish healthcare experts and visiting the hospitals in Istanbul, it was discussed that was not necessarily the case.

A true EMR system should not only allow physicians to store clinical information in an efficient manner but should also enhance clinical care by providing decision support and easy sharing capabilities with other healthcare professionals essential for the patient’s treatment. Literature review indi-

cated that the successful implementation of the Saglik-Net system has allowed hospitals to easily interconnect with each other. However, in the visits to the Istanbul hospitals, there was a general perception that hospitals did not engage in this type of information sharing. Moreover, many physicians have mentioned that the implementation of Saglik-Net was still a work in progress. A factor for this discrepancy is the tendency for the Ministry of Health to impose policy changes without first establishing a legislative framework (Turan and Palvia 2014). Indeed, it seems that in this case, Turkish healthcare policy makers seem to be quick in approving changes but leave it up to the implementation process to work out the details. Thus, the implementation process encounters problems since the issues are not addressed beforehand. This contrasts with American policymaking, where policies are generally deliberated for relatively long periods of time before implementation can occur.

Therefore, the rate of technology updates being made in Turkey may be overstated, but at least an explicit effort is being made.

The observation that EMRs were not as implemented as expected also seems to imply that the data and conclusions presented by the Ministry of Health should be interpreted differently and may not be strictly comparable to data for the U.S. implantation process. Previous authors have hinted at this potential issue (Kilic 2014). In this case, the variation may be attributed to fundamentally different definitions of an EMR system by both nations. It is possible that the statistics reported by the Ministry of Health only reflect the prevalence of a very basic EMR system where only medication orders and basic doctor’s notes are recorded into the computer. If this is the case, such a usage standard is much different from the criteria set forth by the Meaningful Use program in the United States, the program where physicians are granted additional funds through Medicare reimbursements when they demonstrate proficient usage of EMRs. The Meaningful Use program includes a rigorous set of standards to motivate physicians to utilize the functions of a more sophisticated EMR system as well as keeps clinicians accountable with regard to their EMR usage. An interesting study for the future would be to apply the United States’ Meaningful Use criteria to the EMR usage in Turkey and see if the proportion of Turkish healthcare institutions utilizing an effective EMR system remains high or drops significantly. However, one should

be careful in extending these findings to policy decisions, since setting the criteria for meaningful usage of EMRs can backfire, where physicians may stop using EMRs since the requirements become too overwhelming to handle (Jha 2010).

II. Public and private healthcare practices One factor that should be considered between these two research sites is whether EMR implementation differs between public and private healthcare institutions. This comparison may help policy makers decide where to better allocate resources in terms of development of EMRs. Based on discussions with Turkish physicians, public hospital’s EMR systems are not as effective or comprehensive than those seen at private institutions (Taskiran 2014). On the other hand, in the United States, there does not seem be major differences in EMR quality between public and private hospitals and clinics (Turner 2014). For example, the Veterans Health Administration, a public hospital system, is renowned for its effective and integrated electronic health record system (Asch et al. 2004).

A further complication to this public-private comparison, with regard to the Turkey’s situation, is that contradictory information appears in published reports. According to a study (Dogac 2011), 99% of public hospitals participate in the NHIS (National Health Information System) while 71% of private and university hospitals do so. Due to both the discrepancy both between the U.S and Turkey and also within Turkey with regards to this public-private institutional comparison, it is difficult to make a conclusion as to whether a different strategy is needed when addressing EMR implementation in public and private health institutions.

Instead of simply the designation of public and private hospitals and clinics, other factors, such as size and location of the medical practice may more predictive of the effective usage of EMRs. Independent private practices are not as receptive to utilizing EMRs since they do not perceive the immediate benefits of EMRs (Turner 2014). It is not vital for these clinics to have EMRs since their volume of patients is small enough for paper-based system to sustain. A similar case can be made for rural medical practices, since they do not feel the need to integrate with other clinics that are too far away to make a meaningful communications.

In Turkey, a similar perspective prevails. Outpa-

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tient clinics not directly linked to the large hospital practices are not as receptive to using EMRs while inpatient clinics are more likely to integrate EMRs into their practice. Therefore, determinants such as funding, size, location and type of the medical practice are likely to be more crucial to EMR adoption.

III. Monetary investment in EMR development Another major aspect of the health care systems which needs to be examined is the amount of spending involved in EMR implementation. In this case, there does indeed seem to be a correlation between the amount of spending and adoption rates. Both Turkey and the United States have increased spending on healthcare information technology during their respective reform policies.

For the case of the United States, the Meaningful Use incentive program seems to play a significant role in the increased proportion of physicians using the appropriate EMR systems, since the large rise in 2012 followed closely after the start of the Medicaid meaningful use incentive program.

One reason why Turkey’s EMR implementation is not as strong as expected is because the amount of money invested in this process may not be sufficient (Turan and Palvia 2014). Indeed, as mentioned previously, Turkey has invested a smaller proportion of their health budget to healthcare information technology relative to that of the United States. One interesting observation made at Acibadem Hospital was that the management emphatically showcased their usage of ultra-modern technology. For instance, their hospital system employs the use of three da Vinci Surgical Systems, which are well known for their high costs.

Although this finding was at a private hospital, the implication here is that the available spending seems sufficient, but rather the allocation of the available resources should be the basis of investigation. It may be possible for Turkey to not value the novelty and benefits of EMRs as much as other types of medical technologies.

Since the initiative set for by the HITECH act included large investments in health information technology seems to have had an impact of EMR adoption, increased spending in the implementation process can be suggested to be a large contributing factor. However, the argument for increased spending to improve EMR adoption may

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be countered with the notion that higher spending does not necessarily relate to better outcomes.

For instance, the United States by far leads the world in healthcare spending. However, certain parameters measuring healthcare access, such as physician per capita, are lower than other countries that spend drastically less amounts of money (Reinhardt, Hussey and Anderson, 2004).

Thus, the relationship between investment spending and success of EMR implementation should be considered in more depth in order to evaluate this being suggested in this comparison.

IV. Limitations of current study and considerations for future research

One purpose of this comparative study was to demonstrate that there are many factors that must be considered when investigating the implementation of EMRs. This study could be extended by conducting additional site visits to Turkish healthcare institutions. In particular, although this paper implies that there is not much difference between public and private healthcare institution’s EMR adoption, public Turkish hospitals need to be evaluated. This is one aspect that was not performed in this current study. Information from this additional component would be helpful, since it can either confirm or deny the claim that there is not much difference between public and private hospitals. Also, since public hospitals are directly under the domain of the Ministry of Health—the source of the statistics considered in this paper— studying these public hospitals would allow a better understanding of what the Ministry of Health means by their claims of high EMR usages.

Furthermore, it should be mentioned that this research report is not focused on identifying the fundamental obstacles to EMR adoption, in the sense of the intrinsic usage of EMRs. This includes the potentially confusing interface physicians may encounter when using the system as well as interference with the doctor-patient interaction (Friedberg, Crosson, and Tutty 2014). As with most upcoming technology, time is needed to optimize usability. Instead of analyzing these types of EMR implementation obstacles, this paper focuses on more general themes of the American and Turkish healthcare systems which may play a role in explaining the implementation process.

Thus, a potential extension to this investigation would be to evaluate the scientific and develop-

mental progress in updating the EMR to better suit the clinical setting, since this can also be a major factor in EMR implementation not considered here.

Additionally, the generalized implications made in this analysis may be met with skepticism of the analysis performed by this paper may be that this study was based on only a literature review and a series of interviews with select healthcare experts.

A future research study may utilize a survey of large amount of healthcare providers in order to better assess the situation at a wider scale, rather than a simple case study of two selected clinics performed here. Nevertheless, the analysis and discussion here should provide motivation for further investigations that can help both healthcare providers and policymakers better understand the implications of EMRs. CONCLUSION The implementation of electronic medical records in a nation’s healthcare system is a crucial issue in current healthcare agenda, as indicated by the inclusion of this issue in many recent healthcare reform policies. Both the United States and Turkey are two such examples of this case. While both have similar goals in achieving complete EMR adoption in the near future, both nations have encountered unique challenges in EMR implementation. The similarities as well as the differences surrounding this issue between the U.S. and Turkey provide contrasting arguments that help better understand these challenges. By making a comparison between the U.S. and Turkey, some possible factors that may be associated with the two nations’ differing EMR usage situations are health information technology investments, government incentives and the defined EMR usage standards. While further study is needed to better understand these relationships, healthcare management professionals as well as related policy makes should consider these factors when moving forward with EMR implementation.

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SECTION IV. IMMIGRATION Exploring the Refugee Experience: A Comparison between Houston and Istanbul

by Meredith George

Asylum Law and Syrian Asylum Seekers in Houston and Istanbul

by Sevita Rama

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EXPLORING THE REFUGEE EXPERIENCE: A COMPARISON BETWEEN HOUSTON AND ISTANBUL

by Meredith George EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The United States and Turkey are both countries with sizeable and growing populations of refugees who are unable to return to their home countries out of fear. As conflicts around the world continue to escalate, the United States and Turkey continue to become increasingly instrumental players in international refugee aid. Houston and Istanbul, as major urban centers in their respective countries, are ideal research locations to investigate the typical refugee integration and adaptation experience in America and Turkey.

By exploring the lived experiences of refugees in Houston and Istanbul via first-hand accounts, this paper will investigate each country’s policies towards refugees and refugee assistance to better understand their effect on refugees’ living situations in urban settings. This research finds that although the United States and Turkey have vastly different refugee policies and policy aims, they both face similar issues in providing a safe, supportive environment in which refugees can thrive. This research expands the narrative on refugees living in global cities by discovering that two global cities with very different policies can face many similar difficulties.

INTRODUCTION

ISSUE STATEMENT

This research will consider the federal policies on refugee aid and resettlement of both Turkey and the United States in order to explore how those differing policies then impact the experiences of refugees living in the urban, global cities of Istanbul and Houston. In order to do this, I will first define whom, specifically; refugees are, where they are primarily originating from, and how they are organized internationally. I will then discuss in particular the policies on refugee aid in both Turkey and the United States, and then more narrowly how Houston and Istanbul fit into their countries refugee resettlement plans. The specific research questions and methodology will be explained and then the findings discussed. The findings include discussions of both each country’s differing policy aims, as well as those policies’ impacts on the refugees in each city. The impacts will be evaluated based on first-hand accounts and journalistic interviews focusing on refugees’ residential and economic situations. Conclusions comparing the effectiveness of refugee policies in Houston and Istanbul are then drawn and a recommendation for increased communication between non-profit organizations and local governments is presented.

International status of refugees In order to better understand the experience of refugees in Houston and Istanbul, we must first understand the situation and definition of refuges in the modern era. These refugees, as defined by the UN 1951 Refugee Convention, are those who, “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, [are] outside the country of [their] nationality, and [are] unable to, or owing to such fear, [are] unwilling to avail [themselves] of the protection of that country”(“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”). The UN Refugee Agency, or UNHCR, was founded in 1951 with the aim of helping Europeans displaced by World War II. It was only meant to last 3 years, but unfortunately, the humanitarian needs of refugees have only grown since then, and the UNHCR is still active today as the leading source of global humanitarian aid with regards to refugees and displaced persons (“The Mandate of the High Commissioner for Refugees and His Office”). Today, the UNHCR is responsible for 10.4 million refugees worldwide, with an additional 4.8 million displaced by the

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Palestinian conflict looked after in camps in the Middle East by a separate branch of the UNHCR (“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”). Half of the refugees under the UNHCR’s care are from Asia, and around 28% are from Africa. All refugees are considered for 3 resettlement options: repatriation, local integration, or resettlement (“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”). Repatriation involves the voluntary return of the refugee to their home country, while local integration involves the refugee remaining in the host country they fled to. Resettlement, the most drastic option, is exercised when there is no chance for the refugee returning to their home country. It involves the UNHCR sending the refugee to a third country where they will usually reside long-term. While the UNHCR is the global force in charge of organizing and resettling refugees, each country has its own unique policy regarding refugees that the UNHCR adapts to when working with them. These policies vary greatly by nation and are of critical importance in determining how a refugee will adapt to their new setting.

Turkey’s current asylum and refugee policies are based around three primary pieces of legislation: the 1951 Convention on Status of Refugees, the 1994 Asylum Regulation, and the 2013 Law on Foreigners and International Protection (Celia Mannaert, “2014 UNHCR Country Operations Profile-Turkey”). The 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees placed a geographical limitation on refugees and declared that only European asylum seekers could be granted refugee status in Turkey (Celia Mannaert, 7). This geographical limitation has by far been the most influential piece of refugee legislation passed by Turkey in recent history. It has had very significant implications for the more than one million non-European asylum seekers presently in Turkey, who are considered refugees under the UN definition but not given legal “refugee” status under Turkish law (“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”). Furthermore, the 1994 Asylum Regulation gave the power of refugee status determination to the Turkish Ministry of the Interior instead of the UNHCR, allowing the Turkish government to deny refugee status and services to whom they see fit.

This policy is dangerous in that it allows the Turkish government to deny the privileges and services associated with legal “refugee” status to those who deserve it. However, sources indicate that in

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the mean time, Turkey maintained a “well-functioning system of temporary asylum” (Celia Mannaert, 8) for those not given official refugee status, and in April 2013, the Law on Foreigners and International Protection formally allowed for the protection and assistance of all asylum-seekers and refugees, regardless of origin (“2014 UNHCR Country Operations Profile-Turkey”). This law, while not completely counteracting the 1951 Convention geographical limitation, at least guarantees protection for those unable to return to their home countries, regardless of their legal refugee or non-refugee status under Turkish law.

These policies reveal a tendency in Turkey’s offer of refuge to be temporary and not intended for the long-term. Although Turkey has a long history of being a place of refuge for asylum seekers, its history also demonstrates a focus on shortterm refugee assistance. Turkey became a prime location for temporary and long-term asylum after World War II, when it accepted displaced peoples primarily from Eastern Europe. It continued to accept large amounts of asylum seekers from Europe and the Middle East through the 1980s (Celia Mannaert). An estimated 1.5 million Iranians and 600,000 Iraqis sought refuge in Turkey from the period of 1980-1991. Most of these refuge-seekers planned on migrating further into Europe and were encouraged by the Turkish government to do so (Celia Mannaert). Turkey was more of a stopping point in the greater refugee journey than an actual destination.

More recently, Turkey has been of crucial assistance in the ongoing Syrian crisis by accepting close to 1 million Syrian asylum-seekers (“2014 UNHCR Country Operations Profile-Turkey”) and creating a Temporary Protection Regime, which promises an open border policy and no forcible repatriations. In summary, in continuing its role as a bridge between the East and the West, Turkey has been a major refuge for asylum seekers from all over the world, despite the government’s somewhat limited support provided by its refugee policies. These seemingly severe limitations on refugee support indicated by the extreme hesitation in awarding legal “refugee” status have transferred most responsibilities onto the UNHCR and other NGO’s such as the Turkish Red Crescent and International Catholic Migration Commission. It remains to be seen what the exact implications of these policies are, but it can be assumed that they have a very direct effect on the

experiences of refugees in camps and non-camp urban settings.

American refugee and asylum policies are in stark contrast to Turkey’s. One reason for this is that they occupy different places in the refugee displacement spectrum. As previously mentioned, when processing refugees in the country to which they fled, the UNHCR considers 3 options: support until voluntary repatriation, citizenship in that country to which they fled, or resettlement in a third country for the most vulnerable populations (“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”). While Turkey is a country to which refugees flee directly from their home countries based on its strategic location, the United States is a country which accepts restricted numbers of refugees eligible for resettlement in a third country, which is less than 1% of all refugees worldwide (Department Of State. “Refugee Admissions”). While the US does accept more than half of all refugees who qualify for resettlement and more than all the other resettlement countries combined (Department Of State. “Refugee Admissions”), it is still in complete control of how many refugees it accepts per year, which differs vastly from Turkey’s refugee influx situation. For example, Turkey can estimate that it has around 1 million Syrian refugees within its borders right now, but because not all of them are registered with the UNHCR or Turkish government, Turkey cannot be sure (“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”).

The United States, on the other hand, knows that it accepted exactly 58,238 refugees in fiscal year 2012 because of its strict acceptance policy (Department of State.“FY12 Refugee Admissions Statistics”). Therefore, while asylum-seekers enter Turkey before acquiring legal refugee status, every asylum-seeker who enters the United States is legally considered a refugee and receives refugee support services from day one.

Each individual refugee is processed abroad by a Refugee Support Center, and once screened, that refugee is matched with one of nine domestic resettlement agencies in the United States (Department of State. “The Reception and Placement Program”). These agencies, in partnership with the Reception and Placement Program of the federal government, provide initial housing, furniture, clothing, language services, employment assistance, and psychological counseling for their designated refugees (Department Of State. “Refu-

gee Admissions”). They are placed in locations where they have family members if applicable, or in a community that the resettlement agency believes best fits their needs (Department Of State. “Refugee Admissions”). While the United States is generous in accepting such large numbers of refugees, in providing initial support of $1,875 per individual, and in pairing each individual with a trusted agency (Department Of State. “Refugee Admissions”), its support services generally expire after a brief eight months, and its universal policies do not necessarily accommodate for different groups’ needs (Kerwin). Additionally, while the absolute number of refugees accepted into America is large, the ratio of refugees accepted into the country to the native country population is actually lower than many other developed countries.

In contrast to Turkey, the primary goal of the United States refugee policy is economic self-sufficiency as soon as possible. Refugees are given full work authorization immediately, and they are expected to work in order to provide for themselves once the government support stops. After one year they are expected to become Permanent Residents, and after five years, they have the option of becoming an American citizen (Department Of State. “Refugee Admissions”). Thus, it is apparent from America’s deadline-intensive, holistic approach to refugee resettlement that they fundamentally differ from Turkey in refugee policy. Because they are aiming for refugee resettlement as opposed to local integration, they seek “durable long-term solutions” and self-sufficiency for their constituents. Turkey, on the other hand, attempts to deal with an immeasurable influx by finding and registering those who seek asylum, in order to provide short-term aid to them. These policies each have unique advantages and disadvantages that affect the refugee experience and influence how the urban environments they inhabit develop.

By 2009, over half of the world’s refugees lived in urban settings (“Media Advisory”) as opposed to UN-monitored refugee camps. Cities offer refugees the opportunity “to stay anonymous, make money, and build a better future,” but at the same time, an influx of refugees in a non-camp environment such as global cities can “place additional strains on scarce public resources such as health and education” (“Media Advisory”). As global cities, Houston and Istanbul are massive targets for refugee resettlement, largely due to their econom-

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ic opportunities, amount of resources, and cultural diversity, but they also face difficulties in providing the necessary resources for refugees to successfully adapt to their new environment. As increasing numbers of displaced people seek refuge in large, global cities like Houston and Istanbul, the responses of these cities to the needs of the asylum seekers are of critical importance for those refuge-seekers and the development of the city itself.

This paper will seek to analyze and unpack the consequences of both Houston and Istanbul’s policies and programs regarding refugees in order to understand how those policies influence the success of the refugee in a new, urban setting.

RESEARCH This research asks the question: how do policies influence economic and residential patterns in the adaptation and integration experiences of refugees in Houston and Istanbul? Economic patterns refer to the refugees’ experiences finding and obtaining employment, what types of employment, and how well that employment allows them to provide for themselves and their families. Residential patterns refer to what types of housing refugees are able to procure (formal, informal, slums, etc.), how they found that housing (independently, through government, through nonprofit agency), and the quality of life that shelter provides.

METHODOLOGY Through the analysis of quantitative and qualitative data, this research aims to discover how federal policies affect refugees’ lives in Houston and Istanbul. It will use factual information and first-hand accounts to analyze the essence of the economic and residential experiences of refugees in Houston and Istanbul. In Houston, I will primarily seek this information through data from non-profit resettlement agencies, their mission statements, and their websites. Other quantitative data will be found on the United States Office of Refugee Resettlement website. I will also utilize journalistic interviews with refugees and first-hand accounts found in news articles to gain a better understanding of the lived experiences of refugees in Houston. While there are not a large amount of relevant interviews available, there was consistency in responses across interviews, which indicates the internal validity of the qualitative data.

Information on the experiences of refugees in

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Istanbul is slightly more difficult to come by due to numerous language barriers and different circumstances. As previously stated, Turkey does not get to select how many refugees enter its country due to their geographic location and difficulties manning their expansive border, and thus have much rougher estimates of the number of refugees in their country. There are also difficulties investigating patterns of experiences in Istanbul because many of its refugees are not registered as refugees with the Turkish government. If they are registered, they are considered asylum seekers, and although they are technically given protection under the 2013 law, their support services are provided solely by third party providers. Thus, in order to gather information on the economic and residential experiences of refugees in Istanbul, I will rely heavily on academic papers and journalistic, first-hand accounts provided by newspapers and non-profit agencies.

This primarily qualitative and comparative approach is ideal for this research because exact numerical data is hard to come by in many regions of the world like Turkey, and numerical data does not always accurately reflect the experience itself.

While the subjectivity of interviews and first-hand accounts has been questioned in the past, I do not perceive it as a limitation of this study but rather as a robust and descriptive supplement to the numerical data that provides insight into the everyday experiences of refugees.

Scholars should exercise caution when generalizing this data to other global cities because each city’s experience is unique to their location in the refugee resettlement process. Istanbul is unique because of its geographical location, and Houston is unique because it is so far removed from the refugees’ countries of origin and because the government has such an in-depth registration process.

However, Houston and Istanbul are both dynamic, booming global cities that attract refugees for those very reasons, and the challenges and successes they face likely relate to those of other, similar global cities.

FINDINGS When assessing the situation of refugees in Houston, there are both positives and negatives.

One significant positive is the rate of employment among refugees in Houston. Refugees are typically

sent to Houston because of its robust economy and vast cultural diversity, but what they experience upon arrival is not always necessarily what they expected. The most important uniting factor across all four primary nonprofit resettlement agencies in Houston- Alliance Center for Multicultural Services, YMCA International Services, Catholic Charities, and Interfaith Ministries- is their desire for and strong emphasis on employment and self-sufficiency (Giglio). Interfaith Ministries indicates as one of its top priorities that “refugees become self-sufficient and productive Houstonians” by “help[ing] refugees find employment and take part in the American Dream” (Interfaith Ministries for Greater Houston), and all of the big four agencies offer some kind of employment training and services.

This focus demonstrates the emphasis of American refugee policy on long-term solutions like self-sufficiency and economic and social integration.

Additionally, the Alliance Center for Multicultural Services provides “core” services like food, clothing, and furnishings for the first 30 days after a refugee’s arrival, but the social and employment services continue for several months (Alliance Center for Multicultural Services). These policies can be beneficial to refugees by allowing them to move off of government and non-profit support quickly. For example, several non-profit agencies reported close to 80% employment rates of their constituents within their first year in the United States (Giglio), and Kerwin (2011) found that at least 70% of those employed within the first year were retained over a 90-day period. These kinds of success rates show that albeit not perfect, the long-term-oriented assistance programs of resettlement non-profits help many families get on their feet again quickly in a new environment.

However, these policies can also be detrimental in that they impose a very rigid timeline on vulnerable populations by giving them only eight months to apply for Social Security, learn basic English, enroll their children in school, receive employee training, and secure basic needs before having to pay their own rent and support their families.

While non-profits have impressive success rates in obtaining employment for their refugee constituents, these populations work overwhelmingly in minimum wage jobs based on their level of English.

Indeed, Kerwin (2011) found an average hourly wage of $8.50 for refugees from 2004 to 2009.

Additionally, a 2009 Houston Chronicle article on

the increasing number of Iraqi refugees in Houston provided first hand accounts of Iraqi refugee families whose government support had expired, but whose wages were not enough to support their families and who thus were on the verge of homelessness (Carroll). Burmese refugees indicated similar experiences and explained that eight months of government support could be sufficient in good economic times, but when the economy tanked around 2007, the job pool shrank and refugees had an exceedingly hard time finding employment (Giglio). The Burmese refugees interviewed agreed with Iraqi refugee Hassan Al Jaber that a substantial portion of their community was on the verge of homelessness (Giglio). Additionally, around 400 Burmese refugees were taken advantage of in 2008 and recruited for a meatpacking factory outside of Amarillo that ended up paying them around $6.50 per hour and keeping them in “third-world” conditions (Giglio). Refugees generally benefit from the policy that fully authorizes them to work in that they do not have to work for less than minimum wage for companies that take advantage of undocumented immigrants, but because of their common lack of English and vulnerable status, they can still be taken advantage of as shown in this example. While this refugee manipulation is not necessarily a common phenomenon, it demonstrates some of the economic difficulties still faced by refugees despite the United States’ and the resettlement agencies’ efforts.

Housing trends in Houston mirror economic trends in that they are well-intentioned and somewhat thorough but flawed. Federal policies are generous in that they coordinate for each refugee to be assigned to a resettlement agency that guarantees affordable housing with basic furnishings, as well as clothing and food. A 2009 Houston Chronicle article about the trials of Burmese refugees living in Houston found that Houston did not have any homeless refugees at that time (Giglio), which indicates that the level of support from resettlement agencies is sufficient to provide at least some sort of shelter to all resettled refugees. However, the article also described the living conditions of these refugees in the Gulfton region of Southwest Houston, which is Houston’s densest and most diverse neighborhood (Rogers). More than 100 Burmese families lived in one, packed, low-income housing complex that became somewhat of a mini-Burma (Giglio). This was beneficial in that it created a supportive cultural community, but also slightly

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worrisome because the apartment complexes referenced in this article and commonly inhabited by resettled refugees are in poor condition and not intended to support such densities of people (Rogers). Additionally, even though these are affordable housing complexes, there is an apparent threat of homelessness according to one-on-one interviews with those living in the apartments (Giglio, Carroll) due to lack of rent support from the government and resettlement agencies. Therefore, refugees benefit from the US policy that ensures each family finds an apartment through an agency, but there are still gaps in the system that allow for near-homelessness and substandard living.

not allowed to send any refugees back to their home country unless it is voluntary (UNHCR), so Turkey is forced to create reactionary policies in order to accommodate the refugees they receive.

Historically, Turkey has coped with this influx by housing the majority of refugees in camps along the border, where the UNHCR in cooperation with the Turkish Disaster and Emergency Management Agency has been able to provide for the basic shelter and needs of those refugees, even earning international praise for their work there (Kirisci).

However, with the ever-evolving crisis in Syria, those camps have become overcrowded, and an increasing number of refugees, in particular Syrian refugees, have begun to leave the camps for In summary, the housing and economic situation urban environments (Kirisci). In fact, of the estimatand experiences of resettled refugees in Houston ed 1 million Syrian refugees currently in Turkey, reflect the broader aims of the American policy on around 700,000 are believed to be in urban refugee resettlement for better or for worse. Refu- settings, with the number in Istanbul alone believed gees in Houston reap the benefits of the organized to be around 200,000 (Kirisci). system which pairs each refugee family with a non-profit, resettlement agency that provides them This unprecedented number of refugees in urban at least initially with affordable housing and basic contexts, particularly in Istanbul, brings up entirely necessities and provides more in-depth social and new challenges. One such challenge is how these psychological services for longer periods of time. refugees will fit in the labor market. Unlike in From the evidence I gathered, this impacts the the United States, Turkey does not automatically refugee experience by lending a sense of comprovide their refugees with work authorization, munity in a daunting time and by helping garner primarily because they have historically been in long-term economic self-sustainability. However, camps and not considered long-term migrants it also creates an additional stress with the time (Kirisci). Because current Turkish laws make it limit of eight months to get everything worked out, challenging for refugees to obtain work visas and which puts many families on the verge of helpless- procure legitimate work, their chances at finding ness. Luckily, journalistic accounts indicate that the employment and succeeding financially in the urplacement of refugees in communities where they ban labor market are greatly diminished. Thereare surrounded by many other refugees, including fore they are predominantly entering the informal those of the same nationality, leads to a comlabor market, working for unfair wages, and riskmunity that pitches in to help out when one of its ing exploitation by managers (Kirisci). According members is in distress. Thus, the American system to one report, “this is pushing wages downwards gives refugees the basic tools and support systems and provoking resentment among locals” (Kirisci). they need to succeed, but the extent of their sucAdditionally, a Human Rights Association reportcess depends on many external factors such as the ed that not a single one of the Syrian refugees it economy and the community they are placed in. interviewed had a valid working permit and that those who did manage to find work only received Because Turkey is a host country for refugees who about one third of what Turks in the same job rehave just fled their own countries, its organization- ceived (Seibert). Many of those who could not find al structure and role in the refugee resettlement work relied on charity from local organizations experience differ from those of the United States. and their community (Seibert). These negative exOne of the primary differences is that Turkey periences navigating Turkey’s urban labor market receives an unknown amount of refuge-seekers indicate that Turkey’s policies are not intended from its volatile bordering countries of Syria, for refugees to attain self-sufficiency or become Iraq, and Iran, many of whom cross the border integrated into the urban community. As previously without Turkey’s knowledge. Furthermore, because demonstrated, the policies leave refugees susof the UNHCR’s non-refoulment policy, Turkey is ceptible to unfair wages, which in turn hurt Turks

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looking for jobs, and put a strain on charities and on the community. These policies have clearly not been reevaluated in light of Turkey’s recent influx of urban refugees and do not allow for long-term sustainability of the refugee population.

Turkish refugee housing policies also reflect underlying short-term goals of repatriation in that there are no urban housing support programs to be found. The UNHCR provides shelter within refugee camps on the border, but in urban contexts such as Istanbul, its primary aims are to register refugees and provide basics like food and healthcare (“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern”). Because of this lack of services, many refugees are homeless or living in substandard, informal housing. The human rights organization Mazlumder estimates that up to 100,000 unregistered Syrian refugees are living in parks and apartments in low-income neighborhoods in Istanbul(Seibert). A refugee named Mohammed describes huddling under stone arches of an ancient Roman aqueduct in the heart of central Istanbul because his family has no where else to go (Seibert), while another reporter described informal housing inhabited by refugees in Istanbul’s historic Fatih district as a “warzone” (Van Herpen).

Because of the lack of quality affordable housing and out of pure desperation, refugees are living in houses that “[have] been destroyed, while others [are] stripped of their doors [and] windows” (Van Herpen). To add to the refugees’ distress, local authorities asked the homeless population to leave in November of last year, and Istanbul Governor Huseyin Avni Mutlu even asked Istanbul residents to inform authorities when they saw homeless people living outside in parks (“Syrian Refugees Decline to Be Moved to Camps, Istanbul Governor Says”).

This lack of institutional support has had a negative impact on the overall experience of refugees in Istanbul. By encouraging those homeless refugees to move to rural camps instead of addressing their needs within the city, Istanbul has shown that is does not wish for those refugees to remain in their city for an extended period of time.

CONCLUSIONS Both of these global cities have experienced an influx of refugee populations in the past few years and have relied on the assistance of non-profit or non-governmental agencies to cope with their specific needs. However, their approach to aiding

refugees, and thus their relationships with those non-governmental agencies and the refugees themselves differ greatly. Through research on their unique situations, I found that policies in the United States and Turkey are a reflection of their geographic locations and the size of the populations they support. Houston is a city where refugees come after already having fled to a second country, been processed by the UNHCR or a US Embassy, determined they cannot safely return to their home country, and having been deemed a candidate for third country resettlement. This only applies to a relatively small number of refugees.

Thus, the policies affecting Houston are more targeted at long-term goals like economic self-sustainability, employment, and cultural adaptation.

The United States is able to implement those policies because it only allows in the amount of refugees that it has resources to support. Istanbul, on the other hand, is a host for refugees who have fled directly from their home country to Turkey, and thus, it is much less in control of who arrives and how they are dealt with. Therefore, Turkey’s policies are more reactive than proactive.

Instead of pre-meditating who will arrive and what services they will receive, cities like Istanbul are forced to make decisions like the removal of homeless refugees as a reaction to circumstances they did not anticipate. Likewise, it is difficult for them to set aside certain resources for the refugee population if they do not know the exact size and needs of that population.

The data indicated that these policies directly affected the lived experiences of refugees in Houston and Istanbul, both by impacting what type of employment they attain and what type of housing they are able to procure. Because refuges in the United States are given full work authorization and employment services, they had a higher rate of employment, albeit in predominantly minimum wage jobs. Houston refugees self-reported a zero percent homelessness rate, but did report many cases of near-homelessness. The experiences of refugees in Houston were not always ideal, but the standard of living was higher on average than in Istanbul, where refugees predominantly worked for less than minimum wage and lived on the streets or in dilapidated housing.

This data leans towards the conclusion that American refugee policies are superior. However, as

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previously mentioned, the United States accepts only a set number of refugees that it is certain its budget can accommodate, and even then, refugee aid is not always distributed seamlessly. Despite Houston’s generous policies, refugees still face obstacles like bureaucracy impeding the efficiency of benefits programs, inconsistencies with who receives benefits (Giglio), and a “one size fits all” policy (Kerwin) that distributes the same amount of aid to refugees with varying needs. Several refugees reported not receiving their emergency cash assistance from the government, as well as receiving assistance for inconsistent durations of time between families (Giglio). Additionally, many of the refugee aid policies were created based on the experiences of Vietnamese refugees in the 1970s, and many factors of urban life and basic needs have changed since then. In general, my findings pointed towards an American policy that is well intentioned and organized but that could be updated and reevaluated with modern standards.

While refugees in Istanbul face conditions such as substandard housing and low-paying jobs, Istanbul also takes on a dramatically large number of refugees without necessarily having a say in the process.

Therefore, they are largely not in control of their refugee intake and living conditions. The main disadvantages of Turkey’s policies are that it does not appear to have a certain set of standards mandated for all refugees. It leaves refugee aid predominantly up to the UNHCR and other non-governmental agencies, but this leaves a dangerous amount of variability in the experiences refugees can have in Istanbul, where many refugees go unnoticed by the UNHCR. The experiences of refugees in Houston and Istanbul uncovered in this research indicate that although both countries try to create policies that best fit their circumstances, both leave gaps in support services and have inconsistencies that can create undesirable living conditions for refugees. Instead of tackling this issue on a federal level, Houston and Istanbul could work to improve cooperation and communication between their non-profit agencies and city governments. Improved public-private sector relationships could foster teamwork in order to cut down on the number of unregistered refugees in Istanbul, and find or create affordable, quality housing in Houston.

Many of the dismal circumstances the interviewed refugees found themselves in can be attributed to a discrepancy in what services policies proscribed for

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them, and the amount of aid refugees actually need.

With increased communication between the NGO’s actually interacting with refugees and providing them services and the governments creating the policies that direct the NGO’s, this discrepancy could be diminished. Global cities like Houston and Istanbul would both benefit from a reevaluation of the goals of their refugee policies in order to keep them in line with today’s international circumstances and what it costs to get by in each city.

Works Cited “2014 UNHCR Country Operations Profile-Turkey.”

UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency. Acessed online 28 March 2014.

“About Us.” Refugee Services of Texas. N. p., n.d. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Brewer, Kelly T. and Deniz Yükseker. 2005-2006. “Survey on African Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Istanbul.” Migration Research Program at the Koç University.

Department Of State. The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs. “Appendix E: Overview of US Refugee Policy.” U.S. Department of State. Geographic Report. N. p., 1 Jan. 2004. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Department Of State. The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs. “FY12 Refugee Admissions Statistics.” U.S. Department of State. Other Release. N. p., 28 Feb. 2013. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Department Of State. The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs. “Refugee Admissions.” N. p., 9 Nov. 2011. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Department Of State. The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs. “The Reception and Placement Program.” N. p., 22 May 2013. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Department Of State. The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs. “U.S. Refugee Admissions Program.” N. p., 22 May 2013. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Giglio, Mike. 2 Sep 2009. “The Burmese Come to Houston.” N. p., n.d. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Içduygu, Ahmet, Zeynep Gülru Göker, Lami Bertan Tokuzlu, and Seçil Paçaci Elitok. 2013. “MPC- Migration Profile: Turkey.” MPC- Migration Policy Centre.

Independent Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. 2014. Emergency Appeal Update No. 5; Turkey: Population Movement.

“Irregular Migration and Asylum in Turkey, Celia Mannaert.” UNHCR. N. p., n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2014.

“Media Advisory: Half of the World’s Refugees Now Live in Cities.” UNHCR. N. p., n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2014.

“More than 20,000 Syrians Flee to Turkey This Year, Biggest Influx in Months.” UNHCR. N. p., n.d. Web. 8 Apr. 2014. Özden, Senay. 2013. “Syrian Refugees in Turkey.”

MPC- Migration Policy Centre.

“Report: Iraqi Refugees in U.S. Need More Help.” Houston Chronicle. N. p., n.d. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

Rogers, Susan. “Superneighborhood 27: A History of Change.” 2004 : n. pag. Print.

“Syrian Refugees in Turkey: Bracing for the Long Haul.”

The Brookings Institution. N. p., n.d. Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

“The Mandate of the High Commissioner for Refugees and His Office.” UNHCR. N. p., n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2014.

“Thousands of Syrians Shun Refugee Camps to Sleep Rough on Istanbul’s Streets | The National.” N. p., n.d.

Web. 8 Apr. 2014.

“Turkey Experiences Major Refugee Influx.” UNHCR. N. p., n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2014.

“UNHCR Global Appeal 2014-2015 - Populations of Concern to.” UNHCR. N. p., n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2014.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services: Office of Refugee Resettlement. 2012. The Refugee Act. Venturini, Alessandra, Fabio Montobbio, and Claudio Fassio. “MPC–MIGRATION POLICY CENTRE.” (2012): n. pag. Google Scholar. Web. 9 Apr. 2014.

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ASYLUM LAW AND SYRIAN ASYLUM SEEKERS IN HOUSTON ISTANBUL

by Sevita Rama EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Syrian asylum seekers are among the largest group of migrants seeking to join industrialized countries.

This paper seeks to evaluate the history and current changes in asylum law in Turkey and the United States, two industrialized countries especially important to the current situation in Syria. This comparison will be explored further with the cities of Istanbul and Houston taken as case studies to examine the role of local non-governmental organizations working on asylum cases. Through a series of open-ended interviews supplemented by background research into asylum and international law, I contrast the legal frameworks in the United States and Turkey and evaluate the role of local organizations in assisting Syrian asylum seekers in light of the immediate crisis.

INTRODUCTION The outflow of Syrians to other countries, since the beginning of the conflict in 2011, is one of the few constants in Syriaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s otherwise extremely volatile situation. Before the armed conflict, in 2011, Syria was ranked 20th as a source country from asylum seekers by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In addition, Syrians are the largest single group of people seeking asylum in industrialized countries for the first time since 1999. In the United States, 88, 400 claims were filed in 2013 which is approximately 25 per cent more than in 2012. Turkey was the highest recipient of asylum applications in the region of Southern Europe, seeing a 69 per cent rise in asylum applications overall in 2013. Approximately 80 per cent of asylum claims were to European countries in 2013, particularly Germany and Sweden, while 16 per cent of the claims were to the United States and Canada.

The unprecedented number of Syrian asylum seekers is an important global concern and displays the far reaching impact of crisis in Syria beyond its geographical proximities. The human rights aspect of the Syrian conflict extends farther than just the situation of the many Syrians still in Syria. The newest generations of the Syrian diaspora are an essential part of understanding to what degree countries must assess their asylum procedures and laws under the umbrella of international procedures.

Very few of the millions of Syrian migrants who have fled their homes have been given full refugee status in any country. Many countries have established quotas and are working with the UNHCR to accommodate the new migrants, but are unable to provide the full residency accorded to refugees. The director of UNHCR's Division of International Protection, Volker Turk, calls attention to the massive effect Syria has on the industrialized countries even if they are far removed from the crises in the Middle East.

The UNHCR report also points to a correlation between current conflict area and rates of acceptance of asylum claims. For example, it notes acceptance rates for people from Syria, Eritrea, Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan are between 62 percent and 95 percent. On the other hand, acceptance rates from nationals of the Russian Federation, most of whom are Chechens, and Serbia and Kosovo are significantly lower. These countries, which are not at war, have an acceptance rate of around 28 percent and 5 percent respectively.

The Global City Context: Istanbul and Houston Istanbul and Houston, though similar global cities in many ways, play very different roles for the asylum seekers who come to Turkey and Houston, respectively. Istanbul is city far from the refugee camps of southern Turkey and beyond the points where citizens must file for asylum. It also holds

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many economic opportunities for asylum seekers who stay in Turkey and provides more non-traditional options for self-sustainment. However, as it is also a port city and has Turkey’s most prominent airport, it is often used as a point of transit for asylum seekers hoping to go to European countries like Sweden that offer chances for family reunification.

Houston, on the other hand, draws the attention of different types of asylum seekers. Asylum seekers who come to Houston usually have some previous connection or were referred to the area by acquaintances or friends. Additionally, Syrian asylum seekers who make it to America have largely come by plane to North America, which requires a significant amount of money in itself. There are no refugee camps for Syrian asylum seekers in the United States, unlike Turkey, where most of the asylum-seeking population resides. Houston is in the 5th Circuit of the U.S. Court of Appeals which has its own biases in judging asylum cases due to the frequency of certain types of asylum claims.

Both cities offer a number of services for asylum seekers through partnerships with international entities like the UNHCR or through the operation of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) like Catholic Charities in Houston and the Helsinki Citizens Assembly in Istanbul. The UNHCR operates as the main multilateral, yet independent international organization regarding refugees and asylum seekers. However, it utilizes the organizational structure of NGOs to assist in implementation of plans and operations to best assist asylum seekers and refugees. In Turkey, the UNHCR works with the Association for Solidarity with Asylum-Seekers and Migrants, Human Resources Development Foundation, and Turkish Red Crescent Society, to implement their plan regarding Syrian asylum seekers.

In the United States, the UNHCR is not as explicitly partnered with local organizations because of the existing legal framework and because of a more decentralized system of appeals. The procedures for asylum in each country will be explained in more detail further in the paper.

ISSUE STATEMENT Turkey is receiving a record number of Syrian asylum seekers due to proximity towards the Syrian border. Due to the Turkish interpretation of the 1951 United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, Turkey cannot classify Syrian

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asylum seekers as refugees, and subsequently cannot provide the same resettlement services that refugees receive to anyone from areas that are not a part of the European Union. The United States has many restrictions regarding Syrian refugees and asylum seekers that have severely limited the number of people who have been able to stay and resettle in the country. Both the issue of too many migrants in Turkey and too many regulations in the United States have led to an influx of irregular migrants.

Local organizations in Istanbul and Houston play an important role as global cities in assisting migrants as they navigate the present legal structures to find relief from the conflict in Syria. In addition, both cities provide a variety of employment opportunities and social resources in the form of existing ethnic communities and civil-society organizations that can ameliorate the circumstances of living temporarily or permanently in a new city. This paper compares the legal framework present in the United States and in Turkey for Syrian asylum seekers using Istanbul and Houston, Texas as case studies of the way in which cities must operate under overarching international and federal procedures. In creating this parallel, I aim to propose recommendations to address the immediate situation of Syrian asylum seekers struggling to escape armed conflict in their home country in the United States and Turkey.

RESEARCH METHODLOGY The desk methods for this paper include extensive research of publicly available electronic reports and articles regarding the most current situation of Syrian asylum seekers from the UNHCR and other sources. General searches in addition to registration with the Refugee Law Reader provided access to some of the cited materials used in detailing existing laws on the International level.

The fieldwork component of this project consists of open-ended interviews with stakeholders in this study. I spoke with Dr. Ahmet Içduygu of Koç University, Dr. Korel Göymen of the Istanbul Policy Center in Istanbul. These interviews were formal and in-person. They were not recorded through any electronic device, but where recorded in part by hand. In Houston, I spoke with Julie Pasch, J.D., of Catholic Charities. This interview was also formal, in-person, and recorded for audio.

International Protocol and Organizations

like this are considered “prima facie.” This means that if they come from an area of strife, they will In response to World War I and the Cold War, be automatically considered refugees instead of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of asylum seekers whose claims must be assessed.

Refugees and the following 1967 Protocol were This is not currently the case with Syrian migrants created to protect people displaced by conflict. in Turkey or in the United States. It is important to These documents define what constitutes a refugee, note that groups considered refugees are already establishes the rights of refugees and the respongranted rights in the country where they seek prosibility of the states party to these agreements. tection before entering.

In defining what a refugee is, the Convention and its amendment state the legal protections, assisAsylum eligibility has three basic requirements. tance measures and social rights that refugees are First, an asylum applicant must establish that he entitled to in their host countries. The geographical or she fears persecution. Second, the applicant limitation by which Turkey abides came about as a must prove that he or she would be persecuted on result of World War II and the European refugees account of one of five protected grounds: race, who needed to relocate. The 1967 expanded religion, nationality, political opinion, and social the scope of the original convention, applying the group. Third, an applicant must establish that the refugee protections to people from all over the government is either involved in the persecution, world. The UNHCR has repeatedly deplored a or unable to control the conduct of private actors. trend towards a more restrictive interpretation of Usually, asylum is something that can only be apthe 1951 Convention and its 1967 Protocol in cer- plied when the person has crossed the border into tain countries or even regions of the world. These another country. Upon reaching an entry point, the developments undermine the protection regime person can claim that they are seeking asylum, created by these instruments. At the same time, however this claim cannot be stated from outside they create difficulties for participating countries the country in which they are seeking asylum. Once as they encourage refugees to turn to countries having made the claim, the applicant must go with a more generous practice. through the legal proceedings to achieve asylum status.

Non-governmental organizations are an essential part of the UNHCR operation in any country.

Although “asylum seeker” and “refugee” are There are implementation NGOs and organization frequently confused in the everyday American NGOs which are each responsible for a different context, the Turkish context makes a very emphatset of associative tasks in assisting the UNHCR ic distinction between the two. In American legal have a local presence. 75 per cent of non-govproceedings, the previously mentioned “prima ernmental organizations provide the UNHCR with facie” refugees are referred to more generally as local support in specific areas. They also receive just refugees since their status is assigned before some of the funding given to the UNHCR depend- entering the country. Asylum seekers are usually ing on their role. In 2008, approximately “25 per individuals who are seeking some partial refugee cent of UNHCR's total expenditures were chanstatus and must go through the interview and legal neled through 636 NGOs, including 162 internaprocesses in order to be determined as eligible tional agencies and 474 national ones.” for asylum once they have reached the country.

Turkey adheres strongly to the geographical limWhat is a Refugee? What is an Asylum Seeker? itations of the 1951 UN Convention on the Status The terms asylum-seeker and refugee are often of Refugees. As such, official refugee status is only confused: an asylum-seeker is someone who says given to people from the European Union, whereas he or she is a refugee, but whose claim has not migrants from other locations are referred to only yet been definitively evaluated. When people as “asylum seekers” and as such cannot obtain full migrate to a new location en masse, it becomes refugee status. impractical to evaluate each individual claim and conduct interviews with each person. Usually, when Recent History of U.S. Asylum and Refugee Policies this happens, there is a clear reason for a group In the past, a majority of post-Cold War until the of people to flee a country and it is not necessary mid-1990s refugees who immigrated to the United to conduct case-by-case examinations, so groups States were from Southeast Asia, the former Soviet

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Union, and people from the Balkans fleeing the Yugoslav wars. In the 2000s, groups from various conflict areas in Africa increased the refugee population in the United States. Because of the resources available in large metropolitan areas, including social support structures and economic opportunities, many asylum seekers and refugees flock to these areas. Additionally, migrants who arrive at seaports and airports are usually near a large city center. City centers also have legal support for asylum seekers and refugees to navigate resettling in the United States. Catholic Charities is one such organization that operates nationally out of metropolitan centers to assist refugees and asylum seekers in legal services and counseling, among other services. Like other non-profit organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), Catholic Charities provides services to people regardless of faith, or socioeconomic backgrounds. NGOs work closely with the UNHCR in all of the countries that participate under the 1951 UN Convention and its 1967 Protocol.

The United States follows both the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the additional 1967 Protocol. As such, the United States recognizes refugees as people who are unable to return to their country of origin which is not the United States or its territories, for fear of persecution. The protected grounds under which a person can claim that they are fleeing persecution include: religion, political opinion, or membership of a certain social group. The United States as a signatory of the Convention and its Protocol is obliged in the non-refoulment of refugees. That is, the United States cannot send people protected as refugees back to their countries of origin. However, non-refoulment does not necessarily apply to asylum seekers who are seeking refugee status, which is how the Syrian situation is currently being considered.

In addition the international agreement that the United States has entered, there have been a number of Congressional acts reiterating the status of refugees and protecting particular social groups that were coming to the United States at the time.

Among these acts are: the 1953 Refugee Relief Act, the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1962, the 1975 Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act, and others. One of the most significant acts is the Refugee Act of 1980 which reinforces the definitions of a refugee and asylum

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seekers set forth originally by the 1951 Convention while also creating the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. By 2004, federal involvement with refugees was largely through the Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration within the U.S. State Department working in conjunction with the Office of Refugee Resettlement. Asylum claims are not dealt with through the same federal institutions as refugee resettlement and assistance. The Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services is largely responsible for asylum claims through the Department of Homeland Security. It is possible that the distribution of services among various federal branches speaks to how the United States regards and differentiates refugees and asylum seekers despite using the terms somewhat interchangeably.

The President of the United States has the power to limit the maximum number of refugees into the country for each fiscal year as per the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, also known as a “refugee ceiling.” For fiscal year 2014, the overall limit was 70,000, “with 68,000 admissions numbers allocated among the regions of the world and 2,000 numbers comprising an unallocated reserve.” Whether or not a person will receive one of these allocated spots is usually determined before they come to the United States. Therefore, the process is not the same for asylum seekers to whom these ceilings do not necessarily apply.

Asylum cases that have been accepted qualify as “Priority 3” admission which “comprises family reunification cases involving close relatives of persons admitted as refugees or granted asylum.”

There are no numerical limits on asylum seekers in the United States as cases are usually evaluated on an individual basis. They may also apply for lawful permanent resident status after one year of being the United States like the requirement for refugees, but it is not required.

According to the Migration Policy Institute, a think tank that conducts migrations research in the United States and Internationally from a nonpartisan lens, Texas is among the top five states by number of immigrants as of 2012. Houston is the most populous city in Texas and has a very high immigrant population as it is a sprawling metropolis.

Texas also qualifies as a one of the five states that had the largest absolute growth of the immigrant population between 1990 and 2000 and 2000

and 2012 with 1.4 million more people in each ten year block. Houston is currently considered a gateway for migrant communities and has the potential also to be one for resettled refugees or asylum seekers. Some of these gateways also are home to culturally or ethnically similar enclaves.

For example, the Detroit area was home to about a fifth of Iraqi refugees in the years surrounding the conflict. When filing for asylum, applicants are given information about the local organizations and as such, can make judgments about areas that have people who can speak their language if not English. People entering the country with an intent to file asylum do not have information about where their case for asylum will be most well received and as such, they migrate to areas where they have personal connections – whether familial or knowledge of an ethnic enclave.

Recent History of Turkey’s Asylum and Refugee Policies Turkey is a member state of the 1951 UN Convention and its 1967 Protocol to a limited degree.

Non-Europeans are not considered refugees due to the geographical limitation that Turkey follows.

The country offers protection to non-Europeans as well as seen through its efforts in assisting Syrian asylum seekers in cooperation with the UNHCR. However, in terms of resettlement, Turkey will resettle non-Europeans outside of the country which is a large contributing factor to Istanbul being considered an intermediary city as Syrians flee their country. Since December 1999, when Turkey was considered a candidate for full membership to the European Union, Turkey is expected to align its policies with the EU Enlargement Acquis and remove. This includes removing the geographical limitation the country has on the 1951 UN Convention. Asylum and migrations are an especially important point in the current EU agenda and as such, it has become an integral concern to Turkey.

Turkey is situated not only as a bridge between two continents but also as a space that facilitates the flow of people across borders. Turkey has seen changing patterns in migratory flows over the recent decades. According to migrations expert and professor at Koç University, Dr. Ahmet Içduygu, current attitudes toward migration policy and migrations trends can be traced back to the period of time after the implementation of the 1951 UN Convention. Individual arrivals were at a continuous stream from 1970 onwards, due to the

large migration of people from Afghanistan and Iran into the country. Iraqi Kurds and Sri Lankans were also a groups that migrated to Turkey en masse, changing the demographic structure. These movements have a history comparable to the overwhelming number of Syrian migrants coming into the country at this time. Additionally, irregular migrants are frequently mixed in with Syrian migrants who may come to country with the intention to seek asylum, but find their cases rejected or otherwise unsuccessful.

It must be noted that there has been no provision in the Turkish Constitution regarding asylum until most recently in April 2013. It has been a year since the passing of this law and its implementation is still taking effect, most notably through the partnership of the UNHCR who supports the law which make Turkey more accessible to Syrian asylum seekers. Before this, the most important instrument in this context was an administrative regulation, the 1994 Regulation. In those instruments, asylum seekers or refugees are taken into consideration under the category of ‘aliens’ or foreign nationals in general.

FINDINGS The asylum process begins in the following situations. The person or persons seeking asylum must: a.

b.

c.

d.

Ask for asylum at a port of entry (airport, seaport, border crossing, etc.), or File an application within one year of arrival in the United States, or If the personal situations have changed within the past year prior to asking for asylum and these changes affect eligibility for asylum, the person(s) may file later than a year after entry.

If an extenuating circumstance prevents the person or persons applying for asylum from doing so within the one-year period, the person or persons may still apply so long as the application is submitted within a reasonable time given the circumstance.

People seeking asylum may apply regardless of original immigration status, meaning that irregular migrants also have the opportunity to apply for asylum in the United States. However, these people must still qualify for asylum under the international definition of a refugee.

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Eligibility of asylum seekers is based on an interview with an Asylum Officer or Immigration Judge during the application process, depending on the situation. If placed in deportation proceedings in Immigration Court, an appeal for asylum will be heard by an Immigration Judge. If the applicant does not have “hostile entry” to asylum proceedings, an Asylum Officer will interview them and decide eligibility for asylum. The Asylum Officer has the power to grant asylum, deny asylum or defer the decision to an Immigration Judge. Irregular migrants, though eligible to apply for asylum, will be placed into removal proceedings if denied a claim by an Asylum Officer. The application will be referred to an Immigration Judge for a final decision or removal from the country.

If the applicant is in valid immigrant or nonimmigrant status and the Asylum Officer finds that the applicant is not eligible for asylum, the Asylum Officer will send them a notice explaining that the USCIS intends to deny the request for asylum.

Under asylum reform in 1995, the USCIS standard is to conduct the asylum interview within sixty days after the claim is filed, and to identify and grant in a timely fashion those cases that have merit. If the claim is denied at the interview, the applicant is immediately referred to deportation proceedings before the Executive Office of Immigration Review (EOIR) unless there is already a valid nonimmigrant status.

No limits are set on the number of individuals who may be granted asylum in the United States.

Under immigration law, approved asylums must reside in the United States for one year following their approval in order to be eligible to apply for adjustment to lawful permanent resident status.

One year of the asylee’s residence prior to adjustment is countered toward the naturalization residency requirement. Although asylee adjustments are expemt from the worldwide annual limitation on immigrants, the law places a ceiling on the number of asylees who may adjust to permanent residency status each year. The Immigration Act of 1990 increased the ceiling from 5000 to 10000 per year, effective from fiscal year 1991. It also waived the annual ceiling beginning in fiscal year 1991.

Local organizations like Catholic Charities provide assistance to asylum seekers and other migrants who have reached the United States and are hop-

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ing to make their move permanent. Most of their clientele hear about their services through word of mouth, however those who enter asylum proceedings receive a list of organizations in the area that assist people in legal proceedings for low or no cost. These organizations cooperate with each other and refer clientele to partners who are more suited to take the case if for example, Catholic Charities cannot.

I interviewed Julie Pasch, the Pro Bono Coordinator and Staff Attorney of the Cabrini Center within the Catholic Charities branch in Houston, to understand the interpretation of asylum law in the 5th Circuit under which Houston falls. The way in which the Immigration and Asylum act is interpreted by the eleven different Circuit Courts of Appeals in the United States can be very different.

Because of the Circuit Court decisions, someone who has a valid asylum case in another part of the country, like Chicago which is a part of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals, may get denied if they were to apply elsewhere, like Houston which is in the 5th Circuit.

The 5th Circuit is known to be conservative and generally not favorable to asylum seekers. Every court has its own biases related to the type of people they receive regularly. For example, gang violence-related asylum claims from Central and South America will usually not be successful in the 5th Circuit. In fact, the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) Immigration reports on asylum rejection rates by judge show that Houston has a very low acceptance rate for asylum cases in general. Asylum seekers who come to Houston seek not to use the city as a transit point, but rather to settle down in the area, unlike much of the asylum-related traffic through Istanbul, especially since cases can take three to five years. However, charities like the Catholic Charities allow room for the attorneys to speak frankly about what will make a successful asylum case and if the case before them will have merit to the court, which may provide a counterbalance to court biases which determine asylum success.

Legal Proceedings in Turkey Istanbul holds a critical role as a hub for migrants.

It is considered a “satellite city or a place where migrants support themselves and their families while the asylum process in underway. Once

having claimed asylum, migrants must continuously travel to one or more locations to fill out forms, but often use Istanbul as a central hubs due to the job and housing availability in the city. In addition to being a hub for migrants who intend to stay in Istanbul, it is also a port city that many migrants use to travel to other countries, like Germany and Sweden, with more generous refugee and asylum policies.

The Turkish process for asylum is, from the beginning, very different from the American process.

Unlike the United States, the majority of Syrians who come to Turkey do not travel by plane, but rather cross the physical border. Because of the geographical limitations of the 1951 Convention by which Turkey adheres, applicants for asylum can only apply with the UNHCR, but they must also register with the Turkish police with their claim.

Thus, the asylum application is processed through the UNHCR and not the local government systems in Turkey. If the applicant has come into the country with the officially necessary documentation, like a passport and/or visa, then he or she goes first to the local police to declare an intention to seek asylum.

If arriving as an irregular migrant, and thus without the proper documentation, the applicant must apply at the nearest port of entry in Turkey.

There are a number of UNHCR offices; however, irregular migrants will be directed to either Van or Ankara. Many asylum seekers who try to go to Ankara have had issues with law enforcement not believing that the applicant is filing for asylum and sustain the risk of deportation. To avoid this risk, the UNHCR is working with many local organizations to provide safe passage and assistance to asylum seekers. Though the police are required by law to allow asylum seekers to register with the UNHCR in Turkey, they have a potential and tendency to be uncooperative or try to prevent the applicant from applying for asylum.

After filing an intention to obtain asylum with the police, the applicant is given a “living permit” (Ikamet). This costs around 306 TL per person (including children) and is only for 6 months. The applicant will have to extend this “living permit” every six months as long as you are in the process of asylum or resettlement with the UNHCR which can take a few months to multiple years. After that the police will probably send the applicant

to a different city, referred to as a “satellite city” where they will be stationed. There are 52 such cities, not including large cities like Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir. However, unofficially, many asylum seekers commute to and from big cities like Istanbul because of the job and housing availability there. Around 6 -12 months later the UNHCR will call the applicant for an interview.

Although the UNHCR goes beyond the 1951 Convention and its 1967 Protocol to define refugees as further than just the European Union for Turkey, the country still has a narrow definition of what can constitute a refugee. As such, resettlements can often not occur within Turkey. The UNHCR has the capability to evaluate eligibility of an asylum claim and then attempt resettlement in another country such as the United States, Canada or Norway. If the claim is denied, it can be appealed up to three times, usually within 15 days of the decision.

Many NGOs are partnered with the UNHCR to provide assistance and safe passage to asylum seekers during their legal proceedings. They work with the satellite field offices of the UNHCR in various Turkish cities to follow up on paperwork and status of applications. Such NGOs include: Association for Solidarity with Asylum-Seekers and Migrants, Human Resources Development Foundation, and Turkish Red Crescent Society. For example, The Helsinki Citizens Assembly is one of the organizations that can help appeal against rejection of an asylum application to the UNHCR. The Helsinki Citizens Assembly operates within the workings of the European Court of Human Rights, which allows for these appeals when The UNHCR does not provide a reason for the dismissal of an asylum case.

Policy Recommendations In the past, certain groups fleeing from conflict have been referred to collectively as “prima facie” refugees. Given current situation of Syrian asylum seekers as the largest group seeking asylum in the industrialized world since 2001, granting Syrians refugee status might be essential to easing the strain of the asylum process on many countries. Asylum is evaluated on an individual basis and as such, cannot address the Syrian crisis as a whole. In the United States local court biases may prevent Syrians fleeing violence from being

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able to seek protection. Since there is no limit on the number of asylum seekers in the United States, many cases are taken but then also rejected. In Turkey, the exponential population growth of the Syrian asylum seekers in the camps near the border makes it impossible to evaluate each case in an efficient and timely manner without bias. Some countries have already taken to considering the Syrian population as refugees, like Germany and Sweden. These countries which provide rights and protection to the migrating Syrian population will be flooded if other industrialized countries cannot address the Syrian population as a whole either through refugee status or Temporary Protected Status.

Because of Turkeyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s strict adherence to geographical limitations to accepting refugees outside of the European Union, simply declaring Syrians as a collective refugee group will not be sufficient.

Additionally, it will open the gates to other populations who were denied refugee rights in the past because they were not from the European Union.

There needs to be a reevaluation of the services available through the UNHCR and partnering organizations in Turkey that can use the country as a midway point to other regions of Europe or Asia as the asylum seekers wish. Turkey cannot, within their current laws, resettle asylum seekers within the country as refugees. Yet, Turkey, unlike the United States does have a valid precedent of helping asylum seekers gain refugee status in other industrialized countries of Europe and North America. The Turkish government has also made efforts to modify their asylum laws in order to accommodate the large influx of migrants in the recent past.

Finding a means of financial support during the asylum process is a common issue between migrants seeking asylum in both Houston and Istanbul. In speaking with Julie Pasch, of Catholic Charities, I found that unlike the migrants who largely travel across land borders to Turkey, the asylum seekers who come to the United States are usually from a higher socioeconomic class in Syria. Although one might presume that this allows asylum seekers in Houston, and the United States overall, a greater degree of comfort and freedom, the length of the asylum process in the U.S. is very long. Pasch cites this as one of the biggest difficulties for any asylum seeker. She refers to cases in the past in which she has worked with asylum

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seekers who were lawyers or familiar with the law in their home countries, but felt helpless through the legal system in America.

Istanbul is often hailed as a crossroads between the East and the West. For Syrian asylum seekers, this has the potential to be especially relevant.

There is already a large number of asylum seekers and irregular Syrian migrants who live and work in the city, and constitutes a population that the UNHCR has the means to help and resettle.

The types of migrants who come to Istanbul are usually in a better socioeconomic position than the migrants who cross the border and must live in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;refugee camps.â&#x20AC;? Since these migrants would have already begun the asylum process, they may need to find a way to support themselves financially while the process is underway, and are able to find opportunities for work in large cities like Istanbul.

Without work permits offered to asylum seekers during the asylum process, there is no way for them to support themselves or family members they bring to the United States or Turkey. Although changing the requirements for a work permit would be an ideal solution, it is also idealistic. To do so, would require a number of initiatives from the federal government and then state implementation of these laws in the United States, which may take longer than allowed for such an immediate crisis. In Turkey, a less decentralized system allows asylum seekers to come in larger number as irregular migrants and still earn some income within or outside of the camps, with or without residence permits. A more helpful solution would be financing NGOs to assist asylum seekers in finding government-approved work during the asylum process and create a precedent for their contributive power to the economies of global cities to which they flock.

Since Syrians are now topping the list of asylum seekers hoping to gain refuge in industrialized countries, global cities like Istanbul and Houston must be recognized for their potential to assist the new wave of Syrian asylum seekers. These cities offer a number of job opportunities and opportunities for growth, and additionally have some established communities with similar backgrounds.

Although the legality of the participation of asylum seekers in the economy of the cities is not clear cut, their work can be considered beneficial

to their asylum application. This might operate in a similar manner to the ongoing talks about immigration currently in the United States to address irregular migrants who have worked and been educated in the United States who are now seeking permanent residency, which is often a future step for asylum seekers.

The Syrian crisis has had a global effect further than its immediate neighbors in the Middle East, notably in industrialized countries like the United States and Turkey. When addressing asylum, the interpretation of international law is ultimately a case-by-case basis, influenced by the local procedures. Istanbul and Houston allow us to understand, in a concrete way, how international law is implemented and interacts with legal systems on a city-level. Comparing Istanbul and Houston provides a perspective on the role of non-border global cities in addressing the Syrian crisis through legal frameworks but also economic regulations.

WORKS CITED

Associated Press. 2014. “Syrians, Russians, Afghans Top UN Asylum List | Al Jazeera America.” March 21. http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/3/21/ report-syrians-russiansafghanstopasylumlist.html.

“Asylum | USCIS.” 2014. Accessed March 23. http:// www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-asylum/asylum.

“Asylum for Syrians in the US, Syria Refugee Seeker USA.” 2014. Accessed March 23. http://www.politicalasylumusa.com/countries/syrian-asylum/.

Brenner, Yermi. 2014. “Asylum Seekers’ Perilous Path to Sweden - Features - Al Jazeera English.”

January 11. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/ features/2014/01/asylum-seekers-perilous-path-sweden-20141792744288806.html.

Brown, Hayes. 2014. “U.S. Loosens Entry Requirements For Syrian Refugees Coming To America | ThinkProgress.” February 6. http://thinkprogress. org/world/2014/02/06/3256551/obama-admin-set-loosen-entry-requirements-syrian-refugees/.

———. 2014. “Turkey > Asylum | w2eu.info – Welcome to Europe (en).” Accessed March 23. http://w2eu. info/turkey.en/articles/turkey-asylum.en.html.

Bruno, Andorra. 2014. “Refugee Admissions and Resettlement Policy”. CRS Report. Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service. https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/ misc/RL31269.pdf.

Central Intelligence Agency. 2014. “The World Factbook.” Accessed April 25. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/appendix/ appendix-b.html.

Cumming-Bruce, Nick. 2014. “Syria’s War Fuels Rise of Asylum Seekers, U.N. Report Says - NYTimes.com.”

March 20. http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/21/ world/middleeast/syrias-war-fuels-rise-of-asylumseekers-un-report-says.html?_r=0.

Iduygu, Ahmet. 2014. “Overview of Turkish Migration Patterns and Brief Discussion of Current Syrian Migration Crisis”Formal Oral In-Person Interview.

Kälin, Walter. 2001. “Supervising the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees: Article 35 and Beyond.” Refugee Protection in International Law: UNHCR’s Global Consultations on International Protection.

Kanunu, Yabancilarve. 2013. “Global Legal Monitor: Turkey: New Law on Foreigners and International Protection | Global Legal Monitor |.” Law Library of Congress | Library of Congress. April 18. http://www.loc. gov/lawweb/servlet/lloc_news?disp3_l205403558_ text.

“Major US Immigration Laws, 1790-Present.” 2013.

Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute.

Nwosu, Chiamaka, Jeanna Batalova, and Gregory Auclair. 2014. “Frequently Requested Statistics on Immigrants and Immigration in the United States | Migrationpolicy.org.” Accessed April 29. http://www. migrationpolicy.org/article/frequently-requested-statistics-immigrants-and-immigration-united-states#1.

Pasch, Julie. 2014. “Overview of Asylum Law in the US and the Houston Context.”

“Political Asylum and the United States Refugee Program | Embassy of the United States Damascus, Syria.”

2014. Accessed April 6. http://damascus.usembassy. gov/visas/political-asylum-and-the-united-states-refugee-program.html.

Sassen, Saskia. 2004. “Global City: Introducing a Concept, The.” Brown J. World Aff. 11: 27.

“Syrian Refugees* in Turkey, 2013.” 2013. Republic of Turkey Prime Ministry Disaster and Emergency Managment Presidency. https://www.afad.gov.tr/Dokuman/ TR/61-2013123015505-syrian-refugees-in-turkey-2013_print_12.11.2013_eng.pdf.

“The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and Its 1967 Protocol.” 2011. Geneva, Switzerland: UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/4ec262df9.html.

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“TRAC Immigration Judge Reports - Asylum.” 2014.

Accessed May 2. http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/.

“Turkey’s New Asylum Law and How RSN Can Be Engaged | Refugee Solidarity Network.” 2014. Accessed March 23. http://www.refugeesolidaritynetwork. org/2013/05/08/turkeys-new-asylum-law-and-howrsn-can-be-engaged/.

UNHCR. 2014. “Asylum Trends 2013: Levels and Trends in Industrial Countries”. UNHCR. http://www.unhcr. org/5329b15a9.html.

“UNHCR - Asylum-Seekers.” 2014. Accessed April 29. http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c137.html.

“UNHCR - Non-Governmental Organizations.” 2014.

Accessed April 29. http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c2f6.html.

“UNHCR - Turkey.” 2014. Accessed March 23. http:// www.unhcr.org/pages/49e48e0fa7f.html.

“UNHCR - Turkey Experiences Major Refugee Influx.”

2014. Accessed March 23. http://www.unhcr.org/ cgi-bin/texis/vtx/search?page=search&docid=52fa05686&query=turkey.

“UNHCR - Turkey Hosts Ministerial Coordination Meeting of Major Host Countries for Syrian Refugees.”

2014. Accessed March 23. http://www.unhcr.org/ cgi-bin/texis/vtx/search?page=search&docid=52d9555d9&query=turkey.

Yabasun, Dersim. 2014. “Turkey: Establishing a New Asylum System - The Foreign Report.” Accessed March 23. http://www.theforeignreport.com/2013/03/28/ turkey-establishing-a-new-asylum-system/.

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SECTION V. SPORTS Development of Professional Athletes in Houston and Istanbul

by Calvin Tsay

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DEVELOPMENT OF PROFESSIONAL ATHLETES IN HOUSTON AND ISTANBUL

by Calvin Tsay EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Houston and Istanbul are both massive global cities with successful sports teams. Soccer is a large part of the culture in Istanbul, and Fenerbahçe S.K. is one of the major teams in the city. Sports teams must have some way of finding new players and developing new talent, and the development systems used

by Fenerbahçe S.K. will be compared with those used by the Houston Dynamo. Soccer is not as popular in Houston, so the Dynamo organization is not the same economic size as Fenerbahçe. The Houston Rockets compete in the National Basketball Association and are much closer in size to Fenerbahçe.

In this report, the development systems of the Houston Dynamo and Houston Rockets will each be compared and contrasted with the development system of Fenerbahçe S.K., and each development system will also be individually evaluated. Fenerbahçe competes in a hypercompetitive fan environment, and the organization focuses little resources on developing talent. Instead, the organization signs players who have already proven to be the best of the best. In contrast, the Rockets and Dynamo of Houston both get many players from the National Collegiate Athletic Association, or NCAA. All three organizations also have their own systems or affiliated systems of developing players who are almost at the level to compete on their professional team.

INTRODUCTION

THE ISSUE

Sports are a large part of a city’s culture and identity. Loyal sport fans cheer on and support their favorite teams through many channels: social media, conversations with friends, the sport games themselves, etc. Fans gather at enormous stadiums to watch professional athletes compete against each other. Professional athletes are almost always the best of the best – those athletes who have demonstrated themselves to perform at the highest level, worthy to play for championships in front of fans and supporters.

Depending on the sport league and country, athletes must overcome certain challenges and follow certain paths to reach the professional tier of competition. Sport leagues and governments have implemented various development leagues to identify athletic talent, develop their country’s athletic prowess, and bring new players into the game. Each form of athlete development has its advantages and disadvantages, and decision-makers often have to balance the needs of the player’s individual growth with the needs of the team to win.

Although Houston and Istanbul are both global cities with large sports teams with millions of supporters, the sports teams are run very differently and pursue very different methods to develop their paid athletes. The soccer teams in the two cities, Houston’s Dynamo and Istanbul’s Fenerbahçe S.K. will be analyzed as case studies in the different development systems in professional sports between the United States and Turkey because the players develop similar skills for competing in professional soccer. Additional parallels will be provided from other sport leagues in the United States. Major League Soccer (MLS) is relatively small in the United States, and by comparing Fenerbahçe S.K. to other American sport development systems, more insights can be discovered.

To compare the size, Fenerbahçe S.K. is a public company and is worth 1.75 billion Turkish Liras, or about $830 million USD (Board 2014). In Houston, a large metropolis, the Dynamo (soccer) are worth $125 million, the Astros (baseball) are worth $530 million, the Rockets (basketball) are worth $775 million, and the Texans (football)

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are worth $1,450 million USD (Forbes 2014).

Although the net worth of Fenerbahçe S.K. includes many other sports, soccer dominates the franchise.

Thus, the soccer club is about the same scale as the Houston Rockets of the National Basketball Association (NBA) and other upper-middle valued NBA teams. While NBA teams may be on the same economic scale as Fenerbahçe S.K., they may be on a smaller scale in terms of fans. In seating alone, Fenerbahçe plays in a stadium with 52,000 seats, selling out almost every game, even when men are banned from the match (Board 2014).

The Houston Rockets, on the other hand, play in the Houston Toyota Center, which seats about 18,000 people at full capacity.

Both the Dynamo and Fenerbahçe S.K. face very unique challenges to developing athletes for their sports teams while still meeting the other goals of the team. Fenerbahçe S.K. was created in 1907 and is one of the most successful teams in Turkey. The club has won 27 national championships in soccer, and fans often do not have too much patience with sacrificing competitiveness for the sake of developing a player (Board 2014). The Dynamo organization faces similar challenges of remaining competitive, but has slightly more patience from its fans and more support from the league (MLS) to pursue development of players (Ching 2014).

This report will analyze the systems of recruiting, developing, and maintaining players in the case studies of Fenerbahçe S.K. in the Turkish Super Lig, Houston Dynamo in Major League Soccer, and the Houston Rockets in the National Basketball Association. The two American teams each share similarities with Fenerbahçe, and comparisons will be drawn between the systems of the Dynamo and Rockets and the system in Turkey.

METHODS To study the development systems in Houston, a presentation and interview were given by Brian Ching, a former player of both the Dynamo and the U.S. National Team, the general manager of the Houston Dash (the affiliated women’s soccer team), and a front-office executive for the Dynamo. The interview was supplemented with information from Dr. Clark D. Haptonstall, department chair and professor in the practice at the Rice Department of Sport Management, and from Frank

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Arnold, the Director of Operations at the Houston Dynamo.

Similar information from Fenerbahçe S.K. was given in a panel presentation organized by Turgut Acar, the Director of International Relations for Fenerbahçe S.K. The presentation information was supplemented with information from Serdar Yildiz, Director of Finance. Hasan Çetinkaya, the Administrative Manager of the soccer team, also provided additional information in a second interview.

Further information about player development was given in a panel presentation hosted by the Rice University Department of Sport Management that included Brian Michael Cooper, former president of the Rio Grande Valley Vipers; James Casey, an NFL player on the Philadelphia Eagles; Brittany Bock, a professional soccer player on the Houston Dash; and Jeff Nalley, a sports agent for many premier professional athletes. Literature on the development league of the NBA is more readily available through their website, previous research, and other webpages. The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), also serves as a major development channel for players both in the MLS and NBA, and literature on the NCAA is also readily available.

RESEARCH Houston Dynamo – Major League Soccer The Houston Dynamo is one of 19 teams in Major League Soccer (MLS). The MLS contains teams in both the United States and in Canada and is expanding, with a goal of 24 teams by the year 2020 and expansion teams set soon for Orlando, New York, and Miami. The MLS was not the first major professional soccer league to be established in America, and in fact was not established until 1993 as a part of the United States’ bid to host the 1994 FIFA World Cup (About Major League Soccer 2008). The previous soccer leagues in the United States had folded because of economic collapse, leading to unique policies for the MLS to ensure its stability. The MLS is in fact a single entity containing 19 teams, of which the owners are shareholders in the MLS. Ownership groups all share the net profits and losses of MLS at the end of each year, and the league pays all of its professional players. Since the league pays players, a salary cap is set for each team at $3.1 million USD, with an exception given for three designat-

ed players who are paid $400 thousand by the league against the salary cap and can be paid any amount additionally by the team personally.

Trying to keep younger talent in the United States, the MLS also allows two “homegrown” players on each team who do not count towards this salary cap (Ching 2014).

BBVA Compass Stadium, Houston, Texas The Dynamo is a very successful team, having moved from San Jose to Houston in 2006. Since the move to Houston, they have won 6 conference finals, appearing in 4 MLS cups, and winning 2 MLS cups. The team plays at BBVA Compass Stadium, which seats over 22,000 fans, in downtown Houston, which is both a “good soccer city” and a “tough soccer city” according to Brian Ching (Ching 2014). While the Dynamo are not lacking in fans (second in Houston behind only the Houston Texans of the National Football League in per game attendance), the passion of some fans could be increased. As Ching says, “one of the things that our league is struggling with is not so much attendance, but it’s TV viewership. People outside Houston aren’t really watching the Houston Dynamo … Soccer is so accessible on TV that people that come to Houston from wherever they are tend to stay and follow and watch [sic] their teams because their teams are on TV all the time” (Ching 2014). Although winning makes going to watch a soccer game enjoyable, it is not the only factor in enjoyment, and many fans whose loyalties lie with a soccer team in Mexico, Europe, or elsewhere are going to Dynamo games just to watch a game on the weekend. Since more pressure is on making going to the games fun rather than winning every single match, the Dynamo can also work on developing new players into professional soccer.

In addition, the MLS allows some of the Dynamo players in development to not count against the roster limit or salary cap.

The Dynamo, like all other MLS teams, are also required to have an academy to train young players, specifically players under 18. Players in the team’s academy are protected to the team, so the team has the right to sign the player as a “homegrown player” outside the MLS draft once they finish college or are ready to sign with the Dynamo first team. The Dynamo Academy aims to “provide a professional soccer learning environment where players can strive to fulfill their full potential” and “to produce MLS standard players and young men capable of being successful in a non-professional soccer environment” (Houston Dynamo 2014).

While chartered improving a player’s soccer play, the Academy also focuses to teach young men honesty, ambition, hard work, commitment, respect, integrity, humility, sportsmanship, responsibility, and teamwork (Houston Dynamo 2014). These are certainly traits looked for by professional soccer teams and may play a part of determining when a player is mentally ready for professional sports.

In addition to preparing young athletes for play at higher levels of competition, the academies connect the Dynamo organization with the Houston community. According to Brittany Bock, a midfielder on the Houston Dash, the Dynamo organization is built around community bonding, and the team depends on a good “…correlation between team and community” (To Draft or Not to Draft? 2014).

Generation Adidas is another program run by the MLS to develop young players; however, entering this program classifies a player as professional and thus disqualifies them from playing college soccer. These players are guaranteed scholarships to continue college education after their professional soccer career. These players are intended to “graduate” to the senior roster when they no longer need the roster protection allowed by the Generation Adidas program.

Another important channel for players in the MLS and all other American sports is the NCAA. The MLS college draft allows teams to select players based on how they finished in the playoffs, allowing worse teams to draft the best players to balance out the teams. In the NCAA, players learn to work within a framework of a team, work with an experienced coach, and compete in highly-competitive games for championships. The challenge then lies on college coaches to balance playing to win with player development. The roles of teaching and managing the game may often seem counterproductive, but there are many strat-

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egies by which coaches make decisions when they seemingly have to decide between the two. Since the quality of many college programs is judged by the number of games they win, many times coaches will make decisions that will win the game and are not necessarily the best for the development of the team’s players.

Fenerbahçe S.K. – Turkish Super Lig Fenerbahçe S.K., founded in 1907, is the most-highly-valued sport franchise in the Turkish Super Lig (TSL). The Turkish Super Lig is one of the top leagues in the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA), with the winner of the TSL automatically qualifying for the UEFA Champions League group stage. Unlike teams in the MLS, Fenerbahçe S.K. is a corporation, and in fact Fenerbahçe is the largest NGO in Turkey. Fenerbahçe has its own TV channel, radio station, magazine, and card, and is on par with Barcelona and Chelsea in sales by the club. Since Fenerbahçe S.K. is its own entity, players are signed in a capitalist system in the Turkish Super Lig. Teams pay their own players, unlike the MLS, and players may sign with teams that will pay him the most. The club must only follow the regulations set by FIFA, allowing players to sign up to 5 year contracts with no salary cap after their eighteenth birthdays. Fenerbahçe S.K. has an estimated 25 million fans, and the soccer team competes in Fenerbahçe stadium, which seats over 52,000 fans. The Turkish Super Lig sets some requirements in an effort to keep soccer talent in Turkey. Teams in the TSL are only allowed a maximum of six foreign-born players on their senior roster. The senior team consists of elite athletes, with most players also playing either on the Turkish national soccer team or the soccer team of their home countries, including five players who will compete in the 2014 World Cup (2 from Portugal, 1 from Holland, 1 from Cameroon, and 1 from Nigeria) (Cetinkaya 2014).

The process of finding and developing young talent in Turkey is very different from the process in the United States. There is no NCAA league for collegiate athletes, and in fact most athletes do not go to college. Fenerbahçe S.K. does not participate in a yearly draft, but instead is left to locate and sign players itself. According to the Administrative Manager Hasan Çetinkaya, the team looks for certain traits when signing new players: potential, quality, experience, fan opinion, and

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player image. Fan influence plays a large role in the selection of players for the Fenerbahçe team.

Fans often keep up with soccer across Europe and already know players before they are signed from foreign teams or from Turkey. According to James Casey and Dr. Clark Haptonstall, fans like a connection with the professional athlete, and many fans constantly monitor professional players and keep up with their athletic careers and personal lives (To Draft or Not to Draft? 2014). Fans have little patience for development and want to see the Fenerbahçe team win each year, and the team considers each year they do not win the Turkish championship a failure (Cetinkaya 2014). With so much pressure to win, Fenerbahçe can only afford to sign the highest-level of players and rarely signs younger players with the intention of developing them into a premier athlete.

Fenerbahçe Team Fenerbahçe has a youth department managed by the same ownership and with no foreigners, but few players ever make it from the youth department onto the Fenerbahçe team. According to Çetinkaya, there is a large gap between 18 year olds in the youth league and first-year professional players in physical level of performance, ability to handle pressure, and ability to keep up with competition level. Turkish teams will often instead loan out players to other clubs, such as second or third division teams, for the players to develop.

These players are often not fond of the loaning process, and the relationship between teams is often an unhealthy partnership. There is no affiliated minor league in which to develop players, and the general reasoning of the Turkish Super Lig is that Turkish players should be developed to benefit the Turkish national team, limiting development systems because only a few players will make the national team. Most new stars are therefore signed from European leagues, and Çetinkaya

highlights a trend of great players moving southeast through their careers, starting in the European leagues, moving to the Turkish league as they age and may not be able to garner as lucrative a European contract, and eventually moving to the Middle Eastern leagues.

Houston Rockets – National Basketball Association The National Basketball Association (NBA) is often considered to be the premier men’s professional basketball league in the world, and the players are paid the highest in the world, by average annual salary per player (Sporting Intelligence 2012). Founded in 1946, the league consists of 29 teams in the United States and one team in Canada (Goldaper n.d.). The NBA Development League (D-League) was founded much later, created in 2001 with only eight teams. In 2005, NBA commissioner David Stern set a goal to expand the D-League to fifteen teams and into a true minor league system with D-League teams affiliated to NBA teams. The Houston Rockets compete in the NBA and were established in 1967 in San Diego, California, moving to Houston shortly after, in 1971. The Rockets have since made 26 playoff appearances and won two NBA championships.

The main source of new players to the NBA is the draft system, with players selected either from NCAA or international teams by teams arranged by season performance and lottery system.

NCAA basketball is the major source of players for the NBA draft, but has critics who believe many star players pursue the collegiate level of athletics solely to compete in sport and fail to be “student-athletes”. Because the minimum age of competition in the NBA is set at 19, most players cannot proceed straight from high school into an NBA team, though they may be physically ready.

The Dallas Mavericks are a team similar in both size and location to the Houston Rockets and also have a D-League affiliate. The Owner of the Mavericks, Mark Cuban, said he “…can envision scenarios where the country’s top basketball prospects would get drafted and play in the D-League rather than spend one season at an NCAA school” (Mark Cuban: NCAA stars better off in D-League 2014). Cuban also has said he would prefer the minimum age of the NBA to be raised to 21. With a higher age limit, Cuban says he would envision a draft from the D-League as well as one from NCAA players who have played longer than a year. He also suggested that players would devel-

op better on the basketball level in the D-League, and that scholarships be given for players who do not make it to the NBA. Supporters of the NCAA system cite the quality of coaching in the NCAA, importance of games, and emphasis on teamwork.

The Rockets have an affiliate team in the NBA D-League, the Rio Grande Valley Vipers. Players on the D-League team are often athletes who would not receive playing time in the NBA. According to Brian Michael Cooper, former Vipers president, most players in the D-League will be “role players” in NBA teams, not star players; however, the league is the second most talented professional basketball league in the world. Players in the D-League have been the best at every level of competition previously, and their mentality shifts from dreaming of going to the NBA one day to wondering if they will ever succeed in finding a professional career in basketball. Playing in the D-League is essentially an audition for employment in the NBA, and great players do not stay on minor league teams for long. Scouts from the NBA teams look for athletic skill, but also other signs of development, including involvement with community, leadership ability, and commitment to team chemistry and success (To Draft or Not to Draft?

2014).The minimum age for D-League players is 18, and the Vipers are also able to sign their own players, sometimes ones who just graduated high school. The Houston Rockets assign players to the Vipers and call up players from the Vipers to play for them. Many successful NBA players once received training in the Development League, including Aaron Brooks, Steve Novak, Shannon Brown, and Marcus Morris, who all previously played on the Rio Grande Valley Vipers.

THE FINDINGS To analyze the development systems of the Dynamo and Fenerbahçe, the process of development must first be analyzed. Sport science has shown that it is critical to focus on intrinsic motivators such as goals and personal development for optimal athletic development (Deci and Ryan, 1985). An athlete who only focuses the external construct of winning a game rarely benefits from skill development as much as an athlete who focuses on meeting personal goals throughout his or her performance. An expert athlete has demonstrated the ability to perform at the highest level of his or her sport with relative consistency. Challenge is essential to athletic development, but athletes must also

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be cognizant of game situations and capable of attaining successful outcomes (wins) (Naylor 2006).

While players often compete at the high school level before playing professionally in both leagues, Çetinkaya says the top high school players eventually run out of challenge at the high school level long before they graduate. This is the equivalent of putting the smartest minds in science in school in the same class for four years and asking them to learn much more each year (Cetinkaya 2014). In the United States, only .04% of high school soccer players end up in the MLS, and even at the collegiate level, only 1.0% of NCAA players will play professionally (Business Insider 2012). By allowing elite players to skip the collegiate (and sometimes high-school) level of competition, Turkish teams allow top players to begin the professional level of competition and development much earlier, contributing to the success of the players.

The Houston Dynamo organization undoubtedly has more resources for young players to develop in their academies, and the Dynamo currently even have two players on their team, Tyler Deric and Bryan Salazar, who previously played with the Dynamo Academy. In contrast, few players from the Fenerbahçe’s youth development program make it onto the Fenerbahçe soccer squad; instead, most players on the team are signed from other Turkish teams or second-tier Turkish teams.

Many of the academy teams lack the same competitiveness, and the matches simply are not very important since there are few fans. Players who are able to compete at lower divisions of professional play may still be competing at a lower level, but learn to play for fans and for contracts. The Dynamo Academy also provides a channel for the Dynamo organization to remain connected to the city of Houston. The Dynamo organization makes a large effort to run events and activities benefitting their fans in Houston, which undoubtedly increases support for the team.

Fenerbahçe loans players that they believe can eventually compete at the first team level successfully to second or third tier soccer teams in hopes of getting them back in the future after developing their skills. The process of loaning players to other clubs is similar to having players compete at the NCAA level for a few years before they are ready to compete at the highest level, but loaned players are still professional players on contracts, while NCAA athletes are students competing

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against many student-athletes who will not play at the professional level.

The main feeder of the Rockets team, the NCAA, may lack challenge and competitiveness for professional-tier players. Only .03% of high school players and 1.2% of college basketball athletes end up playing professionally, so players at these levels of competition who are NBA-bound may not be competing against peers at their own skill level (Business Insider 2012). Supporters of the NCAA system who cite its coaching often realize that coaches must balance the drive to win games with the drive to fully develop all players, some of whom may not desire a professional career in basketball. While most will agree that the majority of decisions should focus on participation and fun, and that most decisions in highly-skilled professional athletes should be focused on winning championships and victories, the decision is often unclear for coaches during developing years such as the NCAA, which is a mechanism for player development but also weighs teams based on wins (Naylor 2006). Joe Paterno, a NCAA football coaching legend, is a great example of a successful coach who prioritized his role as a teacher, responsible for the complete development of collegiate athletes (O’Brien 1999).

The Development League is the second most talented professional basketball league in the world, and most players in the League are capable at playing at the NBA level (To Draft or Not to Draft?

2014). Players developing in the D-League do not have to worry as much about the level of competition, but can focus on competing and developing both on and off the court to eventually catch the eye of an NBA team. The close affiliation between the D-League and the NBA allows NBA teams to monitor players in the D-League and keep track of prospects who they could consider adding. Teams in the Turkish Super Lig must send players on loan to other teams to develop, often forcing players to compete in different countries. While this allows players to develop, players are competing far from home and from the team that sent them on loan. This process makes it more difficult for coaches and managers to keep track of players’ development processes, and some players eventually end up playing in foreign nations for their career instead of returning to play in Turkey (Cetinkaya 2014).

Fenerbahçe Administrative Manager Hasan Çetinkaya says a major problem with the Turkish Super Lig is the lack of an affiliated minor league where players can be developed. Players either must be sent off to compete at a worse team, which does not have the best feedback, or must be held on the Fenerbahçe squad without getting to play. As an example, Fenerbahçe had a seventeen-year-old player who was extremely talented – he had been offered 10 million Euros (about $14 million USD) to play in Rome – but he stayed with Fenerbahçe and did not play very much in games because he was very young and undeveloped. An affiliated development league similar to the NBA Development League would allow Turkish teams to assign their players who have potential to the development league to continue to compete and develop until they are ready to compete with the senior squad, but would limit the flexibility of finding professional players. Without an affiliated minor league system, Turkish squads such as Fenerbahçe may go to second-tier teams and sign players to fill positions, but an affiliated minor league would only allow Fenerbahçe to sign players from their own minor league affiliate. A minor league in Turkey would also create a pool of players who will never make it into the professional sporting world, as only well-known and elite players make it onto the professional teams in the TSL, and positions are often filled with by foreign stars.

with Houston and to find potential players from its own community. This program allows players to begin development at a very early age and will give young players a source of competition with quality peers; however, many players participating in the Academy will not make it onto the Dynamo professional team. The service benefits the fans and greater community, but may not be a major source of professional players. The Dynamo also runs programs with Generation Adidas, allowing players to play professionally instead of going to college, but this program still does not guarantee players the chance to play on the Houston Dynamo. The NCAA draft is a large source of professional soccer players for the MLS, but may be lacking in competitiveness for premier-level players.

The Houston Dynamo, Fenerbahçe S.K., and the Houston Rockets all face unique challenges in bringing players to the professional league and developing them. All three organizations must balance the need to win and remain competitive with the need to develop young talent and keep the sport in their country. The Houston Rockets in the NBA have a unique development league with affiliated teams, and the Rockets and Dynamo share the NCAA, a system of collegiate sports in which athletes compete with high-level coaching and peers. Fenerbahçe S.K. exists in a hypercompetitive league in which only the greatest players get signed and there is no room for error in any season. The team develops potential players by loaning players to second-tier or third-tier professional teams.

Fenerbahçe S.K. is a company that is free to sign players however it chooses, as long as the roster satisfies a few minimal requirements set by the Turkish Super Lig. This process gives players a greater sense of who is going to succeed in finding a professional career at an earlier stage, but prohibits many local potential talents from discovery or athletic development. Fenerbahçe runs a few youth development programs, but they are mostly for community connection and almost no players come from these programs. To develop some players who may be close to competing with the first team, Fenerbahçe may loan players to second or third tier teams to compete, but this process creates a gap between players and the team.

The Houston Rockets similarly draft many of their players from the NCAA, which has the same benefits and drawbacks as the NCAA draft system in which the Houston Dynamo participates. The NBA also has a closely-affiliated development league which allows players to play for professional contracts with premier talent and get scouted by NBA teams. The development league is arguably the second most talented professional basketball league in the world, and some believe that players would develop more at this level than competing against lower talent in the NCAA (Mark Cuban: NCAA stars better off in D-League 2014).

The success of the development league relies on connections between the teams and their communities, and many players in the development leagues will never make it into the NBA.

The Houston Dynamo organization runs the Dynamo Academy, allowing the organization to connect

There are many advantages and disadvantages to each system of player development discussed.

CONCLUSIONS

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The development systems are constantly revised or reinvented to continually find better ways to identify and train athletes who have the capacity to compete professionally. â&#x20AC;&#x192;

WORKS CITED "About Major League Soccer." MLSnet. September 5.

Accessed April 5, 2014.

Anatolia News Agency. 2013. "Fenerbahce beats its rivals on stock market." Hurriyet Daily News. January 22. Accessed April 6, 2014.

Board, Fenerbahce, Presentation to and Interview by Global Urban Lab. 2014. (March).

Business Insider. 2012. Odds College Athletes Become Professionals. Accessed April 5, 2014.

Cetinkaya, Hasan, interview by Calvin Tsay. 2014.

Administrative Manager (March).

Ching, Brian, Presentation to Global Urban Lab. 2014.

Houston Dynamo (February 4).

Deci, E L, and R M Ryan. 1985. Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. New York: Plenum Press.

Erdem. 2005. Fenerbahce Stadium. March 26. Accessed Aprol 8, 2014.

ESPN. 2013. "2013 NBA Draft Class." NBA Photos Gallery.

Forbes. 2014. Teams. Accessed April 6, 2014.

Goldaper, Sam. n.d. NBA: The First Game. Accessed April 5, 2014.

Houston Dynamo. 2014. Academy Philosophy. Accessed April 5, 2014.

Kirikhan Haber. 2013. Bate Borisov vs Fenerbahce.

Accessed May 13, 2014. â&#x20AC;&#x201D;. 2014. Academy U-12. Accessed April 8, 2014.

Inside Arenas. 2014. Toyota Center. Accessed April 8, 2014.

2014. "Mark Cuban: NCAA stars better off in D-League." NBA NEws. March 1. Accessed April 5, 2014.

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Naylor, Adam H. 2006. "The Coach's Dilemma: Balancing Playing to Win and Player Development." Journal of Education, Boston University 31-49.

NBA Development League. 2004. NBA.com. Accessed April 4, 2014.

O'Brien, M. 1999. No ordinary Joe. Nashville, TN: Rutledge Hill Press.

Sporting Intelligence. 2012. REVEALED: The World's Best Paid Teams, Man City close in on Barca and Real Madrid. May 1. Accessed April 5, 2014.

"To Draft or Not to Draft?" An Exploration of Athlete Images. Panel. Rice University, April 10.

SECTION VI. TRANSPORTATION Publication Transportation Systems: Comparing London & Istanbul

by Ellenna Eccles

Infrastructure at the Urban Periphery: Houston’s Third Highway Loop and Istanbul’s Third Bridge

by Kelsey A. Walker

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PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS: COMPARING LONDON AND ISTANBUL

by Ellenna Eccles EXECUTIVE SUMMARY London and Istanbul are both large cities whose populations are rapidly increasing. Both have established systems of public transportation comprised of a myriad of transport modes. However, as the cities continue to expand, the demand for effective and efficient public transportation continues to increase, creating an ever-present need for the expansion and refinement of existing systems. The crowding during peak times is similar on main modes of these two cities, and each has quite a collection of options for public transport.

This report compares and contrasts the existing systems and the main modes of transportation in use in each city. It finds that the organization of the system plays a large role in its overall effectiveness, as does the collaboration of modes and the challenges faced by transportation engineers. This report draws a comparison between cities using the similar modes in each by giving information on the mode’s function and examining its role in the system as a whole. By studying the individual parts of the current systems and the goals accomplished by each within the overall system of public transportation within the city, this report explores how each city has cultivated a system of transport that caters to its ever-growing population.

INTRODUCTION

THE ISSUE

An immense problem facing rapidly growing cities is transportation, how to create a system which moves its citizens effectively, efficiently, and safely from one place to another within the city. This task may prove arduous and even quite fragmented as the city grows and builds upon itself, often with little pause afforded to city planners and transport engineers to consider potential transportation routes and the feasibility of various modes of transport. It is a problem faced and consequently addressed by cities like London, United Kingdom, a bustling global city with a population of over eight million people and an expansive train network dating back to the 1800s, and by cities like Istanbul, an emerging global city nearly 1.7 times the size of London in population with a count of over thirteen million people.

The Istanbul Transport Corporation, under their objectives for city transport, declare on this issue: “Traffic problem is undoubtedly one of the biggest problems that the city of Istanbul and its people face. The continuous increase in the population and the number of motor vehicles make the city traffic in Istanbul a nightmare. Public transportation in the city is carried out by rubber-tired vehicles (buses, minibuses, taxis, and private automobiles) to a large extent. Although this pressure on the city traffic has been somehow lessened by the alternative measures, new projects are essential” (“ULAŞIM A.Ş.”).

Both London and Istanbul are vast cities with considerable influence over their respective countries and both have substantial world influence. As the influx of immigrants and other national citizens into these countries continues to rise, both cities are faced with the task of accommodating their growing numbers. One such challenge, and certainly an essential one to address, is the transportation system.

The demonstrated need is one of the movement of peoples that requires a look at the existing system and a plan by which to improve the system to better accommodate the city’s population as it grows.

Building a successful system for the transportation of citizens requires several mechanisms to be put in place in order to ensure the effectiveness of the system in moving large amounts of people across both long and short distances at affordable rates and in reasonable time. One of the ways London has addressed this need over the years is the continual expansion of its underground railway

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system, which runs mainly within inner London and is capable of running continuously and regularly all day long. The London bus service also supplements this. In Istanbul, comparatively, a similar system seems to be arising amid the myriad of travel options, and that is the collaborative systems of Istanbul’s underground metro and light rail as well as the fairly recently installed Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system.

The goal of this paper is to examine the transportation systems in place in London and Istanbul and how they play a role in managing each city’s growing population. The paper aims to examine the main modes—that is, the most-used or most central modes—of transportation in each city and how the systems in one city compare in time and traffic efficiency, accessibility, and connectedness to the existing main modes of the other.

RESEARCH In the three months I have spent living and studying in London, I have observed first-hand the various modes of the transportation system and how they compare with and augment one another. London’s underground railway system is a network of crisscrossing railway lines that, by completely avoiding road traffic, are able to cut across the city at

impressive times, minimizing obstacles and maximizing efficiency in order to deliver the city’s public transportation users to their destinations within the city as quickly as possible.

I also spent a week in Istanbul, Turkey to observe the various systems in place there. Istanbul has many pedestrians, both people completing their full journey on foot and people connecting from one mode of transport to another. The city is crisscrossed by tram lines and BRT lanes, accompanied sometimes by entrances to underground metro stations.

Sometimes these metro stations are positioned near above-ground tram stations or bus stations, but sometimes they are not very close to stops of other modes. Numerous buses run across the city of various sizes and lengths and colors, some labeled with destinations and others left unmarked.

BACKGROUND The London underground and bus systems especially are very organized and stem from a long evolution of public transportation of Londoners within the city.

The London Transport Museum, which I had the opportunity to visit during my stay in London, exhibits how the first buses were horse-drawn stage coaches and Hackney carriages that were too expensive for the common public and that carried people from

Map of London underground

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the city to outlying regions and vice versa. The introduction of the Omnibus later yielded other varying forms of horse-drawn coach until the horse was successfully replaced by a steam puller and, eventually, principle transportation in and around the city split between coaches and automated railways.

However, as London grew, traffic also swelled to troubling levels and traffic authorities solutions for the congestion. Elevated railways and underground roads for coaches were suggested before the underground railway was settled upon and the first segment of what would grow into today’s massive London underground railway system was installed to connect King’s Cross and Paddington aboveground train stations, creating the first underground railway system in the world.

Istanbul’s Metro system, by contrast, has grown out of much more recent pressures. Istanbul’s swell in population is increasing very rapidly and consequently is also increasing the same demand for greater transport and connectivity that London experienced many years ago. The underground metro, first introduced to the city as a funicular tram service in 1874 now runs fourteen lines and passes under the Bosporus Strait that separates Istanbul’s European and Asian side.

METHODS Many resources on public transportation reside online in archives and on professional websites, much of which have aided this paper’s analysis of the systems being discussed. However, there seem to be fewer online published reports, articles, and other current information on public transportation in Istanbul than there are for systems in London, so in that respect drawing a comparison between the two has been challenging. However, the systems in the respective cities do indicate efforts to keep up with increasing numbers of passengers and to combat the amount of carbon emissions made by transport vehicles; firsthand experience with the most popular modes of each system has contributed to an analysis based on the systems’ operation and the services provided as means by which to accomplish smooth and effective transportation operation that also encourages travelers to use the system rather than private cars.

In order to trace trends in transportation within the city of London, I also consulted the most recent published Travel in London Report 6 stored on the extensive Transport for London website and detailing an account of London’s distribution of transportation methods ordered by modes of transport, demographics of the users, and purpose for travel.

The report compares the various modes of transportation against one another and discusses each

Map of Istanbul metro

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mode of transportation available for public use within the city. A supplement to the report compares transportation data gathered in the city over five years. The survey was completed by household, and thus reports only on the movements of city residents and not of visitors or out-of-city commuters, but with respect to London’s vast population, the survey provides useful information on usage of the various modes of transportation in the city.

informed. Overall, it is the most-used public transportation system in the city, apart from the bus and tram system. The London Underground is arguably one of the city’s biggest successes in terms of traveler transportation, and the mayor of London continues to plan and implement new measures aimed at further improving the underground’s reach and operation, including added tracks, longer trains, and increased accessibility in stations.

THE FINDINGS

In addition to London’s extensive underground system, three other, above-ground railway services operate for the benefit of city travelers: the London Overground, the Docklands Light Railway (DLR), and the National Rail, which runs all over Britain but has several ports within London. The DLR lines have access to London’s newest business center in Canary Wharf and to London’s southern boroughs, many of which have limited access to underground lines.

The Overground and Docklands Light Railway (DLR) services both run on elevated railway tracks across the city and are fairly similar to one another, except that overground rails form a circular route around central London and reach up into northeastern London into areas not reached by London’s underground rails.

The London Underground, Overground, and DLR railway systems were designed with city residents in mind. However, as the city grew in size, many of the lines remained stationed principally around the center of the city, leaving the outer reaches of the city without much railway access. Bus services run through these areas and serve as the main public transportation method for local travel in these areas; through certain areas, the National Rail also serves as a viable transportation option when travelling to or from the city center, but survey results from the most recent Travel in London Travel Demand Servery (sponsored by Transport for London) indicate that car ownership is much higher in these boroughs than in the boroughs of and around the city’s center.

London’s underground railway, though listed in the most recent Travel in London Travel Demand Survey as comprising 7.2 percent of London’s total transportation, has become a big part of London’s city culture and heritage. Within localized areas, both in bustling business centers and in more remote zones, local workers and regulars all know the location of the nearest underground station. Crowding in underground trains swells significantly during peak times as opposed to other modes of transport.

When directions are given within the city, often the nearest underground station is given as well. The London Underground system currently runs eleven underground lines with a regular and semi-reliable service running through much of central London. It is used for commuter as well as leisure trips and transportation to and from various London airports and national and international train stations. It seems to be the quickest way to get around much of central London, not counting short distances better completed by walking, and operators of the system, mainly Transport for London, tend to endeavor to keep the system quick and easy to use, adding a range of in-station and online services to keep users

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London’s Docklands Light Railway is the newest railway transportation system within the city, developed with the London Docklands at Canary Wharf in the 1980s and 90s. Canary Wharf is London’s business center, built to create office space to accommodate the influx of business corporations moving into the city. London’s rundown Isle of Dogs area in the eastern borough of Tower Hamlets was transformed into a center capable of housing the new businesses, and the Docklands Light Railway was built to bring workers into the area. A light rail was chosen in place of the London underground because expanding the underground rails into the area was judged to be too expensive. Currently, the DLR services mostly southeast London, between the Square Mile and Canary Wharf and down into the upper parts of some of the boroughs south of the Thames where access to an underground station is often very limited. The DLR has seen a fairly steady increase since it’s opening in 1987 with the 2012 London Olympics corresponding with a peak in usage of the service, as with most other modes of London public transport. The system continues to expand, creating new stations, as Canary Wharf and the surrounding areas and expansion of the existing public transportation system becomes increasingly more necessary.

The bus system in London has become incredibly successful in recent years as efforts to improve and organize the system began to yield results and bus service usership began to increase substantially.

The bus system has therefore been very instrumental in effectively getting people out of private cars and into mass transit vehicles. The bright red double-decker buses have become iconic of London and have proved to be very useful in filling in gaps left by other public transportation modes.

A few other, less-used modes of transportation help Londoners get around. Adding to the growing collection of ground transportation options is the new installation of public bicycles. Stationed strategically around inner-London are bicycle docks which first appeared in 2010 and continue to give travelers an alternate mode of transportation by which to complete their in-City journeys. The bikes can be rented from any station and returned to any station.

Use of the bikes continues to increase, and authorities are pleased with the system’s success, even throughout the colder winters following the bikes’ first appearance.

The London Tramlink, which opened in the year 2000, runs between Wimbledon in the borough of Merton and Beckenham in the borough of Bromley and links several southern boroughs. It’s use, too, has seen an increase in recent years, though it is not nearly as widely used as other modes of public transport within the city.

Additionally, there is one form of public transport by air: the Emirates Air Line that connects the boroughs of Greenwich and Newham by cable car.

The airline, which is London’s newest form of public transportation and opened in 2012 just before the London Olympics, runs a single cable car line over the Thames in clockwise motion. The line was very popular during the London Olympic games as a tourist attraction as it proves a very substantial view of each borough from above, The Emirates line is London’s first cable car line and though the cars move rather slowly, a single trip from one station to the other takes about ten minutes and may prove shorter than a bus or DLR trip to one’s destination.

The London river bus runs five routes and provides concessions and Wi-Fi for its passengers. Unlike the London railways and buses, the river bus is less crowded and guarantees passengers a seat, offering a much more comfortable travelling experience. The river bus is less necessary now than river transportation must have been back in the days

when horse-pulled coaches crowded London streets.

In fact, it reflects its smaller usership by advertising and providing the aforementioned luxuries that systems like railways and buses cannot afford. However, other forms of transport are quicker for getting across the Thames River and are understandably more widely used.

Among the “alternative measures” already in place in Istanbul is its recent development of a Bus Rapid Transit system, which runs across both the Anatolian and European sides and is thus the world’s first intercontinental bus transport system. The four-stage implementation process was completed in 2007 and was created to decrease traffic on main roads, including the two bridges that connect the European and Anatolian sides of Istanbul. Though the system transports some 700,000 passengers a day and has successfully cut journey times significantly, its location in the center of main traffic makes stations harder to get to. However, the system manages to run several buses per minute and positively contributes to the ongoing effort to transport the maximum number of people in the minimum amount of time.

Another method employed by Istanbul authorities in aimed at combating pollution and traffic congestion within the city is the creation of the Istanbul Ulasim A.S.(the Istanbul Transportation Corporation), which was established in 1988 and put in charge of expanding, managing, and improving congestions by operating rail transport systems and engaging in all transportation activities within the city. The corporation is in charge of Istanbul’s light rail and its underground rail line (or metro), which together carry up to 350,000 passengers each day, and the city tramline, which carries up to 160,000 passengers per day. Of the road traffic, a signaling system and rule of right-of-way had to be established for the sake of safety and road navigation, but the line successfully provides transportation for public traffic and pollution. However, it is not removed from mainstream traffic, as are the other two, which run alone, one above ground, one below. These three branches of the system can be used together to complete a single journey; they are all paid for by similar methods and can be used in conjunction to travel across districts, making it possible to complete one’s journey without a car.

Istanbul’s Nostalgic Tramway is more sentimental than practical. The trams were brought back from museum displays in 1990 where they had been

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placed since their removal from circulation in 1966.

They reportedly carry around 6,000 passengers per day, but they only run on a single line.

their vehicles have smaller capacities and are much more crowded during peak times. Additionally, they add to congestion on the railway.

Istanbul’s ferry is the main form of transportation for transporting people across the Bosphorus Strait.

Since there are only two bridges that allow road traffic across the Bosphorus, the existence of the ferry as a means of transportation does much to reduce congestion on the main arterial roads and, with its three decks, is able to accommodate large numbers of people at a time. However, in contrast to London’s river bus, the Istanbul ferry has much more water to cross and many more people to transport, and since, until recently, the only alternatives were to take a bus or drive a car across one of the two bridges, the ferry service plays a much bigger role in the transportation of peoples than its London counterpart.

With the exception, to a small degree, of the light metro rail and the BRT system, stops on sidewalks, in the case of buses and Dolmus taxis, and stops on platforms, in the case of the underground tram line and the ferry services, are as simple as finding the platform. However, for the accommodation of disabled persons and the installation of extra services to make the transport system operable and helpful to everyone, the Istanbul underground metro system is currently ahead of London in terms of accessibility with all of its tram line stations outfitted with wheelchair accessible ramps to the platforms. The stations also include rigid pathways to guide the visually impaired as well as Braille and audio-visual instructions in station elevators and floor indicators on platform edges that mark where train doors will open. The Istanbul Ulgasim or Istanbul Transport Corporation has installed these measures under the motto, “Everyone has equal right to access to all living spaces” (“Accessibility”).

Accessibility The London Underground rail system and the central bus system are by far the most crowded during peak times; the Overground and DLR trains are far less crowded during peak commuting hours but are also less connected to the large business centers in Central London and to school zones. The bus system runs on the roads alongside cars and other private vehicles but is often given its own bus lane within which the designated stopping spaces at bus stops are located, allowing traffic to flow normally without being impeded by buses stopping for passengers. The Istanbul BRT system, as mentioned above, takes this one step further and dedicates two full lanes in the center of the road to the rapid transit buses for the entire length of the route, allowing buses and normal traffic to run separately and allowing the buses to run unimpeded by traffic congestion that causes delays. This also allows the BRT system to run buses at more regular intervals, running an estimate of three buses per minute during peak times, as opposed to London’s single bus per six or seven minutes during peak times. However, because of these separate lanes, platforms are less accessible to pedestrians, and the system only runs six lines in total, as special mid-road lanes must be created on any roadway where a BRT system is meant to run. Normal buses and minibuses, as opposed to the BRT system in Istanbul, still run alongside other vehicles on the roadway and have more flexible routes and more accessible stops, making them, perhaps, more useful for short distances, but

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Compared to the London underground system, Istanbul seems to have made a greater effort, at least on the underground metro, to accommodate disabled persons. Though many London underground stations include elevators, only 137 of all 368 London underground, overground, and DLR stations (about 37%) have step-free access. However, most London buses currently in circulation are low buses equipped with wheelchair ramps and designated spaces inside for people in wheelchairs or elderly or otherwise disabled passengers. In almost all cases, including underground, overground, DLR, bus, and National Rail, stops are announced and, in most cases, shown on a screen as well. In London Underground, Overground, and DLR stations, announcements are made verbally and visually on the platform to notify passengers of approaching trains. The main items Istanbul seems to be including that London lacks are markers for the door locations, tactile pathways, and Braille instructions in many elevators.

Connectedness One main advantage of London’s public transport system is the ease with which a traveler may transfer from one mode to another. Many Underground and Overground lines share stations, making it

possible to switch trains without leaving the station; some even share with national rail stations. Often bus routes that cross the path of an underground or overground line will have a stop that corresponds with the train station or a stop positioned nearby.

The remarkable connectivity of the transportation system’s main modes in London contribute to an easy-to-use system that encourages travelers to use the public transport system as opposed using private cars. These are measures engineered on purpose to do so and are succeeding rather admirably.

However, the system is connected in other ways.

Several methods of transport work in tandem, including and especially the railway and bus systems.

The topical transpiration buses allow for the system to compensate for any failings in the underground and overground railway services, which benefits the transportation system as a whole. This is possible in large part because city railway and bus systems are controlled and operated by a single umbrella company in charge of regulating the main modes.

The resulting cohesion is one of the reasons London’s system of public transportation operates at its current level of success.

In February 2014, discontented members of the London Underground, as a part of a movement

by London union workers, took strike action for forty-eight hours, creating waves of disruption in the transport system that is so centered round the operation of the London underground railway. In preparation for this disruption, about one hundred additional busses were added by transport authorities to bus routes around the city to accommodate the large masses of re-routed passengers trying to get to their destination. This compensation did help to somewhat reorganize otherwise disrupted journeys. The connectedness of the system in London allowed for this sort of trading of passengers and pointed towards an organized system capable of managing undesired changes in the system and still, to some extent, completing the task of moving the masses. However, many London Underground and Overground lines share stations; this makes switching between lines easy for travelers when the system is running as it should, but during the strike this caused sweeping closures of stations across the city, disrupting travel and causing confusion. The DLR, however, as a recent addition to the overall transportation system within the city, most often has its own stations positioned close to overground or underground stations but requiring the passenger to

make the connection between modes by first exiting one station and walking to and entering another, creating a connectable but not connected relationship between the Docklands Light Railway and the other London railway systems. During the strike, the DLR stations were relatively unaffected, and travelers using this system were able to successfully complete journeys made on this railway.

By contrast, Istanbul’s public transportation system is operated by a handful of companies and is in comparison less connected. The stations of different modes do not always correspond and at times the transfer between modes involves a considerable walking distance. As the system expands, this obstacle should lessen, but at the present time London seems to be ahead of Istanbul in terms of inter-modal connection and ease if the completion of journeys involving two or more methods of transport.

CONCLUSIONS Compared to London, Istanbul is a city of millions more people, and is ever-growing and tasked with the job of decreasing roadway traffic by improving and promoting the use of public transpiration.

Recently the installation of a BRT system and the building of the Marmaray tunnel have greatly affected this effort and continue to do so; as the system expands and improves, greater numbers of travelers are able to be transported more quickly and efficiently, helping the city as a whole to run more smoothly and reducing the amount of pollution generated by transport vehicles.

With the exception of accessibility of stations, London is currently ahead of Istanbul in terms of the public transportation system; individuals in London often opt not to buy a car or not to use the car they own, but rather to use the public transportation system since it is so effective in the dense city, whereas Istanbul residents continue to obtain cars, which add to the city’s pollution and cause congestion on the roadways. London’s system is also constantly expanding with the knowledge that it must keep up with the growth of the city itself, so the effort is ever ongoing.

Connectedness of the systems, however, can cause some difficulties in journey completion. London Underground and Overground may benefit, in case of future strikes, by being a little more independent

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to allow continual operation when one or the other is out of commission (like underground and DLR); shared stations go a long way for connectivity and should be preserved and even increased in places where lines cross without stations, reducing the need to take longer trips or make more line changes in order to access the nearest connecting stations.

However, continued operation of one mode when the other is not operational should be an option.

The underground railway and the bus system, for instance, are strongly allied when it comes to transporting travelers through journey segments, and when disruptions on the underground occurred, during underground strike action in February 2014, the bus system was still able function; the greater numbers of people using the system and the added buses indicate that the bus system runs in tandem with the underground railway system. However, the massive number of overground station closures necessitated by underground station closures highlights a need for the system to refine or reorder its functions so that travelers on one mode may move around on relatively normal routes even when a corresponding mode has limited service.

systematic removal from circulation, thereby further decreasing the amount of vehicles on the road and increasing the proliferation of high-occupancy public transport vehicles, which is a process that should be continued.

An effective transport system must accommodate the crowds at peak times of day, namely in the mornings when many people are going to work, typically between 7 am and 9 am, and in the evenings when many people are coming from work or school and headed home, typically between 3 pm and 7 pm.

Therefore, the mayor of London’s plan to increase train length is a very reasonable and potentially helpful one. Istanbul normal buses are often extremely crowded and indicate a need for transport authorities to either encourage travelers to use trains and the BRT buses by expanding both networks or increase capacity of normal buses. However, as these buses are typically privately owned and only managed by public authorities, the latter change may be harder to effect. However, recent and current expansion plans appear promising for increasing the reach, service, and use of trains. For instance, the Marmary Tunnel project, completed just last year in 2013, Additionally, London’s bus system’s capability to involved the upgrading of miles of preexisting rails compensate for other modes in the event of deand nearly forty existing railway stations, yielding a lays or failure is a viable, if a slower, alternative cleaner and more smoothly run system as well as a to the failed system and should be preserved until system that now provides an alternative method of the system has improved to the point that it is able transport for crossing the Bosphorus Strait. The new to circumvent itself with backup routes or guarantunnel, finally completed and opened towards the teed-operational vehicles. The system, however, is end of 2013, is the “deepest immersed structure in limited by the problem of redundancy: underground the world,” according to a history and analysis of the lines and bus routes may run similar routes without success of the project given by Railway-Technology. a waste of resources because the demographcom. The Marmary Tunnel has provided an alterics and purposes of the users tend to differ. For nate means of crossing the Bosphorus Straight and instance, more grade school students use buses than is yet another way Istanbul transport authorities are underground lines. However, train lines with their working to increase the services provided by public own alternate routes may prove to be a waste of transport. The system may benefit from constructing resources. Another solution may be able to increase more tunnels in the future and running more tram lines the number of connecting railway stations, continubeneath the Bosphorus, similar to London’s accoming to encourage travelers to use public transporplishments with its underground railway system. tation while engineering higher occupancy buses in order to increase transportation capacity without Works Cited increasing road traffic.

"Bus, Boat and Road Maps." Bus, Boat and Road Istanbul’s BRT system, by contrast, has made a smart Maps. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http://www. and successful contribution to the decrease in road projectmapping.co.uk/Reviews/bus_boat_road_ traffic and the movement of people’s, however the maps.html>. routes are limited by the exclusive median lines needed to accomplish higher bus speeds. Expansion "DLR @ Canary Wharf." Panoramio. N.p., n.d. of Istanbul’s BRT system would further decrease Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http://www.panoramio.com/ the need for city buses and therefore justify their photo/13418340>.

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"Home - London Transport Museum." Home - London Transport Museum. N.p., n.d. Web. 02 Apr. 2014. <http://www.ltmuseum.co.uk/>.

"Home - Transport for London." Home - Transport for London. N.p., n.d. Web. 27 Feb. 2014. <http:// www.tfl.gov.uk/>.

"IETT - Istanbul Electricity, Tramway and Tunnel General Management." IETT - Istanbul Electricity, Tramway and Tunnel General Management. N.p., n.d. Web. 27 Feb. 2014. <http://www.iett.gov.tr/ en>.

"Istanbul Metro, Turkey: Maps, Fares, Routes & Hours." Istanbul Metro, Turkey: Maps, Fares, Routes & Hours. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http:// www.turkeytravelplanner.com/go/Istanbul/Transport/IstanbulMetro.html>.

"Istanbul Ulaşım." ISTANBUL ULASIM. N.p., n.d.

Web. 08 Apr. 2014. <http://www.istanbul-ulasim. com.tr/passenger-services/accessibility.aspx>.

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Marmaray Railway Engineering Project. Kable, 2014. Web. 04 Apr. 2014. <http://www.railway-technology.com/projects/marmaray/>.

"Mercedes-Benz Finland - BRT-järjestelmät Ja -ratkaisut - Esimerkki: Istanbul (englanniksi)." Mercedes-Benz Finland - BRT-järjestelmät Ja -ratkaisut - Esimerkki: Istanbul (englanniksi). N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http://www.mercedes-benz.fi/ content/finland/mpc/mpc_finland_website/fi/ home_mpc/bus/home/consulting/brt/systems_brt/ istanbul.0003.html>.

"Travel in London, Supplementary Report: London Travel Demand Survey (LTDS)."Transport for London.

Transport for London, 2011. Web. 27 Feb. 2014. <http://www.tfl.gov.uk/cdn/static/cms/documents/ london-travel-demand-survey.pdf>.

"Tube." - Transport for London. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http://www.tfl.gov.uk/maps/track/ tube>.

"ULAŞIM A.Ş. (Istanbul Transport Corporation)."

Istanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Apr. 2014. <http://www.ibb.gov.tr/en-us/organization/companies/pages/ulasimas.aspx>.

Milmo, Dan. "High Court Refuses to Halt Boxing Day London Tube Strike." Theguardian.com. Guardian News and Media, 23 Dec. 2011. Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/ dec/22/boxing-day-tube-strike-london>.

Yazıcı, M. Anıl, Herbert S. Levinson, P.E., NAE, Mustafa Ilıcalı, Nilgün Camkesen, and Camille Kamga.

"A Bus Rapid Transit Line Case Study: Istanbul’s Metrobüs System."National Center for Transit Research. Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 16, 01 Nov. 2013. Web. 04 Apr. 2014. <http://www.nctr. usf.edu/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/16.1_yazici.pdf>.

"Public Transport in Istanbul." Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 23 Apr. 2014. Web. 25 Apr. 2014. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_transport_ in_Istanbul>. "Şehir Hatları Ferries Corporate Information." Şehir Hatları Ferries Corporate Information. N.p., n.d.

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INFRASTRUCTURE AT THE URBAN PERIPHERY: HOUSTON’S THIRD HIGHWAY LOOP AND ISTANBUL’S THIRD BRIDGE

by Kelsey A. Walker EXECUTIVE SUMMARY At the edges of Houston and Istanbul, large-scale infrastructure projects are underway. Construction continues on the Grand Parkway in Houston’s suburbs, and contractors hired by the Turkish national government rapidly build the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge in Istanbul’s northern region. Once complete, the parkway and the bridge will be the third highway to loop around Houston and the third suspension bridge to span the Bosphorus Strait, respectively.

This report examines how the two projects evolved within the context of each city’s development and considers the projects’ impact on the quality of urban life. Istanbul and Houston developed under different geographic and historic conditions, so their transportation systems assume distinct forms today.

While Houstonians generally accept the Grand Parkway, many Istanbulites object to the highly politicized Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge project. Because these peripheral routes bypass the congested core of each city, they may help to accommodate the increasing number of automobiles. However, these projects will influence the speed and direction of each metropolitan area’s expansion. Secondary development will arise around the new infrastructure, impacting existing communities and the natural environment. Moving forward, decision makers in Istanbul and Houston can take steps to ensure these projects proceed in a way that maximizes quality of life for citizens.

INTRODUCTION As sites of cultural fusion and economic growth, Houston and Istanbul assume distinct and increasingly important roles in the network of global cities. Situated along both sides of the Bosphorus Strait – the waterway that separates the European and Asian continents – Istanbul is internationally renowned for its rich history of cultural exchange. Tourists flock to the city to experience its distinctive architecture and acclaimed festivals.

As the center of the emergent Turkish economy, Istanbul also attracts investment from around the world.

As a remarkably diverse metropolitan area, Houston is poised to make significant cultural contributions in the 21st century. Anglos and African Americans live alongside large (and increasing) numbers of Hispanics and Asians, many of whom immigrated to the metropolitan area from abroad. Cultural innovation and creativity abound, and the city receives increasing recognition for its food and art scenes. Houston also serves a global center for oil refining and petrochemical manufacturing, and its medical center

employs and treats doctors, nurses, and patients from around the globe.

Because of their cultural vibrancy and economic vitality, Houston and Istanbul attract immigrants; both cities have grown substantially since World War II. Istanbul’s population climbed from under one million in the 1950’s (Cox) to ten million in the year 2000 (Turkish Statistical Institute). By 2013, 14.2 million people called the city home (Turkish Statistical Institute). Though Houston houses less than half the population of Istanbul, the metropolitan area continues to experience impressive growth. The city of Houston was home to fewer than 600,000 people in 1950 (US Census Bureau, 1998), but by the end of the twentieth century approximately two million people lived within the city limits (US Census Bureau, 2012, Table 27). In the past fifteen years, the suburban regions beyond the jurisdiction of the city have grown rapidly as well. From 2000 to 2010, the population of the metropolitan region grew by 1.2 million, increasing from 4.7 million to 5.9 million people (US Census Bureau, 2012, Table 20).

Because of the growing populations, more cars travel along the roads of Istanbul and Houston

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than ever before. While Istanbul had only 2.3 million registered motor vehicles in 2005, the city had approximately 3.1 million automobiles by 2012 (Turkish Statistical Institute). Although Houston’s metropolitan population is less than half the size of Istanbul’s, the Texan city is home to more motor vehicles. As in Istanbul, the number of cars in Houston has increased substantially in the past decade. In 2012, the Houston metropolitan area had an estimated 4.0 million automobiles, up from 3.3 million in 2001 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013, 2002).

metropolitan centers, and both are the third of their kind in their region. The Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge – a project initiated by the Turkish national government – will be the third bridge to span the Bosphorus Strait. The bridge, and the new highway it will connect to, will pass through the forested greenbelt in Istanbul’s northern districts of Sarıyer and Beykoz. Just as the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge will lie further from Istanbul’s historic center than the two older bridges, the Grand Parkway will lay beyond Houston’s two existing circumferential highways.

Both Istanbul and Houston will need to develop infrastructure to accommodate even larger populations in the coming decades. Already, the increasing number of commuters strains existing transportation systems: Rampant congestion plagues both Istanbul and Houston at peak hours throughout the day. Ordinary citizens and experts agree that traffic constitutes a major dilemma in these expanding metropolitan areas. Nearly one third of Houston area residents named traffic as the biggest problem facing the region in 2014 (Klineberg), and Istanbulites frequently complain about delays associated with congestion. Recent research indicates that heavy traffic negatively impacts the personal wellbeing of citizens. In one study, researchers associated burdensome commutes with declines in both health and mood (Novako et. al.).

Istanbul’s Third Bridge and Houston’s Grand Parkway can improve the quality of urban life if they successfully reduce congestion, but these projects will exert a multidimensional effect on the metropolitan regions. Once completed, they will impact transportation patterns and preferences, and effect long-term demand for roadways. By increasing the accessibility of outlying regions, they will spur peripheral development that will impact existing communities and alter the natural environment. Both the projects will heavily influence the course of future urban development in Istanbul and Houston.

From an economic standpoint, congestion is also inefficient. Commuters produce nothing for firms as they struggle through stop-and-go traffic, and receive no direct compensation for the hours they spend on the road. Neither leisure nor labor, sitting in traffic constitutes a regrettable necessity in the lives of millions of Istanbulites and Houstonians.

Because traffic detracts from quality of life and economic efficiency, the local and regional governments of Houston and Istanbul have substantial incentive to reduce congestion.

RESEARCH & METHODOLOGY A variety of primary and secondary sources inform this report. Existing literature on the development of both cities provided background information about the transportation systems. News articles and interviews with citizens, policymakers and planners of Istanbul and Houston informed my understanding of the current state of the projects as well as prospects for the future.

KEY FINDINGS

Although Houston and Istanbul both compete on the world stage today, the two cities evolved under remarkably different conditions. Istanbul’s oldest districts developed adjacent to waterways THE ISSUE centuries before the invention of the automobile.

Accordingly, the city acquired a dense urban This report assesses two ongoing attempts to fabric that it maintains today. Houston, in contrast, expand metropolitan transportation systems for expanded radially outward into flat, uninterrupted increasing urban populations: Istanbul’s Yavuz terrain during the heyday of the automobile. To Sultan Selim Bridge and Houston’s Grand Parkway. evaluate the efficacy of the infrastructure projects These two projects lend themselves to comparison. currently underway, it is imperative to understand Both the bridge and the parkway are currenthow these projects relate to the existing transly under construction at the periphery of major portation systems and the spatial development

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of each city. The report now examines each city’s beginnings and evolution in turn.

thoroughfares and highways had to be carved out of the established urban fabric (Turan).

Istanbul’s origins trace back to early settlements along the Bosphorus. The historic center of the city is situated on the peninsula defined by the Sea of Marmara to the South, the Bosphorus Strait to the East, and the Golden Horn to the North. The early builders of the city encountered physical and technological constraints to growth. Waterways and hilly terrain restricted contiguous outward expansion. Fortressed walls built to protect the city from attack acted as manmade barriers to growth.

The limited means of transportation available to citizens heavily influenced the urban fabric as well.

Out of necessity, builders created neighborhoods that could be traveled by foot (Cox).

Urbanization accelerated in Turkey after the 1950’s. Immigrants from rural areas flocked into the city, and the new thoroughfares and highways guided the expansion of the city. Entirely new neighborhoods – including gated communities and shantytowns – developed along the highways extending away from and alongside the Bosphorus (Turan).

The metropolitan and national governments searched for ways to connect the increasingly decentralized city. In particular, they hoped to connect the European and Anatolian sides of the city, and provide means of transportation across the Bosphorus. Though a ferry system could transport Istanbul quickly spread beyond the city walls in the citizens between European and Asian settlements eighteenth century. As the city grew, the nearby by sea, Istanbul lacked a land route that connectwaterways continued to played a critical role in ed the continents. In the 1970’s, the city built the its development and eventual form. Though the First Bosphorus Bridge and an associated highway city expanded, it could not do so in a contiguous (the E-5), providing Istanbulites with a way to fashion. Connecting the older districts on the histravel between the city’s Asian and European sides toric peninsula to newer developments north of the via automobile.

Golden Horn represented a significant challenge.

Ferries and eventually bridges facilitated connec- After the much-anticipated opening of the First tions between the two districts. Settlements along Bosphorus Bridge, the metropolitan and national the Asian side of the Bosphorus were even more governments eagerly developed plans to condifficult to access. Given the size of the Bosphorus, struct additional structures that would span the the Asian and European sides of the city remained great strait. One plan called for the construction somewhat disconnected from each other (Turan). of five bridges total. The construction of a second bridge - the Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge - and Urban expansion came to a halt in the 1920’s. the Trans-European Highway stemmed from these After Mustafa Kemal Atatürk established the plans, and opened in the 1980’s. Although citizens capital of the new Turkish Republic in 1923 and planners alike hoped the second route for in Ankara, the people of Turkey turned their automobiles would help alleviate the heavy conattention away from Istanbul. The population gestion on the first bridge, most were disappointed of Istanbul declined. However, in the 1950’s, with the result. Automobile use in Istanbul continIstanbul once again received attention from the ued to grow, and today congestion plagues most national government. Urban development fit into of Istanbul, and especially the two bridges. While the Turkish Republic’s goals of modernization, in- fully uniting the two halves of the geographically creased foreign investment, and full participation divided city remains a challenge in modern times, in the global economy. Accordingly, the national transportation infrastructure increases connectivity government spearheaded several infrastructure between the Asian and Anatolian parts. projects in this era. Prime Minister Adnam Menderes pushed for a system of major thoroughThe Houston metropolitan area followed a diffares and highways. Although wider streets could ferent course of development and today assumes increase the flow of automobile traffic, multi-lane a different geometry. Largely, these differences roads contrasted drastically with they old city’s stem from the two cities’ disparate geographic intricate network of narrow, winding streets. Since situations. While waterways divided and surthe older portions of the city developed centuries rounded Istanbul, Houston developed as an inland before these automobile-oriented initiatives, the port. Houston’s original town site – now the city’s

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downtown – lay on the banks of one of the many bayous that weave throughout the region. In contrast to the historic district of Istanbul, the original town site lays roughly 25 miles from the nearest body of saltwater. While the freshwater bayous feed into the Houston Ship Channel and eventually Galveston Bay, they do not disrupt contiguous development as the Bosphorus does. Though Houston’s waterways facilitate the import and export of goods, the channels are narrow, and extremely easy to cross. Accordingly, unlike Istanbul, Houston retains the geographic capacity to expand radially outward in a contiguous fashion.

Transportation infrastructure played a critical role in Houston’s early development. In contrast to Istanbul, modern means of transportation were available shortly after the Allen brothers established the city in 1836. By the turn of the twentieth century (less than seventy years after the city’s conception) a streetcar system facilitated initial suburban expansion. Early streetcar lines ran from the city’s early central business district to some of its first residential suburbs, including Bellaire and The Heights (Slotbloom).

Automobiles also began circulating throughout Houston within the first century of its existence. In 1914, vehicles akin to taxis serviced fixed routes, and posed significant competition to the streetcar industry. Just a decade after these taxis originally began to operate, Houston’s first bus service opened. Over the next fifteen years, buses gradually became favored (especially by suburban developers) over track-bound streetcars. In 1940, Houston Electric terminated its streetcar program entirely, and the city began removing the remaining tracks (Slotbloom).

Without a politically powerful planning department during much of the 20’s and 30’s, Houston’s urban expansion proceeded haphazardly. However, in other American cities, the push for organized transportation infrastructure systems quickly became the norm. Inspired by the ideas of the French architect Le Corbusier, Los Angeles and New York both developed comprehensive highway plans to facilitate efficient transportation. Motivated by the plans of other cities, members of Houston’s planning community advocated for highways within Houston. In particular, they advocated for a highway that would connect Houston to the coastal city of Galveston (Slotbloom).

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In 1942, a more organized and politically powerful department of planning proposed a new street plan to facilitate efficient movement throughout the growing city. This plan established a network of thoroughfares, and identified corridors suitable for future highways. In the early 1940’s, plans calling for the construction of the Gulf Freeway (which would run between and Houston and Galveston) through one of these corridors were approved. By the eve of the Second World War, Houston was well on its way to becoming an entirely automobile-oriented city (Slotbloom).

The freeway between Houston and Galveston opened to automobiles in 1948, becoming the region’s first highway segment. Four other approved freeways, three of which passed through central Houston, were constructed shortly thereafter. This burgeoning highway system enabled traffic to flow in and out of downtown. The highway planning and construction process relied on the coordinated collaboration of Houston’s City Planning Department, its Chamber of Commerce, Harris County, and the Houston office of the Texas Department of Transportation (TXDOT). More than other in other cities, Houston exerted considerable control over the exact paths of freeways. The Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956 substantially reduced the financial burden of construction faced by local and regional governments, and enabled the city to proceed constructing its highways without struggling to find funds (Slotbloom).

After the development of these highways extending radially from downtown into peripheral areas, the city completed a circumferential highway circling the center of the city. Today, this highway is known as the inner loop. The city also continued working with the county, the TXDOT and other stakeholders to develop a comprehensive highway plan that would guide the region’s development in the years to come. This plan called for the continued development of a loop and radial system. More radial highways would directly connect the suburbs to downtown, while circumferential highways would provide loops that allowed easy travel between outlying suburbs and activity centers. Plans in the 1960’s called for second and third circumferential highways beyond Highway 610. The second loop - Beltway 8 - was constructed in the 1980’s, and is now colloquially known as the Outer Loop. Moreover, the plans proposed a third loop - the Grand Park-

way - which is currently under construction today (Slotbloom).

the extreme concentration of activity around the Golden Horn (Turan, 226).

Planning for Population Growth

In contrast to the metropolitan government, the national government has plans for increased development to the North of Istanbul. Prime Minister Ergodan plans to construct a large airport in the region, and has discussed the possibility of building an artificial canal. If these plans proceed, the city will likely see significant development in its northern region.

Both Houston and Istanbul expect high rates of population growth in future decades. To accommodate future growth, both metropolitan areas pursue strategies that will enable the city to house and transport more people. The distinct geometries of Houston and Istanbul factor in heavily to the development strategies proposed by the regional planning commissions of each metropolitan area.

Today, the city of Istanbul extends nearly sixty miles to the west of the strait on the European side and roughly 40 miles to the east in Anatolia.

While Istanbul spreads north along the Bosphorus, from the historic peninsula on the Sea of Marmara toward the districts of Sarıyer and Beykoz on the Black Sea, this is not the primary axis of urban expansion. The highways extending from the Bosphorus and Sultan Ahmet bridges facilitate growth east and west of the Strait, along an axis perpendicular to the waterway (Turan). Surprisingly, the far northern districts of Sariyer and Beykoz remain relatively undeveloped. Though recent developments – most notably, the new campus of Koc University – have occurred in the northern region, the area is still known primarily for their fishing villages and intact forests, especially the Belgrad forest of Sarıyer (Sarıyer Municipality).

The Istanbul Metropolitan Planning and Urban Design Center, established in 2004, completed Spatial Development Plans for the metropolitan center in 2006 and 2009. These plans emphasize the importance of concentrating future development along the east-west axis perpendicular to the Bosphorus. The IMP believes that by growing away from the Strait, rather than along it, Istanbul can better protect its water basins and forested areas. The plan also identifies a collection of sub-centers that should become sites of increased development (Turan, 226). Internationally renowned architects created master plans for some of these sub-centers. For example, Zaha Hadid envisioned a way to transform the Anatolian neighborhood of Kartal into a bustling mixed-use area. By establishing a network of activity centers along the city’s east-west axis, the IMP hopes to decrease the immense congestion associated with

Although Houston extends radially, rather than axially, outward from its historic center, the planning community around Houston also embraces creating a network of multiple activity centers. The Houston-Galveston Area Council, which coordinates planning efforts across the ten-county metropolitan region, identifies several neighborhoods within Houston and its suburbs as ideal sites for future “Livable Centers”.

Regional planning commissions around Istanbul and Houston also develop transportation plans in conjunction with their plans for urban densification and expansion. Transportation planning in Istanbul since the construction of the second bridge has been the source of ongoing controversy. After the Second Bridge failed to generate substantial reductions in traffic, members of Istanbul’s planning community discussed the idea of boring a tunnel under the Bosphous that could transport commuters by rail. When the Highway Department proposed to construct a third bridge in 1996, Istanbul’s planning community responded with criticism. The Istanbul chapter of the Chamber of Architects argued that solutions to Istanbul’s congestions should focus on transporting people, rather than accommodating automobiles, and passionately advocated for the creation of a tube under the Strait (“Tube or Bridge”). Nevertheless, the State Planning Department announced official plans to construct a third bridge in the late 1990’s. These plans called for a bridge located closer to the Marmara Sea, south of the Bosphorus and Sultan Ahmet bridges.

The department hoped to link the bustling historic peninsula to the Anatolian district of Kadikoy.

Organizations around Istanbul continued speaking out against the third bridge. The Turkish Union of Engineers and Architect’s Chambers (TMMOB) argued that additional bridges could not possibly accommodate the expected increases in automobile trips across the Bosphorus in future decades.

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TMMOB urged the Turkish government to transition away from automobile-oriented infrastructure and pursue the metropolitan municipality’s plans for a rail tunnel under the waterway (TMOBB).

Criticism stalled progress on plans for this southern bridge. After an earthquake struck the city of Izmit just east of Istanbul in 1999, the national government focused their efforts on recovering from the damage (Oskin). Although plans for a third bridge at this particular location fell through, components of the Planning Department’s proposal made their way into the final project plans for the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge. The proposal called for a bridge with eight lanes of automobile traffic and two railway lines – the cross section under construction today (ICA).

In 2003, the State Planning Organization rekindled discussion of a transportation routes across the Bosphorus by once again announcing its tentative support of a third bridge. Encouraged by the State Planning Organization, the State Highways Directorate pursued the idea of a third bridge further, conducting new studies and proposing five potential locations for the project, most of which were within close proximity to the exiting bridges (“DPT”).

However, the metropolitan government of Istanbul favored the idea of a rail tunnel under the Bosphorus over the Highways Directorate’s proposal for a third bridge. The metropolitan municipality hoped the public transportation tunnel would lead to the city’s selection as the site of the 2020 summer Olympics. Although Istanbul lost its bid to host the international games, the Marmaray tunnel opened in 2013, on the 90th anniversary of the Turkish republic. The tunnel serves different functions throughout the day. During the morning, afternoon, and evening, commuter trains arrive every ten minutes to transport Istanbulites from one side of the city to the other. After 11 p.m., however, freight trains run through the tunnel (Yetkin). Another tunnel for automobiles is expected to open to traffic in 2015.

As machines bored the Marmaray Tunnel under the Bosphorus, the national government pursued the construction of a third bridge with renewed energy and organization. The bridge will connect Sarıyer and Beykoz, the northernmost districts in European and Anatolian Istanbul, respectively.

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An official groundbreaking ceremony took place in May of 2013, and the bridge will to open to automobiles and trains when construction finishes in 2015. The Northern Marmara Highway, another peripheral project pursued by Erdogan’s government, will extend from either end of the bridge (“First Steps”).

The construction of the Grand Parkway – officially State Highway 99 – proceeds incrementally. The first segment of the parkway, located in Houston’s eastern suburbs, opened to traffic in 1989. Another segment, to the far west of the city, opened to traffic in 2009. A third segment just north of the original segment in 2013, and the TxDOT expects to complete construction on three more segments northwest of the city in 2015 (Grand Parkway).

The city of Houston has increased other forms of transportation infrastructure as well. In preparation for the Superbowl, Houston developed a rail line running from the downtown area through the Texas Medical Center to the stadium complex.

Although the line covers only a short distance, ridership is high. Park and Ride lots near the Southern end of the lines enable workers to avoid driving through the congested medical center and downtown areas. Recently, the city has expanded its rail network. The original line now extends to the north of downtown, and Metro expects to open two east-west lines by the end of 2014 (METRORail).

Though these lines will connect the neighborhoods of central Houston, they cover an extremely small fraction of Houston’s land area. Given Houston’s low density, connecting the areas of the metropolitan region via rail line will require immense political and financial will in decades to come. For the foreseeable future, Houston will remain a city oriented around the automobile, and highways will remain the salient component of the city’s transportation network.

Politics of Construction The construction of transportation infrastructure benefits certain stakeholders in metropolitan community more than others. Developers holding large swaths of peripheral land profit greatly from the increases in property values, while older urban communities find their neighborhoods divided by the new highway. Because transportation infrastructure projects so often pit the small community against the larger region, planning and construction of these projects is an inherently political process.

While local, regional and national governments are involved with both the bridge and the parkway, the relationship between the levels of government differs between the two projects. 39 districts (including Sarıyer and Beykoz) comprise the greater Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. Each district elects its own governing body to oversee local development, while the Istanbul metropolitan government coordinates efforts for the entire urban area. The Houston-Galveston Area Council coordinates regional transportation plans for the ten county region surrounding Houston, then passes these plans to the Texas Department of Transportation (TXDOT) for implementation. Grants from the U.S. federal government supply the majority of the funds for highway construction projects.

Within the Houston area, the governments of the city and its larger suburbs wield substantial influence. However, the small communities within the city and its suburbs carry less political power than the local municipalities of Istanbul. Although many neighborhoods have civic clubs and some have management districts, these organizations are less formally recognized than the governing bodies of the Istanbul’s local municipalities.

many fled from central Houston to more suburban locations. Originally, the suburban flight was of little concern for Houston. Under Texas State law, Houston had the unusual power of extraterritorial jurisdiction, meaning that it could easily annex outlying areas. Though emigration from Houston proper meant a decline in the city’s tax base, this represented only a temporary loss in population and tax revenue to the city. After all, Houston could easily incorporate peripheral areas in the future, and re-include the residents of new suburban subdivision in the city’s taxable population.

For the same reason, economic developments in suburban areas did not threaten the city’s strength.

Once again, the city of Houston could pull these new centers of economic activity into their jurisdiction through their unchallenged powers of annexation.

Recent changes to Texas’ annexation laws necessitated a shift in Houston’s planning strategy, and changed Houston’s relationship with its suburbs. The city’s annexation of Kingwood – a master-planned community in northeast Houston – generated tremendous uproar from local residents in 1996, and three years later the state legisIn Istanbul, the third bridge is especially politlature qualified the provision of extraterritorial icized. The construction company responsible jurisdiction (Lee). Today, the process of annexation for the project touts the bridge as a “symbol of is politically and practically infeasible for Houston, modern Turkey” (ICA). However, the municipal gov- so the city now finds itself in a more adversarial ernment of Sarıyer expresses concern about the relationship with the suburbs. The city’s planning impact of the bridge. The Northern Marmara high- department now hopes to incentivize inner-city way cuts through the Sarıyer’s Belgrad forest, a redevelopment through Tax Increment Reinvestment natural area that contributes greatly to the quality Zones and neighborhood Management Districts. of life and the tourism industry in the district. The Ultimately, the city hopes to increase its population municipality worries that compromising this intact density and attract people back to the region’s natural area hurts the district in the long term. In urban core.

Sarıyer’s 2010 development action plan, the local government supports constructing an underwater Because of this new relationship between city and tunnel instead of a bridge and outlines steps to suburb, the Grand Parkway project differs from protect natural areas from impending urbanizathe circumferential highways built in the past. tion. The municipal government names zoning as Never before has the Houston region endeavored its top priority, hopes to implement legislation that to build a peripheral highway loop while the city can regulate land use in its forested areas (Sarıyer actively strives to increase urban density.

Municipality). In this case, the political agendas of the national and local governments directly conDISCUSSION & RECOMMENDATIONS tradict one another, since the national government passed legislation permitting increased developPrinciples of traffic flow suggest that these new ment of forested areas (“More Forests”). infrastructure projects have only limited capacity to reduce congestion in the long run. Traffic expert The construction of highways facilitated the subDowns notes that building new infrastructure often urban expansion of Houston. With highways that reduces congestion significantly less than anticcould efficiently take them in and out of the city, ipated because of a phenomenon he calls “the

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principle of triple convergence.” When a new road opens up, the route is initially free of traffic.

But very quickly, three types of individuals realize it is to their advantage to drive along this new road, and so they switch over. First, individuals who initially took other route choose to drive on this new road. Theoretically, this lessens congestion in other areas of the city, but this decrease in overall congestion is also temporary. Individuals who originally chose to drive at a non-peak hour may now elect to drive at the peak hour given the reduction in congestion. Likewise, individuals who opted to commute via an alternative mode of transportation – such as bus or train – may now find it marginally more convenient to commute via automobile. Collectively, these individual decisions offset the initial reduction in congestion due to new infrastructure.

The principle of triple convergence will likely come into play in both Houston and Istanbul after the completion of the Grand Parkway and the Third Bridge. While a long-term reduction in congestion is an admirable goal, because it would increase the quality of urban life, it is unclear if either infrastructure projects will achieve this.

Environmental Implications Increasingly, scientists recognize the relationship between humans’ manipulation of the environment and supposedly natural disasters. Periodically, tropical storms and hurricanes bring heavy rains and winds into the Houston area, so flooding represents a considerable threat to the region. Today, the soft soils of the Katy Prairie and surrounding wetlands absorb significant amounts of rainfall, and act as a natural drainage system. However, the region’s capacity to retain water will decrease significantly if these outlying areas are developed into subdivisions. Houston planners worry that if a tropical storm or hurricane inundates western Houston after significant construction and development, water will enter the bayous more quickly, and increase water levels and flooding damage around the region.

Istanbul lies along the North Anatolian Fault, which runs along the southern coast of the Black Sea. Over the past century, earthquakes associated with this fault have caused fatalities and harm throughout Turkey. Most recently, a 7.4 magnitude quake in 1999 caused considerable damage in

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the city of Izmit, approximately sixty miles east of Istanbul. Because the earthquakes along the North Anatolian fault progress from east to west over time, seismologists predict that another quake will impact Istanbul within the next twenty years (Oskin). While development around the new bridge and the highway in these areas will not impact the magnitude of future earthquakes, unregulated construction along the steep slopes of Sarıyer and Beykoz could exacerbate damage.

Considering Quality of Urban Life Different organizations around Isanbul and Houston can take steps to increase the likelihood that the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge and the Grand Parkway impact the quality of urban life in Houston and Istanbul in congestion in a positive and lasting way.

To minimize congestion in the long term, the departments of transportation in both Texas and Turkey can implement strategic tolls and set aside lanes for public transportation. Tolls are advantageous for three main reasons. First, they generate revenues that ease the financial burden of construction. Moreover, they increase the marginal cost drivers incur when they travel from place to place. These prices help to capture the true social cost of driving and to stem demand for automobile trips. If it costs more for certain individuals to travel by car than to take public transportation, these commuters will opt for public transportation, and reduce roadway congestion. Finally, peak hour pricing systems can help distribute of traffic more evenly and efficiently throughout the day. If drivers must pay more to use roads during rush hour than during less congested times, more individuals will choose to travel during less busy times, and ease the collective burden of congestion across the city. Both the bridge and the parkway have already planned to charge drivers a fee to use the new route, and should incorporate peak hour pricing schemes into their plans as well (Downs).

However, charging fees may not reduce congestion by enough, especially in Istanbul. The city already charges drivers for each trip they take across the Bosphorus or Fatih bridges, and congestion continues to plague these routes during the key commuting hours of the day. To further decrease demand, both metropolitan areas should plan to incorpo-

rate public transportation into these peripheral infrastructure projects in order to provide citizens with easy alternatives to automobile travel. The two rail lines running down the center of the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge and High Occupancy Toll lanes planned for the Grand Parkway represent steps in the right direction. Because these less congested lanes will be free and accessible only to buses and high occupancy vehicles, they will encourage citizens to avoid the type of behavior that increases demand for roadways.

Finally, both cities will need to carefully monitor the infrastructure’s impact on the natural environment. The Third Bridge and accompanying highway pass through one of Istanbul’s few remaining natural areas. Likewise, the Grand Parkway crosses through the fragile Katy Prairie. While efficient transportation and reduced congestion is an extremely worthwhile goal, the two cities should be wary of sacrificing intact natural areas for expanded highway systems. Increased regulations for development within the Katy Prairie and the Belgrad Forest can protect these natural areas and decrease the risk of flood or earthquake damage. The proper implementation of these two projects will require additional policies to ensure that the increase to the quality of life associated with reduced congestion is not completely offset by endless peripheral expansion and environmental degradation.

WORKS CITED

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“Grand Parkway F-1, F-2 and G.” Grand Parkway 99.

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“METRORail: Project Overview.” Go METRORail. 2014.

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“More Turkish forests opened for construction.” Hurriyet Daily News. 18 Apr. 2014. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

Novaco, Raymond W., Daniel Stokols, and Louis Milanesi. "Objective and subjective dimensions of travel impedance as determinants of commuting stress." American journal of community psychology 18.2 (1990): 231-257.

Oskin, Becky. “Flashpoint Found for Istanbul’s Next Earthquake.” Live Science. 18 June 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

Sarıyer Municipality. Sarıyer Development Action Plan.

Istanbul: 2010.

Slotbloom, Erik. Houston Freeways: A Historical and Visual Journey. 2003.

“TMMOB opposes third Bosphorus bridge.” Hurriyet Daily News. 6 Sep. 1997. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

“3rd Bosphorus Bridge – 6.” Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge and North Marmara Motorway. ICA. 2013.

“Tube or bridge for the Bosphous?” Hurriyet Daily News. 30 Dec. 1996. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

AA Photo. “Bosphorus’ silhouette changes as construction continues for Istanbul’s third bridge.” Hurriyet Daily News n.d.. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

Turan, Neyran. "Towards an Ecological Urbanism for Istanbul." Megacities. Springer Japan, 2011. 223-243.

“About Project.” 3rd Bosphorus Bridge and Northern Marmara Motorway. ICA. 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

Turkey. Turkish Statistical Institute. "Population by Population Group and Sex." The Characteristics Of The Population By Provinces, 2000 Population Census. Ankara: Turkish Statistical Institute, 2010. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

Cox, Wendell. “The Evolving Urban Form: Istanbul.”

New Geography. 16 Aug 2012. Web. Downs, Anthony. “Why Traffic Congestion is Here to Stay.... and Will Get Worse.” 2004.

“DPT grants conditional permission to third bridge over Bosporus.” Hurriyet Daily News June 5 2003. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

Turkey. Turkish Statistical Institute. "Population of Provinces by Years, 2007-2013." Population and Demography. Ankara: Turkish Statistical Institute, 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

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Turkey. Turkish Statistical Institute. "Vehicle types and number of road motor vehicles by Classification of Statistical Region Units Level 1." Transportation Statistics: Road Motor Vehicles. Ankara: Turkish Statistical Institute, 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

United States. US Census Bureau. "Table 18. Population of the 100 Largest Urban Places: 1950." Population of the 100 Largest Cities and Other Urban Places in the United States: 1790 to 1990. Washington: US Census Bureau, 15 June 1998. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

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Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2012. Washington: US Census Bureau, 2012. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

United States. U.S. Census Bureau. " Table 27. Incorporated Places With 175,000 or More Inhabitants in 2010—Population: 1970 to 2010." Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2012. Washington: US Census Bureau, 2012. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

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Consumer Expenditure Survey, 2011-2012. Washington: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Sep. 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

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Yetkin, Murat. “Marmaray connects continents under Bosphorus.” Hurriyet Daily News. 30 Oct. 2013. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.

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SECTION VII. URBAN DEVELOPMENT The City’s Silent Residents: Cat and Dog Presence and Welfare in London and Istanbul

by Clara Roberts

Tarlabasi & Freedmen’s Town: Urban Renewal Planning in Istanbul and Houston

by Mark Trainer

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THE CITY’S SILENT RESIDENTS: CAT AND DOG PRESENCE AND WELFARE IN LONDON AND ISTANBUL

by Clara Roberts EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Animals are an essential, ever-present part of the urban landscape, yet they are overlooked in the study of urban life. Domestic animals are an integral part of human culture and history and, therefore, an important element of urban policy. In addition to culture and animal welfare, controlling stray and feral cats and dogs is a challenge that encompasses issues of public health and environmental concerns. London and Istanbul have disparate histories regarding animal control, with London’s system being long-established and Istanbul’s system only a decade old. This, combined with differences in pet cultures, has resulted in disparate policies and visibly different landscapes of domestic animals in public spaces. London’s system is primarily run by donation-funded shelters, with the government serving a supporting role, whereas Istanbul’s is entirely government-funded, with the charities providing on-the-ground support. London confines most of its strays in shelters while Istanbul utilizes a Trap-Neuter-Return policy, so their strays are primarily free-roaming. The cities’ policies are both largely shaped by national legislation, but also influenced by choices in implementation. While the scale of the issue may be much larger in Istanbul, both cities face some similar challenges, including lack of public knowledge about neutering, regulating breeding, and encouraging sustainability as stray populations continue to grow.

INTRODUCTION What makes a city? Elements like people, economy, transportation, skyscrapers, and historical structures are typically considered most important, usually followed by cultural staples and sometimes even natural environment, in the form of contained green spaces or polluted air. The metropolis’ non-human residents are rarely included in the conversation. One glaring exception is the recent controversy about Sochi’s handling of free-roaming dogs in the face of the winter Olympics, which was a rare glimpse into the ongoing struggle to control and support urban animal populations (Dell'Amore). As one scholar explains, “human–animal interaction was [historically] both an essential part of London’s system of labor and trade, and part of the emotional experience of city dwellers,” a statement which can almost certainly be applied to other metropolises (Kean 55). Animals have been important in the livelihood of cities, as well as the quality of life of their citizens, for centuries. It is therefore essential for cities to address their presence, both for the sake of the animals themselves and to improve environmental sustainability and public health.

Cities are primarily built environments, but they do not exist entirely apart from nature. In fact, animals, particularly domestic ones, are often deliberately incorporated into the built environment, in areas like zoos and dog parks. Others, like subway rats and stray domestic animals, are less welcome inhabitants, who still interface with the landscape and human population and must be addressed by the city, whether directly by the government, by charity organizations, or a combination of the two. How do London and Istanbul handle the challenges of controlling dogs and cats in public spaces and how, if at all, are their methods shaped by different histories and pet cultures?

ISSUE STATEMENT The control of unplanned domestic animals, primarily cats and dogs, in public spaces is arguably the most glaring aspect of animal existence in urban areas. London and Istanbul serve as examples of two cities with starkly different histories of animal control and, therefore, have divergent policies and current situations. The United Kingdom, for example, was the first country in the world to implement laws protecting animals, whereas Turkey’s legislation is much more recent (BBC).

Turkey’s more modern legislation is also structured

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differently than the United Kingdom’s and includes provisions that the UK does not, including outlawing the euthanization of healthy, non-dangerous animals (HAYTAP). It is difficult to obtain accurate numbers for stray and feral animal populations, but Turkey, because of its relatively shorter history of government and charity animal control efforts, along with other factors, faces greater obstacles than London.

Estimates of Istanbul’s free roaming dog population range from 40,000 to 150,000. Pet ownership in Turkey, however, is much lower than in the United Kingdom. A World Society for the Protection of Animals report in 2007 estimated UK dog ownership at 6,734,000 and Turkey dog ownership at 1,405,000.

Cat ownership was 9,887,000 and 2,877,000, respectably (Batson). Even the WSPA, however, admits in their report that obtaining reliable data as the situation now stands is nearly impossible. Lack of information is one of many challenges that stakeholders are confronting in their efforts to address animal welfare in urban settings. London and Istanbul utilize different strategies to cope with animal welfare and control, which are largely but not entirely shaped by national policies. These actions both produce and are a product of the forms of visibility and culture surrounding dogs and cats in public spaces.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY In both countries, the cities of interest are at the core of the issue. In the United Kingdom, London is the center of policy making. While Istanbul is not the capital of Turkey, it is at the forefront of implementing animal welfare policy. Additionally, the urban landscape provides a unique situation for dealing with domestic animals because of the density of people and the pace of activity. This report will, therefore, use the two cities as a lens through which to view the development of animal welfare and the visibility of domestic animals in the two nations. Statistics are included when possible, but in most cases reliable data is not available. While quantitative data is useful for understanding the scope of the issue, this report focuses primarily on historical, cultural, and legislative practices.

A literature review provided context and historical perspective about domestic animal welfare in London and Istanbul. As scholar Hilda Kean, one of the few researchers of domestic animal presence in cities, points out, “Although non-human animals have long been recognized as inhabitants of the metropolis, there have been few academic studies of their

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historical existence” (Kean 54). Until recently, the issue has been researched almost exclusively by animal welfare organizations, which work to produce estimations of cat and dog populations and provide best practices recommendations. The literature review draws on these reports, relevant news articles, the legislation itself, and scientific papers about animal welfare practices more broadly.

One key inductive interview was conducted in each city. In Istanbul, where welfare is primarily a government responsibility, the interview was with a civil servant. In London, where charities take on primary responsibility, it was difficult to gain access to one of the most prominent organizations but the opportunity arose to interview an animal welfare officer at a smaller shelter. Finally, the author’s observations of animals in public spaces are employed to explore their roles in the metropolis. Wherever possible, photographs taken by the author or others in the program are included. However, when access was restricted, photographs found online are used.

The available material, both in the literature and in interviews, mainly centers on dogs rather than cats, possibly because they are seen as a bigger nuisance and their control is given higher priority.

Themes from work with both cats and dogs, however, apply to the issue more broadly.

TERMINOLOGY Feral animals were once domesticated but have since reverted to the wild. While feral cat populations are an issue in urban areas, dogs typically rely on humans for food and rarely hunt wildlife.

Therefore, they are almost never feral (Dell'Amore).

The terms ‘free-roaming’ and ‘stray’ are used interchangeably to refer to animals on the street. Some of these animals may be community owned and cared for, but it is impossible to tell as an outsider as long as they remain uncontained. Animal ownership is a relatively fluid concept, but for the purposes of this document, an owned animal is one that is visibly claimed (International Companion Animal Management Coalition 3).

FINDINGS Historical Context

The history of cat and dog presence in the two cities is largely anecdotal. Domestic pets have, however,

been leaving their marks on London for over 200 years. Hyde Park contains the oldest known pet cemetery in the Western world, founded in 1881 (Kean 57). It is filled with tiny tombstones and memorials indicating that Londoners have long been emotionally attached pet owners. It is therefore unsurprising that the United Kingdom was the first country to implement animal protection laws, passing the 1822 Act to Prevent the Cruel and Improper Treatment of Cattle, followed by the more general Protection of Animals Act in 1911. In 2007, Parliament passed the Animal Welfare Act, which overhauled and updated previous legislation. It implemented harsher penalties for neglect and abuse and raised the minimum age for adopting a pet (BBC). The two most prominent animal charity organizations still active in London today were both founded in the 1800s, the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals in 1824 and Battersea Cats and Dogs home in 1860 (BBC). These organizations, along with many others, work to manage feral animal populations, prevent cruelty, and rehome stray pets. Because of a long history of pet ownership and stray animal management by charities, alongside other factors, the challenges facing London today are very different, and arguably lesser, than those facing Istanbul.

Turkey, like many countries outside of Western Europe, has a less established tradition of household pets than the United Kingdom (Dell'Amore). Dogs, and likely also cats, still have a longstanding historic record in Istanbul. Many of the stray dogs are community owned, fed and cared for by neighborhood residents. According to an article in the Turkish newspaper, Today’s Zaman, “[Stray dogs] have been around for centuries; ancient Ottoman texts by civil servants ruminate on what to do about Istanbul's growing stray dog population. Mark Twain, in his notes on Istanbul, wrote in 1861 that he had never seen such ‘doleful-eyed and broken-hearted stray dogs’ anywhere else in his life” (Altıntaş). Unlike in the United Kingdom, no charity or legislative infrastructure was established early on. In 1910, many of the stray dogs were rounded up and transported to an island off the coast of Turkey where they did not have adequate food and water, a measure that was met with opposition from both dogs and residents (Mortada). In recent years, rapid urbanization has been associated with continual growth of the stray cat and dog populations (Johnson, Un and Fooks 307). Although it appears no drastic measures have been taken since 1910, there is very little information available about modern animal control efforts prior

to the passing of the 1986 Law Number 3285 Law on Livestock Health and the implementation of the Animal Protection Law Number 5199 in 2004, which directly addresses cat and dog welfare. Many Istanbul citizens seem attached to the stray dogs and cats and even care for them as neighborhood pets. While free-roaming dogs can enrich communities with their presence, they also can cause traffic accidents, injury through aggressive behavior, nuisance or fouling nuisance, and the risk of transmission of disease to humans (International Companion Animal Management Coalition 4). Turkey is the only European country that still has cases of rabies in urban dogs, although rates of the disease are relatively low and have been decreasing since the early 1980s (Johnson, Un and Fooks 305). Nevertheless, the necessity to eradicate rabies in the country, which is primarily associated with urban areas and Istanbul particularly, is one driving factor behind past and current animal control policies.

Current Policy and Practice The United Kingdom is a part of the European Union and, while Turkey is not, it has long been in negotiations to join and is working to conform to its policies. The European Union regulations from the Treaty of Amsterdam, however, provide little guidance on animal welfare policy, stating only that member states must “pay full regard to the welfare requirements of animals” (BBC). The member states therefore have a great degree of agency in constructing their policies and systems. In addition to outlawing the mistreatment of animals, which most legislation accomplishes, welfare policy, whether in legislation or in practice, also typically has the responsibility of addressing stray and feral animals.

The primary options for control include mass killing, mass sheltering, and mass sterilization and vaccination (Dell'Amore). Rounding up animals and leaving them at a remote location is also a less commonly used option (Dell'Amore). In the simplest terms, London’s current animal welfare policy involves mass sheltering, while Istanbul’s is based in mass sterilization and vaccination. All stray animals in London are taken to charity-run shelters. The logistics of containing all Istanbul’s free-roaming dogs in shelters make this option next to impossible. For this reasons, among others, Istanbul has adopted a Trap-Neuter-Return (TNR) policy for stray dogs and cats. The animals are caught, spayed or neutered, vaccinated, tagged, and released. In reality, of course, the policies are mixed. Shelters in London utilize

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sterilization and vaccination for feral animals and Istanbul municipalities shelter animals that are not healthy enough to survive on the street. Additionally, while euthanization of healthy, non-dangerous animals is illegal in Turkey, some reports allege that it still occurs (Altıntaş). Although the practice is not illegal in the United Kingdom few shelters in London use it, largely because they have capacity to meet demand.

Although little information is available about the income of HAYTAP’s member organizations, one article reports that money is tight and the volunteers often pay out of pocket for resources like dog food (Mortada). The lack of funding makes sense intuitively, as HAYTAP and its members have a less established presence than their counterparts in the United Kingdom as the tradition of adopting pets is less entrenched in Turkey’s culture. However, this also makes the task of caring for and controlling London’s cat and dog management system operIstanbul’s stray dogs and cats a more difficult one. ates almost exclusively through charities, which are In both London and Istanbul, the organizations funded by donations rather than the government. cooperate with the municipal governments and take The RSPCA website explains that by maintaining on responsibilities, but they serve different roles in independent sources of funding, they also maintain each city. In London, the charities run the shelters, autonomy in making moral decisions outside of the while in Istanbul, municipalities run shelters and law. Although charities often struggle for funding, charities work to feed and monitor animals on the especially during economic downturn, some of them streets, many of whom have been vaccinated and have the advantages of being long-established and neutered by municipal shelters. well known. Battersea Cats and Dogs, for example, often receives large legacy donations and attenThese different NGO roles can be partially sourced tion, even from celebrities. Charles Dickens once to the countries’ different approaches to controlling wrote an article to support the shelter. More recent- strays. Confining all un-owned domestic animals ly, it has become the “go-to charity of the rich and to shelters is the accepted practice in most Westfamous” (Dunnett). Alexander McQueen even left ern countries, however it is not necessarily the best the organization £100,000 upon his death. With method. Evidence from biological and behavioral the help of strong fundraising roots, the shelter rescience suggests that shelters can have negative homes approximately 6,000 dogs and 3,000 cats psychological effects on dogs. In one study, levels every year (Dunnett). Of course, this is not typical of of the stress hormone cortisol were elevated in all London shelters, but there is a significant amount dogs during their first 3 days in shelters, but human of voluntary funding for animal welfare in the city, contact had an ameliorating influence. (Tuber, Miller even organizations without celebrity supporters. and Caris 380). Although London does not currently have this issue, if animals in shelters are not adoptThe roots of Turkey’s animal charities may not be as ed and the shelter is over capacity, many of these deep, but they are equally committed to the cause. Western shelters will euthanize some of the aniIn 2008, the country’s animal welfare associations mals. However, in systems similar to Turkey’s, while banded together to found HAYTAP, which has since free-roaming dogs may be exposed to more opbecome a relatively strong force in affecting policy portunities for positive human contact, they are also (HAYTAP). Most recently, the organization made exposed to the potential for abuse and other risks, headlines in 2012 with their campaign against a like malnutrition and injury from traffic accidents. proposed amendment to law 5199. The amendIstanbul’s TNR policy also has its critics, particularly ment, which was successfully defeated, would have among conservation biologists who argue that the created ‘natural parks,’ open areas for large numpresence of stray animals is not only a welfare bers of free-roaming dogs, in rural areas of Turkey. issue, but also an environmental one, especially as Animal activists were concerned that the needs of domestic cats are one of the 100 worst invasive these dogs would not be met in the parks and that species globally (Longcore, Rich and Sulivan 888). they were simply an outlet for supporters of the Although animal welfare is a primary concern when law to remove the dogs from urban areas. When constructing policy, elements like public health and the amendment was defeated, however, so was its environmental balance must also be taken into provision for stricter punishment of animal abusers, consideration, which makes the process even more a policy change that the animal welfare organizacomplex. tions still support (Lentz).

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Primary Perspectives Interviews with key staff members in each country provided insight about the practicality of policy implementation. An interview with an animal welfare officer in a small London shelter revealed aspects of the animal welfare system in the city, although not all elements of that shelter’s experience may be characteristic of all charities.

The shelter gets its animals from previously owned pets that are unwanted, stray dogs brought in by municipal dog wardens, stray cats that are called in, and animals that have been dumped. Although strays are not as readily visible in London as in Istanbul, they do exist and must be addressed.

This particular shelter, and likely others, have a Trap-Neuter-Return policy for feral cats similar to the programs run by Istanbul municipalities for all stray cats. If the shelter determines that a free-roaming cat is stray and not feral, it will bring it in for rehoming. The distinction is made primarily by how the cat responds to human interaction: cats who interact with humans like pets might are not feral, but those react violently and refuse to interact probably are. As of mid-March, the shelter had neutered 75 feral cats this year, taken in 34 cats and 4 dogs from cruelty cases, and sheltered 28 stray cats and 25 stray dogs. The Trap-Neuter-Return program is a large part of their intake. As a smaller shelter, however, a significant portion of their focus is on outreach programs. The programs at this shelter include international training and mass vaccination programs. Although they do not do work in Turkey, the programs they have in other Asian and Eastern European countries parallel those that other charities have implemented in Turkey.

Their outreach programs, however, primarily involve working with pet owners in London. They work with animals with homeless owners in shelters, animals belonging to people in travelers’ camps, and animals whose owners are in the hospital. The shelter also provides phobia sessions for people who are afraid of dogs. This program is perhaps partially a testament to the public presence of owned pets in the city. Additionally, staff members visit schools to educate students about responsible pet ownership and provide free micro chipping for dogs in public parks. Starting in 2016, a new law in the United Kingdom will make micro-chipping mandatory for all owned cats and dogs. Microchips allow for shelters, governments, and other organizations to learn information about an animal like who its owner is

and whether or not it has been vaccinated. Micro chipping is currently practiced regularly in shelters, along with neutering and vaccinating, but has not been mandatory to date. The law will likely be enforced through checking pet shops, breeders, veterinary clinics, and shelters, rather than by targeting individual pet owners, however the practicalities of assuring people conform may be difficult.

If London does not have shelters funded by the government, what role do municipalities play in domestic animal control? Each municipality, or borough in the case of London, has dog wardens who bring in stray dogs to shelters that they have contracts with.

If there is no room at the primary contracted shelter in their borough, they will take the stray to another shelter they may also contract with. In the case of this shelter, if the animal is claimed the owner pays the money spent to care for it. If not, the borough council pays the fee. Animals may be euthanized if they have an untreatable illness, pose a danger, or are found to be a member of a banned breed, such as pit-bull terriers. Euthanization of healthy animals, however, is not currently illegal in the United Kingdom, however most if not all London shelters do not practice it. The shelters typically have room and, if they don’t, Battersea nearly always does and can take in overflow strays from all over the city. The interviewee described Battersea as ‘massive’ as well as having high turnover due to a strong public profile. It appears the key to the system working, aside from relatively low overall number of strays, is communication between the government and shelters. The shelters even occasionally cooperate with each other on specific projects. By garnering funding through donations, they are able to maintain independence but also play a key role in caring for the city’s animals.

The system functions oppositely in a sense in Istanbul. Municipal shelters trap stray animals with the help of charity groups. The shelters are entirely government funded and do not accept donations.

Istanbul has approximately 30 of these, but unlike London’s shelters, they are only temporary accommodations to hold strays while they are neutered, vaccinated, micro chipped, and marked to indicate they have been taken care of. Stray cats, like feral cats in London, get the tip cut off their ears and dogs receive a tattoo and a colorful ear tag. The animals are then released where they were collected. It is illegal to transport free-roaming dogs from one municipality to another, to prevent the

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previously common practice of dumping strays so they were the responsibility of another municipality.

It is evident, however, that transporting the animals still happens. Each ear tag color corresponds to a municipality, but the dogs on each street display a rainbow of colored tags. Istanbul is also working to build a shelter to permanently hold animals who are too sick, old, or injured to survive on the streets.

The facility, which is under construction, will cost approximately 12.5 million USD and house 5,650 dogs.

It was apparent from the interview that the Animal Protection Law caused a complete overhaul of the system. Nearly all of the impressive infrastructure described here has been built since the law was passed in 2004, including the shelters. Over the past couple of years, the municipalities have also begun buying food for the street dogs and cats to supplement the efforts already being made by animal welfare organizations. Cooperation with the animal charities, which is also mandated under the law, helps municipalities to find homes for stray animals. Even so, only about 700 dogs were adopted last year through the shelter system. In both Istanbul and London, breeders and pet shops are popular places to adopt animals. Istanbul also has issues with breed-based racism, in which imported dogs like Golden Retrievers are sometimes favored over free-roaming breeds. The interviewee suggested that people may not want to adopt animals because of the confines of small urban homes. London, however, has high pet ownership despite similar housing circumstances, indicating there may be deeper causes for the differences. He also pointed out that many Turkish heroes are featured with their pets. Dogs appear to be deeply a part of Turkish culture, but perhaps in a different way than in the United Kingdom.

Visibility in Urban Spaces If and in what way domestic animals are present in public spaces reflects both cultural attitudes toward pet ownership and policies of animal control. The form of physical presence of animals in public spaces can also create effects of its own. For example, it is because British visitors in Turkey saw dogs roaming the streets that they decided to take action. In London, the public visibility of images of animals at Battersea Cats and Dogs home in advertisements, as well as the semi-public display of their shelter animals during certain events and regular opening

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hours, undoubtedly encourages people to donate to the cause. For Valentine’s Day, the shelter hosted a “Feline Lonely” event, featured in the popular events publication Time Out London, during which visitors could enjoy Champagne and visit with the animals for a donation of £2. It’s difficult to imagine a comparable event occurring in Istanbul Volume is another notable way in which presence of domestic animals differs between London and Istanbul. The sheer number of dogs and cats in public spaces is much higher in Istanbul than in London. Venue and form of visibility, however, also differentiate the two cities. In Istanbul, the areas in which cats and dogs are allowed to be are much broader. Some owners can be seen walking dogs on leashes, but most animals in public are strays. Free-roaming cats and dogs can be found in almost all public spaces and even some semi-public spaces, like the occasional stray cat in the Hagia Sophia gift shop. This may be due to relaxed rules or the impracticality of actually excluding free-roaming animals.

While the occasional stray or feral cat can be spotted in London neighborhoods, the majority of animals without homes are confined to shelters, which have limited public access. Occasionally, a dog with a homeless owner can be seen sitting in the shelter of an underground station, but most domestic animals in public spaces are on leashes in the street, on the Underground, in the markets, or, most often, in public parks. A sign in one of London’s eight royal parks reads “dogs must be kept on a leash in this area” because the expectation is that they are otherwise allowed to roam freely within the confines of the park.

The way that animals interact with passersby in public spaces in London is typically more reserved than in Istanbul. Although some free-roaming dogs and cats in Istanbul keep away from people, many are friendly and open to petting. Some even have beds and food supplies provided to them by community members. Conversely, because most of the London animals are owned and have presumably been trained to stay near their owners off their leashes, they are more likely to act aloof towards strangers.

International Outreach Turkey has been a focal point for international animal welfare organizations in recent years.

The 2007 report by the International Companion Animal Management Coalition, or ICAM Coalition, entitled “Human Dog Population Management Guidance” has been translated into nine different languages, including Turkish. The World Organization for Animal Health highlights this measure in their 2011 report on the implementation of welfare standards worldwide. In addition to an image of the translated ICAM Coalition report, the section on Turkey includes the fact that the RSPCA has trained 85 staff members in three of Istanbul’s municipal shelters on dog control and humane handling. In summarizing outcomes, the report seems pessimistic about the country’s progress on the issue, citing a “continuing large problem with street dogs” and poor awareness and standards (World Organization for Animal Health 17).

RECOMMENDATIONS With rapidly growing urban populations in both London and Istanbul, it is unsurprising that the number of non-human city occupants is also rising. This trend has implications for issues like public health, but the issue is greater than its consequences. For centuries cats and dogs have been integral parts of people’s families and communities. From purebreds in Kensington to free-roaming mutts in Istanbul, animals matter to people, and therefore they should matter to urban policy makers.

While animal control has garnered attention as urban dwellers from key stakeholders, like charities and the government, it is important that other citizens are also aware of the issue and how to address it. Both cities have put forth some education The United Kingdom is a significant player in the efforts, primarily in schools, to teach people about international outreach to aid the cause of animal responsible dog ownership and how to respond welfare in Turkey. The RSPCA is one of the leading to stray dogs that they might encounter, however UK animal charities. Additionally, British citizens more can and should be done, especially as the have gotten involved with the issue independently. implementation of London’s new micro chipping In 2008 two British women organized the World law approaches. Informational programs like Rally for Turkish Strays after one of them noticed these should be a key part of animal welfare and many free-roaming dogs she had befriended in control policies moving forward. They will help to the country had disappeared. Hundreds of people create healthier coexistence through understandin Istanbul and cities in nine other nations, including, as well as to curb and manage the population ing London, demonstrated to protest illegal killings through knowledge of neutering and micro chip(Altıntaş). Evidence also exists of smaller-scale but ping. Collecting more accurate data about the issue more direct efforts. A 2011 story in a local London and facilitating further cooperation between key paper tells of a London couple who made the effort stakeholders in municipalities and animal charities to bring a Turkish stray home to England, which was will likely help both cities, but particularly Istanbul, made easier and cheaper by a change in legisto make strides in caring for their animal inhabitants lation around that time (Conner). Another website describes an organization, now defunct by all apEducation and communication are only two facts pearances, called the Turkish Animal Group (TAG). of a successful policy. London and Istanbul have TAG was a small shelter started by a British woman different histories concerning this issue and, therethat cared for and rehomed strays to Turkish famifore, disparate challenges to meet and different lies, British families living in Turkey, and even some attitudes towards pet ownership. Istanbul has made families outside of Turkey (Didim Today). Efforts huge strides with the new policies of the Animal Prolike these make little difference in solving Turkey’s tection Law, but implementation is not yet consistent animal welfare challenges more broadly, but they across all municipalities. Even if the policy was well demonstrate the global nature of the issue. Global implemented and amply funded, the number of partnerships, UK national organizations, and constray animals Turkish authorities and charities have cerned animal-lovers alike are extending their care to care for is borderline overwhelming. Converseand resources to aid Turkey in developing its policy ly, London‘s animal control system has little direct and implementation. It is important that efforts be government involvement, but it is so long established made with appropriate knowledge and underand well-funded by donations that the lack of standing of where Turkey stands in relationship to legislative support is rarely an issue. This does not this issue, so that the organizations and governments mean, however, that London does not have its own can best cooperate to create a better environment challenges to confront; they are simply on a differfor domestic animals and human residents. ent scale. Istanbul and London, in their population

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control efforts, face similar obstacles regarding the prominence of breeders. As London’s system relies almost exclusively on donations and the continuing success of Battersea Cats and Dogs home, if either of these were to fail, the infrastructure likely also would. Additionally, London soon will have to address, at a systematic level, the moral issues related to euthanizing healthy animals.

No one solution to the issue in any city exists, and certainly not one that can be directly transplanted from one national context to another. Organizations like the ICAM Coalition have published documents with case studies of successful management programs, but any policy changes must be constructed and implemented with cultural and historical context in mind and, ideally, will include consultation of city residents. Istanbul’s challenges may be more visibly apparent in the cityscape, but London certainly also has obstacles in cat and dog welfare. Both cities will have to grapple with the sustainability of their systems both in terms of funding and structure, as the cities continue to grow and develop. The cities must work to build more comprehensive policies for animal welfare and control and implement these appropriately in cooperation with their human citizens in order to address an element of the urban landscape that is often overlooked: those inhabitants that cannot speak for themselves.

WORKS CITED Altıntaş, Barış. "The World Marches to Save Turkey's Stray Dogs." Today's Zaman 3 October 2008.

Batson, Amber. "Global Companion Animal Ownership and Trade: Project Summary." 2008. Online.

BBC. Welfare Law in the UK. 2014. Online. 30 March 2014.

Conner, Rachel. "Beckenham Couple Worried Bringing Turkish Street Puppy Home Could Cost Thousands." This is Local London News 1 November 2011. Online.

Dell'Amore, Christine. "Stray Dogs in Sochi: What Happens to the World's Free-Roaming Canines?" National Geographic 6 February 2014. Online.

Didim Today. Turkish Animal Group. 05 November 2010.

Online. 30 March 2014.

Dunnett, Richard. "Ahead of The Pack." Director December 2012. Online.

Gedge, Matt. "Hyde Park pet cemetery." funlondontours.

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com. London, October 2013. Online.

Guerrero-Stewart, Topacio Ariel. "Cat, possibly stray or owned, on a car in West London." London, February 2014.

—. "Crowd outside Battersea for Valentine's Day event."

London, February 2014. Online.

—. "Free roaming dog outside mosque in Istanbul." Istanbul, February 2014.

—. "Three stray cats outside Topkapi Palace." Istanbul, February 2014. Online.

HAYTAP. Animal Protection Bill LAw No. 5199. 28 May 2007. Online. 30 March 2014.

—. HAYTAP Manifesto. 20 October 2008. Online. 30 March 2014.

International Companion Animal Management Coalition. "Humane Dog Population Management Guidance."

2007. Online.

Johnson, N, et al. "Review Article: RAbies Epidemiology and Control in Turkey Past and Present." Epidemiological Infections (2010): 305-312. Online.

Kean, Hilda. "Traces and Representations: Animal Pasts in London's Present." The London Journal (2011): 54-71.

Online.

Lentz, Hanna. International Fund for Animal Welfare: Amending Turkey's Animal Welfare Law Would be Bad News for Street Dogs. 26 September 2012. Online. 30 March 2014.

Longcore, Travis, Catherine Rich and Lauren M Sulivan.

"Critical Assessment of Claims Regarding Management of Feral Cats by Trap-Neuter-Return." Conservation Biology (2008): 887-895. Online.

Mortada, Dalia. "Istanbul's Forgotten Dogs Struggle for Survival." Deutsche Welle 8 October 2013. Online.

Parliament. Animal Welfare Act 2006. 8 November 2006. Online. 30 March 2014.

Roberts, Clara. "Owned dog lounges off-leash in Hyde Park, London." London, March 2014. Online.

—. "Stray dog with bed and food bowl outside grocery store." Istanbul, February 2014. Online.

—. "Prohibitory sign in Hyde Park." London, March 2014. Online.

Tuber, David S, et al. "Dogs in Animal Shelters: Problems, Suggestions, and Needed Expertise." Psychological Science (1999): 379-386. Online.

World Organization for Animal Health. "Implementing OIE Animal Welfare Standards: The Role That Civil Society Plays." 2008. Online.

TARLABASI & FREEDMAN’S TOWN: URBAN RENEWAL PLANNING IN ISTANBUL AND HOUSTON

by Mark Trainer EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Houston, Texas and Istanbul, Turkey are rapidly emerging metropolitan regions at the forefront of the globalizing economy. With recent economic and population growth, their deprived urban neighborhoods are attracting increased investment attention. Revitalized inner-city areas are seen as an imperative in order to accommodate future growth and raise city status. As such, both cities are embarking on ambitious urban renewal projects in depressed neighborhoods throughout their region.

In this report, these global cities’ approaches to urban renewal will be examined through two emblematic projects. With this in mind, Houston’s Freedmen’s Town and Istanbul’s Tarlabasi project are systematically explored to uncover the mechanisms driving each city’s redevelopment. Both cities espouse a private capital dictated approach intended to stimulate economic growth throughout the city. On the other hand, they differ in the mechanisms employed to achieve these goals including project scale and degree of public sector financial, legal and planning involvement in redevelopment. These two methods represent two distinct approaches for global cities to stimulate private sector activity in urban redevelopment. As the world urbanizes and cities around the world continue to experience rapid growth, Istanbul and Houston offer valuable policy lessons for how to advance urban renewal.

INTRODUCTION Neighborhoods of social and economic deprivation and substandard physical conditions continue to be a prominent characteristic of most major cities. Though primarily found in underdeveloped and developing regions, these urban communities also continue to exist in developed areas throughout the world (UN-Habitat 2010). They often occupy centrally-located and economically valuable property sites leading to much municipal interest in redevelopment. As global populations continue to urbanize, cities are facing greater pressure to integrate large inhabitant and economic growth into existing city boundaries. Municipal officials often view these marginalized neighborhoods as potential destinations to accommodate new human and physical capital needs. In response, they are increasingly undertaking broad urban renewal programs to specifically rebuild or redevelop these deteriorated communities (Korkmaz 2013).

As globally emerging metropolitan regions, both Houston and Istanbul encounter challenges of handling substantial urban decay in the context of a rapidly developing economy and popula-

tion. Turkey, for instance, currently struggles with 14.1% of its urban population occupying urban slum conditions while the United States faces one of the highest such rates of developed nations (UN-Habitat 2010). These circumstances are juxtaposed against the cities’ profound economic and population growth throughout their regions.

Istanbul quickly recovered from the global economic turbulence of 2001 and augmented the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 7% annually between 2002 and 2007 or more than three times the average for the prior ten years (Islam 2010). Likewise, Houston consistently generates economic growth rates ranking near or at the top of major United States metropolitan areas for the past decade (Qian 2010). These strong economic performances have attracted large numbers of domestic and international migrants buoying the region’s population. Istanbul added ~4.2 million people in the past decade (2000-2010) reaching a total of more than 13 million within municipal boundaries and 14 million for the entire region’s urban agglomeration (Inceoglu & Yurekli 2011). The Houston region similarly experienced unprecedented growth with the addition of over 1.2 million residents between 2000 and 2010 that registered as the largest

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absolute increase for any United States metropolitan statistical area (U.S. Census Bureau).

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THE ISSUE

attracting critical investment. Municipal administrators in both cities target policies transforming urban structures and environments to align with their centralized political goals.

With a thriving economy and influx of new residents, both cities are facing increasing development pressures on underutilized areas. As such, historically deprived inner-city neighborhoods of each city are now targeted as potential renewal sites for the rapidly expanding cities. Urban transformation possesses immense potential to positively impact the built and social environment for all city members if well-designed. It can reduce crime, decrease segregation, remove social stigmas, improve poor living conditions and advance city quality. As cities strive for global prominence and sustainable economic prosperity, facilitating high quality central city neighborhoods is a municipal imperative.

As both cities embark on ambitious urban redevelopment projects, my paper will analyze the approaches of Houston and Istanbul. It will specifically compare the mechanisms utilized by municipal leaders to encourage/initiate urban renewal of deprived inner city neighborhoods. Given the extreme sensitivity of these vulnerable neighborhoods and their geographical importance in the larger city framework, it is important to critically examine city strategies in terms of public sector involvement, project scale and social issue considerations. As other regions consider renewing urban communities, a comprehensive analysis of these cities development planning should yield important policy lessons for global leaders.

On the other hand, poorly constructed urban renewal policies and initiatives can provoke inequitable outcomes. Prominent critics perceive urban transformation projects as manifestations of “privatized politics” where public actors implement developments for the purpose of benefiting economic elites. New developments often target affluent income classes to economically support the large investments required of these projects.

With high rents and rising property values, many original neighborhood inhabitants are eventually displaced by new developments if proper provisions are not included in redevelopment plans (Podagrasi 2005). Along with social concerns associated with displacement, urban renewal may also strip neighborhoods of their unique cultural heritage in favor of a contemporary development reflecting the desires of a politically powerful upper-class community.

METHODOLOGY

Latter-20th century urban policy within the United States and Turkey began to prioritize inner-city revitalization as a central goal. With renewed interest in inner-city living, Houston leaders have taken actions to encourage investments throughout downtown and adjacent center city neighborhoods (Podagrasi 2005). On the other hand, a widely accepted urban agenda to transform the city into a “global metropolis” informs the political decisions of Istanbul (Onder 2012). Possessing physically and socially appealing central cities is seen as important to rising up the global hierarchy and

In Istanbul specifically, this study further examined diverse perspectives on the urban renewal process through interviews and qualitative observations.

An interview with Dikmen Bezmez of Koc University, a leading urban development academic sociologist, provided a theoretical foundation and understanding of urban redevelopment and its impacts on various segments of the population. Beyoglu municipality’s urban planning department’s presentation and follow-up question and answer session clarified the technical details of the project and the specific process by which the development

In order to systematically analyze urban renewal policy within the two cities, the study employed a multi-method approach to investigate redevelopment planning. These measures include qualitative interviews, neighborhood observations along with quantitative analysis of census and neighborhood data.

A literature review of Istanbul and Houston urban redevelopment strategies was first conducted to garner an understanding of the general redevelopment context in which these cities operated.

Important considerations include historical developmental patterns, degree and type of current public sector financial, legal and planning involvement, development stipulations addressing original residents, among others.

evolved. Finally, an independent journey through the economically and socially disadvantaged yet primed for development neighborhood of Tarlabasi established a first-hand account of community life and physical conditions.

For Houston, the research relied on an already established understanding of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development framework that was then supplemented by academic sources. Previous experiences with Houston urban development and renewal projects illustrated the mechanisms and agendas of leading public and private sector actors in the process. Moreover, extensive academic literature and easily accessible city publications and documents discussing Houston area initiatives provided necessary information on the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s projects.

principles has emerged since the early 1990s that broadens the role of Houston municipal involvement and creates a political environment more amenable to urban renewal. As political pressures for creating a livable urban center rose, public officials transitioned to a more interventionist ideology, though still very modest by U.S. and global standards (Qian 2010). While any development must still be driven and reflect private economic inclinations, the city now enjoyed more freedom in directing and accelerating the renewal process.

Existing Regulations and Mechanisms of Development: Houston

Predicated on these capitalist principles, Houston created a regulatory and policy framework granting private institutions power to drive deTHE RESEARCH velopment as the free market dictates. An idea that public involvement is inefficient in certain Political Culture: Houston regulatory and service delivery circumstances led the city to forego certain mechanisms of guiding Houston adopts a strongly individualistic political development that exist in most globalized cities. ideology with roots dating back to the 1875 Texas For instance, the city of Houston is the only major Constitution. An emphasis on independent enterAmerican city without formal zoning codes where prise imbues this foundational document that set no ordinance directly restricts the uses that may the stage for later city governance (Qian 2010). be established on a given property (Qian 2010).

Historical city politics consistently valued private Though city codes specify how a property may be economic needs and advanced policies reducing subdivided, standard setbacks, parking requireany restrictions on commercial expansion and ments, etc., there are no limitations on the type free-market function. of development (i.e. single-family, multi-family, commercial and any variation of the above) that In terms of urban development agendas, Houston may be constructed on specific properties. In other quickly evolved into an archetype of the laiswords, private developers are free to pursue desez faire, capitalist approach to regeneration. velopment projects they foresee as generating the Government enters into the economic and social greatest profits without formal restrictions. Housaffairs of urban development minimally and only ton officials assume that market forces provide in the capacity to facilitate more efficient market economic incentives that produce purer patterns of operations and create a positive business climate. development and segregated uses reminiscent of Moreover, what governmental activity does exist zoning without the obstructionism and inefficiencies reflects a small government model (Ewoh 2011). of city-imposed regulations.

Rather than relying on top-down initiatives, city officials prioritize localized-level government Though not relying on legally binding regulainvolvement that meets the unique needs of their tions, Houston development patterns are partially particular community. It derives from an assumpensured through a variety of informal and private tion that smaller government reaches closer to sector driven mechanisms. Many neighborhoods community decision makers and can implement and properties operate under the jurisdiction of policies better reflecting local interests than can a a wide-reaching and complex set of homeowners large-scale and geographically removed bureau- associations. Texas maintains a long history of excratic entity. tensive homeowner association activity throughout the state (Pena 2002). Within Houston specifically, Though still largely adhering to a free-market and these associations are privately formed to prosmall government approach, a shift in planning tect a neighborhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s property values, aesthetic

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conditions, amenities and overall quality of life for residents. Through deed restrictions, landscape ordinances and other regulations, these corporations are able to exercise control over the types of private development entering their community.

Even though they operate as forms of restriction, Houston officials and political actors support such entities due to their private and localized origins in what theoretically more closely resembles market interests. Overall, this regulatory framework advances economic interests through private and localized mechanisms.

Political Culture: Istanbul Istanbul urban development processes historically operated under a populist political culture. During the boom years of the mid-20th century, housing capacity was simply unable to keep pace with the rapid rate in which migrants were entering the city. Given that the public and private sector leadership could not meet rising demands, they liberalized various ownership rights requirements through “building amnesties” to allow these emerging communities to develop their own suitable housing (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). An empowered populist coalition of lower-income communities recognized their increasing leverage in municipal politics with industrialists relying on their cheap labor and political institutions desiring their continued stability.

and emphasis on globalized recognition subverted the city’s populist foundations and reflected a fully capitalist regime.

The global economic crisis of 2001 hastened this ideological transformation as city leaders further encouraged market-friendly dynamics to accelerate the region’s recovery. A new political party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), gained control of city and state politics leading to the further enactment of a foreign capital oriented and large-scale economic development program (Sakizlioglu 2007). An effectively single party government restructured political and administrative systems with little resistance. Unlike Houston’s dominating free-market approach, Istanbul policies affirm the importance of an interventionist public sector to open up neighborhoods to private development. Given the precarious nature of inner-city investment, private capital demands a certain level of public involvement to mitigate financial risks and overcome legal obstacles (Miraftab 2004). An activist municipal governance model prepares underutilized inner-city neighborhoods for ultimate integration into capitalist circuits by private developers.

In regards to urban development particularly, numerous festering issues contribute to a rising acceptance of an altered governmental approach.

Rising public awareness of dangerous urban and By the early 1980s though, a nascent neolibernatural risks that accompany traditional unconal philosophy began influencing developmentrolled development patterns pushed urban transtal decisions and practices. Similar to Houston’s formation to the front of the government’s agenda economic expansionist focus, neoliberalism posits (Sakizlioglu 2007). An expanding Istanbul region that societal utility can be best augmented by that began to reach its natural geographical liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms limits similarly attracted attention to underutilized (Onder 2012). As such, it assumes market functions inner-city areas that can accommodate growth. guarantee individual freedoms and therefore caFinally, Turkey’s desire for EU inclusion led officials ters to private property owners and businesses to to undertake these projects to replace blighted advance developmental priorities. A 1980 politfeatures with ‘livable’ neighborhoods to raise its ical coup d’etat implanted the champion of the lib- chance of accession. It became clear that a reeral conservative movement, Turgut Ozal, as new structured urban redevelopment approach needPrime Minister in turn inserting this ideology into ed to address physical inadequacies to promote national political discussions (Onder 2012). These globally competitive city spaces and economies. national uprisings ultimately transformed Istanbul approaches under the mayorship of Bedrettin Existing Regulations and Mechanisms of DevelopDalan (1984-89) who instituted a municipal goal ment: Istanbul of becoming a “world city” (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). Massive infrastructural and neighborhood One particularly dramatic restructuring concerns improvements were undertaken to achieve this the role and power of the Mass Housing Adminisgoal leading to the insurrection of big capital into tration (MHA). Multiple legal reforms established development mechanisms. These mega investments the agency as the single most influential actor in

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the national housing market (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). During the period of 2002 to 2008, a serious of provisions granted MHA sole control to manage the extensive array of state-owned land within the country along with sanctioning the construction of “for-profit” housing on these properties. In effect, the agency now exercises autonomy to privatize valuable state land for the benefit of revenue-generating market forces and development.

In addition to the reinvigorated MHA, systematic legal reforms throughout the mid-2000s further supported neo-liberalization of city policy. A 2007 amendment (Law #5582) established a national mortgage system to provide housing loans under fairer conditions and form a secondary mortgage market to support greater overall access to housing credit and homeownership (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). This institutionalized and strengthened a traditionally weak housing finance sector that had impeded development projects.

Another set of laws reduced obstacles to development in inner-city marginalized communities. Gecekondu, or squatter establishments erected without formal authorization, previously were allowed due to the prevailing influence of the populist city tradition and need to house economically important worker groups. These settlements though are often now in poor physical conditions and circumvent much municipal regulation and oversight.

Law #5237 removed the development loophole for gecekondus and criminalizes their construction punishable by five years jail time (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). Such changes primed these centrally located communities for renewal and ultimately led to the demolition of a record 11,543 buildings between 2004 and 2008. With increased access to deprived inner-city neighborhoods, a new Municipal Law (#5393) in 2005 entitles district municipalities to coordinate and implement urban transformation projects in physically derelict, deteriorating and unsafe (to natural disaster) neighborhoods most notably including gecekondu settlements. They could now legally leverage significant MHA-backed resources for large-scale renewal through demolition and reconstruction on these sites.

A final and most consequential legal change is the 2005 enactment “Preservation by Renovation and Utilization by Revitalization of Deteriorated

Immovable Historical and Cultural Properties” (Law #5366). An extension of the Municipal Law #5393, it provides the legal basis for large scale revitalization efforts in previously protected neighborhoods by enabling local administrators to designate dilapidated historical sites as renewal areas (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). If able to garner special area conservation committee and council of ministers approval, districts can draw on greater funding from the central government to physically upgrade neighborhood properties.

These regulations empower municipal powers to implement large-scale neighborhood revitalization and economic development projects in historical sites throughout the city.

FINDINGS Freedmen’s Town in Houston’s historical Fourth Ward is a formerly prosperous ethnic enclave currently experiencing significant community difficulties. Following the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, thousands of newly freed blacks migrated from surrounding plantations into the booming Houston metropolis with many settling in the newly established Freedmen’s Town neighborhood immediately west of the central business district (Podagrasi and Vojnovic 2008). A neighborhood of modest accommodations, it largely consisted of single-family shotgun-style and one-story frame houses with some two-story tenement dwellings interspersed throughout. With a concentrated black population, the neighborhood quickly emerged as the economic, cultural and intellectual center of the Houston black community throughout the late 19th and early 20th century.

Large-scale civic and community development projects though compromised community solidarity and threatened its economic and social vitality. An expanding downtown business and civic presence placed increasing development pressures on the neighborhood. Prominent city actors seized eastern Freedmen’s Town land for the construction of major civic projects including a new convention hall, music hall, city hall and public park throughout the late 1930s (Podagrasi 2005). The physically divisive Gulf Freeway construction project connecting these new civic structures to a rapidly dispersing Houston population further bisected the Fourth Ward.

Moreover, federal officials decided to clear a thirty-seven acre community plot of land acquired through eminent domain for the construction the

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San Felipe Courts public housing project. Though providing housing for some former residents, it failed to match the number of housing units destroyed and displaced the poorest black members.

Along with divisive civic improvement projects, limited and misallocated public services and regulations further exacerbated community difficulties.

A 1929 National Urban League survey found that basic city services were not being extended to Freedmen’s Town inhabitants (House). In addition, formal city and informal neighborhood deeds, ordinances and planning procedures isolated residents from regional employment opportunities.

Without adequate access to vital public services and employment prospects, the community spiraled into a state of dereliction.

Established families and long-time residents began fleeing the neighborhood for better prospects in outlying areas. Physical erosion accelerated in the 1970s and 1980s as stable, middle-class black families left. By the 1990s at the onset of impending urban renewal programs, the only inhabitants remaining were largely black, elderly, renters and impoverished.

Freedmen’s Town Urban Renewal Project Given the declining social and physical circumstances of the Fourth Ward community, civic and business leaders agreed to collaborate on an urban renewal project beginning in the 1990s. A non-profit organization, Houston Renaissance, was established by local developers with some municipal support to privately acquire Freedmen’s Town property for redevelopment (Podagrasi 2005).

These plans envisioned a revitalized community where inhabitants could enjoy high-level amenities and quality of life (Vojnovic 2003). Given its close proximity to the central business district, the neighborhood’s transformation is a valuable asset for creating a hospitable business climate to attract human and financial capital. It specifically targeted 80 blocks of the neighborhood for reconstruction into modern middle-income single family housing through a small-scale property-by-property redevelopment (Podagrasi and Vojnovic 2008).

Without the direct interventionist power of public entities, private developers relied on negotiations to sway individual property owners to sell in a very market-oriented approach.

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Following the actual redevelopment project, the city implemented a market-based Tax Increment Financing mechanism designating the Freedmen’s Town community as a Tax Increment Reinvestment Zone (TIRZ) to ensure the area sustains economic and social progress. Freedmen’s Town encompasses one of the city’s 22 TIRZ dedicated to supporting public improvement projects (Qian 2010).

As new development occurs, any incremental increase in tax revenue from the district above an established base amount is returned to a central governing board for reinvestment into the community. An appointed Board of Directors consisting of between five and 15 members use obtained funds to increase neighborhood appeal by either: 1) acquiring blighted, deteriorated, deteriorating, undeveloped or inappropriately developed real property or 2) acquiring, constructing, or installing public works, facilities, or sites or other public improvements (City of Houston). Through this privately-driven mechanism, the city effectively foregoes public tax revenue for the benefit of private developers and market forces to dictate improvements they see as necessary. In theory, this program supports a virtuous cycle whereby development increases property values which in turns leads to more available capital for the board to invest back into the neighborhood. Market-oriented forces are granted substantial sovereignty in advancing capitalist interests through urban renewal as reflected by Freedmen Town’s redevelopment project.

History and Profile As a diverse enclave of Greek, Armenian and Jewish craftsmen, merchants and other skilled laborers, Tarlabasi historically enjoyed relative prosperity and a rich cultural composition (Onder 2012). The state though imposed a stifling wealth tax targeting these minority groups in 1942.

Neighborhood upheaval ensued as these groups sold their properties to pay off the new taxes. As traditional neighborhood residents fled in search of cheaper housing, a new demographic and property ownership structure emerged. An influx of unskilled rural migrants attracted by ample job opportunities in the industrializing economy replaced the exiting minorities (Inceoglu and Turekli 2011). Further demographic transition occurred through a mass deportation of non-Muslim residents in 1964. Tarlabasi became a low-cost destination for various marginalized groups including

Turkish Kurds and undocumented immigrants.

Along with demographic transformation, largescale infrastructure construction physically divided and isolated the neighborhood. In 1986, today’s Tarlabasi Boulevard was constructed through the community’s core ultimately demolishing more than 300 buildings (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). Moreover, this obstructive roadway cut off neighborhood residents and businesses from the established social and economic functioning of Taksim Square.

As a byproduct of changing demographics and physical isolation, the neighborhood entered a period of devastating economic, physical and social decline.

Current neighborhood structure consists of 3-4 story multi-use buildings of heights between 50 and 100 meters (Onder 2012). According to academic research prior to urban renewal, 11% of the building stock can be classified as “totally ruined” with another 62% as “dilapidated” leaving only 27% in good condition. Tarlabasi now operates as a primarily residential community, though large parts remain unoccupied, with business activity concentrated on the ground floors of the main arteries (Sakizlioglu 2007).

Along with deteriorating physical conditions, degraded social characteristics overtook the neighborhood as well. Migrants comprise 82% of the population which inhibits the community’s ability to integrate into developing capitalist markets (Onder 2012). Given increasing illiteracy and limited workplace skills, service-level occupations predominate among the population. Most of the estimated 35,000 to 40,000 residents rank significantly below citywide averages for educational attainment, income, job security and status of occupation (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). Current neighborhood dynamics reflect an economically, socially and physically disadvantaged urban community.

Tarlabasi Urban Renewal Project Large-scale redevelopment projects reflect the neoliberal political regime shift of Turkish politics. In order to encourage private capital investment in these with significant untapped economic potential, city officials advanced an ambitious publicly financed physical reconstruction plan for the Tarlabasi neighborhood. Following the enactment of the Law #5393 and #5366 covering urban renewal powers, the Beyoglu (municipality

encompassing Tarlabasi) in collaboration with state officials began developing a comprehensive urban renewal strategy for physically and socially degraded neighborhoods throughout the district (Inceoglu and Yurekli 2011). They determined 6 renewal sights on the basis of historical and cultural characteristics along with natural disaster risk that were ultimately approved by the Council of Ministers.

Tarlabasi was chosen as the pilot project where newly sanctioned planning mechanisms would be tested. Municipal planning prioritized both physical and social upgrades to address root neighborhood issues (Sakizlioglu 2007). This approach viewed small building and unit sizes, limited parking, deteriorated environmental conditions and blighted physical properties that failed to satisfy contemporary residential requirements as a principle problem behind neighborhood decline.

Moreover, low levels of earthquake preparedness within the physical infrastructure further discouraged investment. If these physical conditions are enhanced, as their theoretical framework posited, neighborhood functioning would simultaneously improve to the benefit of both current and future residents. In addition, a variety of developmental actions ensure that property owners and often marginalized current residents are properly accommodated throughout the process. Property owners are offered either up to 42% of the existing property after the project’s completion or full monetary compensation commensurate with the updated property value (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010).

Tenants and other neighborhood inhabitants are often granted affordable units in the new construction and, if not, are guaranteed rental and relocation financial assistance to purchase a new unit in the surrounding city neighborhoods (Letsch and Lewis 2011). Thus, development prioritized both physical and social issues to revitalize the area’s former cultural and commercial vitality, reduce rampant criminal activity and improve overall neighborhood livability.

In order to quickly achieve desired outcomes, renewal planning relied on a proactive interventionist public sector and a large-scale redevelopment scope (Sakizlioglu 2007). Municipal government would provide mobilizing aid and resources to empower private development throughout the neighborhood. In specific, they acted in an intermediary capacity as the legal representative negotiating

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property rights with current owners. Additionally, the plan included an area-based approach aggregated neighborhood properties for sell into 5-10 building lots, rather than on an individual basis, to encourage larger scale renewal projects quickly transforming the community.

With a framework in place, municipal planners put out an official tender for prospective developers to bid on. A private developer, GAP, was ultimately awarded the neighborhood project in April of 2007 (Kuyucu and Unsal 2010). Their proposal incorporated design elements from nine prominent Turkish architects preserving historical facades while completely reconstructing building interiors.

These large-scale plans, yet to actually reach implementation thus far, reflect changing neoliberal political approaches relying on a state-led initiation of large-scale and privately constructed urban renewal projects.

RECOMMENDATIONS The Freedmen’s Town’s redevelopment effectively preserved much of the neighborhood’s cultural heritage through a private-sector approach that can be replicated elsewhere. Houston city council established a preservation framework supporting the usage and revitalization of structures deemed historically valuable. A series of 1995 ordinances granted the city limited authority to regulate historic structures and provided tax breaks for those who restore these types of properties (Meeks 2011). This market-driven approach avoided burdensome regulations and instead incentivized the adaptation of historic structures into new developments. Moreover, the small-scale property-by-property redevelopment process of Freedmen’s Town further preserves neighborhood integrity. With an individual property purchases, developers are more inclined to construct smaller developments that better assimilate into the neighborhood’s existing structural fabric. Freedmen Town incremental transformation successfully protected the area’s unique cultural elements.

As global cities seek large-scale revitalization of neighborhoods, Freedmen’s Town serves as a model for how to proceed with development while simultaneously preserving cultural attributes and heritage in a market-driven context.

Another aspect of the Freedmen’s Town’s revitalization that can be applied to future develop-

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ments globally is its focus on localized governance and processes. In a globalizing economy, it seems almost counterintuitive to develop and implement developmental priorities locally. However, this project does just that by delegating governing capacity to a community designated board through the Tax Increment Financing Zone program. Board leaders can more effectively structure development to advance and protect desirable neighborhood qualities while also reflecting the unique interests and needs of its community. This encourages sustainable development to the benefit of both community progress and resident interests.

Moreover, it promotes greater community support as residents feel actively engaged in the redevelopment process. A locally driven redevelopment effort, as in Freedmen’s Town, balances market priorities with community interests to produce more sustainable revitalization processes.

As the pilot project chosen by Beyoglu municipality, the internationally acclaimed Tarlabasi public-private partnership can serve as a model for future urban renewal initiatives. With the growing influence of private capital and market-oriented capitalism, it is increasing imperative to integrate private institutions into any large-scale initiatives and developments. On the other hand, public sector involvement may still be necessary to promote social responsibility and ensure that the project advances the welfares of all constituents, including those of the marginalized populations. This particular project successfully balances public and private sector involvement in an easily emulated model. Private sector companies, such as GAP, brought in significant financial resources that these capital-intensive projects require while the public sector provided political and legal resources to channel development in a socially conscious manner. This innovative partnership has garnered much international attention, including recognition as “Commercial Renovation/ Redevelopment Project in Europe” at 2013 International Property Awards, for its ability combine public and private sector expertise and resources (Turkey Property News 2014). As Turkey and other emerging metropolises continue to transition toward neoliberalism, public-private partnerships as in Tarlabasi represent the most effective mechanisms for shaping development in an economic and socially productive way.

Partially reflecting its public-private nature, this project is noteworthy for its ability to foster compromise and meet the needs of diverse interest groups. Project resistance was initially very high as residents feared displacement and the demolition of neighborhood heritage. However, a transparent planning process with many opportunities for public engagement created numerous avenues to express and resolve concerns (Calik Real Estate).

Each step of the process was made public and GAP offered 432 face-to-face meetings to discuss various details of the project. As a result of these public negotiations, over 70% of property owners ultimately expressed support for the project.

Project details reflected the interests and demands of developers, municipality, property owners, and tenants in a way that few other developments can match. Beyoglu Municipal Mayor Demircan views Istanbuls first major urban renewal project as a testament to the potential of “great compromise where all sides stand to share the gains” (Turkey Property News 2014). Given the sensitive nature of large-scale urban transformation, active public engagement and transparency as in the Tarlabasi model is an effective tool for enhancing the social viability of any future project.

CONCLUSION Though widely divergent in terms of their social and political institutions, both Houston and Istanbul are grappling with similar urban redevelopment issues. As emerging global economic powers, there is tremendous incentive to upgrade deteriorating neighborhoods to attract valuable human and financial capital. In response to growing demand, both Istanbul and Houston have undertaken significant urban renewal programs to create more livable central areas in Tarlabasi and Freedmen’s Town respectively.

These two emblematic projects symbolize two different approaches to stimulating private gains and economic growth. Both plans embrace physical renewal for the benefit of private capital growth and development. On the other hand, the Tarlabasi and Freedmen’s Town plans diverged across degree and level of public intervention, legal frameworks and project scale. Tarlabasi redevelopment processes encompassed an active city and state public sector that intends to facilitate large-scale and rapid urban renewal. On the other hand, Houston relied more greatly on private

sector mechanisms incrementally advancing redevelopment in a localized context. They represent two contrasting methods for advancing private capital accumulation and economic growth through disadvantaged urban neighborhoods. In a broader scope, as cities across the globe increasingly adopt neoliberal and capitalist-oriented ideologies, the two projects serve as examples of how a city may choose to revitalize urban neighborhoods and other underutilized territories.

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Onder, Sara. "A Tale of an Uneven Urban Development: The Socio-Economic and Socio-Cultural Contradictions of the Tarlabasi Renewal Project." master\., Lund University, 2012.

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STUDENT PROFILES Nitin Agrawal

Sevita Rama

Policy Studies & Biochemistry

Policy Studies & Cognitive Studies

Stephanie Agu

Clara Roberts

Economics & Political Science

Policy Studies, Psychology & Sociology

Mary Charlotte Carroll

Veronica Saron

Political Science & History

Economics & Visual and Dramatic Arts

Ellenna Eccles

Melissa Teng

Psychology & English

Economics & Visual and Dramatic Arts

Meredith George

Mark Trainer

Policy Studies & Sociology

Policy Studies & Sociology

Ariel Guerrero-Stewart

Calvin Tsay

Political Science

Chemical Engineering & Managerial Studies

Charles Ho

Kelsey Walker

Statistics

Mathmetical Economic Analysis

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IN APPRECIATION We extend our gratitude to Dean Lyn Ragsdale, the Gateway Associates, and the generous supporters of Gateway for making this publication and all Gateway projects possible.

GATEWAY Global Urban Lab is a program of Gateway & Rice Universityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s School of Social Sciences.

Gateway connects students with research opporunities, interships, and international cultures.