Ink on paper by Walaa Ramadan

INK ON PAPER Freedom of the Press in Egypt

INK ON PAPER

Constitutionally guaranteed freedoms curtailed by attacks, arrests and illegal convictions Freedom of the Press in Egypt International Coalition for Freedoms and Rights

CONTENTS Executive summary ........................................................................................................... 6 Introduction ......................................................................................................................

Part I: Legal and constitutional guarantees of press freedoms .......................................

Egyptian Constitution of 2014 ...........................................................................................

Constitutional guarantees no more than ink on paper: The organisational structure and challenges facing Egyptian media ............................................................................. 11 Interpreting vague articles of the Constitution ................................................................. 11 Legislators drafting press laws are government officials, not media specialists ............... 11 Legal constraints on press freedoms in Egypt ................................................................... 13 Restrictions on the right to issue newspapers .................................................................. 13 Censoring and suspending newspapers ............................................................................ 13 Restrictions on the right to disseminate information ....................................................... 14 Jail terms for press violations ........................................................................................... 14 Part II: Security forces crimes against journalists and media workers ........................... 16 First | Physical assaults ..................................................................................................... 17 Second | Work bans ......................................................................................................... 18 Third | Suspending and censoring publications ............................................................... 20 Writs and Convictions ......................................................................................................

Conclusions .....................................................................................................................

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report is the first ICFR publication to examine press freedoms in Egypt. It seeks to shed light on the rampant press freedom violations committed against Egyptian journalists and media workers, and expose the lies and misrepresentations offered by the authorities about the true state of press freedoms in the country. The report examines a number of articles in the Egyptian Constitution of 2014 related to freedoms of opinion and expression, and offers a critical overview of the latest legislations regulating freedoms of expression in post-coup Egypt. This is followed by an overview of actual instances of press freedom violations and government legislations pertaining to that, in addition to offering a critical reading of some of the new laws published in the Official Gazette between January and December 2014, and a number of administrative decisions that had a direct impact on press freedoms in Egypt in 2014.

INTRODUCTION The Egyptian Constitution of 2014 guarantees freedoms of expression and press freedoms and provides for the establishment of media regulatory commissions and councils with the powers to operate independently of any government intervention. The media scene had remained largely unchanged following the 25 January Revolution with little progress made to protect press freedoms. The situation deteriorated even further following the 3rd of July 2013 military coup, which saw the new military regime crack down and marginalise journalists opposed to the coup, and exercise full control over editorial and media policies, with several television and radio channels closed down and some newspapers suspended. Many privately-owned media outlets backed the military coup and its so-called war on terror by adopting a propagandist approach supportive of the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s policies. The result was the crackdown on any voices of dissent or opposition, compelling journalists and media workers to practice varying degrees of self-censorship. Many observers have noted that media discourses have become so homogenous and almost identical to those of the political leadership. This report will reveal how the Egyptian constitution, and guarantees of press freedoms contained therein, have been systematically and deliberately violated through a vast array of new legislations and through the actions of security forces. The first part of the report outlines the articles of the Constitution pertaining to media and press freedoms, and the manner in which the Egyptian military regime succeeded in bending the law by appointing individuals whose willingness to accept the regimeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s directives and represent its interests served as a source of legitimacy for the military coup which ousted Egyptâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s first democratically-elected president in July 2013. The second part offers an overview of the violations committed against journalists and media workers following the promulgation of the Constitution. The report concludes that the new constitution and all the debates surrounding media freedoms have failed to change the reality on the ground or alleviate the suffering of journalists whose basic rights have systematically been abused. Indeed, there was a significant increase in the number of press freedom violations in the first year following the promulgation of the 2014 Constitution.

PART I: LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES OF PRESS FREEDOMS Media activities in Egypt are regulated by a number of laws and legislations such as the Constitution, Media Law, Emergency Law and the Penal Code. The Supreme Press Council, Journalists Syndicate, Egyptian Radio and Television Union and the courts act as media watchdogs.

Egyptian Constitution of 2014 Article (70) of the 2014 Constitution states: “Freedom of press and printing, along with paper, visual, audio and digital distribution is guaranteed. Egyptians – whether in the public or private sphere – have the right to own and issue newspapers and establish visual, audio and digital media outlets. Newspapers may be issued once notification is given as regulated by law. The law shall regulate ownership and establishment procedures for visual and radio broadcast stations in addition to online newspapers.”1 Article (71) prohibits any form of censorship2. Article (72) requires the state to ensure the independency of all press institutions and owned media outlets3. Some observers may be of the view that these articles of the Constitution offer adequate safeguards for the protection of press freedoms, an essential component of public freedoms which impact the society at large rather than being limited to the individual enjoying such liberties. The articles of the Constitution relevant to the media stipulate that the freedom of press and printing, along with paper, visual, audio and digital distribution, is guaranteed. Egyptians, whether from the public or private sphere, have the right to own and issue newspapers and establish visual, audio and digital media outlets. The same article adds that newspapers may be issued once notification is given as regulated by law. The law shall regulate ownership and establishment procedures for visual and radio broadcast stations in addition to online newspapers. According to the Constitution, it is prohibited to censor, confiscate, suspend or shut down Egyptian newspapers and media outlets in any way. Exception may be made for limited censorship in time of war or general mobilisation. The same article adds that 1 http://www.sis.gov.eg/Newvr/Dustor-en001.pdf 2 Article (71) stipulates “it is prohibited to censor, confiscate, suspend or shut down Egyptian newspapers and media outlets in any way. Exception may be made for limited censorship in time of war or general mobilization. No custodial sanction shall be imposed for crimes committed by way of publication or the public nature thereof. Punishments for crimes connected with incitement to violence or discrimination amongst citizens, or impugning the honor of individuals are specified by law.” 3 Article (72) stipulates that “The state shall ensure the independence of all press institutions and owned media outlets, in a way that ensures their neutrality and expressing all opinions, political and intellectual trends and social interests; and guarantees equality and equal opportunity in addressing public opinion.

no custodial sanction shall be imposed for crimes committed by way of publication or the public nature thereof, and that punishments for crimes connected with incitement to violence or discrimination amongst citizens, or impugning the honour of individuals are specified by law. The court may in these cases force the sentenced to pay punitive compensation to the party aggrieved by the crime, in addition to the original compensations due to him for the damages it caused him. All the foregoing takes place in accordance with the law. According to Article (211), “The National Media Council is an independent entity that has a legal personality, enjoys technical, financial and administrative independence, and has an independent budget. The Council regulates the affairs of radio, television, and printed and digital press, among others4. The Council is responsible for guaranteeing and protecting the freedoms of press and media stipulated in the Constitution; safeguarding its independence, neutrality, plurality and diversity, preventing monopolistic practices; monitoring the legality of the sources of funding of press and media institutions; and establishing the controls and regulations necessary to ensure the commitment of press and media outlets to adhere to professional and ethical standards, and national security needs as set out by law. The law determines the composition of the Council, its system of operation, and stipulates the conditions of employment for its staff. The Council is to be consulted on bills and regulations related to its field of operation. Article (212) states that The National Press and Media Association is independent, manages state-owned press and media institutions, and undertakes the development of them and their assets, and ensures their development, independence, neutrality and their adherence to sensible professional, administrative and economic standards. The composition of the association, its system of operation, and the conditions of employment of its staff are specified by law. It is to be consulted about bills and regulations pertaining to its field of operation5. Article (213)6, furthermore, stipulates that The National Press and Media Association is independent, 4 Article (211) stipulates that “The National Media Council is an independent entity that has a legal personality, enjoys technical, financial and administrative independence, and has an independent budget. The Council is regulates the affairs of radio, television, and printed and digital press, among others.” 5 According to Article (212) “The National Press and Media Association is independent, manages state-owned press and media institutions, and undertakes the development of them and their assets, and ensures their development, independence, neutrality and their adherence to sensible professional, administrative and economic standards. The composition of the association, its system of operation, and the conditions of employment of its staff are specified by law. It is to be consulted about bills and regulations pertaining to its field of operation. 6 According to Article (213) “The National Press and Media Association is independent, manages state-owned television, radio and digital media outlets, and undertakes the development of them and their assets, and ensures their development, independence, neutrality and their adherence to sensible professional, administrative and economic standards. The composition of the association, its system of operation, and the conditions of employment for its staff are specified by law. It is to be consulted about bills and regulations pertaining to its field of operation.”

manages state-owned television, radio and digital media outlets. It undertakes the development of them and their assets, and ensures their development, independence, neutrality and their adherence to sensible professional, administrative and economic standards. The composition of the association, its system of operation, and the conditions of employment for its staff are specified by law. It is to be consulted about bills and regulations pertaining to its field of operation. The Constitution guarantees the free dissemination of information and stipulates that “data, statistics and official documents are owned by the people 7. Disclosure thereof from various sources is a right guaranteed by the state to all citizens. The state shall provide and make them available to citizens with transparency. The law shall organise rules for obtaining such rules of availability and confidentiality, rules for depositing and preserving, and lodging complaints against refusals to grant access. The law shall specify penalties for withholding information or deliberately providing false information. State institutions shall deposit official documents with the National Library and Archives once they are no longer in use. They shall also protect, secure from loss or damage, and restore and digitise them using all modern means and instruments, as per the law ”8 .

7 According to article (68) “data, statistics and official documents are owned by the people . Disclosure thereof from various sources is a right guaranteed by the state to all citizens. The state shall provide and make them available to citizens with transparency. The law shall organize rules for obtaining such, rules of availability and confidentiality, rules for depositing and preserving such, and lodging complaints against refusals to grant access thereto. The law shall specify penalties for withholding information or deliberately providing false information. State institutions shall deposit official documents with the National Library and Archives once they are no longer in use. They shall also protect them, secure them from loss or damage, and restore and digitize them using all modern means and instruments, as per the law.” 8 Article (69) stipulates that “The state shall protect all types of intellectual property in all fields, and shall establish a specialized body to uphold the rights of Egyptians and their legal protection, as regulated by law.”

CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES NO MORE THAN INK ON PAPER: THE ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE AND CHALLENGES FACING EGYPTIAN MEDIA Interpreting vague articles of the Constitution The articles regulating the media and press sectors in the 2014 Constitution were introduced in response to demands by journalists, media workers and civil institutions, who had campaigned for the abolition of the ministry of information and the establishment of independent media commissions. These articles, however, especially article 211, were vaguely worded. This article stipulated that press and media outlets must adhere to professional and ethical standards, and national security needs as set out by the law without specifying what is meant by ‘national security’. This left the door open to very narrow definitions of the term ‘national security’, effectively increasing restrictions placed on media and press freedoms. The Constitution also failed to outline the tasks of the National Media Council and its two commissions and whether the two commissions should work independently of the National Media Council or under its direct supervision9.

Legislators legislating press laws are government officials, not media people The first cabinet to be formed following the coup did not include a Minister of Information. The decision to abolish the ministry followed recurrent demands to get rid of the ministry whose converge of the news had historically been pro-government. The minister of information had the task of appointing senior officials at Maspero (Egypt’s state-media headquarters), in addition to the task of promoting and defending the policies of the consecutive regimes that ruled Egypt. Egypt’s military regime decided to bring the media under its total control by appointing officials who reflected its views in the newly-created media council and commissions. Essam Al-Amir, head of the Egyptian Radio and Television Union, was entrusted with the tasks of the Minister of Information until the creation of a new government and the restructuring of media organisations. The new constitution and the abolition of the Ministry of Information were accompanied by the establishment of two committees for the purpose of amending media laws and drafting new regulations for the National Media Council, and the two national media commissions10. 9 See report by Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression about the restrictions placed on freedoms of thought and expression in Egypt in 2014. http://afteegypt.org/publications_org/2015/04/09/10013-afteegypt.html 10 See Akhbar Al-Youm http://goo.gl/1liknd

On 1 October 2014, a few months after the abolishing of the Ministry of Information, the Egyptian prime minister announced he was forming a committee to amend media legislations. The Committee of Eight, as it became known, would be tasked with drafting new legislations and establishing the media entities set forth in the Constitution. The eight committee members 11, chosen by the cabinet, were Mahfouz Sabir (a lawyer); the minister of justice, Dr Safwat Al-Alim (lecturer at Cairo University College of Media); Ibrahim Al-Huneidi (a Lawyer); Minister of Interim Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, Salah Mutasir (a journalist); Makram Mohamed Ahmed (former President of Journalists Syndicate); Mohammed Al-Ameen (CEO of Al-Mustakbal Group); Osama Haikal (former minister of information); and Isam Al-Amir (President of the Egyptian Radion and Television Union)12. Mahlab’s decision to form the “Committee of Eight” drew a lot of criticisms from media organisations that complained they were not consulted about the committee nor were they included as members. The Journalists Syndicate issued a joint statement with the Media National Council rejecting the cabinet’s decision 13, describing it as a breach of the media sector’s right to partake in the process of amending laws related to their work, especially since the committee’s main task was to draft laws that guarantee media freedoms. The statement emphasised the importance of adopting a more democratic approach to the committee’s membership, to ensure it included representatives from various media outlets and organisations, such as: the Journalists Syndicate; the Media National Council; the Egyptian Radio and Television Union; and media experts, such as academics, legal advisors and media workers14. The barrage of criticisms levelled against the Committee of Eight forced the prime minister to designate it as an ‘advisory committee’ and create a new 50-member committee in November 2014 to represent the interests of all those directly impacted by media legislations15. The National Committee was divided into three branches, one of which was entrusted to work on the rules and regulations of the National Media Council, and the other two committees (The Communication and Social Dialogue committee, and the committee for the review of penal and criminal legislations related to publication crimes and imprisonment of journalists), to work on the laws pertaining to the national commissions for press and media. The national committee for legislations included, among its members: Diya Rashwan (former President of Journalists Syndicate); Karim Mahmoud; Jamal Fahmi; Jamal Abulrahim; Khalid Miri; Khalid Al-Balshi; Jalal Arif; Salah Issa; Dr Hassan Imad Makkwai; Hamdi Masilhi; Dr Nouraddin Farhat (member of the National Media Council); Sayyed Al-Ghadban; Jamal Al-Sha’er; Hafez Al-Mirazi; Dr Lamia Mahmoud; Yasser Abdulaziz; Dina Abdulrahman (journalist); Mona Al-Shathili; Mona 11 See http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/576215 12 See http://goo.gl/0E0r9g 13 See http://www.albawabhnews.com/843741 14 See http://onaeg.com/?p=1965313 15 See http://goo.gl/4bMrwX

Salman (journalist); Yasser Rizq; Dr Ahmed Al-Sayyed Al-Najjar (chief editor of Al-Ahram); Yihia Qallahsh (journalist); Salah Abuldabour (President of Online Journalists Syndiate); and Hamdi Al-Kanisi. In the final analysis, there is no doubt that the 50-member committee was more representative of the interests of the military regime. It was this committee which incited violence against members of the political opposition and peaceful protesters. Its members’ political views were more consistent with those of the military coup government. The committee met behind closed doors and refused to allow interest groups to observe the process that culminated in the amendment of media laws by the committee and its five subcommittees.

Legal constraints on press freedoms in Egypt Despite promulgating the new Constitution in January 2014, laws which greatly constrained press freedoms in the past are still in effect due to the failure to introduce new laws in accordance with constitutional stipulations. ICFR considers this a deliberate attempt by authorities to postpone granting journalists and media workers their constitutional rights and to justify more violent crackdowns on journalists without holding security forces accountable for these human rights breaches.

Restrictions on the right to issue newspapers According to Press Law No. 96/1996, the National Media Council, formed and controlled by the government, is the body entrusted with granting licences to publish newspapers. The right to publish newspapers was limited to political parties, corporate or civilian persons subject to draconian measures. Once a newspaper is granted the licence to be published, it falls under the jurisdiction of the National Media Council which censors and assesses newspapers’ performances. The Council also determines newspaper prices and allocates each printing press’s share of paper.

Censoring and suspending newspapers Publication Law No. 20/193616 grants the cabinet the powers to ban any foreign publication from being circulated or reprinted in Egypt17. Article (10) of the same law grants the Minister of Interior the powers to ban any foreign publication from being circulated or reprinted in Egypt18. 16 http://old.qadaya.net/node/1733 17 Article (9) of the law that the cabinet may, in the service of public order, ban any foreign publication from being sold, circulated or reprinted in Egypt. 18 According to Article (10), the minister of interior may ban any foreign publication if he deems it lewd or if it incites against religion in a manner that disrupts the public peace.

The Emergency Law which has been in effect in Egypt for the past 27 years grants the president the right to pre-censor all newspapers, publications, printed material, illustrations, advertisements and any form of promotional materials, which may be seized, banned or suspended before they are published. Publication Law No. 20/1936 authorises the prior censorship of any newspaper if it is deemed in violation of articles 4, 7, 11, 13, 14, 17, or 19, or if it commits any of the crimes listed in chapter 14 of the penal code as it relates to the media. According to the same law, a newspaper’s licence may be revoked in two cases: If the newspaper is not published within the first three months of obtaining the licence (article 18 of the Publication Law 20/1936)19 or if it is not published regularly. -

Restrictions on the right to disseminate information

There are currently a number of laws which place great restrictions on the exchange and dissemination of information: 1- Law No. 121/1975 which prohibits publishing official documents; 2- Law No. 35/1960 regarding statistics and censuses; 3- Law No. 313/1956 (amended by Law 14/1967) which prohibits publishing any news or informationabout the armed forces; 4- Public Intelligence Law 100/1971.

Jail terms for press violations There exist many articles in the Penal Code permitting the imprisonment of journalists in crimes related to freedom of expression in addition to thirty articles in chapter 14 which approved jail terms for journalists: 1- Articles 17120 -200 of chapter 14 of the Penal Code sanction the imprisonment of journalists in loosely-defined crimes subject to many interpretations such as ‘incitement to overthrow the government’, ‘changing the basic principles of the constitution’ (article 174)21, ‘disturbing public 19 Article (18) stipulates that if the newspaper is not published within three months of obtaining the license or if it is not published regularly during six months, the license may be revoked by the minister of interior. 20 Article (171) Whoever incites a person or more to commit a felony or a misdemeanor through a public utterance, a cry, an act, a gesture made by him in public or in writing, drawing, photos, symbols and whatsever means of publicity or another method to make it public, is deemed to be a partner in committing the said crime and shall be subjected to the applicable penalties, if the said incitement resulted in the said felony or misdemeanor. But in the case where the said incitement resulted only in attempted murder or any other felony, the judge shall apply the legal provisions related thereto. The utterance or the cry is deemed public, if it is conducted or repeated by a mechanical means in a public forum, public road, or any other place accessible to the public, if it is made public or repeated so that whoever is on that road or in that place could hear it, or if it was broadcasted wirelessly or by any other means. The act or gesture is deemed public if takes place in a public forum; public road, any place accessible to the public or takes place where whoever is in place or road could view it. Writing, drawing, photos, symbols and other modes of representation are deemed public if they are distributed randomly among a number of people, presented so whoever is in the public road or place can view it, or if it is sold or offered up for sale anywhere. 21 Article (174): Imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years and a fine not less than 5.000 pounds and not exceeding 10.000 shall be the penalty inflicted on whoever commits any of the following by any of the aforementioned methods: First: incitement to overthrow the government of Egypt or incite hatred and contempt thereof. Secondly, promoting doctrines that aim to change

peace’ (article 176)22 ‘publications contrary to public decency’ (article 178),23 ‘harming the country’s reputation’ (178/2)24, and ‘insulting the president of the republic’ (article 179)25. 2- Imprisonment instead of fines in media crimes such as: ‘insulting the People’s Assembly or any other statutory body’ (article 184)26, ‘insulting a public official or a member of parliament’ (article 185)27, and ‘undermining the position or prestige of a judge in a lawsuit’ (Article 186)28. 3- ‘Publishing false news, statement or rumours’ (article 188)29 4- ‘Publishing by any public means proceedings of civil or penal cases which the court decided to hear in a private session” (article 189)30. 5- Publishing news about court proceedings following a ban on such publications (article 19031). 6- Publishing inaccurate information about court deliberations (article 191)32 7- Publishing inaccurate or false information about the secret sessions of the People’s Council --- -(article 192)33. 8- Levelling accusations against certain officials (articles 30234 and 30335 ). 9- Spreading false information (article 305)36. 10- Slander (article 306).

the basic principles of the constitution or social fibre of the community through terror, force or any other illegal method. The same penalty shall apply to whoever encourages others, through material or financial assistance, to commit any of the crimes set forth in the preceding two paragraphs without intending to be directly involved in committing the crimes. 22 Article (176): Imprisonment shall be the penalty inflicted on whoever incites, through any of the abovementioned methods, discrimination on the basis of sect, sex, origin, language, religion and doctrine if the said incitement leads to disturbing the public peace. 23 (Article 178) Whoever manufactures or possesses, for the purpose of trade, distribution, leasing, posting, or displaying, printed materials, manuscripts, advertisements, reliefs, engravings, manual or photographic representations, symbolic signs or any other material or photographs violating public morals, shall be punished with imprisonment for a period not exceeding two years and a fine of not less than 5000 Egyptian Pounds and not exceeding 10,000 Egyptian Pounds, or either penalty. 24 Anyone who insults the president of the republic shall be punishable by imprisonment. 25 Article 178/2 “Anyone who manufactures or possesses for the purpose of trade, distribution or production, images that could harm the country’s reputation shall be punishable by imprisonment.” 26 Anyone who insults the president of the republic shall be punishable by imprisonment. 27 Article 184: “A penalty of imprisonment and a fine of not less than 5,000 pounds nad not more than 10,000 pounds, or both, for anyone who insulted the People’s Assembly, or the Shura Council or other statutory bodies, the army, or the courts or authorities or public interests.” 28 Article (185) “Insulting a public official in relation to the conduct of the official’s duty or service can be punished with a maximum of one year in prison and a fine of no less than 5000 Egyptian pounds and no more than 10,000 Egyptian pounds or both. 29 Article (186) ‘Anyone who undermines the position, prestige or powers of a judge in a lawsuit shall be punishable by six months in prison and a fine no less than 5000 Pounds and no more than 10,000 pounds or both.’ 30 Article (188) “Anyone who malevolently publishes false news, statements, or rumors that are likely to disturb public order will be punished by imprisonment for up to one year and a fine that of no less than 5000 Egyptian Pounds and shall not exceed 20,000 Egyptian pounds. 31 Article (189) “whomever is sentenced to prison for a time period which does not exceed a year and a fine which is not less than five thousand Egyptian pounds and does not exceed ten thousand Egyptian pounds. Either penalty for whomever publishes by any public means proceedings of civil or penal cases which the court decided to hear in a private session.” 32 Article (190) “In the cases other than those subjected to provisions of the previous article, the court, in view of the type of the facts of a deliberated case, may, in order to maintain the public order and morals, prohibit publishing proceedings, or verdicts, wholly or partially, by any of the methods prescribed in Article no. 171, Anyone who does so shall be punished with imprisonment for a period not exceeding one year and a fine of no less than five thousand pounds and no more than twenty thousands pounds or both. 33 Article (191) “The same penalties shall apply to anyone who publishes secret court deliberations or publishes inaccurate accounts thereof” 34 Article (192) “The same penalties shall apply to anyone who publishes inaccurate or false information about the secret sessions of the People’s Council” 35 Article (302) “the accusation of a public officer in itself does not constitute a crime once conducted in bona fide, and that the administrative authorities are obliged to present any document under its custody supporting such claims to the investigating authorities upon their request.” 36 According to article (305), deliberately spreading false information is punishable even if such information does not cause any harm nor did anyone file a complaint.

PART II: SECURITY FORCES CRIMES AGAINST JOURNALISTS AND MEDIA WORKERS Post-coup Egypt has been marked by an increase in the number of crimes against journalists and media workers, with security forces acting in total disregard for the rights enshrined in the constitution. Many journalists, especially junior ones, reported being assaulted, arrested and tortured. As the Egyptian judicial system continued to suffer huge setbacks, many of these journalists were sentenced after a series of unfair trials. According to the Arab Observatory for Media Freedoms and Freedom of Expression, security forces committed many crimes against journalists including: • The murder of three journalists; • 101 journalists are still under arrest in addition to those who were arrested and later released; • 40 journalists were injured; • 500 journalists and media workers were attacked in the line of duty; • Two newspapers and four television channels (one Egyptian and three Iraqi) were closed down; • The shutdown of Rassd Network and Tram Radio; • Security forces raided the headquarters of Al-Watan and Al-Fath newspapers and Yaqeen network; • Pre-publication censorship of a number of issues of Al-Watan, Al-Masri Al-Youm, Al-Wadi and AlMisryoon newspapers; • Temporary or permanent suspension of at least 10 television programmes on state-owned and --private channels: Thowar Li’Aker Mada (presented by Hana Khamis), Bisaraha (presented by --Jamal Al-Sha’er), Al-Sabi’a Misa’ (presented by Dina Abdulrahman), Kulluna Wahid (presented --Marwa Majdi), Al-Bernameg (presented by Bassem Yousuf), Fi al-Maliaan (presented by Rania --Badwi), Akhir Kalaam (presented by Yusri Fouda), Al-Ashira Masa’a (presented by Wael AlAbrashi), Akhir Al-Nahir (presented Mahmoud Sa’ad and the belly-dancer Dina); • Scores of journalists were banned from leaving or entering the country; • Bassem Yousuf was ordered to pay a 50-million Egyptian Pound to Salah Abdul-Maqsood; • Incitement to hatred and murder in a clear violation of journalistic code of ethics. The violations committed against journalists and media workers since the promulgation of the Constitution in January 2014 include: 1- Physical assaults: These include acts of murder, injury and sexual assaults. 2- Ban on working: These include cases where journalists were prevented from doing their job, or

----detained in the line of duty. Many photojournalists have had their cameras broken or confiscated. 3- Ban on broadcast or publication. 4- Summons and court rulings: these include complaints filed against journalists and photojournalists and cases of administrative investigations and detentions.

First | Physical assaults The Freedom of Expression and Thought Institute published a report in April 2015 documenting violations committed against journalists and media workers in Egypt in 2014. The report listed one case of murder, harassment, 129 cases of physical assault, and six cases of verbal assault37. The nature of the violations and assaults on journalists in Egypt reflects clearly that the authorities have turned a blind eye, to the extent of encouraging, attacks on journalists by civilians and security forces. Cases include journalists Mustapha Fathi (from Addustour newspaper), Mohammed Ali (reporter for Veto news website), and Ahmed Ajour (a reporter for Al-Ahram newspaper). The latter reported being beaten by thugs in Shbeen Al-Koum while the director public security cheered them on until an officer stepped in and rescued him38. Mayada Ashraf, 23, a reporter with the daily Al-Dustour, was shot dead on 28 March 2014 while covering clashes between security forces and protesters in the eastern area of Ein Shams, Cairo. Ashraf was taking photos of security forces assaulting protesters. In a testimony published on the website of The Freedom of Expression and Thought Institute39 , one of Mayadaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s colleagues accused the police of targeting Mayada because she was taking photographs. Despite repeated claims by the ministry of interior that it had investigated the incident and concluded that the police were responsible for her death, no one has ever been brought to justice or charged with her murder. Security forces have also killed Mohammed Helmy (a freelance photojournalist with Aljazeera), killed in Ein Shams on 25 January 2014; and Mustapha Al-Douh (a photographer with Nabd news network), killed in AlDuki on 25 January --2014. More than 40 journalists, reporters and photographers were injured during 2014. Among those were Khalid Hussein (Al-Youm Al-Sabiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;), Amr Al-Sayyed (Sada Al-Balad), Mohammed Al-Khateeb (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala), and Yahya Khalafallah (Yaqeen network)40.

37 http://afteegypt.org/publications_org/2015/04/09/10013-afteegypt.html 38 http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/419085 39 http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/419085 40 https://www.facebook.com/Ikshif?fref=photo The act or gesture is deemed public if takes place in a public forum; public road, any place accessible to the public or takes place where whoever is in place or road could view it. Writing, drawing, photos, symbols and other modes of representation are deemed public if they are distributed randomly among a number of people, presented so whoever is in the public road or place can view it, or if it is sold or offered up for sale anywhere.

As mentioned above, security forces were responsible for most of the attacks on journalists and media workers of whom 26 were shot (15 of those cases were documented by security officer testimonies), 7 were physically assaulted (mostly by security officers), at least one case of sexual harassment (Aya Jamal, a reporter for Al-Hayat satellite channel was sexually harassed while covering clashes between pro-democracy supporters and security forces in Al-Alf Maskan area)41.

Second | Work bans At least 220 journalists were prevented from doing their job by security forces or civilian supporters of the regime. This huge number reflects the success of the anti-media discourse in Egypt and the negative stereotypes of journalists and the nature of their work. Journalists are constantly accused of spreading false information and rumours by authorities who always claim their version of the events is the true one regardless of how absurd it may be. ICFR documented at least five cases where reportersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; equipment was confiscated by authorities, two cases where equipment was destroyed and two instances in which broadcast cars belonging to satellite channels were set on fire42. In January 2014, 11 cases were documented of journalists being prevented from covering the referendum on the Constitution. Many journalists reported being physically assaulted by security officers, staff members and civilians at polling stations during protests against the constitution. Equipment such as cameras and cars was destroyed despite the fact it was made known to everyone that the victims were journalists and reporters. The same thing happened during the first round of presidential elections in May 2014. ICFR documented at least 12 incidents during which reporters and photojournalists were prevented from doing their job covering the elections at various polling stations. Many had their equipment confiscated43. Security officers raided the offices of three news channels for their alleged collaboration with Aljazeera network and their coverage of the pro-Muslim Brotherhood demonstrators. The offices of Yaqeen and Hasri were both raided in February 2014 by security officers who arrested several staff members and confiscated equipment. Those arrested were referred to Qasr Al-Nil public prosecutor who charged them with using unlicensed wireless equipment. They were later released44. In February 2014, Radio Tram in Alexandria was raided by Homeland Security and military police claiming they had a warrant to check the stationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s operating licence searched their offices following a complaint filed 41 42 43 44

http://afteegypt.org/publications_org/2015/04/09/10013-afteegypt.htmlor if it is sold or offered up for sale anywhere. Ibid Ibid http://bit.ly/1xWtcfh

against it. The officers questioned senior staff about the stations’ editorial line and requested background information about several employees. Senior staffs were later taken to Homeland Security headquarters for more questioning. The stations were not closed down nor were any of its employees imprisoned45. According to a 2014 report published by The Arab Observatory for Media Freedoms and Freedoms of Expression, on 26 January 2014, the Egyptian government issued an order banning the publication and circulation of Al-Sha’ab, a newspaper published Al-Istiklal party after former Prime Minister Hazim Biblawi accused it of spreading false information and misleading public opinion. Also, on 1 February 2014, a police force raided the offices of Rassd and Yaqeen networks in Cairo for allegedly operating without licence and publishing news that hurt the country’s reputation. Officers detained a number of employees and confiscated many pieces of equipment. The following Yaqeen staff members were detained: o Yihia Khalf Mohammed Ali, 51, director of Yaqeen; o Mohammed Salah Al-Dusoki, 20, a reporter; o Islam Mohammed Rida Farag, 26, a technician; o Mustapha Khalf Allah Mohammed, 21, assistant-technician; o Abdulrahman Rajab Hasan, 20, a photographer. The following were seized by the police: 2 laptops, 5 computer cases, 4 video tapes, 3 headphones, LCD screen, a small video camera, two big video cameras, 2 iPads, 3 memory sticks, 12 memory cards, 5 microphones, 3 hard disks, 3 gas masks, 2 wireless devices. The following were detained during the raid on Rassd network, which was later closed: o Mohammed Omar Mahmoud Hijazi, 26, managing editor of Rassd; o Ashraf Tawfiq Abdulmalik, 40, economic editor at Rassd; o Mohammed Ahmed Mohammed Ahmed, 23, sports editor at Rassd; o Mahmoud Al-Husseni Mohammed, 24, economic Rassd; o Alia Mohammed Rabi, 27, Political editor at Rassd; o Norhan Yasser Talat, 24, economic editor at Rassd; o Dua’ Majdi Muhiaddeen, 24, social media editor at Rassd; o Hind Abdulkarim Abdulal, 21, Art editor at Rassd; o Aya Rajab Younis, 21, Women and Health editor at Rassd. The police seized the following pieces of equipment: 9 computer cases, 5 computer screens and a microphone. 45 http://bit.ly/1IjVyno

Third | Suspending and censoring publications ICFR researchers documented at least four cases where articles or reports were pre-censored. Four television channels were shut down in 2014. Bilal Fadel’s article entitled “The Political Marshal” in Al-Shorouk was pre-censored for allegedly misrepresenting the relationship between Mohammed Hasanein Haikal, a veteran journalist, and the then minister of defence Minister Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi46. Wael Al-Abrashi47, a talk show host, was not allowed to discuss the death of a student at a school in Cairo. According to Al-Abrashi, his show was cut off while he was on the air upon government orders and not for technical reasons as initially claimed. During the same year, Aljazeera Mubasher Misr and Rabaa television channels were closed down following a court ruling that ordered the state-owned satellite company Nilesat to stop broadcasting the two channels for allegedly being a threat to Egyptian national security48. The Ministry of Information issued an order closing down Heights and Mega FM radio stations, both of which are part of Nile Radio in Alexandria, for no apparent reason, according to Heights Radio director, Aida Saudi49. The Arab Observatory for Media Freedoms and Freedom of Expression published a report about precensorship and closing down radio and television channels. The report listed a number of incidents: • On 4 February 2014, a police force raided the offices of Al-Fath daily, a newspaper published by the Salafi party. The police claimed they had received a complaint that explosives were being manufactured at the newspaper’s offices in Al-Ma’adi. The police assaulted two journalists who had asked to see a search warrant. • On 6 February 2014, Publication of Al-Watan private daily newspaper’s Thursday issue was briefly halted after they printed a report claiming that the fortune of Defence Minister Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is worth LE30 million (US$4.2 million), media reports said. The government contested the figure after a television talk show broadcast the headline before the paper was printed. At least 50,000 copies of the paper were destroyed. The newspaper was later released without the report. • On 15 February 2014, Alexandria security forces accompanied by military police and Special Forces yielding automatic weapons raided the studios of Tram radio station. Security forces claimed the radio was broadcasting over the internet without permit despite the fact staff produced a valid licence. • On 3 March 2014, Akhbar al-Youm was forced to withdraw an issue of Al-Qadi newspaper by orders from security forces. According to its chief editor Khalid Al-Balshi, the withdrawn issue 46 http://goo.gl/kJLZXa 47 http://goo.gl/GqHuRV 48 http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/551451 49 http://bit.ly/1DSiWWF

included a number of articles by political activists such as Alaa Abdulfattah and Ahmed Maher, a report about the raid on State Security headquarters three years before, a report about women’s problems, a feature on an armed forces device for ‘treating’ viruses, and another feature about the writers who penned a television programme about Al-Sisi. • On 21 April 2014, security forces raided the offices of a channel belonging to the old Mubarak regime (fulool), owned by the bellydancer Sama Al-Masri. The station’s lawyer, Tariq Jameel Saeed, revealed that the police raided the offices at 3pm without a warrant. The police produced a warrant at 6pm and seized equipment from the offices. • On 15 June 2014, security forces seized issue number 72 of the tabloid newspaper Wasla, an Arab Network for Human Rights publication that reprints news from social media. A printing press staff member was arrested and charged with ‘attempting to overthrow the government’ and ‘possession of insidious material that promotes the thought of a terrorist organisation’. Security forces seized 1000 copies of the newspaper’s latest issue and all its printing equipment. • On 24 June 2014, a number of police officers surrounded the offices of Al-Watan newspaper in Cairo following an altercation between a policeman and a reporter at the newspaper who had parked her car outside the building. The police proceeded to assault the journalists. According to the newspaper’s staff, at least four editors and staff members were injured in the attack during which police used car jacks against the unarmed victims. The police, brandishing weapons, prevented anyone from leaving or entering the building for half an hour. Several staff members were injured including Rami Al-Jazeeri who had to be taken to the hospital and Mustpaha Mohammed who sustained some injuries. A policeman tried to drive a truck into the journalists. • On 30 June 2014, authorities closed down three Iraqi satellite channels- Al-Hadath, Al-Iraqia and Al-Rafidin- operating out of the Media Production City. Despite having a licence to operate, authorities accused them of broadcasting illegally. • On 1 October 2014, Egyptian intelligence services forced the editorial board of Al-Masry Al-Youm daily to remove a page from that day’s edition because it contained an interview with Rifa’at Jebril, a former intelligence senior officer, which allegedly posed a risk to national security. • On 5 December 2014, the Prosecutor General issued an order banning satellite channels and websites from publishing details of leaked phone calls between senior military and security officers about former President Morsi’s trial. Anyone breaching the ban was subject to harsh penalties. The authorities alleged the phone calls were fabricated by the Muslim Brotherhood. • On 13 December 2014, Al-Ahram Printing Press refused to print the weekly edition of Al-Masryoon following objections from security forces to some of its features, including an article by the chief editor Jamal Sultan. The crisis lasted for 8 hours as Al-Ahram staff negotiated with security forces to secure their permission to print the issue which finally appeared after authorities revised and approved the features. • Egyptian security forces closed down more than 123 websites during 2014 for allegedly promoting

violence and terrorism, according to assistant to the minister of interior for media and public relations, Major General Abdul Fattah Othman.

Writs and convictions The year 2014 witnessed an unprecedented number of complaints against journalists. At lest 93 journalists and media workers are still languishing in jail, many without official charges. Scores of journalists are also wanted by the police on various charges. In addition to small cases involving individual journalists, there have been a number of major cases in which a huge number of journalists, writers, reporters and media workers were charged. This includes cases such as what is known as the Marriott Cell case which saw least 20 Aljazeera English staff members charged. In the Rabaa Media Centre case, 15 journalists were arrested and variously charged. On 11 April 2015, a court sentenced one to death and the rest to life in prison. The Freedom of Expression and Thought Institute documented the detention of at least 102 journalists50. In the majority51 of these random arrests the offenses journalists were charged with were focused on their alleged support or membership in a ‘banned group,’ even in cases where journalists were openly supportive of the military regime. Public prosecutors often ignored the requests filed by newspapers and websites demanding the release of their journalists and reporters even after presenting documents testifying to the nature of their work. Ahmed Fouad who worked for Carmouz website was arrested in Alexandria while covering clashes between Muslim Brotherhood supporters and security forces on the third anniversary of the 25 January Revolution. A police officer tore up his identification papers and arrested him. He was later remanded in custody on charges of belonging to a ‘terrorist group’ and taking part in an unlicensed demonstration52. Fouad spent almost a year in administrative detention at Burj Al-Arab prison before he was referred to a criminal court. Ahmed Fouad’s arrest was not the first of its kind in 2014. Many other journalists have been arrested since 30 June 2013. Al-Husseini Subhi, a reporter for Huryiatna radio station, was arrested while covering clashes between security forces and Muslim Brotherhood supporters in Cairo. He was held for months at Wadi Al-Natroon prison on accusations of setting public and private property on fire, and being a member in a terrorist group, charges which he and his lawyers denied on many occasions. He was finally released on bail. These two cases represent examples of the systematic policy of arresting and detaining journalists adopted by the government since the July 2013 military coup. ICFR has documented at least ten cases of administrative detention. Mahmoud Abu Zeid Shawkan, a reporter for Demitox, was arrested on 4 August 50 See the Institute’s report http://afteegypt.org/publications_org/2015/04/09/10013-afteegypt.html 51 http://albedaiah.com/news/2015/03/23/85625 52http://humanrights-monitor.org/Posts/ViewLocale/7094#.VUFV-uFQEYY

2013 while taking photographs in the vicinity of Rabaa square during the violent crackdown on protesters who had staged a sit-in in support of ousted president Mohammed Morsi. Following his arrest, Shawkan was taken to Cairo Stadium where he was beaten up and assaulted. He was then transferred to Abu Zaabal prison and subjected to three days of torture. He was later charged with demonstrating without permit, murder, attempted murder, possession of firearms and explosives and disturbing the peace. He has been in custody without trial since his arrest more than a year and a half ago despite plees for his release due to his deteriorating health condition53. Although many of the detained journalists had submitted proof of they were doing their jobs when they were arrested, the fact they were not members in the Journalists Syndicate made it difficult to seek legal counsel because the Syndicate refused to intervene to secure their release or offer them any kind of support. The Rabaa Media Centre case also exposed the grave violations against journalists who were only trying to do their jobs54. Cairo Criminal Court, presided over by judge Naji Shehata, sentenced hundreds of Egyptians to death or life in prison following a series of farcical trials. The list of journalists who were sentenced to life in prison includes: Hani Salahaddin, Ahmed Sbei’, Ibrahim Al-Taher, Majdi Abdul-latif, Yusuf Talat, Samhi Mustapha, Massad Al-Barbari, Amr Farraj, Mohammed Al-Adli, Abdullah Al-Fakhrani, Khalid Hamzeh, Jamal Nassar and Abdu Al-Dusoki. The following is a list of the cases included in The Arab Observatory for Media Freedoms and Freedom of Expression’s report: • On 19 January 2014, investigating judge Hammad Qadi, in his capacity as representative of the Court of Appeals presiding judge, issued a decision to refer 20 public figures, many of them journalists and media personalities, to the Criminal Court on charges of “insulting the judiciary” in the media. Those charged included: Dr Amr Hamzawi, Abdulrahman Yusuf, Nuha Al-Zeini, Ahmed Al-Sharkawi, Dr Mustapha Al-Najjar, Abdulhalim Qandeel, Nouraddin Abdulhafiz, Tawfiq Okasha and Alaa Abdulfattah. The trial continues. • On 7 February 2014, security forces raided a private residence in Al-Zaytoon neighbourhood Cairo and arrested Hasan Ibrahim Al-Banna and Mahmoud Jad who remain under arrest. Also wanted by the police in this case, known as Al-Zaytoon case, are two brothers, Musab and Huthaifa Nabeel. The four men used to work for Aljazeera. Their equipment was confiscated during the raid. • On 11 February 2014, Tahani Ibrahim, a journalist at Al-Wafd daily, was referred to the Criminal 53 See statement by Reporters without Borders http://goo.gl/be7oMm 54 http://goo.gl/sWBNxr

Court on charges of insulting and slandering the Minister of Justice, Adel Abdul-Hamid, by publishing details about his private wealth. The investigating judge, Wael Jamal, and attorney general at Cairo Court of Appeal, Salah Diab, accused her of publishing a feature entitled “Take off your Sash” in which she claimed that the minister had taken bribes, wasted public money and used his official position for personal gain. She was questioned for four hours and referred to the Criminal Court on 21 February 2014. • On 7 April 2014, Hilwan Court of Misdemeanours sentenced graphic designers Mahmoud Kamal and Khalid Mohammed to two years and ordered them to pay a 5000 pound fine for broadcasting material on Aljazeera network deemed a risk to Egyptian national security. • On 10 April 2014, the Military Criminal Court in Madiant Nasr sentenced Islam Al-Homsi, director of social media at Rassd network, to one year; and Amr Farraj, director of the network, and Omar Shahin, to three years for releasing leaked videos of a meeting attended by the then Minister of Defence, Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. The court acquitted Amr Al-Qazzz, one of the network’s founders, after detaining him for five months. • On 23 June 2014, Cairo Criminal Court issued its verdicts in the case known as the Marriott Cell in which 20 Aljazeera English staff members were on trial. Seven of the defendants were sentenced to 7 years with hard labour: Peter Greste, Mohammed Fahmy, Khalid Abdulrahman, Mohammed Fahmy, Baher Mohammed, Suhaib Mohammed, Khalif Mohammed Abdulraouf Mohammed, and Shadi Abdulhamid. Ten others were sentenced to 10 years in absentia: Alaa Bayoumi, Anas Abdulwahab, Khalil Ali, Ahmed Abdo, Noura Hasan Al-Banna, Khalid Abdulwahhab, Dominic Kane, Mohammed Fawzi Ibrahim, Sue Turton, and Rena Netjes. Ahmed Abdulazeem and Anas Al-Beltaji were acquitted of all charges. Baher Mohammed was sentenced to three additional years and a 5000 pound fine. • The trial of 50 defendants including 13 journalists continued in the case known as the Rabaa Media Centre. The journalists are: Hani Salahadeen (managing editor of Al-Youm Al-Sabi’), Amr Faraj (director of Rassd network), Samhi Mustapha (former director of Rassd), Majdi Abdullatif (editor at Ikhwaonline), Khalid Hamza (chief editor of Ikhwan Online), Ahmed Sbei’ (director of Al-Aqsa satellite channel in Cairo), Hasan Qabbani, Ibrahim Al-Taher, Massad Al-Barbari (director of Ahrar 25 satellite channel), Jamal Nassar, Abdullah Al-Fakhrani (Rassd network), Mohammed Al-Adili (Amjad channel), Abdo Mustpha Al-Dusoki (manager of Ikwan Wiki website). The list of charges include broadcasting and publishing rumours and false information about the domestic affairs of the country; publishing videos that misinform viewers about the number of dead and injured during security forces violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators; inciting violence against security forces and government agencies; and using social media as a means of communication. The trial continues.

• On 1 September, Bani Souif Criminal Court sentenced Imad Abu-Zeid, a reporter for Bawabat Al-Ahram and several other websites, to 3 years for allegedly spreading false information and inciting violence. • On 11 September 2014, Cairo Criminal Court sentenced former Minister of Information and acting President of Journalists Syndicate, Salah Abdel Maqsoud, to ten years in absentia. They also sentenced Amr Abdel Ghaffar, former manager of broadcasting at a state-owned radio, to ten years. Their sentences were for allegedly wasting public funds and benefiting media outlets and themselves illegally by granting media outlets the permission to use Egyptian State TV equipment for 41 days for coverage of a sit-in in Rabaa Al-Adaweya, protesting the ouster of former president Mohamed Morsi. The two men were also ordered to return 3.5 million Egyptian pounds to the treasury and fined a similar amount. • On 25 December 2014, Suez Misdemeanours Court upheld the conviction and sentence of Abdulrahman Shahin, a reporter for Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala and Aljazeera television station. Shahin was sentenced to three years and ordered to pay a 10,000 Egyptian pound fine for allegedly spreading false information and inciting violence. • On 28 December 2014, Al-Duki Court of Misdemeanours fined chief editor of Sawt Al-Umma, Abdulhalim Qandil, 10,000 Egyptian Pounds and sentenced Antar Abdullatif, a journalist at the same newspaper, to one year in prison and a 30,000 pound fine. The court also ordered the two men to pay a joint fine of 10,000 pounds for allegedly defaming businessman Alaa Al-Kahki, CEO of Annahar network and owner of Media Line advertising company. • On 23 December 2014, The Cairo Regional Centre for International Commercial Arbitration fined satirisit Bassem Youssef and his company Q-Soft, 50 million Egyptian pounds (£4.2m) each for “CBC’s financial and literary losses after his show was suspended for lampooning the country’s military leaders. The arbitration body said Youssef’s weekly show was not “purposeful and constructive” but a platform for “smearing the country’s political direction.” It said that if Youssef’s company failed to pay its part of the fine then he would have to shoulder it all himself.

Names of journalists and media works currently still detained: 1. Majdi Ahmed Hussein (chief editor of Al-Sha’ab Al-Jadid) 2. Hani Salahadeen (Managing editor at Al-Youm Al-Sabi’) 3. Ibrahim Al-Darawi (director of the Palestine Centre for Studies and member of the Journalists Syndicate) 4. Ahmed Izzaddin (Managing editor at Al-Sha’ab newspaper) 5. Muhsin Radi (Former managing editor of Al-Da’wa magazine and former vice president of the culture and media committee at the People’s Assembly) 6. Saeed Abu Haj (photojournalist and director of Sinai Media Centre) 7. Amr Al-Khafeef (Former director of radio engineering at Maspero) 8. Imad Abu Zeid (Al-Ahram) 9. Ahmed Al-Minshawi (The Gazette) 10. Ahmed Sbei (director of Al-Aqsa television in Cairo) 11. Samhi Mustapha (Rassd Network) 12. Ayman Saqr (Al-Misryoon newspaper) 13. Mohamed Ali Hasan (Al-Nahar Egypt newspaper) 14. Mohammed Salah (journalist at Al-Sha’ab Al-Jadid newspaper). 15. Ibrahim Suleiman (Channle 5) 16. Omar Abdulmaqsood (Msir Al-Arabia website) 17. Ahmed Jamal (Yaqeen network) 18. Mahmoud Shokan (Demotix) 19. Bakri Abdul’al (Al-Raya newpaper) 20. Mohammed Al-Yamani (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala newspaper). 21. Abdulrahman Shaheen (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala newspaper and Aljazeera) 22. Husam Issa (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala newspaper) 23. Mohammed Madani (Misr 25 channel) 24. Peter Greste (Aljazeera English) 25. Baher Mohammed (Aljazeera English) 26. Mohammed Fahmi (Aljazeera English) 27. Massad Al-Barbari ( director of Ahrar 25 channel) 28. Khalid Hamdi (Misr 25 channel) 29. Hasan Khadri (Misr 25 channel) 30. Khalid Abdulaziz (Misr 25 channel) 31. Jamal Al-Alim (Misr 25 channel) 32. Osama Ezzadeen (Misr 25 channel) 33. Mohammed Hijazi (Misr 25 channel)

34. Mohammed Al-Adil (Amjad channel) 35. Hasan Ibrahim Al-Banna (photojournalist) 36. Mahmoud Jad (photojournalist) 37. Abdullah Al-Fakhrani (Rassd network) 38. Mohammed Salah Sultan (Rassd network) 39. Abdulrahman Mursi (Al-Aqsa channel) 40. Mahmoud Abdulnami Awad (Rassd network) 41. Ibrahim Abdulnabi Awad (Rassd network) 42. Khalid Abdulraouf Sahloub (Rassd network) 43. Khalid Hamza (managing editor of Ikhwan web) 44. Sayyed Mousa (Amjad channel) 45. Alia Nassradeen Awad (Rassd network) 46. Ahmed Khamees (freelance reporter) 47. Mohammed Rida (freelance photojournalist) 48. Ahmed Ali Al-Najjar (freelance photojournalist) 49. Mohammed Suleiman (freelance photojournalist) 50. Khalid Junedi (freelance photojournalist) 51. Salem Rihab (freelance photojournalist) 52. Imad Mohammed (freelance photojournalist) 53. Kareem Mustapha Al-Sayyed (Al-Shabab channel) 54. Omar Ahmed (freelance photojournalist) 55. Mohammed Izzat (Ikhwanweb online) 56. Abdullah Shusha (Amjad channel) 57. Imran Ashour Mohammed Ahmed (freelance reporter) 58. Ahshraf Mahmoud Khalifa (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala newspaper) 59. Mohammed Hamdi (freelance reporter) 60. Ahmed Abdulhamid Awad (freelance reporter, Aljazeera) 61. Abdulrahman Labib Hindya (freelance reporter, Aljazeera) 62. Noura Rashid (Al-Jumhouryya) 63. Ahmed Lashin (Misr 25) 64. Ahmed Fouad Mohammed Al-Sayyed (Karmouz website) 65. Shadi Abdulhamid (freelance reporter with Aljazeera) 66. Suhaib Mohammed (freelance reporter with Aljazeera) 67. Khalid Mohammed Abdulrahman (freelance reporter with Aljazeera) 68. Wael Al-Hadeeni (freelance reporter) 69. Mustapha Abdulhameed Bdeir (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala newspaper, Misr 25) 70. Mohammed Mamoun (Ahrar 25)

28 71. Ibrahim Talha (freelance reporter) 72. Mahmoud Jamal Othman (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 73. Muhie Qasem Mohammed Abduljawad (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 74. Mohammed Mustpha Abdulnaser Abdulqadir (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 75. Ahmed Muharram Abusalam (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 76. Rasha Al-Sayyed Abdo Jaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;far (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 77. Abdurahman Mohammed Ahmed (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 78. Bilal Kamal Abdulal (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 79. Mohammed Abdulnabi Fathi Abdo (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 80. Mohammed Rajab (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 81. Mustapha Ban (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 82. Mustapha Madeeh Hilmi (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 83. Sameh Mohammed Ahmed Bakri (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 84. Ahmed Muharram (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 85. Abdullah Jamal Miftah (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 86. Mohammed Maâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;moun Abu-Shusha (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 87. Ammar Samir Abdulghani Ahmed (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 88. Ahmed Khamis Mahmoud Khadir (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 89. Bilal Abdullah Ahmed Abdulrahim (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 90. Abdulrahman Hasan Abdulhafiz (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 91. Ahmed Khamis Anwar Abdulqawi (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 92. Karam Abdullah (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 93. Huthaifa Mohammed (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 94. Anas Mohammed Omar Al-Qadi (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 95. Mohammed Salahadeen Madani (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 96. Osama Hashim Mohammed Hashim (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 97. Mohammed Husamaddin Abdulhalim Al-Kafrawi (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 98. Omar Mohammed Mabrook Al-Sawi (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 99. Ahmed Ali Ahmed Al-Najjar (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 100. Mohammed Ahmed Mohammed Shihata (freelance reporter with several satellite channels) 101. Sameh Al-Ballah (freelance reporter with several satellite channels)

CONCLUSION The information in this report proves beyond a shadow of a doubt that the new Egyptian Constitution, promulgated following the military coup of 2013, is yet to be implemented by the military regime as evidenced by the long series of violations against journalists and media workers. The military regime has systematically breached the constitution or manipulated its articles to suit the authoritiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; own ends. Only those loyal to the regime were selected to serve on committees tasked with amending media-related legislations. The result has been an exponential increase in human rights violations against journalists, reporters and media workers. Ironically, this unprecedented number of attacks on journalists occurred in the first year following the promulgation of a constitution that many had hoped would put an end to such violations and set the stage for a much higher ceiling of press freedoms and respect for journalistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; rights.