Mary Waldon Dissertation

Institute of Clinical Social Work

coNFLicted NFL Fans’ Perception of Race: A Phenomenological Study

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Institute for Clinical Social Work in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

By Mary Waldon

Chicago, Illinois October 19, 2023

ii Abstract This study explores the lived experience of left-leaning National Football League (NFL) fans.

This qualitative study utilized Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis based on the methodology outlined by Smith, Flowers, and Larkin. This study is comprised of interviews of a small number of self-proclaimed left-leaning NFL fans. These interviews explored and described how this small subset of fans holds race, player injury, and disparate corporate benefits for wealthy team owners.

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For my sons Brandon Waldon, PhD and Harrison Waldon, PhD. And my husband Stephen Neuberger, MD

iv Acknowledgements

First and foremost, thank you to the volunteers who were interviewed for this study. Each of them was both thoughtful with their input and generous with their time. Without their participation, there would be no study. Followed closely in importance is my son, Harrison Waldon, PhD who fulfilled countless article requests and for his general life wisdom. “Just one more” was never just one more. Thank you to my son Brandon Waldon, PhD for depth discussions on theory and race, and for validating and highlighting the value of my findings and thoughts. Thank you to my committee chair, Jennifer Tolleson and to committee members and fellow football fans Allan Scholom and Sherwood Faigen. Thank you to my patient reader, Lou Pansullo. And a big thank you to Denise Tsioles for her counsel and guidance.

An endeavor such as this does indeed take a village of trusted and wise souls for support and reflection. It was my good fortune to benefit from a loving village. Thank you again to Harrison and Brandon, and to Layne Whitted, Steve Neuberger, Debra Webster, and Emily Fernandez for providing space to reflect, whine, and expand throughout the last four-and-a-half years.

v Table of Contents

Abstract …………………………………………..……………..……………..………….. ii Dedication …………………………………………..…………..……………..………….. iii Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………….. iv Chapter I. Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 8 General Statement of Purpose The Significance to Social Work Statement of the Problem Research questions Theoretical and operational definitions of major concepts Epistemological foundation of project Foregrounding II. Literature Review ……………………………………………………………… 19 Critical Race Theory and Sports Critical Race Theory: Centrality of Race Critical Race Theory: Interest Convergence Critical Race Theory: Challenge to Dominate Ideology and Commitment to Social Justice Racial capitalism NFL as a mechanism of exploitation

vi Sports Fandom American Football and Psychoanalytic Theory

III. Methodology ……………………………………………………………………… 58 IV. Findings …………………………………………………………………………… 71 Finding #1 The love of football is intimately connected with the interviewees sense of family and personal identity.

Finding #2 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study are uncomfortable with the racial inequities of the NFL. Finding #3 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study identified modern slave/owner dynamics that, from their viewpoint, are mitigated by large paychecks paid to players.

Finding #4 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study are uncomfortable with the level of physical risk endured by players, particularly as it relates to traumatic brain injury.

Finding #5 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study are generally not okay with the way private owners of team franchises benefit from public monies and support.

Finding #6 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study continue to watch football and report that they experience enjoyment from watching the sport.

V. Discussion ………………………………………………………………………… 118

vii Study Overview Psychoanalytic Themes No Negative Case Thoughts on the Mind of the Athlete Thoughts on Selection of Interviewees Theoretical Implications Clinical Implications Personal Impact Future Research Conclusion

Appendices A. Recruitment Email ………………………………………………………………

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B. Informed Consent Script ………………………………………………………..

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C. Informed Consent Form …………………………………………………………

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D. PreScreen Questionnaire ………………………………………………………..

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E. Interview Guide …………………………………………………………………

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References …………………………………………………………………………….

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8 Chapter 1 Introduction General Statement of Purpose The purpose of this research is to describe and explore the lived experience of a small subset of National Football League (NFL) fans. This qualitative study utilized Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis based on the methodology outlined by Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022). Interviews of a small number of self-proclaimed left-leaning NFL fans explore and describe how this small subset of fans holds race, physical brutality that causes measurable bodily harm, and disparate corporate benefits for wealthy team owners.

The National Football League has a multidimensional presence in American culture.

Sundays, Mondays, and Thursdays are now football nights during a season that has recently been stretched to seventeen games. Whether viewed on TV and or seen live and in-person in state-ofthe-art stadiums, countless billions of public funding is used to support the 32 franchises that comprise the league (Luther & Davidson, 2020). With rare exception, the teams are owned by the nation’s wealthiest families and individuals (Babiak & Yang, 2022). This tiny number of Uberwealthy people benefit from federal, state, and local financial enrichments including tax levies, grants, and preferred financing backed by government bodies (Luther & Davidson, 2020). And yet, there have been multiple allegations and founded claims against the NFL for formal and informal institutionalized racism (Belson & Vrentas, 2022; Canada & Carter, 2021; Click, Edgar, & Holladay, 2021; Coaston, 2022; Houghteling & Dantzler, 2019; Ramsey, 2022).

Additionally, the sport of American football is extraordinarily brutal, causing irreparable harm to the brains and bodies of the men who play the sport (Tharmaratnam, et al., 2018). Given the

9 population of players and their socio-economic background coming into the sport, as well as the young age at which they must commit to the sport in order to be successful, there arise issues of consent as well as state-sponsored brutality given the teams’ use of public funding.

The Significance to Social Work This study has significance in the realm of social work research for several reasons.

Social work concerns are organized around the human condition. Issues of exploitation, disadvantaged populations, and social inequities are foundational in the field of social work.

Regarding social work viewed through a psychoanalytic lens, this study aims to describe how people hold two sets of ideals and practices at the same time. How does a person who is concerned with social justice, racial equality, and humane practice also fully and deeply engage in watching football, a brutal sport riddled with questionable practices with regard to race and founded on inequitable use of public funds?

The study aims to shine a light on two potentially discrepant states of being: one of the self-defined NFL football fan and one of a person who is concerned with racial dynamics, the long-term impact of repetitive head trauma, and supporting privately held, non-essential, entertainment-based businesses with public funding. Exploring the literature and the news reports from the last five years alone, it is clear that the NFL as a league has trouble with racial inequities. On the field, on the sidelines, in the front office, and at the level of ownership, the NFL has had significant trouble achieving any sort of racial equity (Canada & Carter, 2021; Belson & Vrentas, 2022; Coaston, 2022; Ramsey, 2022; Click et al., 2021; Possin et al, 2021).

Also from the literature, professional football has a measurable impact on the brains of players.

Repeated impact to the brain, even when the individual hits do not meet the diagnostic criteria of

10 a concussion, causes real and cumulative harm (Holtermann et al., 2018). The literature also details the use of public funds, including state, local, and federal dollars, to effectively support the business interests of a few ultra-rich individuals and families (Luther & Davidson, 2020). All for an industry making billions of dollars each and every year through selling entertainment (Soshnick & Novy-Williams, 2019; Releases, 2020).

What is absent from the literature is how a person who considers themselves a football fan reconciles feelings about racial injustice, the brutal nature of professional football in terms of the destructive impact to players’ brains and bodies, and the inequitable distribution of public funds to benefit a few wealthy franchise owners. Is there is a split that occurs? If so, how do fans reconcile the split?

Statement of the Problem The NFL is a corporate network of franchises that have become integral to American culture. There exists an expansive engagement with this corporate network that seems to transcend ethical and equity standards to which other businesses, public entities, and certainly individuals are held. Judicially-founded claims with regard to inequitable practices based on race; scientifically-founded claims with regard to the long-term brain impact of playing football; and abundantly documented use of public funds to build the infrastructure that supports the profit-taking of 311 privately held franchises exemplify the challenged practices of this league that seem to be outside the conscious awareness of most NFL fans.

The Green Bay Packers is the one and only publicly held franchise in the NFL. This structure was outlawed in the NFL in the 1980’s, but The Packers were grandfathered and allowed to keep its current structure. In stark contrast to the rest of the franchises in the NFL, no one person is permitted to own more than 4% of the team.

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11 What is missing from the literature is a discussion of how and why the fanbase of the NFL seems to be able to forget or disavow or deny deeply troubling aspects of watching football and supporting the league. The literature does not address any discomfort with these disparate states of being. Prompted by Colin Kaepernick’s protest of racial inequity and police brutality against minorities in 2017, the literature does explore political activism and the impact of such activism on the career trajectories of those who joined the protest (Niven, 2020, 2021; Houghteling & Dantzler, 2019) and fans’ responses to such activism ( Mueller, 2021; Stratmoen et al, 2019; Serazio & Thorson, 2020). Watanabe and Cunningham (2020) explore the impact of attendance at NFL games during the rise of racial unrest in the last several years. Yet the literature seems to miss even simple fan commentary about the racial practices, the impact of football on players’ health, and how the uber-rich benefit from public funding. What is missing is the process of thinking by which NFL fans reconcile social realities with their love of the game.

There is literature questioning the ethical nature of watching American football and calling on fans to connect with their guilt and shame; but nothing in the words of fans regarding any unsettled feelings about watching football, particularly as it relates to race (Holtermann 2021; Truman, 2017; Osei-Hwere et al, 2016; Tyler, 2020). It is through a qualitative approach that this study explores both the manifest thinking processes and the latent unconscious processes to better understand the NFL fan. The flexibility of the qualitative exploration as well as the space to dig deeper into the interviewee’s experience and thought process is what made this topic and this research approach a perfect match.

The benefits to audiences and stakeholders are multi-fold. First, an aware citizenry serves democracy. Awareness of inequity could spur people to action, including lobbying the NFL to

12 institute more effective safety measures and more equitable hiring practices. Lower weight limits, reducing contact tackling, and improving safety gear are some of the possible adjustments. Additionally, it may inspire more activism and greater awareness regarding hiring practices and how public funds are used. And finally, human beings employ a variety of defense mechanisms to support and justify behavior. Increased knowledge about the dynamics of these kind of psychological adaptations can inform clinical engagement and outcomes.

Research questions: 1. How do NFL fans understand race?

2. How does a person who is concerned with social justice, racial equality, and humane practice also fully and deeply engage in watching football?

Theoretical and operational definitions of major concepts: Critical Race Theory - Based on the article written by Kevin Hylton (2005), critical race theory requires that race be a central construct in evaluating all element of social, institutional, and economic culture. The five tenants of Critical Race Theory are: 1). Centralize ‘race’ and racism in all forms of evaluation, considerations, and thought regarding employment, the legal system, the health care systems and all other social constructs and institutions while recognizing their connection with other forms of subordination and oppression. 2). Challenge traditional dominant ideologies around objectivity, meritocracy, color-blindness, race-neutrality, and equal opportunity. 3). Commit to a social justice that incorporates elements of liberation and transformation. 4). Centralize historically marginalized voices to get a clearer understanding of impact and effectiveness regarding designated targets. 5. Remain trans-disciplinary (Hylton, p.84-86).

13 Social justice - “Defined as full participation in society and the balancing of benefits and burdens by all citizens, resulting in equitable living and a just ordering of society. Its attributes included: (1) fairness; (2) equity in the distribution of power, resources, and processes that affect the sufficiency of the social determinants of health; (3) just institutions, systems, structures, policies, and processes; (4) equity in human development, rights, and sustainability; and (5) sufficiency of well-being” (Buettner-Schmidt & Lobo, p. 948).

Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy - A form of traumatic brain injury that causes early onset dimension and occurs as a result of multiple hits to head, routinely part of professional American football (Truman, 2017).

The NFL Combine - The showcase of emerging football talent where coaches, owners, and trainers come to inspect and evaluate college players and free agents.

The NFL Draft - The system by which teams hire players who are usually just out of college, some just out of high school.

Assumptions: This study assumes that there exist avid NFL fans who are of two minds - they have at least some awareness of racial dynamics, the physical impact of football on the players, and the financial benefits enjoyed by wealthy franchise owners; and they love football. This study assumes that those fans are unconsciously turning their minds away from the discomfort of reconciling their love of football with the uncomfortable realities of football. This study assumes that there exists some amount of conscious and/or unconscious discomfort around these different states of mind. This study also assumes the efficacy and value of Critical Race Theory, as well as the desirability of racial equity and fairness.

14 Epistemological foundation of project: The researcher looked to uncover and understand the lived experience of the NFL fan. In that effort, this study is grounded in a hermeneutical, interpretive approach that considers both the subjectivities of the research participants and the subjectivity of the researcher. Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is an effective qualitative method to meet the goal of capturing the subjectivity of participants and researcher. Additionally, the researcher documented her evolving subjectivity for transparency and to lend to the richness of this exploration. Further, the researcher engaged the reflective, critical thought of a few NFL fans in an effort to draw out their descriptions of their lived experience relative to the racial dynamics of the NFL, player safety, and the financial structure the NFL in the US economy. The philosophical back drop of critical race theory was foundational to this exploration (Click et el, 2021; Hylton, 2005).

Foregrounding: The researcher grew up going to baseball games at Memorial Stadium in Baltimore City.

This was in the late 1970’s through the late 1980’s, long before Camden Yards was built and when missing school for opening day of the Orioles was deemed an excused absence. It was the glory years of The O’s: the time of Jim Palmer, Tippy Martinez, Rick Dempsey, Eddie Murray, Kiko Garcia, Benny Ayala, Cal Ripkin, Jr., Kenny Singleton, and the legendary Earl Weaver. The city was alive with rallying around this team. Back then, it didn’t occur to the researcher that the team was made up of Black, White, and hispanic players. Maybe because every player and the manager wore the same the uniform? Maybe because the researcher attended Mt Royal Elementary School #66 that was 75% Black? Maybe because the researcher grew up in an ethnic

15 Italian family that had an outsider feel to it? Probably because there was tremendous unity standing in the nose bleeds of section 34 and chanting O-R-I-O-L-E-S led by Wild Bill Hagy.

The researcher’s interest in sports expanded into playing field hockey and lacrosse through college and watching NFL football as an adult. From the time the researcher first started cheering for the Baltimore Colts through her current 30+ year fandom with the Green Bay Packers, she has wondered about racial dynamics on the football field. To her, football intuitively seemed more segregated than baseball. Some teams seemed to have very White offensive squads, most notably in the quarterback leadership spot. And ever since the Colts left Charm City in the middle of the night for a better deal in Indianapolis, the researcher has wondered about the business of football too.

The NFL has been the subject of racist allegations for years. The NFL is not a player’s league. Black players comprise 60-85% of NFL rosters and yet racist overtones are imbedded in the structure of how players are selected and reviewed. After the recent end-of-the-season firings, there remains only one Black head coach out of 32 head coaches in the NFL (Ramsey, 2022).

The NFL Draft has been likened to a slave auction; and White owners refer to the place where they observe and evaluate players as “the combine.” Of the four American major league sports corporations, the MLB, the NBA, the NHL, and the NFL, all have players’ unions. And yet, there is a great disparity among the leagues with regard to players’ rights and players’ agency. The NFL players seem to have fewer rights, as was brought into the national spotlight by Colin Kaepernick’s protest in 2016. As recently as July of 2021, the NFL admitted to race norming to determine veteran player eligibility for monetary payment from a fund set up to compensate players for cognitive decline shown to be a direct result of playing pro football (Canada &

16 Carter, 2021). And countless scandals associated with the NFL involve racial injustice and brutality (See: John Gruden, Antonio Brown, Colin Kaepernick, Ray Rice, Brian Flores).

In addition to the corporation of the NFL and the collective 32 franchises fragrantly racist practices, the sport itself is exceptionally brutal. Brain damage to the point of significantly diminished cognitive function is not uncommon. Research shows that the impact of thousands of on-the-field hits accrue and reduce cognitive functioning, even when those individual contacts do not qualify as concussive (Tharmaratnam et al., 2018; Mez, et al., 2020).

There also seems to be a culture around the NFL that is far more nationalistic and militaristic than other US sports leagues. On a variety of Mondays, Thursdays, or Sundays, both teams on either side of the field are in camouflaged-adorned NFL gear and military flyovers are not uncommon. The NFL, with its militaristic flair and nod to the armed services, has become synonymous with nationalism and being pro-America. And even this is an area burdened by controversy. “The NFL has a history of taking money from the Department of Defense (DOD).

A 2015 investigation revealed that, between 2011 and 2014, 14 different NFL teams received a total of $5.4 million in taxpayer dollars from the DOD. The Patriots were not one of those teams.

The funds were used towards ceremonies honoring veterans, full-field flag displays, and tickets for veterans, among other expenses. In 2016, the NFL audited itself and returned $723,734 to the DOD after an investigation led by Republican Senators John McCain and Jeff Flake into 'paid patriotism.' In the aftermath of the investigation, the practice stopped and the NFL has not received direct funding from the DOD since 2016.” (Young, Safer-Bakal, & Williams, 2021) So many issues. And at times, simply deplorable social commentary. And still - the researcher loves it. She loves the game of football. American football. Not soccer. She loves the

17 strategy and the psychology of the game, she loves the fandom and the community, and she loves the relief from everyday struggles and stressors that professional sports offers in general.

Sports, both playing sports and watching sports, provides an outlet for aggression and stress and the desire to dominate and win. The human attraction to brutality and the specifically violent nature of American culture are reflected in this particular sport. Yet the prevalence of head injuries, the shear brutality of the sport, the NFL’s late-to-the-game attention to racial inequities, plus capitalist corporate politics at its worst has made watching football a guilty pleasure that is in direct conflict with parts of the researcher's values that are anti-war, antibrutality, anti-capitalism, and anti-racism. She was left feeling guilty and self-conscious about her love of the game. And the researcher is wondering if she was alone in her experience.

After studying psychodynamic theory for over four years, many more troubling dynamics have come alive for the researcher with regard to football. How do spectators hold race? Does watching football feel like a guilty pleasure? What is rolling around in the minds of spectators while they watch the brutal engagement and sometimes career-destroying injuries? How do fans see the players? What rights do the spectators believe the players have in relationship to the corporation? What about dominant White culture is reinforced on the football field? How do spectators reconcile the conflict?

When considering people to interview for this study, the researcher looked for people who embrace football and who consider themselves fans. The researcher sought to explore these fans’ insights and considerations with regard to major social issues of race, brutality, and economic fairness. The psychoanalytic dynamics were identified as possibly alive in this exploration are intersectionality, the divided self, expelling aggression, and dissociation from/

18 disavowal of the suffering self and others. It is quite easy to disavowal the experience of the people on the field because of our belief in their free will to be there and the myth of the American Dream fulfilled. Large salaries are publicized in the media. And because money cures all ills in America, the racism and the exploitation of minorities is papered over with the money used as evidence to contradict allegations of inequity. Further, corporate exploitation of both human capital and public funds has been largely accepted or ignored by the American electorate.

The NFL represents a multi-billion dollar industry that is a core part of our cultural landscape.

The NFL is also the recipient of billions of dollars of public resources and funding. The researcher wants to know how all this comes together in the mind of the socially conscious fan.

19 Chapter 2 Literature Review The goal of this literature review is to provide grounding for an exploration of how selfdefined socially and politically progressive fans of the NFL understand dimensions of race engaged by the corporate behavior of the American sports complex as is embodied in the NFL. And, more importantly, how do they remain engaged with their fandom given their self perceptions and the realities of the league. Questions have been raised about the racial realities that exist within the NFL that would likely trouble many progressive Americans. This research uncovered themes in the subjective experience among a small sample of self-defined left-leaning NFL fans.

Using the funneling method, this review begins with an overview of Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a theoretical lens. As part of CRT, the review moves to Racial Capitalism (RC), which provides a more refined lens of exploration of the NFL in particular. The review then moves through examples of how CRT and RC can be used to understand the institutional responses to protesting athletes as evidence of attempts to preserve dominant White culture, as well as to understand the specific workings of the NFL. Next, the review covers literature detailing the multi-dimensioned allegations of racism levied against the NFL and then to literature that explores attitudes regarding race among the NFL’s general fanbase. There was very little literature exploring racially conscious/socially progressive fans and any unsettled feelings this fan segment may have regarding staying engaged with their NFL fandom. And finally, this review provides a brief overview of the core psychodynamic literature that explores being of two minds as a defensive process, as well as group dynamics.

20 The years since September of 2017 have brought more scrutiny of the NFL. There has been an increase in exploration into racial discrimination including legal proceedings regarding hiring practices, allegations of misogyny and homophobia, allegations of Black-balling, domestic violence concerns, and concerns over safety particularly as it relates to longterm brain health and CTE. Additionally, there also seems to be renewed attention paid to the dynamics that exist within the NFL as a corporate structure that is owned and managed largely by White men, but uses the labor of mostly Black players to earn copious amounts of money. This increase in evaluation of the NFL has provided ample resources to ground this study. Due to the proliferation of academic study and journalism in this area, the literature search was roughly limited to the last seven years. With a few exceptions, made mostly due to the significant contribution of the source, all references, books, and articles are from January 2016 or later.

Highlighting the discrepancy between progressive fans and the reality of the NFL’s behavior as a corporate entity represented the possibility of heretofore-unmeasured segment of NFL fans’ determining themselves at odds with the corporate behaviors of the NFL. This segment of the fanbase may ultimately conclude that their love of the game is outweighed by their commitment to their own personal values. The results reveal otherwise.

Critical Race Theory and Sports Sports have become big business. The NFL now grosses nearly $18 billion annually and is on track to reach revenue goals of $25 billion in annual gross receipts by 2027 (Soshnick & Novy-Williams, 2019; Badenhausen, 2022). And just like much of big business in the broader culture, there exist challenges with equity, diversity, and inclusion with regard to hiring and employment. The exorbitant amount of money made by the 32 franchises of the NFL, the NFL

21 protests started by then-quarterback Colin Kaepernick, the commentary surrounding those protests, the accusations of plantation culture within the NFL, and the position of the NFL in American culture lead to an exploration of Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a foundational theoretical lens for this study. To understand the financial wealth of America and the distribution of that wealth is to understand how slavery supported the astronomical growth of the US economy and the inception of generational wealth for White America. In other words, to understand American capitalism is to understand the free labor that made American capitalism possible. Remnants of the dynamics between slave owners and enslaved persons still exist today.

These dynamics are personified in the National Football League. This way of understanding the social and economic structure of America today as based on the troubled history of using slave labor to build the economy is the essence of Critical Race Theory (Williams, 2020).

The literature review extends the use of Critical Race Theory as it relates to sports in the United States as a microcosm of US culture, mimicking dynamics in American culture at large.

The hierarchy; the winning and losing; the aggression; the pecking order; and the racial realities that touch the workplace, leisure time, education, consumer transactions, and the simplest, whatshould-be-mundane social interactions (Hylton, 2021; Delgado & Stefancic, 2023; Hawkins, Carter-Francique, & Cooper, 2017).

Sports are often viewed as the ultimate meritocracy. Sports are thought to be the apolitical, level pitch where skill and strength dominate and determine outcome. The playing field is the place where there are clear rules and fouls, clear winners and losers, and anyone who is good enough can make the cut. In sports, there is clarity. The fantasy of the world of sports is that it transcends the troubles of the human world, which is political., complicated, and real. Not

22 so. In cities as different from each other as London and Chicago, there exists race-based discrimination in sports from cycling to swimming due to access, micro-aggressions, and persistent racist social structures (Hylton, 2021; Bloom, 2017). There is also wide criticism of sports at the college and university level, citing exploitation of young, often-disadvantaged athletes that serves to enrich wealthy, predominantly White institutions of higher learning (Hawkins, et al., 2017). On the professional level, in the NFL as well as the NBA, athletes have chosen to utilize the visibility of their platform to bring attention to social and political injustice, with the Milwaukee Bucks going so far as to boycott a playoff game to protest the August 2, 2020 police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha Wisconsin (Manning & Green, 2021). The pitch has become more political than ever.

Another dimension of the fantasies surrounding race is the belief that the United States is officially post-racial and color-blind as evidenced by Barack Obama being elected President for two terms. Further, the high salaries earned by football players and Black entertainers are offered as evidence of equitable access to the American dream and thus supports the argument that race as an issue is dead. CRT says otherwise. Instead, CRT suggests that race remains a central construct by which to understand the workings and dynamics of society (Hawkins, et al., 2017).

In the words of Kevin Hylton (2021), “racial processes are complex, dynamic, hegemonic, gendered and classed, the salience of each shifting in ambiguous and variegated ways. Yet one thing that remains consistent and central in these complex problematics is the centrality of ‘race.’”

There are several basic tenets of Critical Race Theory. First and foremost, racism is foundational to the day-to-day operations of society and the day-to-day experiences of people of

23 color. Progress in the area of racial discrimination often comes in forms that support the financial/social/political interests of the dominant elite White culture and changes in the understanding of race happens only in forms that support the dominant culture. In other words, changes in narrative or the functionality regarding race happen when there is “interest convergence” with the dominant culture. Examples include current pro-social justice marketing campaigns of the NFL, color-blindness as a goal., and pushing for unity over protest. Race is socially constructed and individuals may have overlapping identities that reach into multiple groups. And finally, the lived experience of people of color uniquely endows competence and expertise to speak about racism and race (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Hawkins et al., 2017). A CRT lens can help bring to light the ways in which racist norms and racist institutionalized ways of functioning may be perpetuated in the sports world (Hylton, 2021; Love, Deeb, & Waller, 2019; Page et al., 2016). To be more explicit, Critical Race Theory can be broadly defined by five major tenets: (1) the permanence of the impact of racism, the centrality and the interconnectedness of race and racism with other forms of subjugation; (2) the centrality of experiential and subjective knowledge of people who live as people of color; (3) the need to challenge the dominant ideology and the reality of the challenge to the dominant ideology; (4) interest convergence; and (5) the commitment to social justice (Hawkins, Carter-Francique, & Cooper, 2017; Williams, 2020).

Critical Race Theory: Centrality of Race Critical Race Theory provides a method for understanding how race infuses sports and how sports have become another vehicle of racial exploitation. Critical Race Theory has been

24 applied to understanding sports, particularly relating to the exploitation of Black athletes.2 Stereotypes organized around race persist in sports. One of the most prominent is the notion that Black athletes are physically superior and White athletes are intellectually superior and have a better work ethic, the dialectic being Blacks have physical talent vs Whites have mental capacity. In football, this stereotype is enacted in field positions, most notably in the position of quarterback which, until very recently, has been nearly-exclusively held by White athletes (Mercurio & Filak, 2010; Pradhan, & Yacobian, 2021; Hawkins et al., 2017). Further, any display of celebration by the Black athlete is frowned upon by the largely White audience.

“Black male celebration dances are considered arrogant forms of boasting and self-praise to the White gaze. Black NFL players who express confidence are often criticized as attention-seeking show-offs who care more about how they look than how they perform” (Hawkins et al., 2017, p.

218). This was exemplified by fans’ reactions to Richard Sherman, a highly-successful cornerback for the Seattle Seahawks. Mr. Sherman was mic’d up for a game on January 14, 2014 and was caught on tape exclaiming his greatness in the thrill of the moment post play. Mr. Sherman was tagged by fans with epithets such as “thug” and “uncontrollable” (Page et al., 2016). In this case and as researchers have tracked with multiple other examples, Black athletes are routinely described by the press and by fans with demeaning, criminalizing language, including nicknames like the “National Felon League” and other racist tropes that suggest Black players are dangerous and prone to criminal behavior (Page et al., 2016; Cunningham, 2009; Lapchick, 2000; Leonard, 2010; Rugg, 2019a).

2 This exploitation begins at the collegiate, NCAA level. Mostly White institutions run athletic programs

featuring Black athletes in high-profile games and tournaments. These games generate hundreds of millions of dollars nationwide through TV and sponsorship deals, and these dollars fund the athletic departments (Hawkins et al., 2017, p. 11-12).

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Critical Race Theory: Interest Convergence “Without Black players, there would be no National Football League. And the protests around the country are emblematic of the centuries of silence, inequality and oppression of Black players, coaches, fans and staff. We are listening. I am listening, and I will be reaching out to players who have raised their voices and others on how we can improve and go forward for a better and more united NFL family.” Roger Goodell, June 5, 2020 (Associated Press, June 5, 2020) One of the tenets of CRT is that change in racial discourse and practice only happens when that change supports the interests of the White elite. Through the words of Roger Goodell, the NFL declared it was wrong not to support players like Colin Kaepernick (Seifert, 2020). And yet, this mea culpa came roughly four years after the first protests began. Further, Colin Kaepernick - who was still young enough to play in 2020 - never did receive a contract to play. It wasn’t until the NFL recognized that their interests were in alignment with those of the protestors that the NFL responded. Not because they have the same feelings as the protestors, but instead there became a financial risk - the NFL feared that fans would boycott the NFL which would result in lost revenue. The White-dominated NFL ownership then had financial interest in supporting social justice. Now the NFL as well as other corporations make money off of being woke. This is what the CTR calls the “Interest Convergence Principle.” CRT has been used to define a means of entry to explain changing racial dynamics. One can also use CRT to understand why certain changes have taken place and why the changes have occurred at that

26 particular time. The CRT tenet of interest convergence can also be used to determine effective means to make social change. And used to describe and understand when action is finally taken at the corporate level. The interests of the players converged with the interest of the NFL to keep the league apolitical and clean for the White audience and thus the “Inspire Change” marketing campaign was born (Rugg, 2020).

Critical Race Theory: Challenge to Dominate Ideology and Commitment to Social Justice Racial discrimination and social injustice have become more broadly discussed and explored in the public discourse over the last several years in a way that hasn’t been seen since the 1960’s and 1970’s. Racial tension in America has been mounting over the last several years.

Police shootings of unarmed African Americans are getting national attention. Further, the Anti Defamation League is reporting its highest number of anti-semitic incidences since 1974 (ADL).

Since the killings of George Floyd, Brianna Taylor, and Freddie Gray, social injustice has moved to the forefront of our public discourse and to our streets in form of violent protest. Fueled by multiple high-profile police abuses and murders of African American citizens, the Black Lives Matter movement swept the Nation. As attention to police shootings of unarmed Black Americans has increased, in-the-streets protests and social justice movements such as BLM have become more prominent as well.

Protests by athletes have become part of this expression of outrage. Perhaps the most well-known use of the sports platform to protest in recent years is when NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick stayed on the bench while the US national anthem played. This was noticed by a reporter who subsequently interviewed Mr. Kaepernick and gave him the airtime to explain the motivations behind the protest. Mr. Kaepernick cited police brutality and social injustice that was

27 impacting people who look like him. He expressed his unwillingness to stand for a flag and a song that represented freedom and equality for some but not all Americans. Not wanting to offend or disrespect veterans, Kaepernick ultimately altered the form of his peaceful protest as a result of a personal consultation with former Green Beret and former football player, Nate Boyer.

Instead of sitting on the sidelines bench during the anthem, he elected to join his teammates on the field during the song. Instead of standing during this game-opening ritual, he took a knee and bowed his head in respectful, peaceful protest.

Given the high-profile nature of the political and social protests of Colin Kaepernick, there was a tremendous amount of literature exploring the meaning and the impact of his protests and the responses inspired by his protests. These protests began in August of 2016 and crescendoed when then-President Trump commented on the protesters with the following statement from September 22, 2017: “Wouldn’t you love to see one of these NFL owners, when somebody disrespects our flag, to say, ‘Get that son of a bitch off the field right now . . . out.

He’s fired. He’s fired!’ You know, some owner is going to do that. He’s going to say, ‘That guy that disrespects our flag, he’s fired.’ And that owner, they don’t know it . . . they’re friends of mine, many of em . . . they don’t know it, they’ll be the most popular person, for a week, they’ll be the most popular person in this country. Because that’s a total disrespect of our heritage, that’s a total disrespect of everything that we stand for, ok? Everything that we stand for.” (McGannon & Butryn, 2020, p. 292).

Trump’s comments were experienced as both racially-infused and as an attack on the league as a whole (McGannon & Butryn, 2020, p. 293). As such, Trump’s scolding served to unify players, coaches, and some owners behind the outward expression of supporting the social

28 cause. By September 24, 2017, the protests were nearly universal throughout the NFL (Belson, 2017, September 24).

Athletes have been penalized when they use their platform to challenge the establishment. Perhaps most notoriously, Muhammad Ali was stripped of his titles for declining to participate in what he experienced as the White man’s war. Colin Kaepernick was allegedly Blackballed from the NFL for his protest. Connections between Muhammad Ali and Colin Kaepernick as threats to the establishment have been made. Both were vilified in the media, framed as traitors and dangers to society. They were also tagged as ingrates who should show more appreciation for the money the capitalist structure awarded for their athleticism (Pillay & Madzimure, 2022). There exists a need to subdue the threat of Black men to White supremacy.

“The deployment of liberal themes like unity and individual rights by figures in the league can function to suppress Black activism and expression in an arena in which Black athleticism is also paradoxically prized and compensated.” (Hae-in Idzik, 2022) Social protest and exercising one’s right to free speech is viewed as foundational to being American. Sports have become a venue for social protest focusing on racial inequities and police brutality towards people of color. This protest threatens the dominant ideology of a color-blind, post-racial society, the operation of which with regard to the NFL enriches a tiny segment of the White uber-wealthy. Salaries, post racialism, and colorblindness are at opposition with protests of social justice.

Even as the NFL and other sports organizations finally seem to be reacting to and engaging with the issue of social justice at large and activism within their ranks, CRT theory helps decider the rhetoric that speaks to change, while the corporate institution of the NFL

29 remains in control of the power dynamic. When Kaepernick knelt, the NFL Black-balled him.

When Trump sounded his racist dog whistle and more players protested, the NFL preached a call for unity, effectively tamping down the uprising that had been beginning just a short time prior to Trump’s comments. Pushing liberal color-blindness, the establishment takes over the narrative and White-washes the real concern regarding the unique experiences of people of color and the foundational., at-every-turn elements of racism embedded in our culture. The narrative was taken over and the players were dictated to and reminded to keep the protest peaceful and respectful, which it always was - even back to Kaepernick. This served to effectively diminish the protests and suppress Black activism (Hae-in Idzik, 2022). The NFL as a corporate entity redefined the social and political crisis to make it less offensive to their fans (Read & Lock, 2022).

Racial capitalism Racial capitalism is a term traced to Cedric Robinson who in 1983 discussed the interconnection among racism, violence, slavery, and capital accumulation (Robinson, 1983, p. xiii). This area of exploration has evolved over the last thirty years to, among other dimensions, inextricably link the exploitation of Black people with the accumulation of White wealth. For a deep and thorough tracing of the evolution of the racial capitalism lens, please see Ralph &

30 Singhal., 2019)3 The term “racial capitalism” has been defined as “the process of deriving economic and social value from the racial identity of another person.” (Simmons, 2022) “Racial capitalism is the idea that racialized exploitation and capital accumulation are mutually constitutive.” (Pillay, & Madzimure, 2022; Burden-Stelly, 2020) Racial Capitalism as a concept is applicable to the NFL with regard to its use of Black bodies for profit and the use of marketing campaigns disguised as social justice based initiatives to preserve its fanbase and thus its core revenue stream. The connection among violence, accumulation of capital, and the use of Black bodies to make that capital makes the theoretical lens of racial capitalism an even more precise match to this research into the dynamics surrounding the NFL, particularly since the highs sums of money paid to NFL players can obscure the question of exploitation and dehumanization (Ralph & Singhal., 2019). As Ralph and Sighal 2019 highlight, in many business circumstances slaves were insured property and thus deemed to have more monetary value than White people.

Yet, when lives were lost, no Black names were memorialized, in spite of those insurance payments made to slave owners to compensate for the property loss. This antebellum reality seems to be caricatured in the NFL. Sure - there are a few names each season that are widely known; but bigger than their names are the numbers their backs and their salaries. Further, just

“Scholars use ‘racial capitalism’ to explain how racialism merged with capitalism… and to highlight coercion and productivity in capital investment and forms of exchange … Other scholars follow Robinson in arguing that Karl Marx treated slavery as a mode of accumulation prior to capitalism; consequently, they re-conceive what he termed ‘so-called primitive [or original] accumulation’ as ‘racial capitalism’ to stress the integral role that ‘expropriation’ (a form of violent dispossession) plays in shaping economic growth in capitalist systems… Some scholars use ‘racial capitalism’ to insist that capitalism is always inherently racialized …Others take the argument further, letting race stand in for all the conceivable forms of difference capitalism might use to exploit people … to explain how racial identity becomes the basis for capitalist exploitation. While some scholars are specifically concerned with the role of slavery in relation to capitalism … others use 'racial capitalism’ to explain moments when capitalism deploys strategies for extraction or accumulation based on racial hierarchies… Scholarship on ‘racial capitalism’ has usefully highlighted the important relationship between coercion and productivity in capital accumulation” (Ralph & Singhal., 2021, p. 857).

3

31 like life on the plantation, life on the playing field is brutal and plagued by chronic injury and pain. Further still is the interconnection between federal dollars used in the construction of sports stadia nationwide and the types of funding described as “urban renewal,” which also tends to enrich wealthy investors. There is an ordering within the NFL that could be interpreted as racial sorting. Blacks are on the field and Whites own, coach, and occupy the front office. Post-racial, colorblind liberalism deny the reality of the resilient, racialized, equity-building structure of the NFL. This evidenced as recently as the 2022-23 NFL season, with only three Black head coaches and a racial mix in key coaching positions such as offensive coordinator and quarterback coach disproportionately favoring White coaches as compared to the racial make-up of on-field players (Scott, 2022, October 14).

“Corporate pronouncements committing to diversity, equity, and inclusion during a public outcry for racial justice is a form of racial capitalism because companies are deriving social and economic value from their broadcasted commitment to support ending systemic racism towards Blacks.” (Simmons, 2022, p. 547) These pronouncements are a synecdoche, with hashtags and simple acknowledgements being the near-entirety of the plan to address racial inequity, with absolutely no guarantee or requirement to follow up on their commitment and very little means of confirming any action taken. One of the most stark examples of racial capitalism is how the NFL has turned Colin Kaepernick’s protest, for which, it has been argued, he has been punished and allegedly Blackballed from the NFL, into a marketing campaign. That campaign, encapsulated by messaging on player helmets, football fields, TV/internet/app commercials and signage, is an attempt to capitalize on the NFL’s perception that the public is interested in social justice. Further, the NFL’s partnership with JayZ was an additional boost to contriving its

32 racially-aware image. As other researchers have pointed out, this campaign has neutered the activist efforts of NFL players by reframing protest against police brutality and unjust killings of Black people into a call for unity and colorblindness; and it has developed a dimension of corporate image that preserves the money-making power of the NFL and deflects attention away from the inherent racial inequities and exploitations in the league. “Pronouncements for profit are a form of racial capitalism” (Simmons, 2022, p. 532) “The NFL is trying to situate the current crisis within their existing marketing model. The NFL views the protests as militant Black workers threatening capital accumulation by alienating large groups of fans” (Monetz de Oca, 2021). Further, “America’s capitalist system, combined with American exceptionalism, does not acknowledge that American workers can be exploited” (Pillay & Madzimure, 2022).

Racial capitalism has been critiqued as a poorly defined lens. Ralph & Signal, 2019 assert the racial capitalist literature “rarely clarifies what scholars mean by ‘race’ or ‘capitalism’” and this same literatures treats “Black subjectivity as a debilitated condition.”

Even as the owners seemingly sided with players in response to then-President Trump’s infamous comments that included “get that SOB off the field,” the response was an implement of racial capitalism. Specifically, post-racial, color-blind nationalism couched in a unified response embodying neo-liberal ideals of ubiquitous access to the American dream; and functionalism that framed sports and football as the ultimate unifier. Both of these dimensions effectively nullified the activist narrative of the protests, maintained the power structure of White privilege, and maintained control over Black athletes (McGannon& Butryn, 2020).

33 NFL as a mechanism of exploitation Public Finance The NFL is a multibillion dollar corporation made up of 32 franchises that gross over 17 billion dollars annually. 31 of the 32 franchises are owned by individuals and families who are themselves billionaires (Breech, 2022). These privately held businesses benefit from the use of public funds, including tax breaks and referenda-sourced grants, to build multi-billion dollar stadiums as well as the infrastructure needed to support them as well as special federal tax codes designed exclusively for sports teams (Faturechi, Elliott, & Simani, 2021; United States Federal Government, 2023). This public/private transaction is not uncommon in the US economy. The airline industry and the oil industry (United States Federal Government, 2022; Oil Change International, 2018) are comprised of private entities that have benefited from public financial support. What makes the public/private connection to the NFL worthy of critique is that the NFL is entirely entertainment. Regarding oil and airlines, the argument could be made that preserving these industries is in the public interest. Energy and transportation are foundations of modern life and national security. So what about football? In spite of the strong branding connection with the military, football bears no relevance toward or impact on national security. It is entirely entertainment. Further, an enormous amount of money being made by a tiny number of White people by way of using of mostly Black bodies to entertain a mostly White audience, the phenomenon that is the National Football League and the dynamics that surround it are worthy of exploration.

34 Drugs Racial capitalism prevails the NFL and is represented by the distribution of painkillers.

The league has been sued by retired players due to the use of painkillers to keep the players in the game and keep the game going (King, et al., 2014). Ventresca and King (2022, 2014) have documented “workplace-enabled dependency on drugs,” specifically narcotics use in the NFL, and their connection to racial dynamics, as well as “the intersection between painkiller use and concussion.” Ventresca and King (2022) document “two interconnected realities: First, that the entire business model of the NFL—that is, the ongoing capacity of the league and team owners to extract surplus value and accumulate wealth—is predicated on the management of player pain and injury through prescription drug use; and second, that this relationship is racialized.” It is racialized not simply because, as Ruthie Wilson Gilmore puts it, “There was not one minute in the entire story of capitalism that it was not racial” (Gilmore & Lambert, 2019) but because the league’s labor force is generated and structured through iterative racial differentiation, especially anti-Black subjection (Allison et al., 2018; Benson, 2017; Dufur & Feinberg, 2009; Grano, 2020; Montez de Oca, 2021). Further, Ventresca and King (2022) highlight the NFL profit motives to keep players on the field and detail the absence of broad-based accountability of the NFL and the NFL’s efforts to focus responsibility on the individual players. This research also highlights the racial connection between legality of specific types of drugs and the illegality of others. When cannabis was illegal it was a “Black drug” and outlawed in NFL. Now, with legalization it has become a White drug, as exemplified nationwide in the challenges surrounding the distribution of licenses to predominantly White men to sell the drug legally and leaving people of color out of this money-making venture (Vitiello, 2019); Danquah-Brobby, 2016); Rahwanji, 2018).

35 Punishment and Fines Research shows that there exists an inequitable distribution of fines and punishment for Black players versus White players in the NFL. Pradhan & Yacobian, 2021 “showed a higher proportion of fined and suspended Black NFL players and lower proportion of White players compared to the actual distribution of players in the NFL. Overall, the data reveal an overrepresentation of Black players who were fined and suspended at a higher rate relative to their own race group than White players.”

Race Norming In June of 2021, a federal court found that claims against the NFL for the use of race norming to reduce monetary awards for injuries suffered while playing for the NFL were both justified and illegal (Canada & Carter, 2021; Dale, 2022; Starr, 2022). The court supported claims that the NFL had used a lower baseline of cognitive functioning for African American players when testing for impairment stemming from concussions and other brain trauma. These lower baseline numbers were based solely on race. White players were evaluated using a higher baseline function which showed a greater decline as a result of playing football. These protocols were race-specific and were used to determine monetary awards from a fund that was set up to support players who sustained cognitive injury as a result of playing in the NFL (Starr, 2022, p.

1-2). The NFL didn’t stop the practice of race-norming because it was the right thing to do. It stopped because it was a “public relations nightmare” and public attention toward race required it (Starr, 2022, p. 78). Further updates were made this to settlement as recently as early spring of 2022, all through out-of-court negotiated changes (Dale, 2022; Associated Press, 2022).

36 Employment Scandals and Lawsuits As of 2021, the racial breakdown of NFL players is 58% Black, 25% White, 9.8% mixed race, 1.6% Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, 0.7% Hispanic or Latino, 0.2% Native American or Alaskan Native (Gough, 2022). In a well-researched study, USA Today spent over three years collecting and compiling a database of statistics on NFL coaches at all levels. USA Today gathered this data firsthand rather than through the NFL, which does not make their racial data public. Here is what the team at USA Today found: •

Of the 722 on-field coaches in the NFL this season, 314 (or 43.5%) identify as nonWhite, which is believed to be the largest figure, by count, in league history.

•

More than 50% of coaches at the lowest levels – quality control, coaching assistants and fellows – are nonWhite, compared to only 27% at the coordinator level or above.

•

Twenty-nine of the league’s 31 running backs coaches this season – or 93% – are coaches of color. Wide receivers coaches are 70% nonWhite.

•

Offensive line and quarterbacks coaches are 90% and 81% White, respectively.

•

In the past seven years, only six running backs coaches have been promoted to offensive coordinator. Just one coach with a running backs resume has been hired as a head coach during that span (Scott, 2022, October 14).

At this writing, three out of 32 head coaches are Black - Mike Tomlin of the Pittsburgh Steelers, Todd Bowles of the Tampa Bay Buccaneers, and Lovie Smith of the Houston Texans. There are zero Black owners (Simmons, 2022, p. 535).

There have been concerns around race-based limitations in hiring and racially discriminatory hiring practices in the NFL for many years. These concerns came to a head when

37 a two Black coaches, Tony Dungy and Dennis Green, were fired, despite both having overall winning seasons. These events prompted attorney Johnny Cochran to explore hiring practices in the NFL. His research determined that Black coaches were more likely than White coaches to get fired and less likely to get hired despite win/loss records (Cochran & Mehr, 2002). In response to this research, the Rooney Rule was implemented in 2003, requiring that at least one minority candidate be interviewed for any open head coaching or senior football operations positions (Harrison & Bukstein, 2013). Recently NFL leadership has approved extending the Rooney Rule to quarterback coaches as well (Baca, 2022).

Despite the Rooney Rule, allegations of employment irregularities centered on race have persisted. Most recently, former head coach of the Miami Dolphins Brian Flores brought suit against the NFL, the Miami Dolphins, the New York Giants, and the Denver Broncos (Belson & Vrentas, 2022). Cheerleaders have also brought suit against multiple teams, including invasion of privacy claims, violation of federal minimum wage law claims, and emotional distress claims (Bernstein, 2019).

Suppression of Political and Social Protest Political protests have found their way to the football field. For the entire 2016 season, Colin Kaepernick elected to use his platform as an NFL player to register his protest against police brutality towards unarmed Black people and general social injustice towards people of color by kneeing during the national anthem played before each NFL game. Mr. Kaepernick’s protest of police brutality and racial inequity set off a wave of responses from coaches in the NFL, NFL owners, teammates and players, NFL fans, and the then-president of the United States (Montez de Oca & Suh, 2020). Duvall 2020 references the NFL’s documented concern that

38 White, right-wing males would leave behind their NFL fandom through boycott. Ultimately, when Colin Kaepernick was not hired by any team in the league in 2017 or since, he alleged that the NFL owners colluded to not re-hire him and thus keep him out of the sport. The matter was settled out of court (Simmons, 2022).

Plantation Culture Black men are on display for White owners in what is known as The NFL Scouting Combine, the place where young athletes come to be observed and recruited to play in the NFL. How players show in “The Combine” lend to their positioning and viability in the NFL Draft, which has been likened to a slave auction. Prospective players are referred to as “young bucks” and “work horses.” Players report their bodies are constantly touched and evaluated by coaches and general managers, even during off hours at the hotel. During medical evaluations performed by an all-White medical team, players are poked and prodded, including having fingers inserted into their mouths to examine their teeth without asking permission (Dufur and Feinberg, 2009).

In both these arenas, Black bodies are subject to the White gaze. Yes - there are White players participating in these processes, but the vast majority of those who will be recruited are Black. And the near-entirety of team ownership is White. There is a clear power dynamic, as with all employer/employee relationships. However, there exists an air of exploitation and of using human labor as a replaceable commodity. The player will have a limited time of employment, most likely determined by injury; but the franchise owner, the coaches, and the front office personnel will continue to earn long after the player has retired (Pradhan & Yacobian, 2021; Hawkins et al., 2017).

39 Violence Against Women Since the NFL Running Back Ray Rice was caught on film beating his then-fiancée unconscious in 2014, violence against women in the NFL and major league sports in general has received more public notice. Research shows that players are generally not held to the six game suspension outlined in the NFL code of conduct when founded claims regarding violence against women are made (Gotberg & Wiersma-Mosley, 2022).

Concussions The repeated head trauma associated with playing football, including hits sustained that induce injury that falls short of being fully concussive, has been implicated in the diagnosis of a neurodegenerative disease known as chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE). Researchers have connected memory loss, attentional issues, impulsivity, chronic headaches, language recall challenges, executive functioning difficulties, dementia, apathy, depression, aggression, suicidality, motor disturbance, and mobility challenges to CTE as well as a possible link between CTE and criminal behavior (Aaronson, et al., 2021). The NFL has taken steps to address the impact of the game on the body such as outlawing particularly brutal helmet-to-helmet tackles, as well as investing in better physical protection of the brain through helmets and gear, although it is unclear how effective these strategies have been at reducing the severity or frequency of head injuries (LaGree et al., 2019). School based programs to address concussions prior to players’ college years have been implemented, but recent evidence suggests they do little to prevent or even reduce concussions. There have also been allegations made against the NFL that suggest the league knew that these programs were not effective in spite of the leagues claims to the contrary (Schwartz, 2016).

40 Corporate Responsibility and Crisis Management Research on human emotions and how best to cultivate emotions that better serve corporate ends is an area of exploration, complete with recommendations as to how to best leverage audience emotions to manage fan responses and thus corporate reputation. Research also supports the need to manage media involvement (LaGree et al., 2019).

The connection between the NFL, the US military, American nationalism, and American patriotism is well documented (Butterworth, 2012; Montez de Oca & Suh, 2020, Rugg, 2016, 2020). The players’ protests, Anderson 2020 argues, was framed as a move away from that alignment with the military, nationalism, and patriotism. Simply put, the players were not showing love for the flag - the symbol of all things American (Read, D., & Lock, D., 2022). The NFL as a corporate entity redefined the social and political crisis to make it less offensive to their fans. The racial and social reckoning of the time period 2016-2022 however, challenged the NFL revise its rhetoric in an effort to walk a paradoxical line of overt support for the military, support for social protestors, support for American ideals of free speech and equality, and efforts to remain apolitical and post racial (Read & Lock, 2022). “Once the liberal emphasis on conversation and patriotic unity was appropriated by NFL marketing, it shifted focus away from state violence, it diffracted the social change goals of the movement into a variety of diverse initiatives, and it promoted NFL products to a liberal-left market” (Montez de Oca & Suh, 2020, p. 17).

The NFL reframed the narrative from one of highlighting police brutality, the needless destruction of life based on skin color, and social inequity to one of unity and in-this-together (Montez de Oca & Suh, 2020; Rugg, 2020). The messaging started as one that was oriented

41 against Colin Kaepernick as “an isolated actor” under the guise of patriotism and disrespect for the flag (Read & Lock, 2022). The messaging shifted to include stories about players’ public service behaviors that were more inline with the NFL patriotic image. The NFL employed a what Harrison and Erlichman, 2022 termed a “diversion communication tactic” at Super Bowl 2018.

Ultimately, the messaging included an apology from the NFL in 2020 for past racist behavior as the protests were nationwide. “By apologizing, the NFL indicated that previous values were not acceptable and redefined group boundaries to include people previously offended by their actions, irrespective of whether this was genuine or part of a ‘political project’ (see Klein & Licata, 2003). However, the NFL showed no contrition about their national anthem policy, or treatment of Kaepernick and other protestors. In 2020, NFL players continued to kneel during the national anthem and Goodell indicated that it is unlikely a player will ever be disciplined for doing so” (Read and Lock, 2020).

Colonization Efforts to expand the NFL into other markets worldwide have seen an uptick in recent years.

Searching for more markets has brought the NFL to Europe and Mexico in an effort to expand the fanbase and increase revenue.

Sports Fandom Psychology of Sports Fandom Most of the research on sports fans is focused on the psychology of consumer behavior and ways to leverage that psychology to regenerate more consumer behavior from sports fans. Efforts to understand how sports fandom is reflected in personal identity structures has also been

42 explored and data generated from those studies have been applied to understand, capitalize, and expand the sports fandom.

A relatively dated literature review of sport fan identity formation conducted by Beth Jacobson in 2003 highlights the interpersonal/public and in the intrapersonal/private elements of being a sports fan including impacts on self-esteem, group membership, and feelings of connection. She highlights elements of Social Identity Theory that describe “BIRGing (basking in reflected glory)” as part of the identification process that happens for fans of winning teams and “CORFing (cutting off reflective failures)” as methods of managing and protecting ones’ public image. The key element of BIRGing that is enacted in sports fandom is the person’s lack of direct involvement with and responsibility for the achievement of success. Nevertheless, this identification process serves as an ego enhancement. Identification with a sports team can become so strong that wins and losses can be experienced by fans as deeply personal and thus reflected in sustained affective states (Jacobson, 2003).

More recently, research on sports fans has focused on ways to understand the needs and desires of sports fans, as well as ways of leveraging their unique emotional attachment in order to generate more profit (Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020; Wann & James, 2019). Exploration of how human emotions are engaged in sports fandom and sports fan consumption behaviors, as well as in corporate crisis management have also received attention in the literature. Schools of marketing, management, and journalism have produced research that supports understanding fans’ feelings regarding desire for group/community connection, fans’ consumer behavior and consumer desire for exclusivity, and fans’ psychology in service of the development of markets (Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020). Research on sports fans is also conducted in the service of

43 developing corporate responses to major crises that do not alienate the fanbase such as the NFL concussion crisis (LaGree, Wilbur, & Cameron, 2019; Fainaru-Wada & Fainaru, 2014); allegations of domestic abuse perpetrated by players (Richards et al., 2017); and the NFL taking millions of dollars from the US military when fans thought the NFL should have shouldered the cost of supporting the military and veterans attending games (Koesters et al., 2017). Research through 2017, showed that the NFL had enough cultural capital to weather public-relations storms generated from scandal (Richards et al., 2017). However, there is evidence to suggest there are limits to the NFL market invincibility. For example, during the anthem protests of 2016 and 2017, ticket sales dropped up to 30% for some NFL franchises and TV audiences were shaved by over 10 percent (King, 2017; Watanabe & Cunningham, 2020).

The connection between watching sports and feeling happy has been researched extensively (Moital et al., 2019; Doyle et al., 2016; Jang et al., 2020; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020). Researchers have explored the positive affective impact of attending games (Cho & Lee, 2019; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020), team rivalries, game-day rituals, and celebrations traditions (Limbach et al., 2019; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020), following the career of an individual athlete (Chang et al., 2018; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020), connecting with fellow sports fans as members of a community and perceived connection with the sports organization itself (Mastromartino et al., 2019b; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020). Beckelhimer, 2020 details the pain and the loss fans experienced through the pandemic when gatherings were limited and stadiums were not open to fans on game days. Identifying with a sports team has been found to have an overall positive impact on psychological health including increased feelings of belonging, increased feelings of kinship, and increased self-esteem (Mastromartino & Zhang,

44 2020; Wann & James, 2019). Research also supports fandom can spark feelings of uniqueness, particularly regarding a niche or exclusive sport (Mastromartino et al., 2019a; Mastromartino et al., 2020; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020) Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020 explore Social Capital Theory as a basis for understanding fans on an affective level. Individual gains in terms of a sense of belonging and in self-esteem, getting others to become fans and participating in the community by attending in-person games are ways in which social capital built individually and at the society level. Fans become emotionally connected to the teams and to each other by virtue of their mutual association with the teams (Wann & James, 2019). Self esteem is boosted by group affiliation and feelings of belonging. Using the theoretical frameworks of social identity theory and identity theory, research has associated fandom with a group identification with norms, values, and experience of being in the in-group vs the out-group (Allison et al., 2021; Lock & Heere, 2017; Wann & James, 2019).

Shame and sports fans According to Archer and Matheson 2019, when a sports team exhibits moral transgressions, fans feel collective shame. "Through the processes of emotional contagion and subsequent emotional socialization, which as we have seen may involve a range of emotions, fans come to see themselves as part of the club. The moral transgressions of a club then reveal morally substandard aspects of the club to fans. Because the fans see themselves as part of the club they take on their club’s failure as a failure of their own. Such collective shame is therefore still self-focused and yet the object is something other than individual fans. The object of shame is the club and fans see themselves as part of the club. In other words, the club is the self and the fans are constituents of that self” (Archer & Matheson, 2019, p. 215- 216).

45 Race and sports fans Fans shout racial epithets at players worldwide and racial inequities exist in sports leadership even in sports like professional basketball and pro football where the vast majority of players are Black (Love, Deeb, & Waller, 2019). According to Mastromartino and Zhang, 2020, “For fans to feel part of a fan community, they also need a sense of acceptance for their religious beliefs, gender, race, sexual orientation, or any other important part of their identity outside of their fandom. Not only is tolerance important for fan communities, positivity around those elements, and for welcoming new people into the community is important in feeling connected to that community.” Other research suggests there may be divide among western sportsmen worldwide. Tracking of US football fan sentiments posted on-line have shown tolerance for racist, sexist, and homophobic chat (Kian et al., 2011; Oshiro, Weems, & Singer, 2020; Click, Edgar, & Holladay, 2021). In the UK, research of on-line chat suggests soccer fans’ attitudes of tolerance and inclusivity are trending upward, particularly rejecting homophobia (Cleland, 2015; Cleland, Magrath, & Kian, 2018; Cleland, Pope, & Williams, 2020; Mastromartino & Zhang, 2020).

Sports fan identification in the US Park, Mahony, and Kim (2011) Found that sports fandom can start based on a person’s simple curiosity based a desire for novel experiences. Allison et al. (2021) found that identification as a sports fan can be traced to childhood presentation of and engagement with sports, as well as “sports-related mistreatment.” This research team also found a high level of sports identification in the US. Of those surveyed, 89% of adults aged 20-64 self-identify as sports fans, while a mere 11% say they are not sports fans at all. Close to 50% of adults strongly

46 identify as sports fans. This research also highlighted gendered aspects of sports fandom, with self-identified males being more likely to identify as a sports fan and self-identified females and non-binary persons being less likely to identify with being a sports fan. Heterosexual identification tracked with higher sports fandom identification; and lesbian, gay, bisexual, or other sexual identities tracked as less likely to identify as a sports fan (Allison et al., 2021).

Qualitative studies show women’s interest and investment in sports can be strong, but is expressed differently and thus may be hard to track via quantitative research (Antunovic & Hardin, 2015; Toffoletti, 2017; Allison et al., 2021). Many American sport fandom cultures can be quite hostile to and suspicious of women and queer fans. Exclusivity organized around homophobia, sexism, and heterosexism is common in the US (Cleland, Pope, & Williams, 2020; Hoeber & Kerwin, 2013; Sveinson & Hoeber, 2016; Sveinson, Hoeber, & Toffoletti, 2019; Symons et al., 2017; Allison et al., 2021).

Sports fans are not entirely understood There is a lot we do not know about sports fans, and the research that has been done may not be entirely descriptive of all sports fans. Prior research of sports fans has been criticized for over-valuing certain performative elements of sports fandom such as wearing jerseys and displaying team memorabilia, thus undercounting fans who do not perform in the same way but still view themselves as fans. These undercounts tended to run along gender, race, and sexual orientation (Osborne & Coombs, 2013, p. 674). In an effort to understand women sports fans more completely, Osborne and Coombs (2013) explore the performative, gendered parts of understanding sports fandom and assert that using social identity theory alone to understand

47 sports fans “overstates the importance of the group” (Osborne & Coombs, 2013, p. 673). Based on results form a three-year ethnographic study of NFL fans, Osborne & Coombs, 2013 coined the term “Performative Sport Fandom” to help include a public/private dichotomy sourced in identity theory and the action part of roles sourced in feminist theory and thus highlight the performative elements of sports fandom defined through a socially constructed lens of context, outward action, and audience. They particularly point out that the roles performed by sports fans are relational, contextual, and negotiable.

Other research using identity theory as a foundational lens explores different identities within sports fans (Lock & Heere, 2017; Stryker & Burke, 2000; Stryker & Serpe, 1994; Osborne & Coombs, 2013). This research could address one of the questions posed by Osborne & Coombs, 2013 as an area further research: “What happens when one’s fan identity conflicts with another of one’s identities?” (Osborne & Coombs, 2013 , p. 679).

NFL fans “Overt, highly identified fans seemingly turn a blind eye to social or moral wrongdoings, like domestic assault or cheating, by continuing to tune in and cheer after such transgressions are carried out by their favorite teams and athletes” (Harker, 2019).

NFL fans’ perception of politics Fans have feelings about the need to keep politics and sports separate. There exists a desire among some sports fans to keep sports a safe haven from the realities of daily life (Moritz & Zenor, 2022). After the 2016 NFL season, in-person attendance of NFL games and television viewership dropped sharply. Fans surveyed cited the political protests as the primary reason (Evans, 2016, October 11; Richardson, 2018, February 6). Support for Colin Kaepernick, or lack

48 there of, tracked along party lines. Democrats and Independents supported the protests as an enactment of First Amendment rights and as inherently patriotic. Trump’s comments were viewed as racist and embodying division. Republican fans in the study opposed the protests, labeled them unpatriotic, and viewed the players as rule-thwarting, insubordinate employees.

This group of fans also agreed with Trump’s comments on the matter (Kinsey, Rhoads, & Thomas, 2021). Another study found partisan split regarding politics entering into sports, with liberals welcoming political speech in sports and conservatives rejecting such speech (Moritz & Zenor, 2022). Still another study tracked lack of support for protesting NFL players with increased authoritarianism and showed that fans expressed more concern with protests being “respectful” rather than the issues surrounding the social injustice being protested (Sevi, et al., 2019). A study by Montez de Oca and Suh from 2020 found two types of patriotism among those interviewed about the protests: patriarchal, reflecting authoritarian and White supremacy themes; and constructive, reflecting more support for protest as a means to bring attention to the need to address social injustice. Researchers have shown that attitudes towards nationalism, patriotism, and racial equality heavily influenced how the protests were perceived (Chaplin & Montez de Oca, 2019; Smith, 2019; Schmidt et al., 2019; Stratmoen et al., 2019). One poll suggested that 76% of participants who identified as politically liberal approved of the NFL’s response, compared to only 16% of participants who identified as politically conservative, and 3% of participants who identified as politically moderate (Read & Lock, 2022). Other studies show that fans make the connection that taking away the athletes right to free speech is dehumanizing (Moritz & Zenor, 2022). Much is also written on how fantasy football lends to dehumanization of players (Moritz & Zenor, 2022; Condatta, 2017).

49 NFL fans’ perception of CTE Fans, players, and sports commentators alike have pushed back on the NFL regarding rule changes implemented in an effort to decrease the violence of the game and thus the chance injury on the field. The criticism has revolved around concerns that violence and celebrating violence is central to the game and its masculine model (Rugg, 2020a).

The statistics on CTE are known. One study, although dated considering the impact of the pandemic on viewership, found that while 9 in 10 fans surveyed recognized traumatic brain injury as a problem for players, 74% planned to continue to watch. Reference was made to high salaries as being payment enough for bodily destruction (Kilgore & Clement, 2017). Other research show an intimate connection between the big salaries and the mostly-White fanbase being ok with the destruction the players endure, and highlights passive agreement of fans with the level of destruction on the field (Lott, 2013; Moritz & Zenor, 2022). In terms of who fans deem responsible for taking care of theses issues, CTE was most often attributed to the league level, domestic assault to the athlete level, and social protest concerns to both the athlete and league levels (Harker, 2021). Big salaries are viewed as reparations for the destruction of mostly Black bodies endure to entertain mostly White audiences. In other words, the harm that football players endure is compensated for by multi-million dollar contracts.

NFL fans perception of race While determining racial attitudes is not an easy endeavor, research does exist that highlights White male NFL fans’ hidden disapproval of Black athlete protests (Mueller, 2021) and finds that White fans liberally use race-laden terms like “thug" and “ungrateful" when

50 referring to Black athletes (Duvall, 2020). Racism among football fans has been tracked via research of on-line fan interactions as well as commentary on the Kaepernick protests and how NFL fans framed both Kaepernick’s behavior and the NFL’s response to that behavior. Research of social media forums published in 2022 by Kearns, et al finds an increase in hate speech, including racist, sexist, and homophobic comments, directed at athletes. On-line conversations of Texas fans found language that suggested a strong racial dichotomy of White superiority and Black inferiority (Oshiro, Weems, & Singer, 2020).

University students’ responses to NFL players’ national anthem protests were also researched. White college students who opposed the players’ protests were found to have attitudes that suggested that White fans’ comfort was more important than the injustices highlighted by the protests. In other words, White fans prioritized their comfort over unjust slaying of Black people which was the focus of the protests. Any protest that lent to fan discomfort was viewed as lacking civility, respect, and patriotism, a latent racialized critique.

Further, in an enactment of racial capitalism, these students expected the White leadership to be financially compensated for their discomfort through levying fines against the Black players (Chaplin & Montez de Oca, 2019).

Research shows that the largely White fan base of the NFL expect that the NFL’s mostly Black players should contain themselves with regard to celebration as it is viewed as arrogance and too much flexing of superiority. From 2006 - 2017, the NFL penalized celebrations with a 15 yard penalty, which is the same levied for unnecessary roughness. Fan showed outrage towards players’ celebration after good plays or touchdowns. For example, Cam Newton was called out by fans for dancing after each touchdown. Research showed that Black fans approved of the

51 dancing, while White fans disapproved and said the dancing displays were arrogant and unbecoming of an NFL quarterback. In 2014, Richard Sherman was widely criticized and characterized as a “thug” when he claimed he was the best cornerback of all time (Boren, 2021; Page et al., 2016; Williams, 2020; Hawkins et al., 2017).

Other NFL fan research Fan research is largely centered around marketing and brand development. One study explores what type of self-image was most desirable by self-described NFL fans. This study found that hiring practices and facility quality all lent to branding of teams, and thus could have an influence of fan self-branding. Researchers speak to the value of subtle identification with the team brand and to utilizing fans’ unconscious identification with teams as a means of monetizing and managing that engagement (Wang, et al., 2020).

What is missing from the literature is an assessment of how NFL fans understand race as it relates to American football and the capitalist structure that supports it. Many of the articles read for this study had a clear view of the NFL as racist or not; a clear view of the NFL as a responsible corporate citizen or not; and a clear view on whether or not paying the players a high rate of pay compensates them for risk to injury and provides de facto evidence of nondiscrimination. Tone and what facts offered in the literature reviewed lent to the overall position of the paper, outside of any study data provided.

American Football and Psychoanalytic Theory “NFL fans are ok with the contradictions and the hypocrisy and even the discord that exists within the league. People will say football is so American because it is about violence and capitalism and territory, but maybe the hypocrisy and discord and corruption are just as American” Travis Vogan, University Iowa, NPR 9/8/22

52

The dynamics of American Football are incredibly rich when viewed through a psychoanalytic lens. Freudian theory and Object Relations Theory provide ways of understanding fans’ captivation with American football.

Freud offers many points of entry to understand football as a sport, as a captivator of human attention, as a director of fan behavior, and as a corporation formalized in the NFL. The need for outlets of aggression, the need for fantasy and ritual to regulate ourselves, and the embodiment of the primal horde all capture the essence of the deep engagement in American football. Freud, once a fan of Rousseau’s belief in the natural goodness of human beings, shifted to being a Hobbesian, who described life as a constant state of war: “No arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” (Hobbes, 2002, p. 96). Football fits this model.

Ever-growing in popularity, American football has become a socially acceptable outlet for aggression and a mechanism of the demolition of the superego, embodying freedom from social constraints and the fantasy of a clear winner and a clear loser. American football is playing out the death drive in real time: A projection of the death drive for spectators and an embodiment of the drive for players. And traumatic brain injury is a tangible manifestation of the id’s focus on the here and now, putting winning above all else, and demonstrating no concern for any dire consequences that could materialize in the future. The NFL could also be viewed as repetition compulsion on a social level given racial constructs within the NFL and the capitalist reality of the rich getting richer in this multi-billion dollar industry.

53 Erik Erikson defined the dualism of Freud in terms of the Centaur: Head of a Man, Body of a Beast (Erikson, 1950, p.192). This embodies the dialectic of synthesis, the thesis and antithesis that join together to create something new. The synthesis of the dialectic is embodied in football, where complex strategy joins with utter brutality to create the most captivating sport in American history.

Football Fan and Freud’s Primal Horde Freud’s primal horde (Freud, 1921) can be used to understand football fan behavior more specifically. Much as Freud described group mentality, fans together can display a collective mind, thinking, feeling, and acting in a manner quite different from that in which each individual would feel, think, and act were he in a state of isolation. Fandom can be understood to resemble the primal horde, driven by true instinct and an innate longing to be in the group. Caught in a hypnotic order and held together by love, every sentiment and act is contagious. The individual readily sacrifices his personal interests to the collective interest - to be of the team. The individual fan commits acts in utter contradiction with his character and habits outside his fandom. He paints his face, and gets lost in the emotion of the team winning and losing. He is no longer conscious of his acts. Outside fandom, the person is cultivated, thoughtful, and discerning.

In the pack of fans, he is a barbarian. As Freud says, the group is impulsive, changeable, and irritable behaving without premeditation and subject to the mob mentality and open to influence.

Feelings are exaggerated and simplified - winning or losing is what matters. A bad call by the referee can stir a crowd of fans into palpable upset. The crowd is intolerant of those bad calls, displaying its declined intellectual capacity as compared to the individual and it’s mental

54 homogeneity. Gone is the sense that sometimes the calls go your way, and sometimes they don’t.

Much like Freud described of the primal horde, the fandom is engaged with brutality and destruction in ways that defy reason and align with primitive instincts.

Leaning into Freud’s primal horde construct, particularly as it relates to role of the leader as a replacement of the father, in football the quarterback and the coach are those leaders. They are the objects that have been put in the place of the ego ideal; particularly the quarterback. He represents the dream of the followers - who and how they want to be, held close by libidinal and narcissistic ties. The love for the quarterback runs deep. The quarterback is the other experienced as myself: as I am; as I want to be; as I used to be; ageless; body-perfect; a winner. And if the leader is winning, any other missteps are overlooked.

Football as the Object Humans are object-seeking. The game - including the players, the coaches, the referees, the owners, the skill, the destruction - offers countless objects. The experience of the game is an engagement with internal objects - masculinity, protection, fathers, teachers, loss of power, winning, losing, bad calls, injustice, governments, rules, restrictions. The list is virtually endless.

There exists an intense relationship between the internalized objects and the fan, and an opportunity to identify with an idealized version of the other and the self (Klein, 1975).

Football as Fantasies Fulfilled In Kleinian terms, fantasy is the central organizer of experience (Spillius, 2001). Fans have become fully engaged with football. There are even fantasy football leagues. Football offers

55 spectators the opportunity to focus entirely on winning, losing, and destruction of the other in order to escape the troubles of the day. Parts of the self are deposited into football and are aimed at articulating parts of the self. Fans can project their own fantasies of the self into the game.

They can be the winner. They can be triumphant. They can be victorious. They can have strength, be skillful, and achieve greatness. Football also offers the fantasy of omnipotent control and a connection to power that helps defend against an internal reality of lack of control and powerlessness. The liveliness of football and the connections of fandom also provide avenues to counter internal experience and thus deny feelings of deadness and disconnection. The fantasy extends to business off the field in terms of lending to an appearance of equity with high salaries for both Black and White players. High salaries playing into the American Dream fantasy and the fantasy that the NFL is taking care of the players. All of these areas of identification with the team become introjected into the self. And the more fans identify with the team, the less fans question issues regarding race, injury, and finances.

Football as a Projection Football could be seen as a protection against psychic fragmentation as it is a place to project out aggression. Anger and upset can be split off and projected onto players, referees, and coaches. Football makes order out of chaos by receiving the projected out self-punishment, depression, despair, and personal aggression. These states are projected out without any need to repair. There is clarity and safety in the clear win/lose of a game, the good/bad made clear in a rivalry, and the idealization of players. According to Klein, releasing of hatred in unbounded and

56 hurtful ways is scary. Football provides that release with seemingly no consequences for the viewer (Klein, 1975).

Football season is the embodiment of Paranoid Schizoid position, bounded by game time, and hopefully not carried over to other parts of life. Football season fits with people flowing in and out, through Paranoid Schizoid and to depressive position. Klein depathologized aggression, but it becomes a problem when split off and the sense of the pain of hurting someone else is lost.

Football fulfills the fantasy of aggression without reparation, as it allows the spectator to be unapologetically schizoid. Football could be seen as a protection against psychic fragmentation, as it is a place to safely project out aggression.

Being of Two Minds The particular psychoanalytic construct that this research is most concerned with exploring is the human defense of holding two opposing thoughts or beliefs at the same time.

Believing one thing, and taking actions that seem in opposition to that belief. This defense is particularly compelling when the belief reflects a core value. “The ego is not overwhelmed or fragmented by the force of trauma, but rather opts to split itself to avoid repression and the prohibitions that repression entails. One may say perhaps that while in the dissociative type of splitting reality imposes a split on the ego, in the disavowal type the ego splits reality (which involves a split of the ego). Second, in the case of splitting as disavowal, Freud clearly states that it is not based on repression; it is, rather, a special kind of mechanism or process (whereas in dissociative splitting it would seem that repression could be involved). Finally, in splitting as

57 disavowal the split is expressed in the presence of opposing attitudes in regard to specific facts, it is not a split of psychic groups, of personalities” (Blass, 2015, p. 129).

The human mind has ability to split off parts of experience from stated values and priorities, and behave in ways that are seemingly in direct contradiction to those values. People can deny or disavowal parts of themselves as defensive operations against feeling guilt, shame, and overwhelming feelings of responsibility. People are able to reconfigure thoughts and beliefs in ways that defy logic and linear understating in order to develop a justification that coincides with desire, in spite of evidence to the contrary. In order for the guilty pleasure of watching the brutality of the sport of football, with a backdrop of founded allegations of racist conduct as well as the knowledge of severe head injuries and financial inequities, the persons who support racial justice and question the long arm of foundational capitalist inequities employ the defense mechanism of denial and disavowal to keep their pleasure alive.

It is often easier to see the origins of the day-to-day ways people employ defense mechanisms in more extreme types of human behavior. Arnold Goldberg wrote extensively on the vertical split, which explores stark examples of the human tendency to hold divergent parts of themselves.

58 Chapter 3 Methodology Introduction This chapter restates the purpose of this study and the research questions being explored.

Additionally, this chapter describes the research methodology based on Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis, as well as rationale for an IPA design; a description of how participants were selected for the study; a description of the research design; a description of the research sample; methods for data analysis; ethical considerations; limitations and delimitations of the study; and a summary of this chapter.

The purpose of this phenomenological study was to describe how politically left-leaning NFL fans hold race, specific dimensions of brutality, and disparate corporate benefits supported by the use of public funding. The National Football League (NFL) has become of central importance to American culture. The NFL season, recently stretched to seventeen games, claims Sundays, Mondays, and Thursdays as football nights. Whether viewed on TV or seen live and inperson at state-of-the-art stadiums, countless billions of public funding have been and continue to be used to support the 32 franchises that comprise the league (Luther & Davidson, 2020). With rare exception, the teams are owned by the nation’s wealthiest families and individuals. They benefit from federal, state, and local financial enrichments including tax levies, grants, and preferred financing backed by government entities. And yet, there have been multiple allegations and founded claims against the NFL for formal and informal institutionalized racism (Canada & Carter, 2021). Additionally, the sport of American football is extraordinarily brutal, causing

59 irreparable harm to the brains and bodies of the men who play the sport (Funk, 2019). Given the population of players and their socio-economic background coming into the sport, as well as the young age at which they must commit to the sport to be successful, there arises issues of consent as well as state-sponsored brutality given the teams’ use of public funding (Truman, 2017).

These core issues of concern were explored through the following research questions: a. What conscious positions and unconscious feelings do NFL fans have regarding race? b. What conscious positions and unconscious feelings do NFL fans have regarding the long-term physical impact on men who play football at the professional level, specifically as related to traumatic brain injury, and how (if at all) do fans’ connect this to race? c. What conscious positions and unconscious feelings do NFL fans have about the use of public funds to financially support the Uber-wealthy owners of NFL franchises, and how (if at all) do fans’ connect this to race?

What follows is a description of and a rationale for the research design and the methodological approach to gathering meaningful data to effectively answer the research questions. Additionally, I will describe the ways the participants were selected, how the data was collected, and how the data was analyzed.

Rationale for a Qualitative Design This study calls for a qualitative design because I, the researcher, have a strong opinion on the topic and needed a methodology that incorporates a process that allows and accounts for researcher bias. This inquiry began as a personal struggle. I am a social worker, trained in the

60 activist mold of the University of Chicago’s School of Service Administration.4 My training brought forth a recognition of the social, emotional, and economic impacts of racial injustice and inequity in the United States. Further, I am not one who consciously enjoys and embraces violence and brutality. I enjoy a good action movie; but I also question why graphic sex in movies is not ok, but violence, destruction, and body dismemberment are standard fare in Hollywood productions and thus movie cinemas across the US. Additionally, I personally challenge the socio-economic structure of a quasi-free market economy that serves to create tremendous economic inequity; as well as the social structure that appears to normalize support of the wealthy through public financing of stadiums, but scorns welfare structures for the financially disadvantaged. In spite of my personal socio-economic views, I love football. I love the strategy, the physical engagement of the players, and observing the interactions of men on the field performing at the highest level of sport. I am fascinated by the highly attuned and synchronized mental and physical engagement of their bodies and minds. As a kid who grew up in Baltimore City, I was captivated by the seeming racial harmony on the field and I fantasized about their locker room friendships and camaraderie. As I watch now, I am aware of both my joy and my guilt. And I wondered if others who watch the sport and love the sport share any of the same conscious and unconscious feelings.

As a researcher, I clearly had a bias in this research. I was hoping that I am not alone in my struggle of both loving this game and feeling self-conscious and guilty about my engagement with it. In order to be able to account for this fundamental bias, I needed a methodology that The University of Chicago has recently renamed the School of Social Administration to be the Crown Family School of Social Work, Policy, and Practice. This name change is reflects a donation of over $75 million dollars to the School of Social Work.

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61 allowed space for my personal views and provided a means by which I could actively address those views. Additionally, by virtue of the type of information I sought to discover and engage, the sample size needed to be small. I sought to engage very personally with subjects to uncover their conscious and unconscious feelings relative to football, race, brutality, and public funding. I sought to explore their subjective experience and provide thick description of their experience.

The small sample size, the extended interview times and frequency, and the informal nature of this topic allowed me access to people’s views on this multidimensional subject.

A qualitative design rather than a quantitative design was most fitting because I sought sentiments and feelings that can only be explored through extended conversation and engagement. Rather than a survey, interviews of individual fans over several hours and several interactions yielded the kind of data that I sought. A quantitative study would have required a broad number of participants, which would not have been impossible to gather; and doing indepth interviews with a broad number of participants would have been costly and taken years to gather and analyze which would have brought us outside the scope of the dissertation endeavor.

There exists no theory that defines the experience of NFL fans. And while NFL fans have been surveyed on their sentiments regarding workplace activism after Colin Kaepernick took a knee in protest of police brutality (Belson, K. 2017, Bondy, S. 2016, Clarke, L., and M. Maske.

2018, Houghteling, C., & Dantzler, P. A. 2019), there does not exist any literature that explores more broadly the foundational experience of NFL fans regarding race, brutality, and use of public funds to enrich the uber-wealthy. There simply exists no data on these topics relative to the NFL fan.

62 This study called for a qualitative design because the research questions are rooted in a transformative social constructionist (Gadamer, 1985) world view for which a qualitative design allows. Individuals each have their own sense of what constitutes reality and what is meaningful to them. Football itself is valued as a result of social construct, rather than having inherent value.

Given the current state of the literature; the need to account for researcher bias; the lack of broad-based theory that helps us understand how NFL fans hold race, equality, human brutality, and capitalist structures; the type of information sought, including the desire to provide a thick description of participants’ subjective experience; and the grounding in a transformative social constructionist world view, I used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis based on the work of Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022).

Rationale for Specific Methodology I was interested in engaging with individuals to get a deep sense of their thoughts, feelings, and opinions on how football connects to race, traumatic brain injury, and public resource distributions to private entities owned by wealthy individuals and families. To do this required a research methodology that both allowed for extended interviews and provided structured ways to engage with and analyze the data that those interviews provided.

The latent and manifest content of the data provided through interviews was analyzed and processed using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) in an effort to identify dominant themes among the sample. Implicit and explicit content of the interview data was evaluated to better understand the lived experience of the study participants on an individual and detailed basis. The hermeneutical approach of IPA is founded on philosophies of inquiry that are concerned with the lived experience of humans and how these experiences come to be

63 represented in the human mind and how these are interconnected and have multiple dimensions of influence. The writings of Sartre, Gadamer, Heidegger, and Husserl are foundational to IPA, highlighting human consciousness, human experiences, and the power of reflecting on those experiences. Further, a method that allows for the influences of the researcher is another important part of why the particular methodological approach of IPA was determined to be wellsuited for this study. How I relate to the experiences being explored very deeply, and having the space to call out, define, and explore those experiences was foundational to the validity of this study. This topic matters to me as a researcher and as a person. IPA allows for and recognizes as essential the richness of the intersubjectivity between researcher and participant, as well as the influence of researcher as foundational to the process of qualitative research (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, p. 6-33).

IPA is concerned with cognition and how people make meaning of their experience and is associated with “the most basic pre-reflective features of experience” (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, p.134). I suspected football fans have thoughts, feelings, and concerns about the major areas of exploration of this study, even if on an exclusively unconscious level. What I was less sure about was whether or not they have ever put words on these thoughts, feelings, and concerns. In other words, had these football fans consciously reflected on these topics? The structure of IPA is an effective methodological structure to explore the data that came from the interviews, including “pre-reflective and reflective activity” of the fan who holds their own experiences and shares it with the researcher (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, p.135).

Further, for people who love football, it is generally important to them. “Phenomenology is also interested in those experiences that register as significant for the participant, those which

64 become ‘an experience’ of importance rather than remain just an ‘experience’” (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, p.134). Football doesn’t matter to everyone; but to football fans, it matters a lot. And issues that surround the consumption of football are ripe with potential engagement on a multitude of levels. The ability to express interest and the importance of the shared experience is one of both mutual respect and one of human connection that the IPA structure allows for and capitalizes on to maximize data collection and reliability.

Another important element that made IPA a solid methodological choice is how it allows the research to connect narrative data to psychological theory (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, p.

134). One of the major contributions this study hopes to make is to add to the dimension and depth of psychoanalytic theory in ways that inform an understanding of this topic.

Research Sample The sample of participants are 10 people who self-identify as avid football fans and who identify as left of center politically. The only two inclusion criteria were that the participants must be engaged with football and their political identification must be left of center. Exclusion criteria included disliking or not caring about football and identifying as conservative or right leaning politically. In determining exclusion and inclusion criteria, many avenues of research became clear, including seeking out people who consciously made a choice to disengage from the world of NFL football due to the league’s problems with race, the prevalence of traumatic brain injury, and/or disagreement with the use of public funds to enrich team owners. This would be an interesting study as well. I chose not to go that route given my assumption that finding subjects would be more challenging.

My method of sampling was to communicate to my friends and colleagues the nature of

65 my dissertation research. Many of those people offered to query the football fans in their lives to see if they would be willing to participate in this study. Snowballing and referral provided a significant number of people to pre-screen. The gathered prospects were emailed to make a formal request and offer a brief and simple questionnaire to determine eligibility (please see appendix A).

Gender, age, and race data were gathered in the initial screening. No incentive to participate was offered, although a gift was given after the study concluded to show respect for the participants’ investment of time and interest in the project.

Research Plan and Process The first step was to reach out to colleagues, professors, and friends to gain access to possible participants. I emailed those potential participants, thanked them for their interest in the study, and sent the pre-screen questionnaire. Once the sample of 10 participants was determined to be within the study limits and thus deemed eligible, I sent each participant a consent form to sign via DocuSign and scheduled on-line-with-video interviews. The first interview allowed time to review and explain the consent form. Each particpant signed the consent form and had access to a copy of their signed document via DocuSign. I have signed copies of consent forms for each participant in my research records.

Next, I met with each of the participants over Zoom. Although no sensitive information or experiences were brought to light through my guided inquiry regarding football, I had resources and referrals available in the event that my training as a mental health professional alerted me to some significant sensitivity or concern that would warrant immediate attention. I recorded the interviews using the Zoom app as well as my iPhone voice note app. I used Otter.ai

66 to transcribe the recordings and I manually analyzed the transcripts. In the analysis, I combed the transcripts for broad themes and sub-themes.

Throughout the entire process, I journaled my own thoughts and feelings. I documented questions, concerns, and insights about the research process; important insights gained in consultation with my committee; and thoughts and feelings that came up as a result of engaging with the research participants.

Data Collection Data collection began with the prescreen questionnaire and continued with two roughly 30-60 minute semi-structured, in-depth interviews, that were conducted on Zoom. Please see Appendix A (Pre-screening Questionnaire) and Appendix B (Interview Guide).

Data Analysis Answers to prescreen questions were used to compile demographic data and basic data on self-perception as a football fan. These answers were obtained through email. Participants were interviewed twice. The interview guide (Appendix B) was the foundation of the first round of interviews. The second round interview was used to get clarification on data collected at the first interview and to explore any thoughts or ideas the participants had after experiencing the first interview. Interviews were recorded through Zoom and via iPhone as an extra measure against technical failures. The audio-only recordings were transcribed using Otter.ai. Those transcripts were be complied and analyzed by hand.

Each interview was individually reviewed and analyzed by: 1. Listening to the audio. Reading and re-reading the transcript multiple times.

2. Exploratory noting - taking notes on what came to mind as I listened to the audio and

67 as I read and re-read the transcripts.

3. Constructing experiential statements, grounding groups of statements and ideas 4. Searching for connections across experiential statements.

5. Naming personal experiential themes and consolidating them and organizing them.

6. Working with personal experiential themes to develop group experiential themes across cases.

7. Interpreting the emerging themes in terms of a psychoanalytic lens.

Ethical Considerations While this study was overall a low-risk endeavor in terms of participants’ psychological or physiological vulnerability, whenever one engages with humans regarding topics about which they feel deeply or in which they are deeply invested, one must be sensitive to the aspects of self that may be entangled. With this in mind, I was careful not to shame or to imply a particular “right answer” to any of the questions or areas of inquiry. Further, I simultaneously listened as an excited fellow fan, a careful researcher, and as a mental health clinician. I took care with any vulnerability I perceived. Further, I carefully safe-guarded the data, particularly the audio recordings, and maintained confidentiality at the level that is commensurate with my clinical license. I obtained written informed consent from participants and I repeatedly explained that their participation was voluntary and revokable at any point in the study prior to publication.

Issues of Trustworthiness 1. Credibility - I made clear throughout the study what my biases were. I made every effort to interrogate my thinking, my manner of exploring and engaging with the data, and I made this growth process part of my writing. I kept field notes and journaled

68 throughout the entire process. Much of what was being explored in this study was current and ever-evolving, and events that happened during the time of interviews that directly reflected and/or impacted the foci of this study. I stayed informed and engaged with these events in order to fully engage with the interview participants and keep the research as contemporary and as real-time-relevant as possible. I offered thick and detailed descriptions of participant data in an effort to clearly, accurately, and fully describe their thoughts, feelings, and experiences. Triangulation was not readily available to me given the nature of this study; however, I used peer debriefing to support the accuracy of my reports and conclusions.

2. Dependability - I continually defined and refined my research process throughout this project. I have offered a detailed description of that process. Descriptions of how the study participants were engaged, how the interviews were conducted, and how the data was processed are a foundational part of this final report. Detailed records were maintained from the very beginning and throughout the study, and those records were kept in an orderly, logical manner and every reasonable effort was made to keep the data secure from loss or breach.

3. Transferability - While it is clear that both the small number of study participants and methods of snowballing and referral do not constitute methods that meet the standards of randomized or representative sampling, the methods used here can offer results, insights, and conclusions that could inspire other work using more expansive methods. This study provides thick descriptions of the participants and their thoughts, feelings, and insights so that the results can be meaningful and useful to the reader.

69 What I hope to convey in support of transferability and general relevance to the reader is how the study participants feel about football including their allegiance to the sport, the meaning of their engagement with the sport, and their feelings and thoughts about the specific social and practical concerns that overlap with their love of the game (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2019, p. 202-206).

Limitations and Delimitations Some of the corporate behaviors of the NFL were not equally known to the interviewees and thus lack of knowledge of specific events may have had an influence on fans’ views of race with regard to the NFL. Further, there was disparate knowledge among the interviewees regarding how NFL franchise owners benefit from public funding.

The Role and Background of the Researcher My background is that of a social worker, which by definition is one of social activism, attunement, advocacy, agency, and awareness. This background helped tune me into the multidimensional nature of a social construct such as the importance of NFL football in American culture. I am also a football fan. As kid, the Baltimore Colts were on the TV in the background.

As a high schooler, I attended the Turkey Bowl which showcased hometown rivals. And for the last 30 plus years, I have been a Green Bay Packer fan who has been fortunate enough to make the pilgrimage to Lambeau Field several times, in all kinds of weather. Since I was a teenager at a prep school on scholarship living one block over from the projects in Baltimore City, I have wondered about race, brutality, and all the ways the rich keep getting richer. Football and these

70 social concerns collided in my mind. This study and my interest in this research is the product of my own subjective experience. And the intersectionality as it presents in my life became intertwined with that of those who agreed to be part of this study.

71 Chapter 4 Findings

Reggie: “I was explaining this to my wife who doesn't watch any sports. And she always asked me, why? Who cares? It's just a game. And I'm like, it's not just a game. It's like, this is the Eagles. This is our team. Like, it's who we are. It gives you pride when they win. And of course, you know, you blame others when they lose, but still, it's who we are.”

This study sought to understand the subjective experience of politically progressive NFL fans with regard to race, traumatic brain injury, and the use of public funds to support private business as it relates to NFL football fandom. This study is a qualitative study employing an interpretive phenomenological analysis approach to collect and analyze the data.

Prescreen- Table 1 Participant

NFL Fan?

Engaged 1-5

Devotion 1-5

Conservative to Liberal/ Progressive

Prepandemic Games

Pandemic Games

Post Pandemic Games

Tom

YES

5

5

4

All of them

All of them

All of them

Payton

YES

4

3

4

25

25

25

Frank

YES

5

4

4

Patrick

YES

4

4

4

10-15

Barry

YES

2

2

4

10

10

Arty

YES

4

4

4

32

LT

YES

2

2

4

3-5

Reggie

YES

4

4

3-4

Mimi

YES

4

4

Bart

YES

4

4

36 - 40

Age

Gender

Race

31

Male

White

41

Male

Jewish

36 - 40

36-40

65

Male

White

15-20

15-20

48

Male

White

10

49

Male

White

32

32

43

Female

White

3-5

3-5

57

Female

White

20-30

15-23

15-23

36

Male

Asian

4

All of them

All of them

All of them

62

Female

White

4

50

50

50

35

Male

White

72 The major research questions explored were: How do NFL fans understand race? What conscious positions and unconscious feelings do NFL fans have regarding race? What conscious positions and unconscious feelings do NFL fans have regarding the long-term physical impact on men who play football at the professional level, specifically as related to traumatic brain injury, and how (if at all) do fans connect this to race? What conscious positions and unconscious feelings do NFL fans have about the use of public funds to financially support the Uber-wealthy owners of NFL franchises, and how (if at all) do fans’ connect this to race?

The snowballing technique was used to find left-leaning NFL fans to participate in this study. The researcher contacted colleagues and friends for referrals, and referrals were sought from people who participated in the study. Interested parties were sent a pre-screening questionnaire to determine their self-described degree of fandom and political persuasion.

Informed consent was reviewed and signed during the interview process. The consent form can be found in Appendix C. The data set is comprised of recordings and transcripts of 20 interviews of 10 participants, held from March 25, 2023 through May 11, 2023. Each participant was interviewed twice. The first round of interviews were 45-60 mins each and the second interviews were each 30 minutes or less.

The participants included three cis gendered females and seven cis gendered males. Ages of the participants ranged from 31 to 65. A wide range of professions were represented including attorneys, a clinical psychologist, a dean and professor of physics, a senior radiology technician, a pediatric pharmacist, a senior video producer, a social worker, and an enterprise sales development software manager. One participant identified his race as jewish, eight participants

73 identified their race as White, and one participant identified his race as asian. Please see the chart on pre-screen data on page 71 for more detail.

The major area of interest and investigation was to describe and possibly explain how self-described left-leaning/progressive NFL fans engage with football knowing about the racial implications and the health risks of playing football in the NFL. Free text analysis was used to get a sense of what participants were saying in answer to the open-ended questions asked in each interview. Answers to each of the questions tended to twist and turn and venture into areas of overlap that were repeated throughout each individual interview as well as across interviews.

Because of the tendency of the participant’s to revisit topics addressed in prior questions, analysis of data centered around gathering themes presented throughout the transcripts, rather than presenting the data question by question. This analysis was supported by reviewing field notes and notes taken during multiple re-listening of audio recordings. Initial general themes were identified, then supporting themes were identified and documented through collecting direct quotes and logging the quotes in a table-formatted word document.

Each and every participant was excited to talk about football. Hands down, the fans interviewed for this study love football. These fans also had jam-packed schedules, yet they made time to talk about something that seemed to engage both their mind and their spirit. What follows are the findings from these interviews and the data that supports the findings as mined from the audio recordings and the transcripts of those audio recordings.

Overall, there was a wide range of knowledge among the participants regarding the corporate behavior of the NFL. For example, none of the participants were aware of the founded claims against the NFL regarding race-norming to determine benefits awarded from the fund set

74 up to compensate players for cognitive decline resulting from playing professional football. And while only a few of the participants had a working knowledge of how football stadiums are funded, all of the participants where extensively familiar with Colin Kaepernick, his protest, the reasons for his protests, and the ensuing reaction of the NFL. A bias against human exploitation was also dominant among the interviewees.

Finding #1 The love of football is intimately connected with the interviewees sense of family and personal identity. Whether it is identifying with their family of origin or identifying with their team of allegiance, connections to football run deep. Both watching football as a kid through adulthood, plus the connection through fantasy football with far-away friends, helps keep people connected to each other and the League.

The most prominent theme shared by every participant without exception was the connection of football with family. Every participant talked about how from a very young age, football and the rituals surrounding it - the food, the time together on Sundays, the jerseys, the identification with the local team - was synonymous with family and connection. All of the participants shared fond memories from childhood and football. For these fans, NFL football (along with fantasy football in many cases) was and continues to be a vehicle for connection to family, friends, and community. Most of the participants shared stories connecting football to their families of origin, particularly their fathers. Bart: “I just remember watching it at home with my dad like every Sunday …the earliest games that I can remember are probably third grade because that was the year that the Packers won the Super Bowl against the Patriots and I vaguely remember my feelings and where I was when I watched it because we had a Super Bowl

75 party at my house in our basement. I can still remember the TV that we watched it on. It was one of those flat surface TVs, in a wood box that had a knob on the side and was probably being operated through a cable box.”

For many the interviewees, childhood football stories constituted their very earliest memories: Payton: “I have been a football fan my entire life. Some of my earliest memories from childhood are of the 85 Bears. I was five years old but I remember a record of the Super Bowl shuffle. I remember getting and being disappointed to get a William Perry jersey for Hanukkah.

And growing up with my family, it was always important to my dad that we got together on Sundays and watch football. And so it almost became like, not a religious thing but a holiday in a sense, right? We always got together for a large part of my childhood and even into young adulthood to get together as a family and watch primarily the Bears.”

Many cited the rituals that define the culture of football, including the food, the Sundayafternoons (plus Mondays and Thursdays in some families), the jerseys, and team spirit. For the fans who were interviewed for this study who had children, there was also a legacy quality to passing on the rituals of watching football. One participant described football as having “a homey feel to it,” a feeling that brought her much joy and a very grounded sense of connection to her family as a kid and with her young sons today. Arty: “In my family that I grew up with, my parents would watch football on Sundays. And so it had a nice sense of routine that on Sundays we would go and get certain foods and bring 'em back to the house and my dad and my mom would watch football and were enthusiastic fans. And I was kind of indifferent to it, it was sort of background noise to me. And so I might be reading while they were watching or my mom and I would play cards. But in general it was kind of a homey feel to it […] And then I bought myself

76 a Football for Dummies book. And I got really into trying to understand better what the sport was. And we also started playing fantasy football with friends. So football started to [become] more interesting to me, basically. And so I was more invested in the players and how they were doing. And I would read Monday Morning Quarterback every week, and trying to really be up on the news and the coaches. And so that, at this point, it has that same homey feeling with my kids now, like they'd love Sundays, because it's like, we're watching football, and we have snacks, and they're doing their own thing, but they're in the room.”

Another participant tracked football right alongside her most prominent romantic relationships. Team allegiance was part of those relationships and offered a yardstick to how things change over time, as she finds herself now an avid fan of a former rival team as a consequence of marriage. Another participant connected football to his assimilation to American culture. Born and raised until he was eight years old in the Philippines, football fandom offered a way of being accepted and integrated into his new life as an American. Reggie: “Okay, so I guess it's good to start at the beginning when I became a football fan. So I was born in the Philippines.

And I came to the US when I was eight in Nebraska, which does not have a pro football team.

But we are a big college football state. However, my parents were - they didn't know anything about football. And I became a fan of football because - let me see I came to the US in 1995. And that's when the Nebraska Huskers won the national championship. And I remember if you grew up in a state with no professional team and only a college football its their like life, and everything. College football, or at least football just permeates everything for a good eight months of the year. And at that time, nobody knew about Nebraska except the football team. And that was a great source of pride. And at that time, I'm you know, I was also an immigrant. And I

77 was like, oh, everybody's watching this game. So let me learn it. Let's see what everybody's hype is about because everybody is just watching it and that's all they could talk about. And so I guess it was my gateway to becoming an American.”

Many cited football, particularly fantasy football, as a connector to friends across the miles and over the years, and as the last remaining point of connection to particular groups of lifelong friends. Without exception, the NFL fans interviewed for this study shared a lifelong history and connection with football. Each conveyed a sense of warmth and connection with the rituals and the strong feelings of connection and community. One interviewee shared that while he and his father did not have a great relationship, they connected around football. “You know, my father and I - I had not a great relationship with my father, but that was one area where, you know, there was some bonding, I suppose, sports, we'd watch sports together…NFL was always on on Sundays. You know, I'd always watch one game, two games. I actually loved Monday Night Football growing up with John Madden. I really enjoyed that. More so because it's just like a familiar set of experience. It was something nice to look forward to…one thing that I found like incredibly comforting was those football games, you know, it was strange, because it's a very aggressive sport, you know, but a real warmth to my experience was the idea of going to the games and watching the games and being with other people rooting for the team, and that certainly carried on my adult life. You know, that feeling of inclusiveness.” These are strong ties being formed at the earliest ages. Pulled together with family, identified as an avenue in with dad, reinforced with tasty foods, and flooded with the intense joy and psychological calm that comes from being connected creates strong bonds to whatever makes that happen. In this case, it

78 is a complex, violent, storylines-on-the-sidelines entertainment powerhouse. This is a dynamic that is hard to resist.

Finding #2 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study are uncomfortable with the racial inequities of the NFL. The study participants have a high degree of awareness of when and how people can be marginalized. They are uncomfortable with racial disparities in on-field staffing verses off-field staffing, coaching, and ownership. These fans were attuned to the inequities of American culture and they identified how the racial dynamics of American culture are replicated in the National Football League. Much of this awareness came to light when they were asked about Colin Kaepernick.

Themes in support of Finding #2 The Treatment of and Support for Colin Kaepernick All the participants were strongly in support of Colin Kaepernick and respected his right to protest in the manner in which he did. The interviewees across the board recognized Kaepernick’s protest as peaceful and his use of the platform that he had in the NFL as reasonable. They also agreed that Mr. Kaepernick paid too high a price for his protest. Mimi “He was screwed… he was shunned by every team, he should have been playing all along. It was a scapegoat for what I believe to be, you know, old White men … acting like they were the old time slave owners putting people in their place. You work for us. You do as we say. You do as you're told. You know, they said nothing about Tim Tebow kneeling before every game and saying his prayers, but they had something to say about Kaepernick and his teammates, and

79 anyone White or Black that supported that and kneeled during the national anthem. Kneeling is a sign of respect. Not a sign of, you know, disrespect.”

Many saw what happened to Mr. Kaepernick as a result of his protest as mimicking the larger culture and in that way the events were not exceptional to the study participants given America’s history with race. Payton: “It's the same issue that has existed in this country since its founding, which is that it marginalizes African Americans, and he was treated unfairly over the dumbest thing. It was an appropriate way to protest. I think singing the national anthem before games generally is dumb. And so for this Black man who felt that he needed to speak to the marginalizing, and oppression of Black community, systematic oppression of the Black communities in this country by kneeling seemed like a wonderful way to protest and appropriate and the backlash over it seemed completely uncalled for, but also consistent with how this country has treated Black people since its founding…So the fact that he couldn't get a job does suggest sort of a Blackballing for what seemed a very reasonable protest for a real issue in this country.” Another participant shared his experience of what he witnessed in the south when Kaepernick protested. Frank: (referencing his conservative, right-leaning neighbors’ response to Colin Kaepernick) “a lot of them stopped watching NFL football because they couldn't stand to see the national anthem, on television from any NFL game, without getting extremely upset that somebody would take a knee instead of stand. And while I understand the premise of respecting the flag and respecting what that means, there was even soldiers who understood that these guys were trying to make a stand about what was happening to the Black community. But you're in a very deep red state, you're in a very deep red part of the country, everything down here. And it was just one more reason, in my opinion for them to draw a distinction, to find a way to

80 complain about something that they didn't agree with…that's when people came out of hiding to voice their displeasure, they had a reason to, right? And you can better believe that, that wasn't, that was just the catalyst for them to get to talk about their displeasure about a Black athlete […] we’re in this place where, you know, let's don't talk about what happened anymore. Let's don't talk about the history of slavery, let's don't talk about anything about that might make us feel bad.

So you can imagine they don't want to hear it from the athletes, if they're taking it out of schools or taking it out of the communities.”

One participant shared his experience of Mr. Kaepernick’s resonance with the young African American boys he coached. Tom: “Colin Kaepernick kinda started at all. That seemed to be a pretty big paradigm shift from that season where he started kneeling for the national anthem.

I think he sort of started the conversation […] I think a really powerful moment for me was so when I coached in 2017, which was when Colin Kaepernick and the kneeling started, I was working at a high school as a football coach outside of Boston, and I was supervising the weight room, and a kid left his phone in the weight room. So I turned on the home screen, to see whose it was. And his background was Colin Kaepernick on his knee holding his fist up. And it belonged to a kid who was Black. And I thought that was really powerful and it reached a lot of people, and there were a lot of, at least in my circles, a lot of young Black men or Black boys who were like, yes, like, finally, someone is talking about this, like, finally, this is a big deal that's going on […] we’ve known about this for a while, and we've never had a platform, and we could never tell anybody. But, he's doing how we feel […] I love how it started the conversation.

I like watching the players take a knee. And I think as a side personal, I just love seeing that really right-wing stuck-in-their-ways old White folks get really frustrated and angry over it that

81 makes me kind of happy too […] I’ve worked coaching and what I do now, social work, I've worked with a lot of underprivileged boys of color. And like, even like talking about it gives me goosebumps, just because for the first time in the 80 year history of the game, they had a voice and they could be like that guy's doing what I'm thinking about. And I thought it was really cool.”

Every person interviewed for this study supported Colin Kaepernick, his protest, and his message. And many interviewees were quite passionate and eloquent in their discontent with how Colin Kaepernick was treated. One study particpant chastised the White players for not kneeling with Kaepernick. LT: “I would get very angry when I would see Black teammates kneeling, or even holding a fist up, and White teammates didn't align. And I thought, that to me shows the chasm of race in America as we experience it overall, right now, that level of White supremacy and racism is rampant, particularly in the state I live in […] But I would say with the NFL, I'm most appreciative of players coming out in support of fighting racism, particularly in our police departments. And when it comes to murdering Black men, by any police departments.”

Yet not a single fan interviewed for this study boycotted the NFL in support of this cause.

This despite the level of importance that participants understood these events to have both at the time and in hindsight: Arty: “I probably did things to like, show my support for him at the time… But I don't think that it made me like, not watch the game. I think that was just Yeah, I think I was just mad about it, really.”

MW: “When you were supporting him, what were you supporting?”

82 Arty: “Well, one, what he was protesting against, and two his right to do that. And three, not just his right, but like the privilege he held to being a very visible person who could bring light to something and how, and it wasn't just a right that he had, but almost I don't want to say responsibility, because that's not fair to him. But he was really using his influence for good and to really bring light to something that was important […] a few years later with George Floyd it was like, suddenly, everyone's like, Oh, yeah, this is important. And so I felt really strongly that he was doing something critically important like Rosa Parks level important, right, like civil rights icon kind of level of importance.

And I wish that […] he had gotten picked up by another team. Right? Even now. I'm like, can someone pick him up now you know, and it really does feel like he's been ousted, right? Like on the NFL level, not just from that one team but from the full whole league.

And so it makes me feel bad for him. But more than that, I think that it was remarkable that he was doing it. I think it was amazing that other players kind of took his lead a little bit for a while, you know, and I also understand why players didn't, because they probably felt like there was no point, right, they were sacrificing their own careers and their own reputations, or something that they probably didn't think was actually going to do any good. You know?”

MW: “What did you view his message to be?

Arty: “That police practices toward, when either pulling over or arresting or even interacting with people of color, we're overly aggressive, likely racially biased, and occurring with impunity. And so that's a recipe for for crimes against people and violence against people. And so that's how I saw what he was trying to do.”

The NFL, Race, and Staffing Several participants questioned why staffing off the field did not reflect the racial makeup of on-the-field staff. Fans interviewed for this study noticed the White owners, coaches, and trainers as compared to the largely Black players and took issue with this dynamic in terms of equity. Patrick: “The thing that's most noticeable is that there are essentially no Black head coaches. And I don't know the numbers, but it's got to be something like 60 to 70% of the players are Black. And I know two head coaches are Black. … the idea that somehow, the quarter to a third of the players who are playing now who are White, are better equipped to be head coaches than the two or three times as many Black players seems unreasonable… I noticed that when you

83 don't have Black head coaches, you don't have Black general managers, and certainly don't have Black owners…The noticeable thing to me is in coaching. The Chiefs in particular have a White head coach, who's very good. He's been a head coach in the league for 25 or 30 years, but they have a Black offensive coordinator who hasn't been able to get a head coaching job. And it's kind of like, what's going on? The Chiefs offense has been the best offense in the league for five years, and a lot of that's Patrick Mahomes. But they have an offensive coordinator who's been the offensive coordinator the entire time, and he can't can't get a job. To me it is weird. I don't know maybe he's a terrible interviewer. But I don't know.”

The fans interviewed identified seemingly different standards for White coaches verses Black coaches to remain in the job of head coach. Frank: “Black or White…in my opinion, the difference in the race has nothing to do with winning or losing. But if you watch a team that's losing that has a Black head coach, other than Pittsburgh, they're gone […] they have a very short time frame to be successful” The NFL and its relationship to race reflects society in general The participants were largely in agreement that the way the NFL has handled race with regard to staffing and medical treatment is reflective of American society. The interviewees cited NFL efforts to address racial inequity in hiring practices, such as the Rooney Rule, as inadequate and ineffective. When asked about the End Racism marketing campaign launched by the NFL through putting slogans such as “Choose Love,” “Black Lives Matter,” and “End Hate’ on player helmets and slogans like “End Racism” in the field end zones, the NFL fans interviewed for this study generally questioned the validity and efficacy of these efforts. Many fans saw this campaign as a business move, mirroring American business practices. Tom: “The NFL parallels a

84 lot of our culture where things like race that have sort of been unspoken and sort of swept under the rug for a very long time are coming to light and the NFL was no better off and no worse off than everybody else in things that we took for granted or didn't really realize […] The Rooney rule came out 10 years ago because it seemed at least to me around that time, we're like, oh my gosh, every CEO of the Fortune 500 Company is White and every head coach is White in an industry that's dominated by 85% African American players. So I think they’re about the same as everybody else.”

Still other interviewees expressed concern over the lack of allowance paid for the human needs of the players. Frank: “When I look at their helmets, when I look at the things in the end zone, it’s a step. But part of me thinks it's really sad that you have to do token campaigns to try to overcome something that shouldn't exist. I know that's deep. But that's how I just think about it.

That's the way I feel about the campaign, that we have to raise awareness for human beings that play a sport that we love, as long as they don't upset us with their political needs or views of their life.” One questioned America’s obsession with the Black body and asserted that the racial dynamics of the NFL are a damaging reflection of that obsession. Barry: “This is the society that we live in. In this polarized society, like, if you're a racist, you're not really gonna move off that position by an anti racism campaign… The juxtaposition between the average Black body and these NFL players are not a representation of how normal Black lives are lived in our culture.

And I think it does a significant harm. If this is the only representation of the Black body that most Americans are familiar with, I think it does a significant harm because when you deny the existence of real suffering of the vast, vast majority of Black bodies are in terrible states, so in that sense, it does harm… it's almost two sides of the same coin… either the Black body is

85 worshipped, or it's treated like total garbage, you know, there really isn't a healthy relationship with it in our culture.”

Overall the interviewees had a deep awareness of the multitude of dimensions in play with the NFL with regard to race. Interviewees mentioned Black identity, lack of attention to the humanity of players, America’s obsession with the Black body, the League’s and American society’s desire for Black people to not have needs or opinions, the dynamics of rich/poor exploitation, and the absence of generational wealth in Black America. This participant captures much of what her fellow study participants shared as well. Mimi: “They're the ones getting hurt.

And the upper echelon is just raking in the money. And, I'm glad to see small changes of more Black coaches, head coaches, offensive defensive coaches, but I don't know what the exact percentages, but I'm gonna say, you know, 80 20%, Black to White players? And probably, you know, 5%. Black to White coaches, owners, maybe less than that... Obviously, you know, most coaches are, are pulled from past players or so, why are they still pulling the White players? And I mean, I guess you can go back to general society, they don't have the resources to push for it because the Black community does not have generational wealth, the knowledge or resources, the connections to... I don't know what it is, you know, I kind of hope maybe it's that and it's not asshole Whites just suppressing them.”

Many of those interviewed said that the NFL only puts attention on race when the business side of the decision, rather than the human side, makes the requirement of the next move clear. As described by a core tenet of racial capitalism, the change did not happen until the interests of the dominant view aligned with the interests of the minority view. Arty: “I'm just cynical about it. Right? You know, it feels like too little too late to me, and I don't buy it. And so

86 it feels cynical, it feels honestly, worse than cynical to me, I think, what it is, it's fear based. I think that industries saw the writing on the wall in 2020. That their market base was at risk…I think that they made a decision that the kind of pendulum had gone over to a point where they had to get on board in order to protect their financial interests.”

A couple of the participants saw the end zone campaign, while suspicious, as a step in the right direction. Patrick: “End Racism in the end zone is stupid. But it's also something that nobody would have done - that they wouldn't have done or tolerated in 2017.” And the campaign is seen by some as getting the word out and getting the conversation started. Tom: “End Racism is a little concrete. But there are people that are having conversations that they were not having before. There are people who thought racism wasn't a thing, like there's no segregation, Black people can go to college, there is no racism going on. How do people even say that? But now, there's millions of people who were here and they're now here (gesturing with is hand to show low versus high) so it's something and I think Kaepernick was a big push for that as were some other people.”

Many of the participants have noticed the changes happening at quarterback in terms of hiring practices for that position, although team commentary and press commentary on these changes have not caught up in terms of racial equity. There were also voiced concerns regarding how long this process took to have Black players at quarterback. Patrick: “When I was a kid, there weren't many Black quarterbacks. And… the idea that suddenly, Black guys are good at playing quarterback doesn't make any sense. Like, thats not a thing that would have changed over 30 years. It's like, oh, suddenly, we've noticed that Black men can also play quarterback. It's not like they didn’t develop those skills so much as they were finally allowed to play those

87 positions. And, yeah, I mean, so that's also noticeable. Now at least that ridiculous barrier seems to have been overcome. The last Super Bowl was the first time that two Black quarterbacks played each other in the Super Bowl.”

While there has been a change to include Black athletes at quarterback, one particpant called out the limited, race-based thinking that still exists around assessment and evaluation of African Americans in that leadership role. Tom: “Every time a Black quarterback comes out of college for the draft, the question is always is he a Michael Vick like every time you see a Black quarterback - Do you think he's like Michael Vick? That knee jerk reaction, people come out and say that because he's Black, which must mean he runs, which oh, maybe he's sort of like Michael Vick. You know, it's a gladiator sport. And I think, to the biased untrained eyes that White people kind of look at Black people more as fitting that gladiator role then they would other people.”

Another interviewee called out the not-so-veiled race-based commentary offered by sportscasters. Payton: “If there was a Black quarterback, he was athletic. If there was a White quarterback, he was, you know, smart and had a good field awareness. […] my friends and I will joke about it, because it's sort of when you hear broadcasters talk about it's almost so obvious.

They're really talking about race, how they describe certain players.”

Finding #3 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study identified modern slave/owner dynamics that, from their viewpoint, are mitigated by large paychecks paid to players.

Themes in support of Finding #3 White Owners and Black Bodies

88 Mimi “I know nothing more than old rich White men own the teams and young poor Black men make the money.”

Many of the interviewees expressed concern regarding and discomfort with the optics of the NFL with regard to White team owners profiting off the risky physical labor performed by Black players. Interviewees cited issues pertaining to generational wealth, the inequitable distribution of profits made from the NFL team franchises, dynamics of exploitation, and the physical price paid by mostly Black bodies on the field. Many of the fans likened the dynamics to “modern day slavery.” Independently of the researcher and of each other, all but one participant specifically used the words “slave” and/or “slavery” to describe the racial dynamics of the NFL. These words were never introduced by the researcher. The awareness of this dynamic was uncomfortable for the interviewees. While most interviewees used words like “slavery” and some used words like “exploitation,” many were also quick to point out the financial gains made by the players. However, the connection to wealth and high salaries wasn’t enough to settle the discomfort of the interviewees. Payton: “There have been times in my life where I have thought that it was it felt almost like it's just kind of a sort of a goofy way of phrasing it, but sort of like a modern day slavery. I know that's not the right… You know, I'll have that thought. But then, of course, you realize that these players are making a ton of money.

And so obviously, it's not slavery, right? They're doing very well. But there is in some level with respect to the Black players in the league. There does feel like there's exploitation. And particularly around […] CTE.” Several study participants cited concerns over the optics of White owners and mostly Black players, and made specific reference to a dynamic that seems to survive high salaries.

89 Patrick: “it is stark to me in football and in basketball, especially because the majority of the players in both sports are Black. The owners are predominantly, if not entirely White. That it's uncomfortable. I'm like - that right there. The fact that we call them owners and it's White guys owning teams that are predominantly Black players is uncomfortable. I mean, it's not slavery, very clearly not slavery. It is also however the same economic power structure as slavery, if not the same system because very very clearly paying someone a million dollars is not slavery, but White owners Black players. How it looks and the replaceability of a lot of those Black players, like I was mentioning before guys come into the league they play for, you know, three to five years and then when they want more money or they get injured and then they’re done with them.

Let's bring in more players, the majority of whom will be Black and replaceable. It's the owners that stick around for a long time.”

The awareness of the racial dynamics was consistent across all of the study participants.

Some of their comments communicated an awareness of inequities with regard to generational wealth. Tom: “When I see this wrinkly old White guy go down to the locker room and like dapping up the players and, you know, talking about how much you guys all mean to me, it just seems like a crock. You know, I'm nowhere near that caliber, but if I was an NFL player, I'd be like what’s with this old rich White guy who's great, great grandfather struck oil money and in the early 1900s. And now he's like, coming down and telling me how like, I'm doing such a great job. It seems very inauthentic.”

Many interviewed referenced other master/slave terminology and slave auction structures. Barry: “The billionaires, you know, this is the crown jewel of their holdings, the teams. And in that sense, it seems like sort of a plantation-esque idea, you know, they have

90 control over all these Black bodies… (Referring to the NFL Draft) and then, you know, they call this Black man, this Black kid. And, you know, the deference that he has to have to show to this slave owner. You know, thank you, sir. Thank you, sir. It's all willing volunteer participation. But it's strange…the history of slave ownership, and the continuation of it in our culture.” Across the board, the interviewees took issue with the visuals of White owners and Black players, and the dynamic leaves them feeling unsettled. Payton: “The owner comes down to see the players, it feels like Gladiator, you know, feels like, you know, it feels very patriarchal… it's a class system.

Right? And I don't know, it's a little awkward. Because it does, again, … it does feel a little slavery-ish, in a way, right? It has that vibe to it. It's like all White owners and predominantly Black players, and, you know, and they come and see their team. It's just kind of it's, it's a little weird.”

Players are Replaceable Closely related to the master/slave dynamic, there was a widely held awareness among the interviewees that players, or “pieces” as players are often called particularly during draft season, are replaceable and that the humanity of players is often disregarded. Frank: “To the degree that the NFL looks at their players as their best resource. I almost have to feel like they do, but at the end of the day, I think they just think it's a numbers game. And there'll be somebody else up. This next person up.” This lack of concern for the humanity of the players was one of the most unsettling dynamics for many study participants. Arty: “The thing I think that gives me the most ambivalence is that you have primarily Black players, with primarily White coaches and White owners. And it's a job that is intensely physical and also comes with a high risk of injury. And so there's this potential for these kinds of like, disposable men […]

91 whenever someone gets injured, like a major player, and then they take a shot of the owner, sitting in his box, right? It's always, at least in my mind, there's this assumption that they're like, ‘shoot, there goes $10 million,’ […] they’re like a financial asset to them.” There was also the sentiment that any concern for the players’ physical well-being is largely due to financial interests. Tom: “Coaches and trainers and management what want players to play at all costs.

And I think they sort of push players to play when they're not comfortable, because, you know, they're getting paid the big bucks.”

Finding #4 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study are uncomfortable with the level of physical risk endured by players, particularly as it relates to traumatic brain injury. The interviewees’ discomfort is mitigated by their belief that players know the risks ahead of time and therefore consent to at-will participation. This dynamic is complicated both by a belief in the opportunity of the “golden ticket,” and the lack of real choice in the golden ticket construct.

Themes in support of Finding #4 Football is a Dangerous Game Reggie: “Running backs by the age of 30, they’re basically like 60 year old men. And it's just, I think, because of the physicality of football or the NFL for that matter. It's just, it's just so hard on the body that I do think it is a big, big problem.”

All the participants agreed that American football is an extremely dangerous game. It is a sport that can certainly cause tremendous injury, and that playing the sport involves extraordinary risk. There was also some stated discomfort with the level of injury sustained by players, particularly with regard to traumatic brain injury. LT: “This game paralyzes people, you know, the people playing it know that they're in for potential serious, serious health injuries and

92 risks. And so I think there is an internal struggle around, I want to support my team and I love the game, but that part of it just feels wrong almost… I obviously don't want anyone to have a traumatic brain injury. For me, it's a moral struggle. I watch and it's an exciting game. I'm not interested in people hurting each other.” One particpant disclosed that he stopped watching the NFL due to concerns about TBI. He was embarrassed to report that he returned to watching when his team began performing well. Patrick: “I sort of got to this point with all the head injury stuff where I was just like, you know, … maybe I'm contributing to something I shouldn't be contributing to. And so I more or less stopped watching, including the Chiefs. And then this is the part of this makes me feel like a bad person is that then the Chiefs got good and I was like, Well, okay, I'll watch again. And now I watch unabashedly almost every Chiefs game." Across the board, the level of injury did make the interviewees uncomfortable. Barry: “…the horrible thing that happened on Monday night football this year where the guy had a heart attack, and I was watching that game, as most people probably were. That was pretty upsetting, although for different reasons. But like, these things happen. And, you know… now that brain injuries we see that's a more progressive thing. And that's upsetting when you actually sit and think about it” The concern for the players was mitigated by a belief in the players’ consent LT: “The people playing it know that they're in for potential serious, serious health injuries and risks.”

The concern for players regarding the level and severity of injuries was mitigated by the increased focus on American football and traumatic brain injury (TBI) in the public discourse.

As a result, interviewees feeling badly about the injuries the players endure is now complicated by the players’ consent to play. Patrick: “I felt more tension, I would say with the concussion

93 issues than I have with race issues in the NFL, and I kind of push past that as we've gone further in the direction of everybody having sort of more understanding of what's going on and them making some necessary rule changes to help with it. (And while the) tension has sort of subsided, it's still there every time somebody gets like, badly injured.” Now that more information is available about TBI and specifically Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE), and that TBI and CTE are a prominent part of the public discourse on football, there now exists some kind of consent to play and therefore a de facto assumption of risk to their bodies and their brains. Barry: “It's a violent game, you know, and I don't think people are being forced to put themselves in harm's way. I mean, it's just a violent game and they're getting paid a tremendous amount of money to participate in that game. I think it's more problematic for younger players, you know, at a college levels, at the high school level, it's much more problematic, but the NFL, it's sort of like, some sort of assumption of risk.” Another study particpant compared the NFL players’ decision making to those of athletes in other high-risk sports. Bart: “I also feel that the players are responsible for their decisions to be in the league and play with that risk involved. So just like […] a professional skier should be held responsible for their decision to go skiing, because that's dangerous as well. So if people want to play football and play for the entertainment of somebody, I think that that's their prerogative. Now, if you get to the point of like, is it sick that we watch it and support it? What's the difference between watching football and watching like the gladiators play back in the day like, and they're out there to the death?”

The concern for the players was mitigated by the golden ticket Payton: “…you hear about players who have struggled after their time in the league because of CTE. And it does feel like it is in some regards exploiting underprivileged communities. And so I have that thought but juxtaposed with the fact that for some of

94 these underprivileged communities, it is actually a way out, right? To enrich themselves and enrich their lives. And so I do, I sort of have those mixed feelings about it.”

Large amounts of money paid to athletes coupled with perceived limited opportunities for employment and financial success in African American communities has an impact on how the fans interviewed for this study view race, risk, exploitation, and health, as well as how these fans imagine the thought process to be for African American players. Tom: “I grew up in a mostly White suburb outside of Boston. And there are people I knew who were White, who were like, tremendous, tremendous athletes, one player in particular. He was in the Boston Globe several times for being an excellent basketball player. And he decided he didn't want to play basketball in college, he's like, it's too much work, I'd rather just, you know, party, and, you know, focus on my studies. Whereas, if you're a Black kid, and you're underprivileged in certain neighborhoods, you don't have that choice, if you have the gift, you have to punch your ticket to maybe get a free ride to go to college, or maybe, community college somewhere, and then, you know, make it big and make some money. And that sort of pipeline fuels a league that is predominantly Black men that were underprivileged that grew up in poor neighborhoods. And this massive, trillion dollar industry is built on the backs of these boys who are blessed with talent, and just have to grind away because they didn't have anything else to do.”

Additionally, concerns about the players’ health were further complicated by a calculation the fans believe that African-American players make to play football. According to many of the fans interviewed, Black players can choose to take the gamble: to make lots of money and possibly get injured, or stay in their town and have little opportunity to succeed in a world outside of sports. Frank: “I could put myself in their shoes and think to myself, yeah, I get that I

95 might have this traumatic brain injury that's permanent. But what are my options, right? and I can make millions of dollars and live this exciting existence, or stay in my town, and sort of figure out whatever options they have. And so there is an element of consent, but it's sort of like a catch 22 for some of these players, I would imagine.” Some of those interviewed shared a very clear vision of what they view the prospects of American Black men to be. LT: “We're paying people millions and millions of dollars, we're giving these guys a chance. And in some ways, we're giving people a chance. You know, we're lauding sports over everything else. And we're giving people this opportunity to make multi millions of dollars. And listen, I know a lot of the players who are playing the sport. They're also fighting out of difficult circumstances, which kind of circles back to race, you know? In so many lower socio economic communities, Black people don't have as many opportunities to get out of the situation they're in. And so sports is one way that is always dangled in front of them, and drugs are dangled in front of them. And a clear path to a career in rocket science is not. So when you're looking at the people that are most at risk for these for any kind of injury, you're looking at people who they literally are left with very few choices, and when they, you know, pursue a sport that they have excellence in, they're not going to say no, I'm not interested in playing because I might get a traumatic brain injury. So what are my other options? Let's see… So that part feels like there's some moral injustice.”

Several fans interviewed for this study attempted to describe how they imagined Black athletes thought about risk and reward. Arty: “The beat of getting in the NFL is a little bit of a golden ticket, right? It's like high risk, high reward and, and so like, the idea of, you know, let's like sort of ban football, because it's primarily Black players and White coaches, or White owners, I don't know that that is actually a valuable end. Right? I am wondering, you know, I

96 think it's really important for there to be just way more Black leaders in the industry, right? So coaching positions, General Manager, scouting, all that kind of stuff. So that that becomes more equal. But it's hard for me to say, to imagine a kid who loves sports, and that's gotten a scholarship or gotten into the NFL and probably wouldn't have otherwise, right? It’s hard. You know, I think there is this individual risk reward choice that's happening there that I understand […] A way out for kids who are good athletically and maybe haven’t had the same opportunities.”

In the minds of many interviewees, paying people made it much more complicated and difficult to identify exploitation, favoring a belief that people with money cannot be exploited.

Barry: “In a large sense, it's exploitative of Black people. However, the NFL players are so wealthy, that it's not really exploitative in the sense that these guys are multimillionaires and I understand they're getting injured. And you know, but they are incredibly wealthy. You know, they're paid tremendously high amounts of money. But I do think in general sports is exploitative of Black people. And in the NFL, in particular, because of sort of the violent nature of it. […] I guess that is, it's problematic… I think Black NFL players, their lives are not ruined beyond repair for the most part, you know, they're living quite well, their salaries. It's a tiny percentage of people who play the sport and those that are playing the sport, that's not the lens that I look through, like, Oh, these poor Black men on the field. I don't think of it that way.”

Still other fans interviewed for this study were aware of the golden ticket dynamic and were also aware of their discomfort. The tension is mitigated some, but not entirely. Patrick: “I don't think they do enough for former players with issues. But the NFL has taken steps. And there's a pretty clear knowledge of players going in. It's also for some, you know, especially for

97 some poor families, there are ways in which football feels like their only option. And that is some sort of form of economic coercion that doesn't, that I still feel somewhat complicit in a way that is similar to how I feel about, you know, the military being an option for a lot of families, for a lot of young men from poor backgrounds.”

From these fans’ perspective, the NFL has taken steps to address these injuries and more needs to be done: The fans interviewed for this study had a lot to say about injuries, how the NFL handled those injuries, and what should be done next. One participant called out the NFL’s deception in handling the information related to CTE. Tom: “I think the NFL did a spectacular job of hiding the things that they learned probably 40 years ago about concussions and CTE. And really not letting anybody know. I think it really exploded in 2015, when that movie came out, and sort of opened people's eyes, but for a long time, […] a concussion was synonymous with being knocked unconscious. And now, that's really not the case, you can just sort of hit your head and feel funny. And you know, if that's not taken care of it can be serious down the road.”

All of the NFL fans interviewed for this study agree that the NFL has made changes in recent seasons to improve player health and decrease risk of injury. Most interviewees said the NFL needs to do more and many were particularly concerned with currently retired players.

Frank: “I've watched Frank Wycheck over the last several years almost become unable to speak.

There's a couple of Arkansas football players … that went to the NFL back in the 70s and 80s.

Maybe some in the 90s that are vegetables. So they just got left behind. Just forget them. They never had a chance to get looked after. As I view it today, and you look at some of the premier running backs from the probably the 90's and 2000s, from the Cowboys, Emmitt Smith, people

98 like that. It's sad. Frank Wycheck was trying to drive an awareness here locally, he was on a radio station. So he continued to talk about it. And fast forward […] I think the NFL has been forced to take care of it. And frankly, after all these years, this is the first year the 2022 season, because of the big names that were getting knocked out and going back, that they actually started pulling people out and keeping them out for more than a week. And as a local fan, when somebody would get a concussion, you know, they say, he's not coming back in until he clears protocol.

First time ever. I don't remember this ever happening in the entire existence of the NFL, because now they can't hide from it anymore. They can't not take responsibility anymore. I think the players union, I don't know that they were strong enough to make it happen. Obviously, they fought for it. But I almost liken it to if you send people to war, and they get their leg blown off, you have to take care of those people. If they get PTSD, you have to take care of these people.

The same thing with these hits. People say it was their choice, and they got paid for it. So? You're still making millions and millions. Don't even bring the money thing up. Take care of them… I think it's been a farce…Look, if at the end of the day football players are the most highly paid people in the world. Do I think some of them we paid too much money? Absolutely. That's not the discussion, the discussion is whatever they get paid, if their life quality of life starts ending at 32 years old, that's a problem. And the NFL could have taken more care to get these people out of the game. And let them sit out and let the swelling go down and stop and do tests to make sure they weren't damaging these people.” Like Frank, others interviewed for this study felt the NFL needs to do more for past players.

Many also said it took the NFL too long to make the recent changes. Mimi: “On concussion protocols: I think it took them way too long to do all that. But I think that's it. I don't

99 think that's a Black White thing necessarily. That's just, I mean, I think a lot of it is combating the individual players passion to keep going. I mean a lot of these players come from the inner city.

This is their ticket to get themselves and pull their families up from underneath the systemic suppression in general. And, you know, they'll do anything that they can to keep that going. So I think it's a combination of them finding the balance of when to shut the player down and when to bring the medical team in.”

Like Mimi, other study participants ascribe at least some of the responsibility to the player rather than just the league. LT: “I personally would like to see the game play change in the way that players are less at risk for injuries, things are going to happen. ACLs are going to snap.

You're here in a sports environment, you're going to have injuries, things are going to happen.

But head to head combat, you know, hitting, I don't know why we have to hit anyone that hard.

And I don't I think that's just taught. And the adrenaline gets going. You couldn't stop Lawrence Taylor, you know, he was gonna take you down and he was gonna hit and he was gonna hit hard.

And I know, the idea is, you've got big boys out there, and you got to hit them to take them down. But, you know, there are sort of rules and ways of playing that are there for their own protection. So I'd love to see more, I guess, repercussions for repeat offenders of vicious playing.”

Still others interviewed for this study seemed more resigned to the inevitability of injury no matter what steps were taken by the NFL. Barry: “It's hideous and horrible, but you know, it's a very violent sport. So I don't know how to wrestle with that. And you know, it's like a boxer you know, the point of boxing is to get punched in the head. And in football, it is to hit your opponent as hard as possible to you know… now could you construct the rules a little better?

100 They do - the targeting is more enforced. They're trying to to craft a way to protect player health and concussion protocols. I'm all in support of those but ya know, I know people are going to get injured. I would not want my son playing football.” One said that the game of professional American football is about as safe as it is going to get. Bart: “I really do feel like I've seen players let up in certain situations, more than I've ever seen in my years of watching. […] I don't see how they could make it any safer short of making it a flag football game, or touch football or just ending the league altogether. I feel like it is about as safe as it can get. And I give them credit for making that. But I don't see them ever saying, Hey, we're going to just wrap it up because these players are getting hurt. So I think that they understand that their players are at a risk.”

One fan interviewed for this study directly connected CTE to race. Tom: “White people and Black people are treated differently medically. People who are Black are much less likely to get prescribed medication, they're much less likely to get the treatment they need, they're much less likely to get approved for insurance. So I think that sort of translates to just how the NFL works because even though it's a largely Black league, in terms of players, that's still a White man's world where the doctors are White, and all the owners are White, and the coaches are White and their gripes aren't really being taken seriously. And, you know, the CTE numbers there still is a lot that's unknown. But the vast majority of those players who suffer from it are also African American, because I guess sort of on a micro level, their symptoms aren't taken seriously, or they're not given the best care. So those you know, people of color are still suffering from that much more than White people.”

A couple of participants went so far as to say that the end of football could be on the horizon. One said she would be okay with it, but would enjoy watching until what she believes to

101 be the likely event of the sport ending. Another NFL fan interviewed for this study walked through his awareness of the violent nature of the sport and his discomfort with the level of injuries sustained by the players. Reggie: “I've been thinking about, you know, there may be a time that football - in the future if American football is going to be changed in some way where there might have to be a decision where one day we will have to choose whether do we still want to have this very violent sport? Yes, they wear helmets. Yes, they wear pads, but the injuries still are there. And I do worry about the players because, you know, yeah, they're making millions if they're good, they're very, very good. But once they reach, at least I'm thinking not of the quarterback, but like the running backs, and the ones who are more physical. Once they’ve reached […] 30 it's kind of like I hope they saved that money because then their life is basically just - that’s it. You're retired, your body is shot. If your brain is still there, great. But then you have your knee problems, your joints are not all there. You have lacerated kidneys… all of it is spent trying to heal their bodies, because of all the physical injuries that they have to sustain.

And then now you have to worry about CTE and what happens to you after you leave the game?

And so I do think that is a problem… I am really concerned about it. Because I mean, yeah, I think I'm now at that age where I see these players coming to the NFL and they’re really young kids. They're really, really young. And they’re there for me to spend four hours, five hours of my Sundays enjoying the plays, but then I also have to be mindful that man, they don't like putting their bodies and brains on the line every Sunday. And for that matter every year, just so that I can watch it and I am cognizant of that.”

Finding #5

102 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study are generally not okay with the way private owners of team franchises benefit from public monies and support. Further, those interviewed were generally not comfortable with the distribution of profits benefiting owners long after players’ careers end. The interviewees also recognize the NFL as a profit-making entity that mimics other businesses in the American economy.

Themes in support of Finding #5 The NFL is All About Money Frank: “The NFL only cares about money. And money. And money…The machine is never going to die. Not that I want it to by the way, I mean, I'm just saying it's never gonna stop.”

All the fans interviewed for this study agree that the NFL is in the business of making money and it is a business they do very well. The participants also agree that watching NFL football live and in-person is expensive. Payton: “You know, I sometimes think it's easier, it's a better experience to watch on your couch. But I generally think this is not just specific to football, but attending events has just become astronomical. And it's like you want to go to a football game with your family, it’s gonna cost you $1,000.” Many cited the social divide that is embodied in who can and who cannot attend games due the high cost of admission. LT: “So many of the things that are out you know, entertainment or enjoyment for people is unavailable to certain socio economic regions of socio economic disparity […] it feels like there's an expense on the fans’ part that's seems egregious in some ways, but I don't think about it that often.” And the cost of refreshments at the stadiums was also mentioned. Tom: “There's no reason why a beer needs to be $13 at Gillette Stadium.” And like other forms of sports related entertainment, pro

103 football has gotten expensive to the point of feeling exclusive and exclusionary. Bart: “I feel like it's kind of like an elite. It's almost like a country club to be able to go to a game. You either have to spend a lot of money to go play a round of golf or you have to almost have those tickets like from birth […] With packers games, it's impossible to have season tickets […] it seems like anybody that I know, that has regular tickets comes from a wealthy family. And I think it's kind of like, I mean, it goes along with a lot of things in life.”

These Realities are a Reflection of American Society All of the NFL fans interviewed for this study recognize the connection of the NFL to American capitalism. Arty: “I would prefer lower tickets, but I'm also kind of matter of fact about like, they do what the market can bear because it's a capitalist organization, and it's not intended to be sort of a charity.” And as such, it is reflective of how the economy works. LT: “It's comparative to sort of the 1% of wealth in this country, and … anybody making big decisions at certain levels, and having that opportunity is going to be someone who has a legacy of wealth, or new wealth, but […] someone of color, and there just isn't the same opportunity. You know, and that just it is disturbing. I mean, it's disturbing across all corporations and businesses to me, because it's the highest level of decision and investment and finances. It’s still being run by White men. And that's just the truth across the boards.” And the NFL is reflective of what American cultural priorities are. Barry: “It is ultimately just a game, you know, it doesn't add to sort of human progress or human development in any tangible way. I mean, it's enjoyment, it's entertainment, but it seems way outsized, you know, it's the level of money and then billions. So from a business perspective, to me it's a reflection of the sort of decayed values of this country.”

Team Ownership is a Billionaires’ Club

104 Tom: “It's just a bunch of rich White guys except for the guy in Jacksonville, Kahn. Who just kind of made their money, they bought an NFL team, and now they can just sort of watch the money pile up every Sunday.”

Half of the NFL fans interviewed for this study directly expressed an awareness of the extreme wealth required to own an NFL franchise. Barry: “It's getting creepier and creepier that these massive billionaires paying such exorbitant amounts of money for these teams. I can guess they know how to make money, but it seems crazy. The valuations of these teams just get more and more and more, it kind of seems like a bit of a bubble. And bubbles are never good.” And that these franchises are exceptionally lucrative and benefit from a tax structure that supports the continued accumulation of wealth. Reggie: “You have to be a billionaire of course, and […] this is the tax perspective coming out. When owners buy these teams, there's actually a huge write off for them when they buy these teams. And the weird thing is they can use it to write off other income that they generated in other businesses.”

One study participant expressed distrust regarding the business structure of the NFL. Bart: “I have zero trust that there's nothing shady going on at a billionaire level. Like, I don't think it's like a respectable lemonade stand on the corner that's making money. You know, they sell a cup of lemonade, and everything's fair. I can only imagine the corrupt side of things. And I mean, the only reason anybody buys into a football team is because they want to become richer.

It's always a business decision.”

The NFL is a Business Another theme among study participants is the sense that the NFL is both very profitable and well-run from a business perspective. The NFL is a very successful business. And businesses

105 will do what they need to do and say what they need to say to stay in business. There was some discomfort with the corporate nature of the enterprise. Patrick: “(The NFL) it just prints money, but it's run reasonably well. They know what people like, and they give it to them…Watching football feels like rooting for just the biggest corporate culture. I mean I feel like I'm might as well be watching Ford. Like it's so big and omnipresent […] There are ways in which capitalism works well. And one of them is it incentivizes not being offensive in large structures like this.

There is money to be lost if people like me thought the league was racist, but there's also money to be lost if people think the league is too woke. And so what they want to do is depoliticize the league as much as possible, which is okay. It's just a sport. It's a bunch of big dudes running around with helmets. And like, it's okay, if it's not a political statement all the time. But if it's a political statement […] I don't need it to be a political statement that I do agree with, just not to be something that I don't agree with.”

There was also an acknowledgement of the NFL is just like any other business in a capitalist-structured economy. Arty: “I think it's just an industry like any other industry where they're just trying to make the most money they can through advertising and merchandise and you know, I think that's its primary goal is to make money but I'm also matter of fact about that because we live in a capitalist society where that's every industry’s goal.”

Owners make too much money relative to players.

There was an acknowledgment of and an expressed discomfort with the amount of money team owners make relative to the players on the field. Here too there was a connection made with the optics of and the structure of White owners making money off of Black bodies. Payton: “You've got the owners and you've got the players and it does feel very sort of plantation-ee in a

106 way you know because … they're paying these players a ton of money, but a lot of them don't even know what to do with the money. You hear quite regularly like they spend all the money.

Guys like Warren Sapp comes to mind like I think he was infamously broke after the league and that's not uncommon. And obviously the league and the owners are making relative to what the players are making is significantly a lot more money.” Also, interviewees specifically referenced the longevity of team ownership versus the limited career time of individual football players.

Patrick: “The NFL seems like a really good opportunity for a lot of rich White guys to make billions of dollars by merely owning a team. And, the players do better now, but they still don't make anywhere near the money that they're worth relative - you know if the players went away, football would go away. And so the superstars make money, and the lower level players just sort of get churned in and out.”

Some participants directly referenced the economic structure of the NFL as a reflection of capitalism and the stratification of resources that results. LT: “I don't love a billionaire coach riding on the backs of players….I'm going to see Nick Foles play with the Eagles. I'm not coming to see this billionaire owner and just because he had money. So I'm not interested in him.

These guys have like a certain amount of time to play. And if there's that much money in the game, it needs to be dispersed equitably…as is with the, you know, capitalist society, the billionaires are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer.” And for some interviewees, the reality of financial dynamics within the NFL reflect feelings and observations of the dynamics outside the NFL. Bart: “I know that there's a CEO at my hospital that makes $13 million a year, whatever it is, you know, it's ridiculous. And is he the one that’s saving lives? Is he the one that's cleaning the floors now and what does he do to earn that much money? I don't know. But I just,

107 it's probably not accurate or right. But it's just the way the world runs. And I've kind of just accepted it as that's what it is. That's all I can say about it. I try not to think about it because it's infuriating, but that's just the way it is.”

No to Public Funding of Stadiums Arty: “I don't think we should be using taxpayer money to build stadiums.”

Mimi: “It’d be nice to find a bunch of taxpayers to fund an addition on my house.”

Across the board, the NFL fans who participated in this study thought it was problematic that public funds are used to pay for stadiums. Patrick: “Publicly funded stadiums are terrible.

Like it's, you know, it's generally it's taxes, usually these days. Politically, they've made it work by taxing hotels and out of town guests and […] tourists so that it's very easy to tax people who aren't you. But the idea of billionaire owners using public money to build a stadium that is expressly used for their product is ridiculous. I mean, it doesn't make any sense. And the stadium should be owned and operated by the team. It should be built, owned and operated by the teams.

The teams are the multi billion dollar enterprise that needs them. And they should be funded and operated by the teams. I think that's how they are in the Premier League in England, the teams own and operate the stadiums. And so if they want to giant billion dollar football stadium they have to figure out how to pay for it.” They directly questioned the practice of municipalities supporting the enrichment of private business at the state’s expense and shared their beliefs that the money taken from public sources could be used to support public enrichment endeavors.

Payton: “There was recently with the Bears contemplating moving to Arlington Heights and the fact that they would probably require some state funding, in order for that to get done. I am a little opposed to that. Because, you know, in Illinois, and this is probably applicable to many

108 states, we're not exactly cash rich. And so the fact that we would fund something that then doesn't really go back to the state in any particular way, I think, on a policy perspective, I'm a bit opposed […] to the extent that the owners are benefiting off of certain tax breaks or certain funding from the state, and that they're enriching themselves. And if some of it's not going back to the state, I think I have an issue with that.”

Those interviewed for this study directly questioned the argument that local businesses and local communities benefit from having a team. One particpant also called out franchises that threatened to leave cities when demands for a new stadium are not met. Reggie: “I'm thinking why are taxpayer money going into that if even half of it is being paid by the owners, or the team or whatever, and the other half is coming from taxpayer money, which can be allocated to something more useful. Why? The argument is that, well, you know, we attract tourism to the area, then the team has a lot of workers that works for it. And I guess Reaganomics trickle down effect, though I don't think it really works. Nobody thinks it works anymore. But still, that's the idea. Oh, it's you know, we help out a lot of people in the community and but then at the same time, they make so much money, why can't they just pay for it? […] I have a problem with owners holding cities hostages for not building them the stadium that they want, or else we're just going to leave, take whatever your identity that you attach to this team take it to another city that has more money and can afford to have us. I have a big problem with that.”

There was also a sense communicated that the public is unaware of what happens behind closed doors and outside of the gaze of more global scrutiny. Bart: “I think that there's probably a hell of a lot more that we don't know about on the business side. I can think of it as probably it's probably darn close to the mafia. There's a lot of secrets if I could ever imagine…I've been

109 following the news a little bit with Soldier Field and the politics behind that how Lori Lightfoot was campaigning for Soldier Field to stick around in Chicago and again, I think that there's a lot of shady stuff on the backside of that that leads to these decisions.”

Finding #6 The left-leaning football fans interviewed for this study continue to watch football and report that they experience enjoyment from watching the sport. And while most notice some tension, there is an awareness of needing to set aside what conflicts with the enjoyment of the game. Further, any conflicts that exist have not risen to the point that they would decide not to watch football.

Themes in support of Finding #6 I just enjoy watching the game When asked about a conscious experience of tension between liberal/progressive values and NFL fandom, the participants reported little conflict. For many, watching football is pure relaxation. A struggle exists, but not to the point that any of the participants stopped watching for good. The one person interviewed who at one time did stop watching soon returned when his team began to win. Some said they think there is some possibility football will end, and until that time, they will enjoy it while it lasts. TBI is the reality that gives the participants in this study the most discomfort. And yet, there is still a great deal of accommodation made in the minds of the fans interviewed for this study to allow the enjoyment of the sport to continue. Arty: “Sometimes I drink the Kool Aid of like, they have all of these things in place, these very specialized helmets, it's relatively more rare, they have better concussion protocols like kind of stuff. I think it's because I partly am not interested in the sport as just like a physical sport and

110 more the strategy side of it, that somehow that maybe makes me feel less connected to the physicality of it. But I don't know if that might just be me making this up. I don't really know that I have a justification, except that the sport is played, whether I watch it or not. And it's something I enjoy watching, basically… We worked so hard when we were students it almost feels like a luxury that we have this time now […] I think at some level, I do have this kind of romanticization of it, right? The kind of cool fall day with everyone in your sweaters, and everyone's playing and that kind of thing. That keeps me affectionate toward the sport, even when there's other stuff going on […] this is an odd analogy, but I don't drive an electric car yet.

And at some point, I anticipate that I'll have an electric car, and that's where everything's gonna go. In the meantime, I'm still going to use my SUV… or smoking in restaurants or something like that. You know, that probably this needs to go, right? That this thing needs to just kind of fade away […] And you're gonna enjoy it for as long as possible, right?”

Like this fan, other participants referenced their attraction to the strategy of the game and the complexity of the game. They also expressed an ability to overlook the physicality of the game which allowed them to be entertained by the parts of the game that keep them a fan.

Patrick: “The type of football I like is lots of passing, I like the strategy of football, you know, they're tight. Like, the times I watched football, and I think it really is a good game, because there's so much variety to it in a way that there isn't in other sports. I love basketball. I like baseball, watch a lot of soccer, football is the only one of those sports where each individual - the individual plays could be something so dramatically different as a punt, a kick off, field goal, a pass, a run, all of those things are pretty different. And their fields are big. It involves a lot of guys and a lot of strategy. And that to me is really interesting and fun.”

111 Many fans referenced the relaxing elements of watching NFL football. Bart: “I would rather watch my relaxing sport, like my Sunday, I want to be spent thinking as little as possible.

And so if I can just have it in the center and make this all about football, then I think that I probably enjoy that. Which is so contrary to all the thoughts that you just asked about, and all the questions that you just inquired about, because it's like, that is in the background, and that is going on, and they are leaning towards certain ways, but I try to just focus on the football part of it.”

Progressive values need to be set aside.

Some fans were more in tune with a direct need to set progressive values aside in order to enjoy the game. The physicality and the business side were evidenced as troubling. Reggie: “I love this game. I love watching this game. But like, man, there's a dark side to it. At the price of the entertainment, they're providing us fans, there is a dark side to it. And unfortunately, it's the physical and […] I don't know, if it's enough to move the needle for me to say, Hey, I quit. Well, I'm gonna quit watching football. I'm not gonna be a fan anymore. I don't think it moved that much. But then at the same time, it kind of still brought to the forefront, that this is an ongoing issue. And I don't know, like, how do you reconcile that? Right, like, I don't know…We still watch it even with all the controversy that surrounds the NFL now, I mean, it's a money making machine. Now whether I think that's good or bad, I don't know. I mean, it's a business, and it is what it is. And as an NFL fan, I hate to say it, but I guess I'm supporting that whole thing…I think it hasn't risen to that level where I just feel disgusted and I just cannot bear to watch this anymore. It hasn't really hasn't even risen close to that yet.”

112 Some study participants stated that progressive values need to be set aside in order to enjoy the game, which is an exceptionally well-mastered entertainment product. Payton: “I think sometimes you kind of have to put them aside in a way and just enjoy what the product is. And sometimes certain things happen, where it just like we talked about the owner, you know, where it's just there, and there's some discomfort and maybe some frustration, but I haven't stopped watching.[…] There’s really no other league where like, I'm setting aside time. I love sitting on my couch on Sunday afternoon watching football. It's just it's relaxing. It's enjoyable. There's, you know, the games are always pretty good these days. So, yeah, that's what I would say.”

Some participants stated that watching football is not in conflict with progressive values, although much was referenced that needed to be set aside. Patrick: “Aside from the explicit racism, and then in the names, and sort of traditions of some of the teams. I don't think of the NFL, of watching the NFL is particularly betraying progressive values…it's easier to not feel that tension when you're at home in front of a television and not in the stadium. It's not as obvious from the television … it’s not as big a deal on my couch, watching with the boys… I felt more tension, I would say with a concussion issues that I have with race issues in the NFL, and I kind of push past that as we've gone further in the direction of everybody having sort of more understanding of what's going on and then making some necessary rule changes to help with it.

Tension has sort of subsided, it's still there… so the injury tension, and the specific tension of watching the Chiefs is there, but it's not big enough issue to sort of push me away from it. I mean, the injury stuff kind of pushed me away from it for a while, but then the Chiefs got good and turned me into a hypocrite.” In the end, the enjoyment of the sport holds fans close. Mimi: “I don't I just kind of separate them out. Honestly I guess the enjoyment of the game kind of puts

113 that on a back burner until something happens that you know, is right in my face that you can't ignore it.”

NFL Football as a vehicle for progressive values NFL Football may even be a vehicle for progressive values and therefore a salve for any conflict. One participant, a social worker and a high school football coach, offered a view centered on a belief in the character development that comes from playing football. Tom: “If you commit to football either coaching or playing I believe that doors will open for you, you will become a better person, you will see things in a more just and you know, discipline light. I know it's kind of the old adage or like, oh, what has all those life lessons and you know, you'll become a better person but I really do believe that and the kids that I've worked with when they've committed to football they're better men for it and […] college opened doors to better jobs, opened doors to relationships and make better connections. And I mean, again, on one hand, it's superficial like being a fan and playing fantasy football, you know, wearing my patriots jersey, but, I believe in football. It's a powerful vehicle for growth and development and it's a shame that I mean football has got a lot of work to do. Obviously it's not one person but football has a lot of work to do. But it's made a lot of people for the better.”

Noting the socio-economic challenges that the fans interviewed for this study assume NFL players have, particularly the African American NFL players, some fans celebrate the attention brought to racial issues in the league and in America at large. Bart: “The majority of the players in the NFL appear to be Black people. And I think that the NFL is bringing positive attention to it.” And the league is seen as giving African American players an opportunity they

114 would not otherwise have secured. Barry: “I don't really find it as a conflict. I don't. That's why I thought this is an interesting thesis that you're exploring, because I didn't necessarily see it. As you know, I, again, I'm very liberal in my politics and my work in all everything. But yeah, I don't see it as a contradiction. In my fandom, I mean, if anything, sports gives a lot of people that otherwise wouldn't have opportunities, the chance at bettering their lives. And, I know, a lot of African Americans through my life, a lot of athletes that grew up with nothing, and they went to good colleges, they got good degrees, their kids are doing well. And athletics is one venue and I wish there were many, many more, but one venue where underrepresented people can achieve a lot. So in that sense, I don't necessarily buy into the idea that professional sports is an exploitation of the Black body.” And from the perspective of the fans interviews for this study, the NFL is not only a place where African American players can make a fortune, there also exists the opportunity to be more than an athlete through this career. Payton: “There are certainly plenty of Black athletes in the NFL, who are really making good money, and they're, they're becoming more than just NFL players. And they're, I think, helping change how White Americans view Black Americans. I don't necessarily have - I'm trying to think of a specific example. But that, I think, generally it is good for people of all races to see […] oh, it's not just a White guy who's successful.”

One fan sees the NFL as a unifier in terms of race and background. Frank: “Mary we got to take our kids every week during football season to go meet Eddie George, Steve McNair.

Frank Wycheck. The biggest names from those early days. We've got pictures of the kids sitting on their laps, they were so accessible. And it doesn't matter what background you came from. All

115 you had to do is just show up to some little restaurant where they were. And they would just sit there for hours and do autographs and pictures after they do a little 30 or 45 minute radio show.”

Some interviewees once struggled, and now they report putting it out of their mind.

Payton: “I was a little turned off by the League for a little bit and thought maybe I wasn't not going to enjoy the sport as much. But of late, you know, I don't think about it as much. Because it's such a good product…I think sometimes you kind of have to put them aside in a way and just enjoy what the product is. And sometimes certain things happen… there’s some discomfort and maybe some frustration, but I haven't stopped watching. So … I don't know, I mean, maybe this is what you're trying to get at. The NFL is enriching, I think, to Black communities in ways and so it's not like it's a pure evil. It isn't slavery right? And so I think there's probably some good coming from that. You hear about […] certain athletes going back to their hometowns and really making a difference. And they're able to do that because of the NFL because we have this product that is so valuable and brings so much money that that can happen.”

One participant reported just not caring about anything beyond the enjoyment of the game given that, from his perspective, no avenues exist for him to manifest change in the NFL: MW “So if you feel tension there, you mediate that tension by looking at it more multi dimensionally, kind of finding the sort of prosocial parts of it.”

Payton: “Yeah, and to some degree, candidly, just maybe not caring, right? Like what am I going to do?”

The following exchange sums up the process that seems to be alive within the progressive, left-leaning NFL fans interviewed for this study: Frank: “I'm in business and I learned a long long time ago not to mix business and politics. It's almost how you learn to live around here. You know. I hope that doesn't sound bad, but it's kind of like you just you get by you deal with it? And so you just

116 accept it and you get out of the game what you want to get out of it. So I, you know, if I stay out of politics of that, and I just go enjoy the game. I love the NFL. Does that make sense?”

MW “Yeah. If you keep that on sort of one side of your life or your brain, then,” Frank: “Right” MW “Right. And football on the other.”

Frank: “Correct.”

Conclusions: The NFL fans interviewed for this study have a developed awareness of the racial dynamics both inside the NFL and in American culture. This was evident in the discussions had with interviewees regarding Colin Kaepernick’s protests against racial inequity and injustice, the NFL’s subsequent treatment of Mr. Kaepernick, and the NFL’s recently enacted marketing campaign against racism. It was also apparent in their discussion of player injuries and the hiring practices of the NFL. These NFL fans were also deeply impacted by the prevalence of injury in the NFL, particularly TBI and CTE. And while all the study participants expressed unsettled feelings with regard to the high risk and severity of injury to players, the vast majority of study participants did not specifically connect the NFL’s treatment of TBI and CTE to race.

The fans interviewed for this study expressed opposition to the use of public funds to build stadiums based on sentiments of inequity and unfairness. None of the fans connected this use of public funds to race.

117 Overall, the progressive NFL fans interviewed for this study stated, when asked directly, that they experience little to no conflict with their progressive values and being a fan of the NFL. And any conflict that they were consciously aware of could be mitigated by player salaries, the players’ informed consent, the players’ assumption of risk, and the phenomenon of the golden ticket. However, a review of the data suggests the participants experience unconscious conflict about these matters. Seeing Black players in the role of quarterback, paying athletes high salaries relative to the man on the street, increased public awareness of the likelihood of traumatic brain injury, and the belief in the golden ticket are all ways in which the minds of the study participants soothe the concerns over racial inequity in hiring, the exploitation of Black bodies to create wealth for a few White wealthy franchise owners, and the high incidence of catastrophic brain injury. Further, there is an embedded attachment that starts young and is reinforced by the warmth of feeling connected, which also serves to mitigate conscious conflict. Yet these fantasies and even the intense power of childhood attachment cannot soothe the conflict on a unconscious level. These justifications or fantasies coupled with the intense power of attachment do help fuel the split and allow fans to keep watching; but the fantasies are not powerful enough to wash away all the unsettled feelings shared in the data of this study.

118 Chapter 5 Discussion Study Overview This study was an attempt to describe and offer a psychoanalytic understanding of the lived experience of a group of self-described, left-leaning NFL football fans. Football means a lot to the people interviewed for this study. It is alive for them with connections to family, community, and pure enjoyment. The self-described, left-leaning participants see the challenges of the NFL as a corporation and the sport of American football from a racial equity perspective, from a brain injury perspective, and from a financial perspective. The NFL fans interviewed for this study described in multiple ways a discomfort they feel or have felt with regard to the racial dynamics in the league, particularly around ownership and personnel matters related to coaching and front office staff, and especially with regard to physical consequences endured by the athletes who play this sport. In spite of this deep and intimate level of awareness that suggests that the NFL as a corporation and tackle football as a sport might misalign with core values of the NFL fans interviewed for this study, they still watch the NFL and they still deeply enjoy the experience. They feel unsettled with these realities and they still watch.

Psychoanalytic Themes Football is ripe with dynamics. The play field is a place to work things out in one’s own mind; a place to escape the stressors of modern life; a way to engage with our bodies, either actually or by identification, and to experience or remember what our bodies could do. The strength, the speed, and the strategy pull the observer into the experience of what was or what could be.

119 Several participants explicitly defined the need to hold football and their enjoyment of the sport in one part of their mind and hold anything that might conflict with that enjoyment in the other side of their mind, including and in particular, concern for the physical well-being of players, profit distribution and other financial inequities, and the slave/master vibes implied from the structure of the league. There seemed to be varying levels of cognitive dissonance among the participants as they defensively and unconsciously employed the split between what they know and what they want. One participant was aware of this and spoke to it directly as he reconciled his concerns for the brain health of players with the lure of the winning record of his old favorite team. Another participant who works with indigent clients who routinely experience violence connected his use of the ability to split to how he does his job: “It actually makes my work much harder if I consider the humanity of my clients.”

When asked directly about any tension between progressive values and NFL fandom, a couple of the participants experienced real-time dissociation. When asked how they mediated tension between progressive values and fandom, one particular participant responded in the following way: “How do I mediate that tension... getting into a lot of arguments with people who don't see it the way I do (laughing) I don't know...not arguments, discussions. I don't know I guess in the heat of the game I separate myself from that because I enjoy the game ...I don't... I've lost track of what the exact question was.”

Twice, another participant needed to be reminded of what the study was concerned with exploring. These questions were in addition to the descriptive, informed consent and the lengthy introduction of the elements of the study at the beginning of the first interview. This participant in particular was hyperaware of and sympathetic to the Black experience in America, calling out

120 American cultural captivation with the Black body and specifically noting that we are pulled to denigrate the Black body or herald it. He highlighted the pervasive violence in our culture and pointed out that there are sanctioned forms of violence and criminalized forms of violence.

Allowed forms and disallowed forms - yet all are destructive in measurable ways. His dissociation is evidence of an unconscious effort to separate from the conflict between what he knows versus what he is drawn to enjoy.

When asked directly if their progressive values were in conflict with their fandom, these fans largely stated that there was no conflict. And yet, in a variety of ways throughout our conversations, there indeed is evidence of unconscious conflict. Even when citing the salaries paid to players, there still was voiced discomfort with racial inequities in employment, the severity of injuries, and the inequitable distribution of profits. Applying the psychoanalytic theory of Melanie Klein, perhaps the big salaries paid to the athletes were a type of reparation.

The money is a payment to players to keep a game alive that is a sanctioned space to venture temporarily in the primitive schizoid position. Is this why interviewees cited the high salaries? In order to mitigate the guilt they feel about the destruction of Black bodies in a system of White owners? The money is a way to buy peace with what is happening on the field and in the industry; therefore, the conflict does not get to the level of doing something different. The pleasure of watching the violence and the strategy, the warm feeling of the connection to family and community that is connected to NFL football, and experiencing the pure relaxation of plopping on the couch on Sunday and tuning everything else out is so compelling that remembering that NFL football players are paid high salaries serves to override any potential conflict.

121 Perhaps the most profound revelation this study yielded from a psychoanalytic perspective is what this work says about the unconscious. And the connection of football to childhood and childhood relationships that each one of these participants mentioned. The major psychoanalytic finding in this study is how the connection to family and identity drives the split later on in life. All the participants show both conscious and an unconscious discomfort with how football misaligns with their values as progressives. All the participants also directly reference the connection to family and identity as the powerful source of the connection to the game. These foundational connections to the warmth and acceptance of family are what prove to be unable to be overridden no matter how strong the progressive values might be. It is the connection to family and cultural identity that ultimately yields the defense in the form of splitting. It is psychically unbearable to separate from football as it represents such a foundational connection.

Family and identity become the unconscious hook that makes separating from football a near impossibility. This reality is reinforced by the marketing of the NFL and the dominance of the NFL in American culture, as well as how early in life the marketing impact starts. Wearing the jerseys, the colors, the connection, the identification with the team, your family, and the culture at large, and your family’s connection to the team are all reinforcing and alluring, pulling the fan into the fold from even before any conscious awareness of the connection exists. The effectiveness of the propaganda machine is profound and the power of corporate entities to impact foundations of both social structure and psychological structure is epic. This is the major psychoanalytic action that is alive in this study.

The connection to the system was mentioned by all the participants at one time or another. The system or capitalism or business were all used interchangeably to reference a

122 structure that ostensibly privileges money and a market economy. And yet, most participants directly asked “what would change if I stopped watching? Nothing.” One of the interviewees acknowledged there was tension but declared a sense of powerlessness to make an impact on the way the league runs. “Yeah, and to some degree, candidly, just maybe not caring, right? Like what am I going to do?” And yet, if ours is a true market economy and all the people who felt that the game was too brutal and dangerous to the human brain, or too inequitable to Black players, or centralized too much money in the hands of a very few privileged families actively boycotted the league, there would be a sharp decline in viewership and thus a sharp decline in revenue. Now, this is not to suggest that the people should boycott the league. It only calls into question the thinking process that supports the conclusion that their choices would have no impact on the outcome or - more precisely - the income of the NFL. Why do we think this way?

Is it simply to preserve our pleasures? What pushes a person to act on behalf of their values?

What gets in the way of acting on our values? How do we describe and explain how people respond to and engage with football alongside being aware of the racial implications and the risks of playing? This study suggests that it is the power of the connection to family and to cultural identity that is so strong that it fuels the perception of powerlessness. That this sense of powerlessness is a really a cover in order to not separate from the hook of childhood identification.

Perhaps it is the overriding value of money in our society. The highly publicized huge salaries of the most dominant players seem to temper unsettled feelings regarding equity, race, and high risk of debilitating injury. They are getting paid for it. Further, the money being offered is often to Black players who come from poor communities. This golden-ticket phenomenon is

123 also a salve to the unsettled left-leaning fan. These complications of money, escape, and players’ increased awareness of the risks of the game, help facilitate an already-present human propensity to justify the most primitive desires and to wall off logical reason that could suggest behaviors that are contrary to desire.

Perhaps it is the ability of the human mind to construct a fantasy. According to Freud in Reflections on War and Death, the human mind solves the riddle of what to do when situations go against values but support pleasure with the creation of fantasy and illusion: “Illusions commend themselves to us because they save us pain and allow us to enjoy pleasure instead. We must therefore accept it without complaint when they sometimes collide with a bit of reality against which they are dashed to pieces.” Splitting and rationalization through fantasy are defensive processes unconsciously employed to help the pleasurable activity not fall apart under the scrutiny of the rational mind. Again, the mind works overtime to preserve the connections of childhood. The people interviewed do not want harm to come to the players of this game, and the information they possess regarding the corporate behavior of the NFL is evidence of harm. Yet there is a distance that is maintained in order to preserve the pleasures of being a fan and the connection to personal history.

Many of the interviewees and many people with whom this research was discussed suggested that the NFL is no different from the gladiators. This was offered as evidence that humans have been doing this kind of thing for a long time and therefore, what is the big deal? A little research into the gladiators revealed that many of the gladiators were in in fact slaves or convicts forced to fight in order to live another day. This could be a lack of depth of knowledge regarding the history of the gladiators. Or referencing gladiators could be an example of selective

124 knowledge reflexively employed in support of the fantasy that this sort of thing has been done for ages so it must be ok.

Intelligent, engaged, and compassionate people split. Intelligent, engaged, and compassionate people engage fantasies to preserve parts of their awareness deemed core to their personhood and/or their survival. Humans have to engage in splits and dissociations to satisfy needs to feel calmed and soothed and engaged with their desires, and with sensations that have become synonymous with childhood and comfort. The connections to childhood are intense across the sample. To give up football, to not watch is to leave the connection behind. This is why splitting is happening. The defense is the split - the early childhood is the hook and the foundation. Going to the games, eating the food, being with people they love, feeling connected all speak to the bonds of attachment. Attachment not only has psychological imprints, but also physiological imprints as well. Attachment hormones flood the body and create a sense of wellbeing and comfort. Or - in the words of a participant - a “homey feel.” It is hard to resist this kind of connection. And it is this kind of connection that has the power to fuel a reinterpretation of reality and thus make a split not only possible, but also necessary.

No Negative Case What was unusual about this study was that there was no negative case. Meaning, there was a great deal of consistency across the board of respondents. The criteria that bound this sample was only liberal leanings and active NFL football fandom. There were no age constraints, no socio-economic standards, no race requirements, no gender limits. These were the only two points of connection prior to the study. And yet, the similarity across the sample in terms of apparent values and cultural awareness was striking, as was the need to separate from those

125 values and that awareness in order for the connection to active engagement with football fandom to remain alive and intact.

Thoughts on the Mind of an Athlete If the NFL showed every incoming player a film on traumatic brain injury (TBI), would the players decline the offer to be on the team that drafted them? The NFL may even already have a video like this in place as as part of their on-boarding protocols. And still, the answer is likely no.

And here’s why: one could argue that the players coming into the game already have some measurable brain trauma that could make them less able to make such a decision. Even if they don’t have measurable brain trauma, they do have one brain condition that for sure would keep them from making a decision to save their brain and protect their future well-being and that is youth. In our 20’s and 30’s, humans are much less likely to consider down-the-road consequences. And further, if you take the disposition of a hard-working, driven, successful athlete that has made it to the top of their sport and couple that with American exceptionalism, you are going to be met with a boatload of “not me” energy. The kid watching the video would say, oh that isn’t going to happen to me. Speaking to a friend of a friend who is also a mom of a 6 foot 7 inch football player, she said it would not be her son that gets any kind of severe injury including TBI because since he is so big and strong, no one can take him down. So the boys’ moms might believe it too. And further still there may be some young men who say, I don’t care.

This sport is fun, I love the brotherhood of the team, I love being part of this American institution, I love the money and the fame and the fun and even if you told me for sure that I will die early, have a TBI, be in pain for the rest of my life I am going to say that’s ok because playing this sport at the professional level is truly living.

126 Thoughts on Selection of Interviewees We rarely consider White people as being accountable for their engagement. The fanbase of the NFL is primarily White and their experience of NFL behavior is likely going to be different that of Black fans. The White majority fans occupy a racial caste as privileged watching the destruction of majority Black bodies. And it is important to understand this group given their majority stake as viewers. In this study, Whites are a specimen of observation. And while White people are disproportionately represented in social science research, this exploration is different due to its explicit definition of the power dynamics and for the opportunity to point out disparities between stated values and measurable behavior. This study is contingent on the White fanbase as a de facto power holder in the dynamic as consumer vs consumed in terms of what is watched. We would expect an entirely different analysis and subjective experience of Black fans.

Trying to figure out how both White and Black fans feel about the NFL is fodder for multiple dissertations. This study invites future research of other groups of people who are also involved in this dynamic on a broader scale. The counter argument to this would be to interview Black fans as a function of Critical Race Theory calling for the subjective experience of people of color as a central tenet. Fanon also provides background on the othering, particularly the White gaze.

“Visuality, a concept which describes who is seen and watched in relation to those who do the watching. This process of racialization, particularly in the U.S., identifies Black skin as other, enacting a society in which Whiteness is the normal, accepted, and dominant state of existence.

An oft-cited narrative regarding this racialized experience is Franz Fanon’s description of the visual gaze of Whiteness fixating on the otherness that is Blackness” (Greer, 2020, p.11).

Theoretical Implications

127 The human mind can be split. Many theorists have explored this phenomenon and identified the duality, starting with Klein, Freud, and Bion, and more recently by Donald Meltzer and Otto Kernberg. The findings of this research could extend ideas around splitting, and could suggest implications around causality. The participants’ tendency to split off their values from their behavior relative to the dynamics involving football players suggest implications relative to defensive mechanisms tied to race and human attraction to violence. Further, given the tendency of nearly every single participant to independently and explicitly use language related to master/ slave dynamics suggests an engagement with doer/done-to dynamics. Donald Moss coined the term “Parasitic Whiteness” and speaks to these race-based dynamics explicitly: “The subjectobject world of narcissism, of grandiosity and diminishment, of the Master and the Slave, of the all and the nothing, the highest and the lowest…The subject-object world of perversion: of the user and the used, the person and the thing, the whole and the part, the owner and the owned, the dominator and the dominated” (Moss, 2021, p. 359).

There are particular social constructs that could be an axis of separation of behavior from values. Psychoanalytic theory identifies the dualism. And psychoanalytic theory identifies what drives that duality. Trauma and family dynamics can influence the mind’s tendency to split. The implications of this research could say something about the axis where these theories come apart.

Meaning, while psychoanalytic theory defines the origins of splitting, as well as other mechanisms of defense, as coming from family dynamics, attachment, and the mind’s innate tendency to split and defend, the findings of this research could implicate social constructs as the origins of and driver of the split. For example, the social construct of racial dynamics could help condition the split between values and behavior. Freud wrote about the influence of the group on

128 the individual’s behavior. He said that an individual when influenced by the group could act in opposition to strongly held values. Freud might tether these splits to the group; and is the group adequately theorized? The group is not enough to explain the divergence of behavior and values among fans, nor is it enough to explain the ideas held by the study participants regarding racial dynamics. Race is not a ready identifier in Freud. The findings of this research can serve as a refinement of Freud’s group theory as the social constructs of race influence the football fan even in their own living rooms, separated from the literal groups of fans, but inextricably linked to the dominate racial group as a White spectator. How does the White man identify from the couch?

In other words, the origins of the duality could be socially constructed, originating from socially conditioned and defined constructs such as race and economic relationships including owner and owned; master and slave. More could be said about socially conditioned group divisions.

Further, this research speaks to the power of corporate entities to drive the development of human identity. The NFL has built teams for people to be psychically a part of and to be physically engaged with on a massive scale. The propaganda machine that is American business is a form of social indoctrination, deliberately developing identifications to encourage specific behaviors and insecurities to be soothed by products.

Are the conflicts in our minds mitigated by racial dynamics? Does psychological theory as a whole need to be more fully reexamined to account for race, othering, and the dominance of the White gaze? Is there is longevity to master/slave dynamics in the American mind that has been alluded to by Critical Race Theory, and not explicitly dealt with in psychoanalytic theory?

Further, does the socio-economic construct of American society have a foundational impact beyond American exceptionalism? Meaning, are monetary calculations interchangeable with

129 logic and reason in a capitalist economy? I believe there are economic theories that address this very principle; but where do these dynamics show up in psychoanalytic theory? Does there need to be a set of theoretical constructs specifically for the hyper-material American mind that could possibly believe that suffering does indeed have a price tag? And if so, how do we account for that psychologically? The driver of the bifurcation of the human mind, separating behavior from values, could be material/economic relationships. This is a socially conditioned divergence between behavior and values. We have yet to study the effects of that socially constructed divergence on the psyche.

Clinical Implications Again, the human mind can be split. We can say we want something, value something, long for something, and yet our behavior can be diametrically opposed to stated values and goals.

Awareness of the prevalence of this construct can inform how a clinician engages with the conflict of a patient’s stated desires and values, and presenting behaviors. Exploring all dimensions of conflict that are alive and apparent in a patient’s life is a way to bring unconscious conflict to the fore. It can challenge a patient to find themselves and their defenses in the conflict. Findings from this research provide more evidence that our hobbies are an important part of our psychological make-up, and exploring what those hobbies mean to a patient can reveal a whole host of values and conflicts that are seemingly less loaded than a patient’s personal life. How one identifies with sports, what is meaningful to a patient relative to sports, and what gets enacted for a patient via sports can open up a entire new set of data to explore clinically. The data from this study also serves as a reminder that a patient’s behavior can be diametrically opposed to their stated values.

130 Further, if as this research suggests that we now put a price tag on suffering, where else does suffering have a market value on the micro/individual level? And how does this construct impact the patient who sits in front of the clinician? This study reinforces the value of the social work lens of understanding a person in context, offering more examples of the ways in which macro level dynamics influence both the experience of the patient and the clinician view of the patient. Socially constructed categorizations highlight more dimensions that need attending to by the clinician.

And finally, this study further supports the notion that early experience has a long and far reach into later-in-life behavior. Family connections, feelings of acceptance, and identification with the broader culture can fuel a split strong enough to override core values. Even values that are foundational to one’s self-perception and one’s sense of humanity.

Personal Impact I am a stakeholder because when this study began, I watched football. I wore the jerseys, I pilgrimaged to Lambeau, and paid full attention to what was happening on the field. Now, after nearly two years of researching what happens off the field, as well as engaging with other NFL fans about topics that are foundational to the League, I cannot ignore my discomfort and the incongruence with my fundamental values. Engaging with what happens both on the field and off the field, as well as the realities of the infrastructure and the consequences of the violence made my soul hurt. I certainly do not stand in judgement of those who choose to watch or those who choose to play. And still, I am left with questions: Is this the only way out of destructive environments? And, who has free will in a culture organized around economy, and not human welfare? Choices are by definition limited. I notice that for me personally that my feelings enact

131 a personal engagement with a feeling of responsibility. A respected colleague and friend of mine asked me if I felt guilty about watching football. Initially, I thought that maybe I did feel guilt.

On reflection though, I realize that it is not guilt that I feel, but instead a responsibility to take some kind of action. And what is the action? To not watch? To stay curious about what is getting enacted through this game? Stay amazed by the strategy, the game management, and the athleticism, and disavowal the brutality? I am struggling with it all. Ultimately, as member of this society that runs almost exclusively on economics and material realities, I will choose to direct my dollars elsewhere. I will deeply miss the community, the gamesmanship, and the strategy. I realize the NFL won’t miss my money or my support. And if more people did allow their discomfort to influence their choices, my fantasy is that the money impact would mount and become something professional football would need to address. This supposes that deeply held defenses can be transcended. Further self-reflection reveals that perhaps my ability to even consider separating from football fandom is predicated on the reality that I sought out the grounding of sports on my own. Sports were not a source of connection to my family, but rather a way to make sense of my chaotic world. For me, sports are a connection to childhood as a source of order, group-goals, and togetherness. And so potentially there exists no familial hook or foundational identity connected to football that drives the split between my values and my actions. Perhaps this is why I am able to separate from my fandom. However, I am on the hunt for a new sport.

Future research As information on the actual prevalence of CTE and the origins of CTE being linked to non-concussive brain rattling and head trauma amass, parents are more likely to disallow their

132 children from playing football. Future research is needed on the demographic trends that become more apparent regarding who elects to allow their children to play and the reasons why they allow their children to play. One of the challenges with this study is that the NFL is very effective at controlling the narrative regarding employment practices, actual remedies it offers to players, how it takes care of players regarding healthcare in retirement, race-norming to determine payouts, and percentage of earnings used to play players making the most sacrifice vs the amount of income received by owners. To what degree does the NFL control dissemination of information that casts the league in a negative light? For example, what percentage of people know about race norming? In how many cases filed against the NFL was the verdict sealed?

Given specific information about corporate practices - will people still watch? Given specific information about the prevalence of TBI, the causes of TBI, and the life expectancy of men who play America pro football, will parents still allow their children to play? Will young adult men still choose to play?

And what about the role of American Exceptionalism and the elusive American Dream?

How do these constructs figure into taking risks on an individual level? Further, more research needs to be done on the identity conflicts highlighted in this report. How do sports impact identity? How does sports marketing and attachment to family interconnect? How do business entities conspire to shape our identity as Americans? As team players? As fans? As sons and daughters? As people? And who benefits from these vehicles of acculturation? Can it be transcended? What are the costs to individuals and families?

Research on making all teams publicly held and a direct moneymaker for the state to improve athletics and education programming is also worthy of research, as well as further

133 research on the seduction of children through marketing and advertising as related to sporting events and athletics. And finally, given that the researcher is White, part of what is being evaluated here is White engagement of the Black experience from an outside observer perspective. This is an imprint construct that is reflected in multiple dimensions of social factors including race, socio economic position, and gender. It begs the question of race versus money versus gender in terms of relative value and power. For example, several of the fans interviewed for this study cited huge player salaries as evidence of the absence of exploitation. More research is needed to understand how people think through and weigh out different categories of social demarcation, including gender, financial gains, and race.

A more controversial line of research would be a deeper dive into the racial implications of a largely White audience watching and enjoying the destruction of mostly Black bodies. Is there a racial component to the pleasure of watching? How do fans deal with discrimination and how does it relate to the rest of society? How does the NFL affect attitudes toward people of color? How do fans deal with discrimination in their own psychology? To my surprise and relief, when presenting this data to a multicultural audience, several African American women thanked me for doing this research. They said they have spoken with friends and family about these topics for years, but they felt that could never pursue this kind of research for fear of being accused of “playing the race card.” What other valuable research is being missed due to racial bias and dismissing of Black scholars?

Conclusion This study was an Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis of the lived experience of leftleaning National Football League fans through ten 60-minute, semi-structured interviews, plus

134 ten 20-30 minute follow up interviews. This study is an effort to share the lived experience of left-leaning NFL fans with strong reflective capacity. These particular fans interviewed in this particular way are an example of how the human mind can hold conflicting sets of values, intentions, and interests at the same time. And can carry unconscious conflict when values and behavior conflict but stated awareness reveals no struggle. This study also provides evidence for how connection to family and cultural identity can fuel a split between values and behavior.

135 Appendix A - Recruitment Email

Dear _________, My name is Mary Waldon, LCSW and I am a PhD candidate at the Institute for Clinical Social Work (ICSW) in Chicago, Illinois. I was referred to you by ___________. He/She/They told me that you have a strong interest in football and consider yourself a big NFL fan. I am a fan too and because of that, I am conducting some qualitative research on how NFL fans understand race as part of my PhD dissertation. Are you interested in participating? The first step would be a brief, 10-question pre-screen questionnaire. Ultimately, I will choose 6 people from those who agree to answer the pre-screen questionnaire. At that point, I would meet to conduct two in-depth interviews with each of those six people, exploring race relative to football and fandom. Are you interested?

Thank you so much for your consideration!

Warmly, Mary Waldon, LCSW

136 Appendix B - Informed Consent Script

INFORMED CONSENT SCRIPT:

Thank you so much for your interest in participating in this research project on NFL fans and race. It is important that you know all the dimensions of engaging in this research before you consent to participate. Please be advised that you can withdraw your participation at anytime.

As a reminder, my name is Mary Waldon, LCSW, and I am a PhD candidate at the Institute for Clinical Social Work (ICSW) in Chicago, Illinois. I am working on my PhD in clinical social work and my dissertation research is on the lived experience of self-described NFL fans with regard to race.

The purpose of this research is to gain an in-depth understanding of how NFL fans understand race. I am interested in your thoughts regarding how the NFL conducts itself relative to race, particularly in the areas of employment, traumatic brain injury, and use of public funds. I am interested in how these thoughts interact with your love of professional football.

There will be two in-person or Zoom interviews that will be scheduled at a mutually convenient time and location. The first interview will last no more than 90 minutes and the second interview will last no more than 60 minutes. These interviews will be audio recorded. Those recordings will be securely saved separate from any identifying information. Complete confidentiality will be maintained at all times, with all data being password protected and accessible only by me.

You will be not paid for your participation; and although you may experience excitement or other strong feelings as result of talking about something we both love, there are likely no other known risks or other benefits involved in this study. Your individual privacy will be maintained in all published and written data resulting from the study.

If you have read this form and have decided to participate in this study, please understand your participation is voluntary and you have the right to withdraw your consent or discontinue participation at any time without penalty. You also have the right to refuse to answer any individual question. I will provide you with a copy of this form for your records.

137 Appendix C - Informed Consent Form Institute for Clinical Social Work Research Information and Consent for Participation is Social Behavioral Research NFL Fans’ Perception of Race: A Phenomenological Study I,_____________________________________, acting for myself, agree to take part in the research entitled NFL Fans’ Perception of Race: A Phenomenological Study This work will be carried out by Mary Waldon, LCSW under the supervision of Jennifer Tolleson, PhD. This work is being conducted under the auspices of the Institute for Clinical Social Work; At St. Augustine College, 1345 W. Argyle St., Chicago, IL 60640; (773)935-6500.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to help build a conceptual understanding of how NFL fans perceive and understand race. The results of the research will be used to increase understanding of how people think about race relative to the NFL and to inform further study. Very little is known about this area of study and your participation will contribute to the literature and to growing understanding regarding race and sports fans. Your participation will also support knowledge growth in the area of data analysis from a social work perspective.

Procedures used in the study and duration Participants will complete a brief, pre-screen questionnaire via email. If deemed eligible to participate, the first of two in-person or on-line-with-video (e.g., FaceTime, Zoom, or DOXY) interviews will be scheduled. Those preliminary interviews will last no longer than 90 minutes. There will also be a followup interview lasting no longer than one hour. Before the interviews begin, this Consent Form will be reviewed and signed by you, the research participant.

You may decline to answer any question at any time during either of the interviews. You may also elect to stop the interview at anytime. Both interviews will be recorded. Those recordings will be transcribed by a secure, professional third-party transcription service and analyzed by the Primary Investigator. To ensure your privacy, there will be no use of any identifying information. All data used in the dissertation write-up will be scrubbed of all personal and identifying information.

Benefits There is no direct benefit for you to participate in this study other than the enjoyment you may gain from discussing American football. There is also a benefit to academic literature, as well as our cultural understanding of how sports fans think about race.

Costs There are no monetary costs to participants in the study, although this study does require an investment of two-and-a-half hours over two meetings.

Possible Risks and/or Side Effects Although it is not expected that sensitive information or experiences will be brought to light through guided inquiry regarding football, resources and referrals will be available in the event that the Primary Investigator’s training as a mental health professional alerts her to some significant sensitivity or concern that would warrant immediate attention.

Privacy and Confidentiality

138 The interviews will be held at a mutually agreed upon time on a mutually agreed upon meeting platform (e.g., FaceTime, Zoom, or DOXY). Each participant’s name will be held separate from any and all identifiable recording. Participants’ privacy and the confidentiality of all data/ audio recordings and/or voice data will be held secure on a password protected computer accessible only by the Primary Investigator. Identifiable data will be kept separate from the research data and destroyed (e.g., shredding, deleting, erasing) upon completion of the study. None of your identifying information will be made public in any format.

Subject Assurances By signing this consent form, you agree to take part in this study. You have not given up any of your rights or released this institution from responsibility for carelessness.

You may cancel my consent and refuse to continue in this study at any time without penalty or loss of benefits. Your relationship with the staff of ICSW will not be affected in any way, now or in the future, if you refuse to take part, or if you begin the study and then withdraw.

If you have any questions about the research methods, you can contact Mary Waldon, LCSW at 847-306-0268 / mwaldon@icsw.edu or Jennifer Tolleson, PhD at 312-342-3184 / jtolleson@icsw.edu.

If you have any questions about your rights as a research subject, you may contact Dr. John Ridings, Chair of Institutional Review Board; the Institute for Clinical Social Work; At St. Augustine College, 1345 W. Argyle St., Chicago, IL 60640; (773)935-6500.; irbchair@icsw.edu.

Signatures For the Participant I have read this consent form and I agree to take part in this study as it is explained in this consent form: Participant Name (please print): ___________________________________ Participant Signature:__________________________________________ Date: _____________ 1. Would you like a summary of the results of this study?

Yes: ____ No: ____ For the Primary Researcher I certify that I have explained the research to _________________________ and believe that they understand and that they have agreed to participate freely. I agree to answer any additional questions when they arise during the research or afterward.

Researcher Name (please print): ___________________________________ Researcher Signature:__________________________________________ Date: _____________

139 Appendix D: PreScreen Questionnaire Prescreen Questions (administered via email) 1) Do you consider yourself an NFL football fan? YES or NO 2) On a scale of 1 to 5, how would you rate yourself as a football fan in terms of engagement with the sport, with 1 being least engaged and 5 being the most engaged?

3) On a scale of 1 to 5, how would you rate yourself as a football fan in terms of devotion and excitement about the sport of football, with 1 being the least excited and 5 being the most devoted and excited?

4) Pre-pandemic: How many football games did you tend to watch in a given season?

5) Mid-pandemic: How many football games did you tend to watch in a given season?

6) “Post” pandemic: How many football games do intend to watch in a given season?

7) What is your age?

8) How do you identify in terms of gender?

9) How do you identify in terms of race?

10) If selected to be in this study, are you able to commit to two, 90-minute interviews?

140 Appendix E: Interview Guide Interview Guide (used live in the first round of interviews) Script: “Welcome! The Audio recording has started. Thank you so much for your interest in participating in this research study. Your participation is fundamental to our understanding of a minimally studied group of people known as NFL football fans. American Football is a sport that has become more and more popular over the last ten years and as an industry it generates a lot of enthusiasm, revenue, excitement, and plenty of critique as well. I very grateful to you for your willingness to engage with me on a few topics that have connections to American football and the NFL. I am very interested in what you have to say, what you think, and how you feel about the subjects we will explore together.

As we discussed in the review of your consent, I will be audio recording our conversations. There will be no video of our interaction and no physical likeness of you will be used at any time during this study. Your name will be kept separate from any and all interview documents and recordings, you will be known in the study by a name you select. It's important that you're aware you're under no obligation to participate in this study, and that you can decline to participate at any time. I sent you the informed consent, you signed that release, stating that you're willing to participate. But again, if you change your mind at any time during this interview, you can just say I would like not to continue. If you decide you no longer wish to continue, all recordings and records of your participation will be destroyed. The entirety of your participation in this study will be held in the strictest confidence. Today's interview will take no more than 90 minutes. And then we will meet again for an additional 90 minutes within a week or two.

Since I am looking to hear about a topic that is very exciting and important to you, I think it might be helpful or even interesting to know a little bit about me, and why I'm interested in researching this topic.

My name, is Mary Waldon. And I have worked as a psychotherapist/psychiatric social worker since 2003.

And I have been an avid football fan since I was a kid. I don’t want to bias you so I will save my team allegiance until the end of the interviews. The topics that we will explore together today have been on my mind and I deeply curious about how other football fans feel about these topics.

Before we get started, do you have any questions?

141

Ok, let’s get started.”

Interview Guide: 1. Talk to me about your relationship with football. How long have you been a fan? How has your fandom changed over time? What does being a football fan mean to you?

2. How you think about the NFL with regard to race?

3. How would you describe the NFL’s relationship with race?

4. What are you thoughts in terms of the NFL and injuries?

5. How do you think about the NFL with regard to players’ physical health, particularly brain health?

6. How do you understand the NFL from a business perspective?

7. What are your views regarding how stadiums are paid for?

8. What are your thoughts and feelings regarding the relationship between owners and players?

9. What are your thoughts and feelings regarding the relationship between owners and taxpayers/ the cities in which teams reside?

10.What do you know about team ownership?

11. How do you feel about being a fan?

12.What would you like me to know about your relationship to football that we didn’t cover today?

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