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Raising voices for education in Africa

KILLER CHARITIES Together for a Modern Development Philanthropy

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To Abigail Disney who revealed to IDAY the difference between charity and philanthropy , To Hauwa Ibrahim, Sakharov Price 2005, first personality to recognize IDAY’s potential, and To all the members of IDAY’s network who strive for ensuring dignity in the lives of African youth

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Published by IDAY International, aisbl as a public good free of all copyrights. 2017 19 rue des Jambes 1420 Braine-l’Alleud Belgium – Europe Tel : +32 (0) 2 385 44 13 Email : info@iday.org Illustration of the cover : The Extraction of the Stone of Madness by Hieronymus Bosch ca.1494 In reference to comments page 55 Illustration page 31 by Josephine Dalimier Photos source ©IDAY International

IDAY is a member of the Federation of Associations of International Solidarity (FASI)

Acknowledgements : To the Members of the IDAY network who have commented on initial drafts : Noëlle Garcin, Secretary General of IDAY — Audrey Laviolette,

IDAY’s Project Director — Christine van Nieuwenhuyse, Member of the IDAY

Management Committee — Françoise De Keuleneer, Adviser — Brigittte Brogniez,

Graphic Designer — Michel Ducamp, Accountant, Charles Vuylsteke, Consultant and Stéphane Gilbart, Professor, for their careful review of the text and their

valuable advice

Table of Contents

Rwanda, CLADHO training center for domestic workers

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Table of Contents

Foreword Introduction

6 11

Chapter I The African Context

Chapter II Lessons from Foreign Aid Experiences An Undeniable Admission of Failure The Substitution Effect For a Radical Reform of Development Aid From Charity to Development Philanthropy

23 23 27 28 29

Chapter III Reversing the Funnel 1. The Classical Funnel The Basic Principles of the Classical Framework of Development AID The Impact of the Classical Approach The Special Case of Foreign Aid Concentration The Particular Case of Fighting Malaria Caveat 2. The Inversed Funnel The Principles of the Alternative Scheme The Advantages of the New Approach The Obstacles to the New Approach Caveat

33 33 33 36 40 43 46 48 48 50 52 55

Chapter IV IDAY-International’s Approach Operating Principles Achievements Programs Awaiting Financing Collaboration

59 59 62 64 65

Chapter V Recommendations

Chapter VI Conclusions

ANNEXES I. Message of Yaguine & Fodé 78 II. What the Literature says on Developement Aid 80 III. IDAY-International aisbl 100 IV. Support to Domestic Workers 104 V. Education and Health 112 VI. Quality Education of Minors Deprived of Liberty in Africa 116 VII. Education of Young People in Post-Conflict Areas 120 VIII. Measuring the Performance of Education Systems 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY

132

Foreword Foreword

ou are shocked by the heading? Still, it only echoes Aid that kills1 by Brigitte Erler, or Dead Aid by Dambisa Moyo, or Our House is burning in the South by Serge Michailof and Alexis Bonnel2, 3 — or, slightly less aggressively but equally damning, Aid against Development4 by JeanJacques Gabas. These are the headings amongst the most revealing in a long series of writings that unequivocally denounce the failings of foreign aid.

Our world is changing radically and it is therefore no wonder that development philanthropy, i.e. the private giving to poor countries, needs a thorough overhaul as well. Rapid climate changes, growing economic imbalances leading to bulging people movements, financial crises, even changing democratic principles5 are forcing us to reconsider many aspects of the way we lead our lives. Foreign aid has now been disbursed for over 50 years with the declared intention to reduce income disparities between rich and poor countries. While numerous initiatives, private as well as public, have succeeded in improving the lives of a number of individuals, the fact is that foreign aid has failed to globally come close to reduce World income disparities and ensuring a decent life to the multitude, in particular in Sub-Saharan Africa. Charity has now also become the target of serious questioning. Hence, time seems to be ripe to examine together how the donor community can change things around to transform foreign aid – the flagship of international solidarity of our Western World – so that it would indeed reduce poverty in the World. Why additional writing on the aberrations of development aid when numerous qualified writers have, to no avail, tried to convince generous donors to change their approach and take into account past failures?

Tödliche Hilfe, 1985 .See Annex II Dead Aid, 2009. See Annex II 3 Serge Michailof & Alexis Bonnel, Notre maison brûle au sud, 2010 Bibliographic references are given in the text only for those publications not taken up in Annex II 4 L’aide contre le développement, 1987. See Annex II 5 David Van Reybrouck, Against Elections, 2015 1 2

For 5 reasons. First, since Professor Angus Deaton’s work on poverty, lauded by the Nobel Prize for economics in 2015, one can no longer claim to reduce poverty simply with financial aid. On the contrary, and despite the best of intentions, one is led to admit that foreign aid rather tends to impede the fight against poverty. Measuring the performance of aid solely by its volume and in particular the United Nations’ goal to raise the volume of foreign aid from rich countries to 0.7% of their Gross Domestic Product have clearly become pointless as long as aid efficiency has not been raised markedly. Secondly, since 1999, the year of the discovery in the landing gear of an aircraft coming from Africa of the famous Message of Yaguine and Fodé, the two young Guineans who sacrificed themselves to draw the world’s attention to the disastrous fate of African youth, young Africans die by the thousands at our borders in their search for decent living conditions. Foreign aid, generally presented as a means of reducing illegal immigration, in fact may well encourage it. There is an ever more urgent need for those of us who dream of a world with greater justice, to speak out to change things around. Thirdly, because where in the past criticisms of foreign aid mainly addressed official aid, recent reviews suggest that private aid, including remittances from the diaspora, could under certain conditions be equally damaging and contribute to increasing numbers of young Africans risking deadly emigration. Fourthly, new publications reveal that economic development is not just a question of funding, of technology, of trade or of some other elements traditionally designated to explain the gigantic increases of revenues in the West since the 18th century. Instead, it would be more closely linked to the incubation and dissemination of local initiatives emanating from ingenious individuals seeking to improve their local environment. Fighting poverty thus necessarily implies a constructive dialogue between civil society and government and the emergence of a more active participatory democracy to create an environment that encourages individuals to invest in their own future and that of their children. Hence, today, we have a stronger basis for concentrating foreign aid on the creation of a favorable context for the blossoming and dissemination of local initiatives 7

and stimulate a closer collaboration between population and government to facilitate this process. Finally, inadequate publicity seems to have been given to successful initiatives and some of the results achieved by those who already apply the principles of modern development philanthropy. The " IDAY " network in particular seems to deserve further attention as an illustration on how to resolve the multiple and complex issues raised by under-development.

What are the experiences that led to this conclusion and the creation of IDAY? This brochure is the result of the meeting of two experiences. First, those of my personal professional experience of 34 years in development financing : 4 in the field in Sub-Saharan Africa, 8 as a World Bank analyst of projects located in 3 continents and 22 at the European Investment Bank. Most important were the total of 8 years spent in the two banks examining the actual impact of completed projects resulting in the finding that a majority of initiatives ended up failing to achieve the anticipated poverty reduction. This finding was confirmed by extensive reading on development philanthropy. Then, there is the experience of the African organizations with their multiple encounters with foreign donors and their efforts to get their governments to respect the basic human rights of their population and particularly the right to quality basic education. Hence, it is on both theoretical and practical findings that IDAY members seek to obtain the adhesion of donors to improve the efficiency of their development philanthropy and allow more African youth to live a decent life.

IDAY members are well aware that massive emigration from Sub-Saharan Africa is first and foremost the response, possibly redeeming, to vastly divergent population growth rates and the local governments’ lack of respect for basic rights. Local governments carry primary responsibility for this situation. The ensuing general economic conditions, the lack of jobs, and the siphoning abroad of large amounts of funds by way of illicit or legal transfers orchestrated by western and local private companies with the governments’ blessing or active participation, play most probably a determinant role in the decision of young Africans to embark on deadly clandestine emigration attempts which are unworthy of a world pretending to be just and civilized. In this context, foreign aid plays only a secondary role. It is much more the image of foreign aid as a way to reduce these massive migrations that is at stake here and that IDAY feels needs to be corrected.

Jean-Jacques Schul Founder and President of IDAY-International

The purpose of this brochure is primarily to raise donors’ and taxpayers’ awareness in democratic countries of the importance of ensuring that grants towards Sub-Saharan Africa effectively contribute to poverty reduction. What is at stake is not only the fate of Africa, but also of our Western world. If indeed foreign aid fails in creating dignified life conditions at home for young Africans, then the risk of having to face the explosion of what Professor Paul Collier6 calls the socio-economic time bomb, i.e. an African population of several billion people by the end of the century and the hundreds of thousands of migrants per year which this will generate if life conditions in Sub-Saharan Africa do not change quickly.

The Bottom Billion. Why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it, 2007. See Annex II

Introduction Introduction

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" Even if it concentrates on aid from private sources, it also tackles public aid" Students in Kinshasa 10

his brochure describes why foreign aid globally speaking, including grants by private donors, while generous and well-intentioned, does not seem to take into account the subtleties of development philanthropy, and has so far not been successful in reducing poverty in Africa. It then proposes an alternative approach that is currently being tested by the IDAY network. In reaching their conclusions, the authors consider the global performance of various forms of foreign aid, but the recommendations are aimed more specifically at private donors supporting local, national and international Non Governmental Organizations (NGO). Hence the term charities in the title of this brochure targets in this context the private grants. This rather general statement, however, requires some qualification. Even if it concentrates on aid from private sources, it also tackles public aid - i.e. bilateral aid provided by governments and aid granted by international institutions such as the World Bank or the Global Partnership for Education for example – which is globally more harmful and influences the performance of private aid in many respects.

There are manifestly numerous different degrees of effectiveness or ineffectiveness of any foreign aid scheme, to which such a brief note cannot do justice. As one example, aid channeled through governments does not generally comprise the same advantages as do recent initiatives of international and bilateral organizations aimed directly at the private sector, and in particular small enterprises. The latter forms of aid are, to an extent, more akin to the proposals contained in this brochure for working more closely with local institutions and governments as well as with the final beneficiaries of the interventions. The same goes for initiatives by private donors when these ensure that direct interventions in the social field also be effectively supported by the governments in the beneficiary countries. In the same vein, the text here concerns only development aid, not humanitarian aid aimed at assisting populations that have suffered an accidental calamity and for whom substantial outside financial assistance indeed plays a different role. 11

Furthermore, the authors are aware of the wellbeing provided by a number of private donors to the direct beneficiaries of their aid and recognize that private aid comprises numerous exceptions of valid actions benefiting the social sectors in Sub-Saharan Africa. But they believe these instances are rather the exception and that as a whole the private donors could improve the performance of their grants by taking into account the indirect effects of their interventions that are sufficiently harmful to counter-balance the direct benefits from their aid. The authors regret the unavoidable shock that their observations will cause with numerous private donors who support a school, a cooperative or a hospital in Africa and will undoubtedly find it difficult to accept than they are more harmful than useful. Their attitude is a reflection of human and laudable feelings that are generally admired and wholly understandable. Unfortunately, charities towards the Third World are like the old saying that the road to hell is paved with good intentions and too rarely take into account their real global impact. The same applies to the development cooperation budgets of the governments of Northern countries : few taxpayers are concerned about their true impact and this despite 25 years of stringent criticisms by independent evaluators. The aim of this brochure is not criticism per se of past practices; neither is it to " sell " IDAY's merits (IDAY is not the only organization to operate in accordance with the rules of modern development philanthropy). The goal is twofold : (1) create taxe payers's awareness in donor countries of the importance of ensuring that grants towards Sub-Saharan Africa effectively contribute to poverty alleviation, as well as (2) convince private donors to frame their future interventions with the ingredients according to the principles of modern development philanthropy, as they are described in this brochure. The authors believe that the need to make private donors aware of the harmful secondary effects both of their own personal charitable actions, and of the public aid granted by their countries and the international institutions which they finance, justifies the somewhat radical character of this brochure. The lives of too many children and youth are at stake here, and only by way of a fundamental correction of our approach to private aid, just as public aid, can we aim at truly improving their living conditions.

By way of introduction, an additional key aspect of development must be recalled besides the human capital, on which this brochure focuses (civil society, participative democracy, education and health). The mobilization without constraints of domestic savings into productive investments is indeed a key ingredient of the more successful emerging economies. With respect to Africa, the World Council of Credit Unions has on various occasions reported on the vast amounts of capital representing unused volumes of local savings, and how important their mobilization could be if domestic financial intermediation channels were functioning properly. Otherwise, huge amounts of capital have no other outlet than being exported. For IDAY, it must be understood, even without discussing this question in this brochure, that foreign aid that bypasses the financial networks and competes with local savings is just as harmful, because of its displacement effect, as the one that competes with the State education and health services which carry primary responsibility for these basic services towards their population. It must also be noted that the terms donor and aid in this brochure are used in a generic sense, and include sources of grants strictly speaking as well as source of loans, mainly international and bilateral financial institutions. 13

Chapter Chapter II The African Context

The persistence of conditions of extreme poverty and extreme wealth is incompatible with the sustainability of an open World economy

Hauwa Ibrahim, Sakharov Prize 2005 at the IDAY European Parliament conference in June 2006

bout 1.2 billion people live today in Africa, representing the second most populous continent in the World. Population growth at the rate of 2.5% per year in 2015, or twice the average World rate, is expected to drop below 2% by 2050. Despite this drop, the African population will exceed 5.5 billion at the end of the century as indicated in an article of Scientific American of February 2016 (see insert below). Coming back to 2050, 2.7 billion Africans, representing one quarter of the World population, and its youth will supply more than one active person in four, considering the ageing of the rest of humanity. Hence, young Africans will play a determining role in world economic growth. When in 1999, the Message of Yaguine & Fodé was found on the dead bodies of the two young Guineans in the landing gear of a plane coming from Africa at the national airport in Brussels (Annex I), their sacrifice was seen as exceptional. Today, the number of young Sub-Saharan Africans meeting the same fatal end keeps rising and statistics point toward a continuous rise in the number of young Africans who die in the deserts, in East or South Africa and especially in the Mediterranean Sea. Toward 2050, the number of young Africans seeking to emigrate could reach half a million. If economic conditions do not change, this number could rise to 1 million of young Africans wanting to emigrate out of their continent each year.

©IDAY International

The average economic growth rate in Sub-Saharan Africa fell from 5% in the years 2007-2012 to less than 4% over the last 4 years. These rates that seem satisfactory compared to those of the Western World must take into account the starting level of income that is only a fraction of Western income levels and also with the respective demographic growth rates. These rates do not translate into rising income levels per African. On the contrary, they keep decreasing compared to the rest of the World. At the middle of the 20th century, an African worker earned 3 times less than his European colleague. Today, he earns 20 times less. Africa is the only continent where neither the number of poor people nor that of illiterate youngsters decreases. For average income per head to increase in Africa, annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) should rise by say about 7% per year, or 2% more than the average over the last years. It so happens that malaria alone costs Africa 1.5% of annual GDP growth ; hence the relevance of the wider use of the plant Artemisia annua as a way to eradicate the disease as discussed further down. The urge for young Africans to emigrate can also be explained by the natural inclination for people to go where money goes. EURODAD statistics (see insert below) show that for every USD 1 sent to developing countries, more than USD 2 are sent back to the rich countries. As the figures below show, the main outflow is from illicit financial transfers : primarily under arrangements between local officials and private companies to evacuate their income from the export of natural primary products through transfer pricing or tax evasion to tax heavens.

*Source : Report EURODAD

2010 report by Global Financial Integrity (GFI), a Washington-based nonprofit research organization, concluded that the total illicit financial outflows from Africa were anywhere between USD 854 billion and USD 1.8 trillion (no timeframe found, but presumably since the time when most African countries became independent, i.e. over a 50 year period). A 2008 study by the Massachusetts University in Amherst calculated capital flight from 40 African countries over the 35 year period until 2004 to amount to almost double their public debt7. As stated in the Introduction, if domestic financial channels in Africa were functioning properly, these enormous capital outflows would be, for a greater part, channeled into local productive investments. These findings throw further doubts on the validity of foreign aid concentrated in large individual chunks granted to institutions, organizations and enterprises without careful control by local civil society. It would be preferable to spread out aid to small organizations that are deeply imbedded into the local tissue and have a direct interest in investing in the surrounding economy. We shall come back to this issue later as it goes against the current trend of many donors who prefer to concentrate their aid on a limited number of targets. It seems appropriate at this stage to ask the questions : is the distress of African youth of concern to us all and should terrorism preoccupy people in the Western World more than the disrespect of fundamental rights in the Third World? Clearly, the war against poverty is of universal concern. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted by the United Nations in 2015, remind us how much social violence aggravated by deep income disparities between rich and poor affects the whole of humanity. Furthermore, the war on poverty should not be enshrouded into an ideological argument about security : that terrorism is not linked to poverty has been adequately demonstrated8. Doing so would reduce the fight against poverty to an instrument of defense policies, relegating the SDGs backstage. Not only is the fight against poverty and excessive income discrepancies a moral obligation but it is also of general economic interest as demonstrated by the philosopher John Rawls9. Respect of basic human rights, such as

quality basic education and health services, as accepted by all under the United Nations’ Declaration of Human Rights, is in everyone’s interest. The the Nigerian lawyer, Hauwa Ibrahim, Sakharov Prize 2005, confirmed at the IDAY European Parliament conference in June 2006 : The persistence of extreme poverty and extreme wealth is incompatible with the sustainability of an open World economy. The conditions she is referring to in no way justify violence, which at any rate is not of the order in relation to the African youth ; but, despite or precisely because of this, by the same token, they unquestionably condemn indifference. Does the global performance of foreign aid matter for access to quality social services like education and health ? The answer is definitively yes : children from rich families have six times more chances to receive preschool initiation than children from poor families and UNESCO has identified poverty as the main cause of school dropout at primary level in Africa. Hence, before discussing in more detail the intricacies of charity and development philanthropy, let us have a quick look at the impact of foreign aid at large.

Allen Rusbridger, The Hidden Trillions New York Review of Books ; October 27 2016 William Easterly. The War on Terror vs. the War on Poverty The New York Review of Books.Vol. LXIII, N° 18 9 A Theory of Justice (1972). See Annex II 7 8

Total Population 16

Africa Drives Global Population Growth Africa’s population is growing so much faster than expected that the United Nations has revised sharply its medium projection for World population, up from 9,1 billion to the current prediction of 11,2 billion by 2100. Almost all the unanticipated increase comes from Africa (orange), now forecast to reach 3 billion to 6,1 billion people by then. Although the midrange estimate for Asia (thick red line) at that time would still be larger—about 4,9 billion, compared with Africa’s 4,4 billion—Asia’s total would be decreasing, and Africa’s would still be increasing.

If Africa's birth rate stays at its current level (thin orange line), 15,8 billion people would inhabit the continent by 2100 more than twice the World’s population today. Demographers do not expect that to happen, but the projections show how powerfully fertility drives growth. Births continue at today’s rate (constant fertility)

Africa Asia Europe Latin America North America Oceania

Medium projection

Likely population range (low to high)

1950

2000

2015

February 2016 ScientificAmerican.com 20

2050

2100

DRC Kinshasa, Maison d'hébergement et d'éducation des enfants en détresse (MHEED — member of IDAY-DRC) 21

Chapter IIII Chapter Lessons from Foreign Aid Experiences

I have been a member of the Commission on development aid (of the European Parliament) for sufficiently long to know that grants will have a positive effect only if they are integrated into a constructive policy. Otherwise they are a source of corruption and destruction Prince Otto von Habsburg10

An Undeniable Admission of Failure

Students from Bokolisi Domestic Workers Training Center in Kinshasa ©IDAY International

alt Rostow11 has formulated the basic principle according to which foreign aid could – under very specific conditions – contribute to the economic development of poor countries. Economic underdevelopment, however, is a complex phenomenon. As evidence of that, suffice it to note the difficulty encountered by the Western World in sharing with the rest of humanity the riches befalling upon it since the 18th century. More than 50 years of development aid have not succeeded in lessening the deep income gap separating poor and rich countries. This is particularly the case of the poorest countries in Sub-Saharan Africa where a growing part of foreign aid is concentrated. The continuous rise in emigration — all too often deadly — from these countries demonstrates irrefutably, if still needed, the inefficiency of aid bestowed upon them. For Rostow, foreign aid contributes to development only if the recipient country has reached economic takeoff stage and its government demonstrates a real commitment to seek the development of its people. These conditions, however, are rarely in the main aid-recipient countries. That public and private foreign aid, more often than not, fail to contribute to reduce global poverty levels is therefore not surprising. Rostow even fears that whenever foreign capital contributions are made to countries

Translated from Otto von Habsburg, Le nouveau défi européen, Conversation avec Jean-Paul Picaper, Fayard, 2007 11 The Stages of Economic Growth – An Non-Communist Manifesto (1962). See Annex II 10

that do not meet these criteria, they in fact might comfort governments in pursuing their inappropriate policies. Nevertheless, poverty in the World is reported as having dropped spectacularly : according to the United Nations, the number of people living with less than USD 1.25 a day dropped from 1.9 billion in 1990 to 836 million in 2015 which exceeds the Millenium Development Goals (MDG) set 15 years earlier. Similarly, the goal of cutting down by half the number of people suffering from hunger has also nearly been met. In the context of this brochure, it is most important to stress, however, that these results do not at all correspond to the situation in Sub-Saharan Africa. Indeed, they mainly reflect the evolution in Asia where foreign aid rarely reaches 5% of GDP and especially in China, which receives almost no foreign aid whatsoever but opened up its economy to the World market. On the contrary, Africa where foreign aid reaches ratios 2 to 3 times higher (data are not precise) than in Asia – with some countries receiving yearly up to 30% of their GDP in foreign aid, economic growth remains inadequate and the great majority of them have not reached their MDGs. On the whole, living conditions in Sub-Saharan Africa have improved, but remain nevertheless extremely unsatisfactory in comparative terms, as indicated below. On the one hand, according to UNESCO reports12, in Sub-Saharan Africa basic education has experienced the best improvement levels compared to all other continents since the MDGs were established. The Region has reached a 20% higher registration level of students (in the first primary education classes) compared to 8 % between 1990 and 2000. The rate of registration in pre-school initiation classes has risen from 14% to 20% during that period. On the other hand, despite the highest level of foreign aid/GDP, SubSaharan Africa remains the only continent where the number of illiterate youngsters does not decrease. One African primary student out of 3 continues to drop out of school before the end of the cycle. Sub-Saharan Africa continues to register the highest rate of illiteracy in the World (together with Bangladesh in South/West Asia)13,.

12 13

United Nations Report on Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) 2015 UNESCO, UIS Fact Sheet N° 32 Adult and Youth Literacy September 2015 (2013 statistics)

In its report The Learning Generation of January 2017, the International Education Commission indicates that if current trends continue unchanged, 69% of the youth of the World — mainly those in SubSaharan Africa — will remain illiterate. Numerous examples will be found of projects financed by foreign aid that have undoubtedly contributed to the improvement of living conditions of targeted beneficiaries. Quite a number have helped Southern governments develop education systems better adapted to the local needs, have improved professional skills, and have raised the incomes of the recipients of such aid. The impact of these selected financing remains limited, however, generally speaking as well as on the education sector on a global Sub-Saharan African scale, while contributing to the negative substitution effects of foreign aid as explained in the next section : The Substitution Effect. Indeed, what UNESCO statistics also tell us is that full primary education still remains inaccessible to 25% of children in Sub-Saharan Africa. The average percentage of children receiving preschool initiation remains far below the World average of 40%, and 95% in OECD member countries. Surveys on the quality of education show that in Sub-Saharan Africa, it has decreased in a majority of countries with the result that the rate of children leaving primary education knowing how to read and write has dropped below 50% of all school children in several countries. Apparently, the recent improvements do not succeed in compensating the devastating effects of the structural adjustment policies and the privatization drive promoted by the World Bank and the international community during the eighties. The aim of these policies, inspired also by political dogma, and justifiably designed to reduce excessive public expenditures and debt of aid recipient countries, have in effect largely destroyed the public social services in education and health of those countries that were the most dependent on foreign aid for the financing of these services, and in particular in Sub-Saharan Africa. As has been expertly stated: The indepth destruction of the education system (due to structural adjustment policies) represents today and for the years to come, a terrible handicap for the local communities14.

Bernard Founou Tschuigoua, The failure of the adjustments in Africa, 1994

This brochure targets mainly Sub-Saharan Africa. It is, however, worthwhile mentioning that the problems of aid efficiency do not relate to Africa only. Brigitte Erler, mentioned in the foreword, illustrates the devastating effect of foreign aid on the social balance in Bangladesh and Pakistan. In Europe, the persisting spread of income between Northern and Southern Italy, for instance, despite billions of euro equivalent dumped in the South since 1958, demonstrates the limited impact of European regional development aid. Roger Riddel15, the International Monetary Fund16 and the journalist Nicholas Kristof17 vainly searched for evidence of positive impact of foreign aid all over the World. The 2016 report of the Global Education Monitoring (GEM), published by UNESCO, qualifies the worldwide situation of education as disquieting. The Education Commission18 composed of eminent authorities concerned with education in the World, recognizes already today that if current approaches remain unchanged, Sub-Saharan Africa is unlikely to achieve the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for education by 2030. In the majority of these countries, the poor quality of the education system remains a source of preoccupation as are the sanitary conditions that directly influence that quality. It is not an easy undertaking, and it requires a careful analysis of the underlying conditions, to turn foreign aid into a potential success. Numerous specialists have evaluated the performance of foreign aid. The overwhelming majority amongst them recognizes the failure and attempt to explain and correct it. A review of the most striking literature is provided in Annex II to this brochure. It hereby attempts to contribute to this effort, notably by an identification of areas where novel approaches are absolutely necessary to improve the efficiency of foreign aid, with a focus on private grants.

Foreign Aid Reconsidered, 1987. See Annex II Raghuram G. et al. Aid and Growth: What Does the Cross-Country Evidence Really Show?, 2005 See Annex II 17 Aid: Can it Work?, The New York Review of Books, 5 october 2006. See Annex II 18 International Commission on Financing Global Education Opportunity

The Substitution Effect While criticisms are primarily directed towards public aid from State to State, or from public development institutions to the State, private aid has recently been found to suffer from similar drawbacks. Clark Gibson among other economists has found that foreign aid, whether private or public, generates a substitution effect which is harmful (and all the more when granted in countries governed by corrupt governements). It actually leads governments to reduce their financing for instance to critical social services which they otherwise would be called upon to budget for. This is actually The Samaritanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Dilemma19 whereby donors cannot avoid substituting themselves to the primary responsibilities of governments towards basic human needs and thus divert these governments from their basic responsibility towards their own people. Among the main areas of concern, public services and related infrastructure are neglected by governments in the expectation of external aid support. But in the business sector also similar substitutions have been observed when local financial institutions are diverted for instance from micro-credit operations at prevailing local rates due to grant aid support to parallel microfinance schemes, which in fact weaken the local financial infrastructure. Private aid as well, through international NGOs as well as other channels of charitable aid, when supporting directly individual projects substitutes to actions expected to be undertaken by governments and encourages local civil society in becoming beggars towards good-hearted donors. Under these arrangements, respect for fundamental rights, such as the right to education, is not demanded from the governing authorities. Governments, although carrying primary responsibility for essential social services, thus have double the reasons not to care about the needs of the population and fail to be accountable for budgetary allocations for ensuring respect of the fundamental human rights of their populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2030;: governments are more interested in seeking foreign public aid to support their overall expenditures, while local civil society no longer presses the government for basic support since they as well are financed by outside help.

15 16

The Samaritanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Dilemma, 2010. See Annex II

Gibson’s research on The Samaritan’s Dilemma demonstrates this substitution. And indeed the authors have also observed in the field that the combination of public and private aid to essential social services allows too many governments to divert funds destined for these services to other uses, and stands in the way of the required dialogue between local civil society and governing authorities – as it should be in a participative democracy - which lies at the heart of adherence to fundamental human rights and hence development. For a Radical Reform of Development Aid In the last few years new findings have helped explain the difficulties encountered by foreign donors in their efforts to significantly reduce poverty in the recipient countries. McCloskey20 and Easterly21 have highlighted the capital role of support to individual initiatives by their community as a primary factor of the spectacular economic development in the Western World. Robert Lucas22, one of the principal promoters of new theories of development, writes in order to generate economic growth in society, a large segment of the people must be able to contemplate changes in their life which they can envisage for themselves and for their children23. Only an evolution toward law abiding governments responsible for the respect of basic human rights and supporting development initiatives of their population can entertain the hope of a better life. If indeed development actually depends on the individual’s ability to determine its own future according to its human potential, then foreign aid whose amounts and allocations are determined by distant donors could indeed be harmful by its very nature. One recommendation might then consist of stopping all foreign aid, both public and private, and a number of Northern (The Netherlands, Finland) and Southern (Rwanda, the African Union as far as its own running budget is concerned) countries and institutions are considering implementing it, if not in full at least partially. The volume of public foreign aid to the sector of education diminishes since 2005. Bourgeois Dignity: Why Economics Can't Explain the Modern World, 2010. See Annex II The Tyranny of the Experts (2011). See Annex II 22 Robert E. Lucas, American economist of the University of Chicago, Prize of the Bank of Sweden in economics in memory of Alfred Nobel in 1995 23 Quotation from Deirdre McCloskey's Bourgeois Dignity, See Annex II 20 21

Several Sub-Saharan African civil society organizations or representatives of the diaspora ask that foreign aid to their government be stopped in order to force it to listen to them. This approach, however, carries the risk of brutal distortions (see the impact of structural adjustments) which could be as harmful as the aid itself. It also goes against our values and principles of international solidarity as prescribed by the philosopher John Rawls24 as a condition for a just society. This is actually neither very realistic nor desirable. Our duty and interests lead us then to search for an approach that takes into account lessons from the past and meets the fundamental conditions of equitable and sustainable development as identified by recent findings. From the above, one can conclude that the only way by which the needs of deprived populations could better be met in a global and sustainable way requires a closer cooperation between governments, and their civil society organizations and local business. From Charity to Development Philanthropy As Abigail Disney explained at the participants of the Day of Philanthropy organized by the King Baudouin Foundation in April 2014 in Brussels, it is not enough to be charitable toward the Southern countries to participate in development philanthropy. Although charity is rightly enshrined as a central part of the values of our democracies – liberty and equality cannot be reconciled without fraternity – this virtue has in the past led to too many interventions directed primarily towards the particular interests of the donors rather than to those of the recipients and hereby a de facto denial of the potential to intervene of the latter. As a result, that type of charity is today denounced by several organizations involved in development and formally excluded from their founding principles. For charitable aid to be transformed into modern development philanthropy based on lessons learned from past experiences, private donors should accept to change some of their procedures as some have already done. The fundamental change consists for donors not to seek to resolve problems by themselves, but rather alleviate the generic obstacles that impede local civil society in asserting the soundness of their proposals to their authorities. 24

A Theory of Justice , 1972. See Annex II

This new approach implies from the part of donors an attitude of respect for the capacity of those concerned to solve themselves their problems admitting that local civil society knows best what the real problems are and civil society organizations are the only entities legally entitled and capable of tabling their solutions to the competent authorities. Difference between charitable grants based on the old model and modern development philanthropy serving the interests of all the populations concerned is subtle. Perhaps the difference between the two approaches can best be explained by comparing two funnels, one set in the normal position, and the other inversed. This is of course a simplistic caricature but it best illustrates the difference between the two approaches.

Illustration: Josephine Dalimier

Chapter III Chapter III Reversing the Funnel 1.The Classical Funnel

The Basic Principles of the Classical Framework of Development Aid

Rwanda, on the way to Kigali

©IDAY International

nder the classical blueprint, the donors choose to correct, by themselves or with the support of a local or foreign organization, what they perceive to be a problem. The setting of objectives and the modes of implementation are largely decided by the donors. This is done either on the basis of pre-set considerations as a function of what Northern societies consider top priorities, or on the basis of fortuitous considerations following, for example, an occasional field visit in a specific area or on the basis of family ties. Even if local civil society may be involved in the process, the choices will be made according to what the donors are receptive to since they play a decisive role in the resolution of the problem. The whole process of selection, approval, supervision and financing is generally quite involved and costly. It requires a heavy structure because involving operators living far from the operations. NGOs which follow this approach are better placed in collecting funds as they comfort donors in their beliefs and operational control efforts. The impact of this type of intervention, however, remains limited by the fact that they typically do not leverage themselves well, particularly if the operation is managed by a foreign agency. The dominant direction of communications is essentially top down, which in the view of several researches the causes of foreign aid’s failures as actions in support of local populations are judged and decided in accordance to their conformity with Northern donors’ decisions. This approach is more harmful when donors regularly modify selection criteria according to tendencies that dominate thinking in the North (e.g. focus on infrastructure, industry, rural development, environment, food security, gender, …) or political preferences. One can actually track the broad orientations of the World Bank as they have changed during the seventies, eighties and nineties according to the political orientation of 33

Donors’ goals dominate the operators’ orientations giving them easier access to funding

direction

Restrictions imposed with the aim to guarantee that donors’ orientations are applied by the beneficiaries

Main communication

Need for an elaborate administration to ensure beneficiaries’ compliance with donors’ conditions

Numerous initatives proposed by local civil society that the foreign donor cannot serve

the White House as was for instance the case with the rural development drive at the time of the Democrats followed by the structural adjustment policies and conditionality at the advent of the next administration. Several institutional donors who still believe that the amount of their grant will have a determinant impact on local development, set up complex grids of sectorial and geographical eligibility criteria making it particularly difficult for intermediaries to meet the changing expectations of local civil society and specific local conditions. Numerous very well intentioned donors tend too often to forget that local actors being destitute will readily adjust their requests according to what they perceive to be the donor’s priorities. It becomes most difficult for a donor to grasp what the true needs are of the populations it is trying to help when money is " polluting " what should be a true dialogue. As a result, local associations will tend to adjust their investments in some sectors more than others in order to increase their chances to capture resources according to the preferences of various donors. The difficulty for foreign donors to interpret correctly the needs of local populations is abundantly illustrated by two researchers, Abhijit Banerjee & Esther Duflo25, who have crossed the World all over questioning poor people on their vision and intentions regarding the way to escape poverty. They show that in numerous cases, the poor do not seek to acquire the means to become rich but instead the means to appear rich and if they really seek to invest in means to become rich, they follow unexpected paths often difficult to understand by foreign donors. A tourist visiting a fishermen’s village in Senegal tells the following anecdote that illustrates well this difficulty. Seeing a man sitting idle near his derelict fishing nets she offers him a sum of money to replace them. When back a few months later, she finds him in the same situation as before, as his nets. Asking him about the use of her money, the fisherman tells her that he preferred to buy new furniture for his living room dearly wished by him and his wife. Confronted with the protests of the lady, the fisherman explains with common sense, that if he had bought new nets, considering the doubts about the amount of fish harvested, especially since industrial fishing vessels were harvesting in the area, he was uncertain as to make enough gains to buy the furniture. Buying it directly, he avoided the economic uncertainty that would have resulted from using the money in accordance with the donor’s wishes.

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Poor Economics (2009). See Annex II

The Impact of the Classical Approach

he effect of this approach can be presented as a number of strictly circumscribed dots representing the projects financed by foreign aid and which have been selected in an environment where fundamental rights remain globally ignored. In the absence of support by the local government, such " islands " of higher levels of well-being in a magma of dissatisfaction and lawlessness cannot possibly give a majority of Africans a sense of hope towards a sustainable improvement of their living conditions. The approach will also harm the individuals’ and communities’ perception that they control their future- since the choice of both the issues taken up and solutions proposed are largely decided beyond their control and implemented by foreign agents or NGOs. The impact of these interventions remains sporadic and local. To the extent that these operations substitute for the local governments through The Samaritan’s Dilemma explained above and fail to encourage the local authorities to support the initiatives of their civil society, one is led to believe that the impact will be minimal if not negative since their financing replaces funding to be provided by the government for priority actions. This is also true when gratuitous foreign funds replace financing supplied at market costs by local institutions as is at times the case in microcredit or rural credit operations for instance.

These constraints take a special turn in the education sector because in numerous African countries, the education system remains structured to meet the needs of a colonial-type administration instead of those of daily life of the local population. No study has verified if the type of education and the fact that it is insufficiently founded on local values and realities are a motive for school dropout or emigration. It is, however, doubtful that parents and pupils are satisfied of an education that follows criteria that are based on foreign standards and are of little relevance to their daily lives. Hence, education projects that follow donor-country standards risk putting the graduates at odds with the values of their own society and possibly encourage them to emigrate to countries where these standards are valuable. A special case concerns technical and professional training. Most donors and governments seek to train young Africans in line with the relatively sophisticated Northern model consisting of full time courses during 6 months to 3 years or even more. This approach, however, perhaps necessary to lift the technical level of the African workforce fits the needs only of the elite. The large majority of the African youth must work to earn a living for themselves or their family. Hence, they cannot afford to spend full time studying. As a result, in this field again, foreign aid remains largely illadapted to the needs of most African youths. For that reason, members of local civil society tend to prefer informal literacy and professional training courses during a few hours twice or three times a week during 1 to 4 years to allow these youths to continue to work while raising their professional standards. Strangely, IDAY observes that this model receives little support from foreign donors despite its low cost and immediate economic impact. It is particularly popular among domestic workers who acquire in this way a level of professionalization that earns them respect from their employers as well as higher salaries. A similar situation can be found in the health sector where diseases that affect the population in the North such as AIDS for instance have received more attention than those prevailing in the tropical South like malaria. For the latter to be given priority, aid must be conceived and implemented in terms of the local diseases taking into account the capacity to widen their reach to the whole population.

The remittances by the African diaspora to their families at home could well have the same harmful effects. How do you avoid a youngster from a destitute family wanting to emigrate if he finds that the only families that manage to escape poverty are the ones of which a member emigrated and managed to send back monies to help fill his familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s basic needs? Since they could well encourage emigration rather than restraining it, initiatives are currently being devised to counter this effect. In the best of cases, each project will attend to the well-being of a few individuals and ensure grateful returns to their foreign donors, but at the same time worsen their lack of trust towards their government which remains the only legitimate source of sustainable improvements in their own well-being and that of their children, as advanced by Robert Lucas mentioned above. If, in addition, the responsible NGO is foreign, the legitimacy of its mandate also comes into question. One cannot ask parents to believe in the respect of their childrens' rights if their future depends on an uncertain foreign intervention. At worst, their financing substitutes to those to be provided by the government for priority actions, and thus encourages corruption, a result donors precisely tried to avoid.

THE SPECIAL CASE OF Foreign Aid Concentration

he trend today, especially among institutional donors, is to concentrate their grants on a limited number of objectives to avoid the scattering of their funds and to reinforce the impact of their interventions. This will certainly at first widen the potential impact of their individual project. In a number of cases, one can assume that this has given greater visibility to success stories financed under this approach, and convince the authorities to adopt them on a larger scale. At the same time, however, it also restrains the efficiency of such aid because it raises the foreign weight in the projects and shrink proportionately the share of local responsibility in their implementation and hence, their capacity to see the project extend spontaneously to a larger part of the population. Judith Tendler26 has, in one of the most insightful publications on the management of public foreign aid institutions, demonstrated the devastating effects of this trend which is based on the false premise that the impact of a foreign contribution is determined by its size. Tendler explains that public institutions adhere to this practice according to an internal logic consisting of minimizing costs of control functions per dollar distributed. Since these costs are huge, they need to concentrate their aid in large operations, which are most often at odds with what local civil society or government needs and are capable of implementing. This logic not only undermines the efficiency of their donations, but it also explains in part why the foreign aid sector has so far experienced so much trouble improving its procedures and adopt even common sense solutions. Tendler attributes the difficulty that these donors encounter in improving the efficiency of their operations to the necessity to scale their operations in terms of the costs of controls. She compares their attitude to that of the American car industrialists who in the 70s preferred to continue to sell big cars with larger profits per car sold, while the market clearly preferred smaller Japanese or European cars. She goes as far as declaring that if the foreign aid sector was subject to the rigors of the private market, these public institutions would have gone broke and disappeared. Apparently, if they are continuing their activities, it must be because they serve other interests than those they are supposed to. 26

Despite these warnings, one remains confronted with a persisting or even growing trend toward concentration of foreign aid among public donors, who continue to be more concerned by the control of their funding than the need to empower local civil society. Hence, a World Bank agency specially set up to facilitate the participation of local civil society in its operations, has fixed the minimum amount of individual contributions at such a high level that it is not compatible with the financial capacity of most African civil society organizations. Or take this international organization whose funds intended for the civil society active in the education sector are reserved to one single coalition of international NGOs which in turn restricts its funding to a single network per continent, unaware, apparently of the stifling effect on local initiatives such a monopolistic approach cannot avoid creating. Or this bilateral donor that selects its eligible NGOs on the basis of minimum amounts spent to off set its high costs of control and obviously ignoring the inverse relationship between amount of aid and poverty alleviation, and which hereby limits the motivation to raise efficiency and self-propagation of the projects. While these comments concern mainly public aid, private donors who prefer to support large NGOs rather than smaller units less well known but often more innovative and closer to the needs of the local beneficiaries, make things worse. Those donors respond to another understandable internal logicâ&#x20AC;&#x2030;: protect their grants against risks inherent to innovations and benefit from more leverage. Similarly, companies seeking to raise their social responsibility by supporting an NGO will tend to prefer a well known one to raise their visibility among the public at large. The media tend to further amplify the distortion by preferring large NGOs known to the public to raise the credibility of their message. The large international NGOs are hereby confirmed in their past practices although they contributed to the mediocre past performance of foreign aid. These practices tend to harm the smaller organizations, which, being subject to more severe competition, are often at the origin of new ideas that the foreign aid sector so desperately needs.

Inside Foreign Aid, 1975. See Annex II

The concentration of aid on a limited number of NGOs accredited by public donors leads them naturally to seek to limit need to share the funds thus obtained with newcomers and to try to convince the authorities to maintain them as sole representatives of civil society preserving hereby a privileged access to the public funds of their country. This form of corporatism, more frequent than thought, facilitates the control of funds distributed by official donors but has the same devastating effect that corporatism had on trade in the Middle Ages. Again, these approaches are largely dictated by an internal logic of control where the preoccupation to avoid a so-called dispersion of funds takes precedence over the need to serve the local needs and the sustainable extension of the initiatives to the whole population.

The Particular Case of Fighting Malaria A particularly complex case, but having immediate deadly consequences, is the fight against malaria that concerns 834â&#x20AC;&#x2030;million27 people in Africa and kills close to 300,000 every year, mostly children aged less than 5. The program spearheaded by the World Health Organization (WHO) based on the distribution of medication, early diagnosis test kits and impregnated bed nets is supported by annual grants of close to USD 2 billion per year for Africa, the maximum the international financial community has afforded so far. Hence, besides the growing risk of resistances faced by the most used medications, the approach is not sustainable because of its excessive costs. WHO estimated the cost of its 2016-2030 program at USD 6.4 billion per year by 2020 and USD 8.7 billion per year by 2030. Richard Horton, the Chief Editor of the prestigious medical journal The Lancet qualified the approachâ&#x20AC;&#x2030;: the wrong road28. Indeed, it imposes to the recipient governments a dramatic choice between allocating limited budgetary resources either to compensate for the shortfalls of the foreign aid contribution to the fight against malaria or to the deficient health services, not forgetting the Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTD) which receive inadequate foreign resources because of the priority given to the fight against AIDS and malaria. Yet, a cheap solution exists accessible to all. Artemisia annua is a Chinese plant used efficiently against malaria in China since over 2000 years. It freed the Vietcong from the scourge. From this plant, artesiminin, the main component of the currently most widely used medication, is extracted. Research and field experience have shown the effectiveness of the plant as a repellent against the vector of malaria and as a preventive and curative means to fight not only malaria but also several other tropical infectious diseases. Furthermore, so far no resistance has been reported from the field and research on rodents reveals a lesser sensitivity of the plant to resistances than the standard medication promoted in the official programs, suggesting that the plant is a true polytherapy more efficient than the medication.

27 28

Figures are from the 2015 report by WHO on malaria Stopping Malaria: the Wrong Road, by Richard Horton University of California Press as quoted in The New York review of Books, February 2011

The extension of the plant’s use is slowed down by WHO’s reservations and the apparent preference by the intermediaries for solutions based on sums provided by foreign donors instead of the cheaper ones promoted by civil society organizations. These organizations have not awaited official authorizations to start protecting populations, which did not have access to the official programs but they cannot expand their activities as long as local and foreign instances withhold their support. It is not the intention to sidestep the WHO rulings as the institution remains the guardian of sanitary orthodoxy but to seek a collaborative approach that would meet the aspirations of the whole population. The continuation of the official programs is a necessity : after all it has succeeded in reducing by half the lethality of malaria in Africa. What is disturbing is the difficulty in having the Artemisia annua solution accepted in parallel with the official approach. The technical reasons for this opposition are difficult to substantiate. Hence, once more, the attraction of large sums of foreign aid seem to create conditions that stand in the way of lifting the obstacles to sustainable solutions promoted by local civil society.

Artemisia annua plant and flowers 44

©IDAY International

" Field experience in Africa has demonstrated the effectiveness of Artemisia annua as a vector repellent, as well as a preventive and curative means against malaria "

Caveat

ÂŠIDAY

onal

Internati

The above depiction of the funnel is highly simplistic: the foreign aid sector comprises in fact numerous small and large initiatives. The reality today is better represented not by a single funnel following a single policy, but by a multitude of small funnels each catering for his or her preselected priorities, with limited if any proper co-ordination among them despite the intentions of the 2005 Paris Conference. The abundance of actors complicates the local governmentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; task to ensure that their national policy is properly carried out. But most of them obviously do not wish to discourage foreign donors as they amply benefit from the confusion created by this abundance. The final outcome, however, remains the lack of global solutions that would give the population the hope for a better future.

ÂŠIDAY International 46

2. The Inversed Funnel The principles of the alternative scheme

Mobilising funding is more dificult because of the preference given to the aspirations of local civil society

Encouraging social capital

Main communication direction

A lighter structure can supervise numerous initiatives that meet the priorities of local civil society

Local civil society’s initiatives and needs

It relies on three conditions : (1) financing is concentrated at least as much on supporting the structural costs of civil society organizations (administrative and management expenses) as on operational costs (implementation of social, environmental and economic activities) ; (2) financing includes an important component of advocacy and actions to lead the government to accept the merits of the successful proposals and to extend them to all those in need ; and (3) individual organizations involved in the process accept to regroup to form collective entities carrying a sufficient weight of representation of civil society.

The organisation aims at lifting the obstacles that prevent local initatives from receiving government support

Under this approach the donors try less to achieve their own objectives — together or without the intervention of local civil society — but rather aim at breaking down the barriers to the spawning and dissemination of initiatives by local civil society, as is the case in a participative and responsible democracy.

In contrast to the above, a structure directed principally at the fulfillment of the aspirations of the people concerned, can best be represented by an inversed funnel. It aims at supporting the solutions conceived and implemented by local civil society with the help of the local government to expand them to the population at large to give the young Africans the perspective to live a decent life in their home country.

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The Advantages of the New Approach This approach carries numerous advantages. First, it takes into account the observation according to which one cannot predict which initiative will actually end up delivering an important development. The Wright brothers thought aviation would remain only a sport. The pocket calculator was invented in a garage as a gadget, and no one predicted the developments of internet, the use of containers, or mobile phones particularly in Africa. This implies the need to facilitate the launching of initiatives emanating from local civil society by reducing to a minimum level processing constraints such as long procedures involving decision makers who don’t master too well the local context, or are required to adhere to thematic criteria set down in advance. For civil society to obtain the support for its initiatives, it needs to be structured properly to be able to develop promising initiatives. A 5-year long study by the Commonwealth Education Fund29 concludes that donors should allocate at least 3% of the amounts of their grants to reinforce the capacity of local civil organizations to control the end use of foreign aid. This implies of course a substantial financing of the structure of the organizations involved in the process. IDAY systematically requires a commission of at least 15% of total costs of its projects to finance the collective activities of the network members and support advocacy campaigns both in the South as in the North, the latter to convince donors to adopt modern development financing procedures. As indicated in the illustration below, this approach results in a wider impact than that of the funnel in the classical position. By respecting the capacity of local civil society organizations to implement their own projects and by involving their government, they encourage their expansion on a larger scale : either through their spontaneous replication or by their adoption by the government. The demonstration of their capacity to solve their problems largely by themselves, and the prospects of generalized decent living conditions, more sustainable and equitable, give hope to African youth. Under this approach, donors help the recipients ensuring their own development : the human component is at the center of the process.

Kathryn Tomlinson and Ian Macpherson, Driving the bus: the Journey of the National Coalitions in Education, Commonwealth Education Fund, 2009

Conceptually, this approach matches the conclusions of specialists like Nobel Prize Amartya Sen30 who considers that actions must be carried out in a framework of interaction between civil society and government in order to be equitable and sustainable. Similarly, William Easterly or Deirdre McCloskey mentioned above point to initiatives of local individuals, and society’s capacity to capitalize on them, as the engine of development and substantial growth of income per capita. It also brings to light problems ignored by foreigners and innovative solutions well integrated in the local socio-cultural context at lesser cost such as demonstrated by several programs led by IDAY members and described in Chapter IV. This approach is also more responsive to the business sector’s efficiency criteria : decision-making as close as possible to the beneficiary, or the " client " to use private companies’ terminology ; bottom-up communications ; confidence in the capacity of field agents to selfadminister ; and a light administrative structure to minimize fixed costs and remain flexible. But this more efficient approche may entail a degree of unresponsivness from donors seeking to concentrate their funds on expensive operations to cover their administrative costs.

The Economy is a moral science (in French) (1999). See Annex II

Since the activities originate with local beneficiaries, they feel a sense of responsibility and control procedures can thus be simplified. It is, however, necessary to ensure collective responsibility in managing allocated funding. Naturally, local operators also need to adopt an official administrative and banking structure, as well as adequate operational, accounting and treasury management systems.

The Obstacles to the New Approach The approach also has its risks. One must first overcome the burden of the past. Even if more recently some donors have had a preference for dealing directly with local organizations, international NGOs and institutions are still the recipients of the bulk of the donors’ funding and the preferred interlocutors of local governments in view of the large resources they can deploy. The study of local society active in the education sector in Commonwealth countries mentioned earlier highlights that most African education networks were either donor imposed or government controlled. Maintaining under these conditions the spontaneity and independence of local civil society organizations is no easy task. The new approach also implies a radical change of paradigm : making the switch from a post-colonial approach in which solutions to local problems are sought in accordance with foreign perceptions and means to one in wich the solutions are adapted to the means available locally. It implies the weaning of the organizations of local civil society from the past beggar attitude encouraged for years by international and bilateral donor agencies. The persisting post-colonial character of part of the foreign aid is more pervasive than one might think. It is, for instance, evoked by Minoiu et al. in a document published by the International Monetary Fund31 which wonders if their colonial background does not explain the particularly inefficient public aid of France, Great Britain and Belgium. The post-colonial influence is also found in the way international conferences and reports tend to recommend solutions that focus mainly on the additional requirements of foreign aid – less and less available anyway - assuming the continuation of past practices. One should instead seek solutions compatible with the available resources on the financial markets– local and foreign. The authors are convinced that 31

African civil society would only be too happy to offer such solutions were they correctly consulted in the process, which requires a radical change in current practices. One also needs to bring local organizations to seek funds from local sources. For too long, Northern donors have accustomed local civil society to seek solutions to their problems by begging support from foreign donors as shown in Annex III. Hence, one needs to wean these organizations from a beggar mentality and motivate them to ask help instead from their government or start operations with available local means. Professor Angus Deaton, 2015 Nobel Prize in Economics, considers that the failure of public foreign aid stems from the fact that it distracts attention from the government officials away from the demands of their civil society. IDAY sees private donors playing an analogous role with civil society of the Southern countries. By granting them their aid, they distract these organizations from their obligation to seek respect of the fundamental rights of the population from those who carry primary responsibility for these rights : their government. The attitude of the private donors is a critical element if modern development philanthropy is to succeed. Hence, foreign aid to organizations of local civil society is useful only if it brings them closer to their government and ensures a democratic control of the government activities. Abigail Disney denounced the charities on the basis of the attitude of too many generous donors who seek to give themselves a good conscience by solving themselves the solutions proposed by local civil society, or worse, by seeking to impose what they think are the civil society’s problems. For her, development philanthropy, i.e. the improvement of the fate of other humans, consists instead in seeking to eliminate the obstacles that prevent the identified problems from finding a local solution. She also finds that showing to the World the solutions offered by local civil society is more important than trying to solve ourselves the problem through charities.

Develoment Aid and Economic Growth: a Positive Long-Run Relation, 2009 See Annex II

In addition, the Southern as well as the Northern NGO world is dominated by their members’ staunch individualism and the fierce competition among them : time and dedicated resources will thus be required to encourage local organizations to work more closely together. This is a necessity if members of local civil society want to play on an equal footing with powerful foreign NGOs and exert sufficient weight to convince their governing authorities to listen to their demands. What matters here is for donors to resist the short circuit of digging in their pocket to solve the problem and instead encourage the local partners to seek solutions based on local means and hereby stimulate the emergence of participative democracy without which there can be no equitable and sustainable development. The new approach also carries an increased financial risk : the chance of failure and diversion of funds is just as great as in the classical model but possibly more difficult to anticipate. The amounts involved, however, are usually smaller since the foreign contributions are smaller. Furthermore, such risks are present in most innovations and are the price to pay for pursuing more performing approaches, as strongly enunciated by several eminent contributors at the WISE 2014 Qatar summit on creative interventions in the education sector (among whom a Harvard University professor). The key is to recognize this in a transparent manner and of course to take necessary corrective action. It is also necessary to ensure that the amount of losses combined with the costs of supervision remains below the costs of other systems that have tighter control systems in place. Finally, the new approach, just as the more classical ones, implies not only regular independent evaluations, but also surveys to guide local actors in defining priorities according to standards that are acceptable to larger groups of local actors. This means also exchanges between members of local civil society in order for its members to build-up the confidence generated by the awareness of belonging to a larger group. Finally, organizations that want to be seen as representing civil society need to establish their empowerment and apply the rules of sound governance and transparency that they require from the government. Such advocy activities are less spectacular than direct funding of schooling of poor children, supplying medication, or construction of missing infrastructure ; hence, they are unfortunately less popular among private donors.

CAVEAT First, the two funnels are extreme cases and are thus mainly sketches or caricatures. In true life, the characteristics of the two approaches are often blended and advantages and drawbacks of both might be found together. Numerous charities already seek to respond to the fundamental local problems, to reconcile their preferences with those of local civil society by adjusting their interventions to help this society on a sustainable basis. The purpose here is not to condemn an approach for the benefit of another, but to help donors become conscious of the benefits from integrating the elements of modern development philanthropy as defined by Abigail Disney into their activities. How many private donors, however, continue to justify their interventions on the basis of government shortcomings without trying to get it to respect the fundamental human rights of its population? Or, why do they continue to think that their ideas should prevail over those of local civil society? All these processes which may have been justified in the framework of a past approach to foreign aid, deserve to be re-examined in terms of modern development philanthropy and the finding that aid as it is currently run results in a slowdown in the alleviation of poverty. Secondly, the attentive reader is entitled to wonder why NGOs involved in international solidarity would criticize so severely foreign aid, while nevertheless still ask for external financial support? If public and private foreign aid were to respect the principles evoked under the new approach, indeed, new structures would not be necessary. The creation of networks such as IDAY with the obvious indispensable financial requirements, although remaining very competitive in terms of dollar spent per schooled child, is justified only to demonstrate the feasibility of the new approach. Once the new approach will have been generalized and governments will be convinced of their interest to collaborate closely with their civil society to meet the needs of their population, foreign aid to these structures could indeed be diminished

Finally, IDAY is aware that the inversed funnel is the symbol of madness, as masterfully illustrated by Hieronymus Bosch in the painting The Extraction of the Stone of Madness showing a characterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s head covered with an inversed funnel. Could IDAY perhaps be derided for taking an extreme stance? The authors, however, want to believe, with Count Carlo Dossi, that the mad open the roads that the wise choose later. But the real madness would be to pursue todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s foreign aid procedures and charitable endeavors despite their obvious failure. This would be a new March of Folly32 in the meaning given to that expression by Barbara Tuchman in her book describing several examples of the destructive effect of pursuing policies though these are proven to lead destruction of their society.

Barbara W. Tuchman, The March of Folly: from Troy to Vietnam, 1984

Chapter IVIV Chapter IDAY-International’s Approach

... development has more to do with the strength of a country’s institutions – political and social systems – that are developed through the interplay of a government and its people

Professor Angus Deaton, 2015 Nobel Prize in economics

here are many networks of local civil society organizations in Sub-Saharan Africa. Several of them operate through advocacy campaigns. Fewer of them are found in the education sector, like for instance the Forum of African Women Educationalists (FAWE) or the PALNETWORK. Even rarer are those that are controlled neither by a foreign NGO nor by their government. Hence, IDAY, which was created through spontaneous initiatives by Sub-Saharan African civil society organizations is a relevant example of the rigorous application of the principles of the reversed funnel approach.

IDAY-Uganda office and its staff

©IDAY International

Operating Principles IDAY is a network of African civil society organizations seeking to promote quality education for all in Africa through constructive dialogue with their government who carries primary responsibility for the respect of fundamental human rights. It is a network – rather than a NGO with its classical hierarchical structure – of coalitions of independent organizations that convene to achieve their objectives, principally through advocacy. Their requests aim to obtain both legal measures and policies that guarantee the right to quality basic education for all, and the necessary support from their government for their initiatives that they have demonstrated to contribute efficiently to the respect of that right.

The network was conceived on the basis of suggestions by African organizations who proposed to create a large organization as demanded by Yaguine and Fode that would be responsive to modern criteria of development aid efficiency (Annex I). The name of the network comes from the proposal by several organizations to commemorate all together the Day of the African Child – June1633 – renamed International Day of the African Child and Youth – abbreviated as IDAY – with the addition of the " Y " to draw attention to the growing number of African illiterate youth to whom access to a complete cycle of primary education was denied or who leave school without being able to read or write properly and are in need of functional literacy training. The network is guided by a General Assembly composed of the members, i.e. the national coalitions, and a Board of Directors that seeks to be representative of the diversity of the network members and entrusts a Management Committee for day-to-day operation. The founding principles are :

W In response to the Message of Yaguine and Fode, IDAY concentrates on education in Africa ;

W Communication occurs bottom-up : the motor of the network are the coalitions, which conceive, manage, implement and control their programs. The international Secretariat based in Belgium is only a conduit to facilitate proposals coming from members ; it coordinates the life of the network and helps member organizations to find financing for their projects through publication on its site (the Project Bank), not as a finite action, but as replicable actions in support of their advocacy platform. Only projects comprising participation of concerned governments are accepted ;

W IDAY as an entity is essentially African. The Secretariat and the Management Committee are largely European but the Board of Directors and General Assembly are composed of a majority of Africans ; and

W The Secretariat leads active advocacy towards public and private donors, national and international, to lead to changes in their approaches and improve the efficiency of their financial aid. These principles are set forth in the diagram presented in Annex III, which embodies IDAY’s operational principles adopted by its members in 2008.

W IDAY focuses on basic education34 in a holistic manner, i.e. without excluding other sectors such as health and agriculture if the field operators deem these other sectors to be necessary to reach the primary global objective ;

W It reinforces its members’ capacity to lead advocacy campaigns towards their government ;

W As the network focuses on advocacy, only coalitions of at least 5 NGOs combining their efforts to augment their political leverage are accepted as members. This is a particularly restrictive though necessary criterion and the principal cause for new memberships to be declined ;

In memory of the June 16, 1976 massacre of youths in Soweto demonstrating against the apartheid regime to obtain quality education to free them from the isolation in which the regime wanted to keep them

Defined as comprising pre-school initiation, formal primary education and functional literacy for youths, which did not have access to complete quality primary education

Achievements Since its official creation in January 2008 as an international non-profit association35, the IDAY network’s results as of end 2015 are as follows36 :

W Active in 4 countries in Europe and 19 countries in Africa ;

W In 2015, the national coalitions regrouped 572 member organizations, some of which comprise several individual associations, supporting the schooling of approximately 260,000 children, not counting the millions of domestic workers whose needs have been identified through the intervention of IDAY ;

W To date the network has held 3 General Assemblies (2 in Europe and 1 in Africa), 4 physical Regional Assemblies and several virtual General Assemblies (electronic channels) whenever necessary in compliance with statutory obligations (approval of reports and accounts, appointment of members of the Board of Directors and members of Management) ;

W IDAY’s financial statements are systematically audited by an external auditor. IDAY is member of Donorinfo37 thereby enhancing its financial transparency, while treasury and accounting functions are separate ;

W Every year, around June 16, most of the African and European coalitions have commemorated together the Day of African Child by putting forward the demands of civil society towards their governing authorities. In Europe, the European Parliament has participated directly or indirectly in most of the events organized by the Management Committee (the proceedings of the principal meetings can be found on IDAY’s website) ; W As of end 2016, the Project Bank had published on IDAY’s website 57 projects representing as many innovating ideas initiated by the associations and submitted to donors for potential financing. End 2016, 29 projects had obtained full or partial financing ;

W With support by the European Union, by the Fonds Marie-Antoinette Carlier housed and managed by the Fondation Roi Baudouin, by the Nederlandse Inversterings Fonds Fondation (NIF), and by the Belgian Centre National de Coopération au Développement (CNCD), IDAY will conclude end 2016 the first phase of a project for the recognition and protection of basic rights of more than 8 million domestic workers in 4 East African countries and the DRC (Annex IV). This project is a demonstration of IDAY’s capability to implement complex projects (14 participating organizations) on the basis of joint actions by governments and civil society. The International Labor Organization is currently considering a partnership proposal with IDAY to support at least partially the second phase of a project aiming at returning to school the children below working age, as well as the literacy and professional training and introduction to social security services of young domestic workers. The objective is to experiment the means to provide this service and guarantee respect for the right of domestic workers to decent jobs throughout Sub-Saharan Africa ; and

W IDAY has managed to protect more than 8,000 children and school staff against malaria by making available Artemisia annua plantings in school gardens. The success of the first projects has led 9 coalitions to propose a total of 18 similar projects which, if implemented, would save a first tranche of 220,000 children and 9,500 school staff from malaria and malnutrition. If all components of this program would see the light (Annex V), it would lead to several million schoolchildren being saved from several tropical diseases including malaria and raising their school results. Related activities include organizing clinical tests, an African colloquium, conferences and preparing scientific papers requesting the World Health Organization (WHO) to lift its reservations against the use of Artemisia annua to help eliminating malaria in Africa.

Association internationale sans but lucratif (aisbl) See further IDAY’s Annual Activity Report 2015 37 Donorinfo (donorinfo.be) is an independent centre of expertise, which offers donors objective information on philanthropic organisations that help people in need. 35 36

Programs Awaiting Financing

Collaborations

W Members of IDAY have asked for the Secretariat’s assistance in launching another two regional projects : education of minors in prison and education of youth in conflict/post-conflict zones. These two projects are awaiting financing in order to be started (Annexes VI & VII) ; and

W IDAY actively participates in the modernization of development cooperation in the following platforms :

W Up to now, advocacy by IDAY coalitions is mainly based on tendencies that are proper to some of their members. To ensure that advocacy be based on objective findings, IDAY members are proposing to conduct annual surveys with the main parties concerned — teachers, pupils and their parents, and local authorities — to verify official statistics in their region and determine priority needs in agreement with local authorities which would then be committed to address such needs. The resulting reports would be disseminated every year on June 16 at national and international levels. The main purpose is to assess the performance of education systems in the countries that are members of the network, measure the progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals for education (SDG n° 4) and trigger the authorities to act on their achievement well ahead of the 2030 deadline. This program is expected to be carried out over a first period of 6 years and should progressively be financed together with the governments concerned (Annex VIII).

� EDUCAID, the Belgian platform of NGOs promoting education ;

� Global Partnership for Social Accountability (GPSA) (World Bank) ; � Solutions for Youth Employment (S4YE) (World Bank) ; and

� The Fédération des Associations de Solidarité Internationale (FASI)38, which regroups the organizations of Wallonia and Brussels that cannot access Belgian public funding. W Aware of the limits of what IDAY can do on its own in achieving major changes, the network has concluded formal partnerships with : � Nigerian in Diaspora Organizations in Europe (NIDOE) ; � Forum of African Women Educationalists (FAWE) ;

� African Network for the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN) ; and

� The Hunger Project (currently being negotiated in Uganda).

W To implement the program against malaria, IDAY works in close relationship with several research centers and other NGOs, mainly French and Luxemburgish of which Iwerliewen39 who revealed the potential of Artemisia annua against tropical infectious diseases.

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Federation of Associations for International Solidarity http ://www.iwerliewen.org/

Chapter V Chapter V Recommendations

Act locally, think globally

ased on all the above, recommendations are summarized below for the reader who intends to initiate operations of development philanthropy or convert existing charities into genuine development philanthropy :

©IDAY International

1. First listen : They know best both the problems and the solutions. Do not impose your vision or criteria. Make sure that the local organizations take ownership of the initiatives. 2. Serve rather than seeking to promote your own interests. Examine for what reason the problem has not found a solution locally and seek to help local actors eliminate obstacles that stand in the way of solutions rather than trying to substitute for those responsible. Lack of foreign funding is rarely the primary cause of the problem. Share the satisfaction with the local actors to have solved their problem themselves. Respect is always more appreciated than help. 3. Build on and reinforce comparative local strengths rather than concentrating on trying to solve inadequacies. 4. Conceive operations so that they can be replicated. An isolated project whose survival depends on foreign gifts does not offer to the population the perspective of a better life for their children. Hence, projects concerning : a. Fundamental rights — must involve those with primary responsibility for these rights, i.e. the local governments by getting them to participate in the project or by including advocacy campaigns to raise awareness and bring closer together civil society as well as their government ; and b. Private initiatives — will have a lasting impact only if they integrate the institutions responsible for the activity concerned (banks, chambers of commerce, unions, professional organizations). Seek to " institutionalize " the solution. 67

These additional components may amount up to 10 to 20% of total cost, but they are usually well worth it. 5. Seek low-cost solutions that minimize foreign contributions. The solutions must remain accessible to local financing for their later globalization in case of success or replication by the government. 6. Privilege structural support over expenditures linked to the implementation of the selected operations. Only local efficient institutions will yield equitable and lasting solutions to the observed problems. The empowerment of the local organizations is therefore at least as important as implementing operations. 7. Require collective management. To serve the interests of the community and minimize risks of embezzlement. Finance only initiatives conceived, managed and financed by an organization in which collective interests dominate the individual aspirations. 8. Require a sound financial and accounting control. Require double signatures on the accounts through which your grants are transferred and the separation of the treasury and accounting functions. 9. Ensure that the operation is sustainable either by integrating income-generating activities or by planning for the government to take it over for its continuation or replication in case of success. 10. Development is a matter of attitude, less of money. Stop measuring development philanthropic performance by the amounts disbursed. Instead, report primarily the number of people assisted in their capacity to solve their own problems. Development is a matter of attitude, more than money. ÂŠIDAY

Interna

tional

ChapterVI VI Chapter Conclusions

If an egg is broken by an outside force, life ends. If an egg is broken by an inside force, life begins. All great things begin from the inside

DRC-Kivu office of "Mamans Unies Pour la Paix et le Développement" member of IDAY-DRC/Kivu

©IDAY International

John Malanda

o IDAY: a fanciful utopia, or a source of future truth according to Victor Hugo’s definition of utopia? The stage has been reached at which it no longer remains possible to support outdated practices of foreign aid, be it public or private. Evidence of their inefficiency has accumulated to a stage that requires squarely facing reality from the part of those who believe in a better and more equitable world that offers a decent life to those forgotten by humanity. International solidarity is a hallmark of our Western civilization. It is our obligation to see to it that the means used to support it are efficient and meet their purpose. If we expect our contributions to produce a better World, change is mandatory in this area just as it is occurring in other sectors of our lives. The proposed approach is already applied by some actors in the field but, clearly, more fundamental changes are needed if a global positive impact of foreign aid is expected. Some readers may fear that criticizing the existing foreign aid system would result in throwing the baby out with the water. Is criticizing charitable donors and imposing constraints on their generosity, not discouraging them from development philanthropy and pushing them to invest instead in more easily accessible targets in their own country for instance: " Why care for Africa, while we have so many problems in our own country?" Might the dearth of results from World Bank operations not overshadow the value of its economic and statistical reports on which we rely to grasp the stakes of development more generally?

But the problem seems to be actually just the opposite: without a deep reform, the growing disappointment with the mediocre results of foreign aid risk inducing a complete withdrawal from development philanthropy. Riddel40 like many other specialists is of the view that it has become urgent to display the courage to conduct an objective evaluation of international aid, the aim of which would not be to protect past actions as was the case at the 2005 Paris Conference, but rather to fundamentally put the relevant questions on the table and search with concerned actors, including local civil society, the most appropriate solutions. This should take into account the results of the most recent analyses of the subject. Of course, this does not imply that donors involved in charitable operations should immediately abandon them especially if they are supporting the education of children who would have to abandon school without their support. But it is imperative that they get their beneficiaries to join one or more groups of local civil society that try to obtain from their government to take over or participate in their activities in order to give to the beneficiaries the hope of a lasting improvement of their living conditions. While foreign aid needs a thorough overhaul, this does not prevent modern development philanthropy to be based on old truths and common sense. Saint Paul, in his first letter to the Corinthians, proclaims that one can distribute his entire fortune but if love is missing, it is useless. For the nonbelievers who would think that they are not constrained by his religious interpellation, remember Seneca’s I shall not measure my good deeds neither by their number, nor by their weight, but only by the esteem I have for the beneficiary41. It is precisely what the African youth is expecting: hence, Marième Diop, representing the African youth at the Day of the African child at the European Parliament in June 2007, after having thanked the European participants for their generosity, declared that more than their money, what the African youth was expecting was their respect.

40 41

Today, this is precisely what modern research on the origins of development is recommending: it is the support – translate into love or esteem or respect – given by local decision makers to the innovative ideas from the members of their local civil society that creates the sort of spectacular development the West has experienced over the last three centuries. Northern donors should change from paying the poorest of the Southern countries to implement their own vision of development into assisting the young Africans to obtain the support of their authorities to get their ideas across. Let us stop discussing in international conferences on development what needs to be done and let us instead examine how to lift the obstacles that prevent local actors from implementing their proposals. Let us stop translating their requests only in terms of additional foreign aid requirements, not only because it has the contrary effect to the one expected, but also because since Northern countries do not have the promised volume of funding, this situation gives local governments an excuse for not meeting local needs. It is time for the tax payers of the Northern countries to demand from their public foreign aid donors to stop measuring their performance in terms of the amounts disbursed and demand that local civil society control the use of their aid and that conclusions of their evaluation be truthfully reported in annual reports. Our findings support a thesis, already abundantly argued before, that the substitution effect of aid, when it leads governments away from their core social responsibilities, is toxic. And, it has also been recalled that the same negative impact is observed when foreign aid displaces local savings, which are then poorly channeled either into the informal sector or even exported instead of being mobilized more efficiently through formal financial intermediation into productive investments. IDAY does not claim to have discovered Ali Baba’s " Sesame " of development aid. As indicated in the beginning of this note, underdevelopment is much too complex a phenomenon to be solved by one single method. At any rate, IDAY is much too young to be giving lessons. Its experience so far, however, is convincing.

Does Foreign Aid Really Work?, 2007. See Annex II Seneca, On the Happy Life (De Vita Beata), between 49 and 62 AD

The Annexes to this note on IDAYâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s achievements are not to be read as if they were the solutions to the problem of education in Africa. They are simply the proof of the dynamism and innovative spirit of local civil society that deserve the support of their government to convince donors to look for similar opportunities. It all boils down to sowing the seeds of participative democracy, an indispensable component of democracy at large, a necessary condition to guarantee the respect of human rights without which no equitable and sustainable development is possible. There will be no development in Sub-Saharan Africa without close cooperation among governments, local civil society and the business sector. If this brochure succeeded in convincing its audience in only slightly modifying the approach toward development philanthropy, and hereby allow a few young Africans to gain confidence in their capacity to convince their government to improve living conditions in their home country and refraining from embarking on risky attempts of clandestine emigration, then it will have achieved its goal and efforts to read this text to the end will be amply rewarded.

ÂŠIDAY

Intern

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ID on do AY Regiona mestic lS worke eminar rs, Kig ali, 20 15

ÂŠIDAY International 74

ANNEXES ANNEXES I.

The Message of Yaguine & Fodé

II.

What the Literature Says on Foreign Aid

III.

IDAY-International aisbl

IV.

Support to Domestic Workers

Education and Health

VI.

Quality Education of Minors Deprived of Liberty

VII.

Education of Young People in Post-conflict Areas

DRC, South Kivu

©IDAY International

VIII. Measuring the Performance of Education Systems

ANNEX I

Raising voices for education in Africa Porte-voix pour l’éducation en Afrique

MESSAGE OF YAGUINE AND FODE

1 th

Conakry, July 29 1999

« Excellencies, members and responsible authorities of Europe, We have the honour and pleasure of writing you this letter to tell you about the purpose of our journey and the sufferings, which we, the children and young people of Africa, experience. But first may we offer you our most exquisite, adorable and respectful greetings in life. To that effect, be our support and our help. For us in Africa, you are the ones to whom we must turn for help. We beg you to listen to us, for the love of your continent, for the feeling that you have for your people and above all for the attachment and love that you feel for your children, whom you love for life; and also for the love and graciousness of our creator God Almighty, who gave you all the good experiences, wealth and power to develop and organise your continent to be the most beautiful and admirable of them all. Esteemed members and leaders of Europe, we in Africa appeal to your solidarity and your kindness. Help us, we are suffering terribly in Africa, we have problems and there are gaps in children’s rights. Among the problems we face are war, disease and malnutrition. As for children’s rights, in Africa and especially in Guinea we have too many schools but not enough education and teaching – except in private schools where you can get a good education and good teaching, but only at great cost. But our parents are poor and they have to feed us. Furthermore, we have no sports schools where we can play soccer, basketball, or tennis. This is why we, the children and young people in Africa, ask you to embark on a large-scale, efficient organisation for Africa so that our countries can develop. Hence, if you see that we risk our lives and sacrifice ourselves, it is because there is too much suffering in Africa and because we need you to fight against poverty and to end war there. Nevertheless, we want to study and ask you to help us study to become like you, in Africa. Finally, we beg you to forgive us for daring to write this letter to you, the great persons to whom we owe respect. Please realise that we have no one else to turn to in order to show how weak we are in Africa.

Written by two Guinean children, Yaguine Koita and Fodé Tounkara » (signatures)

©IDAY International

DRC, School girls, South Kivu

This is the text of the letter found on the body of Yaguine in an envelope tugged under his shirt. The bodies of Yaguine and Fodé, two Guinean boys of 14 and 15 who were found in the landing gear of a Sabena plane returning from a flight from Conakry. The authenticity of the letter was confirmed by the discovery of the draft of the letter in one of Yaguine’s school books.

IDAY International Day of the African Child and Youth

IDAY’S HONORARY COMMITTEE Hauwa Ibrahim (Sakharov Prize 2005) Baaba Maal (Ambassador UNDP – Senegal) – Luisa Morgantini (VicePresident of the European Parliament 2007/2009) – Dr Denis Mukwege (Sakharov Prize 2014, King Baudouin Prize 2011, Director of Panzi Hospital) Mampe Ntsedi (Nelson Mandela Children Center) – Ousmane Sy (King Baudouin Prize 2005 and founder of CEPIA) – Pamela Weathers (Professor at Worcester Polytechnic Institute) – Hendrina Doroba (Executive Director of FAWE) – Oley Dibba-Wadda (Executive Secretary of ADEA)

IDAY-International aisbl - Rue des Jambes 19 - 1420 Braine-l’Alleud - Belgium - T. +32 (0)2 385 44 13 info@iday.org - IBAN - BE 93 5230 8026 6767 - BIC - TRIOBEBB (TRIODOS) - 0895.443.325 - www.iday.org

ANNEX II

DAY operates mainly on the basis of the experience of its African members. Before deciding, however, how best to meet their expectations, the European managers also went through an extensive literature review on the efficiency of foreign aid, both public and private. With few exceptions, only treatises and surveys published by independent authors, those who are not part of the techno- structure i.e. the agencies that live off the largess of foreign aid, have been retained. The very large majority of them conclude that foreign aid has failed to reduce poverty in the aid-recipient countries or regions. The bulk of the literature concerns public aid between States, which is indeed the least efficient one. Private aid, i.e. funds disbursed by foundations, individual donors or corporations is generally less detrimental although recent treatises also call its efficiency into question. At any rate, money is fungible: one cannot distinguish a dollar coming from one foreign donor from the dollar coming from another foreign or local contribution. In addition, according to The Samaritan’s Dilemma (see below Clark Gibson) foreign aid, private as well as public has a tendency to substitute for local government support to essential social services. Hence, private donors’ impression that their donations do not contribute to the authorities’ corruption because their money is disbursed in separate accounts for specific investments, fails to recognize that these funds can substitute for those of the government. They are therefore subject to the same problems encountered with public aid.

©IDAY International

WHAT THE LITTERATURE SAYS ON DEVELOPMENT AID

Kinshasa, Comité d'Appui au Travail Social de Rue (CATSR — IDAY member)

A more complete PowerPoint presentation on the history of foreign aid is available upon request from the IDAY-Secretariat, which also provides training sessions on the subject. In summary, the main causes of the failure of foreign aid are: W The domination of the donors’ interest over those of the depending recipients ; W The relation master – intendant by which donors and Northern authorities consider to be more competent than field agents ; W Primary conditions of success (good governance of recipient countries and strong economic growth so that capital, including the benefits from projects financed with foreign aid, is allocated to productive investments) are only rarely fulfilled ; W Aid is concentrated on individual service supply projects that only rarely tackle the origin of the problems ; W Projects scaled and operators selected according to the donors’ concerns and capacity to control operations rather than according to the management capabilities of the recipients ; W The lack of ownership of the proposed investments by the beneficiaries resulting in operations failing to survive once foreign funding stops ; and W Foreign aid and foreign NGOs come in between local governments and their civil society. However to be successful, aid should necessarily involve both of them, as well as, if possible, the business sector. Hereafter the main conclusions of a few treatises.

W.W. ROSTOW, the father of the concept that foreign aid can contribute to the development of the recipient countries in The Stages of Economic Growth: a NonCommunist Manifesto (1962) places two conditions for that aid to succeed: (1) it is granted only if the economy of the recipient country is at the economic takeoff stage (growth rates several times larger than the rate of population growth) ; and (2) it does not help governments that are not fully committed to the development of their country. It is well established that these conditions are only rarely met. As suggested by the title of the book, for Rostow, aid was as much a cold war weapon to advance the geopolitical aims of the Western world as a development tool to the benefit of the recipient countries.

JOHN RAWLS, philosopher, in A Theory of Justice1 (2003) justifies foreign aid as a means to construct a more just society, in which each member is capable of fully exploiting its human potential. For Rawls, one should conduct one’s life as if one could have been born in any other part of human society, including the most derelict ones. In a just society, each individual is free to accumulate as much wealth as he wants, provided it does not hinder those in the worst off situation from accessing basic rights. The lack of access to individual liberties (human rights) of the least favored of a society will necessarily limit individual liberties of the better off which translates into a loss of security in rich countries and the growing expenditures for security that it implies. He also warns that if we want to live in a just society, freedom of circulation of goods and capital must be accompanied by the freedom of circulation of people.

Following the translation of his book in French,later editions are titled Justice as Fairness.

" Development implies the existence of a participatory democracy as confirmed by authors like Easterly and McCloskey "

©IDAY International

DRC, South Kivu 84

JUDITH TENDLER, in Inside Foreign Aid (1975) – probably one of the most insightful books on foreign aid. Her analysis of foreign aid agencies like USAID and the World Bank, brings her to denounce a pernicious feature of aid in general: donors conceive their activity according to an internal logic rather than according to the actual needs of the target population. To remain financially viable and cover their huge administrative costs needed to control operations, these institutions can only intervene through large scale and very costly operations. Such operations are rarely compatible with the local context and the management capacity of existing grass root organizations. The internal logic of this approach prevents these donors from correcting their errors. It is most probably, together with the inherent conflict of interest of the Board Members of the international development banks (who lend to their own constituencies), the main reason why regular efforts to correct 50 years of demonstrated failures in foreign aid performance repeatedly abort.

If one accepts Tendler’s diagnosis and RIDDEL and DEATON’s conclusions (see below), then it all seems as if the current trend towards greater concentration of aid on a limited number of sectorial and geographical goals launched by several institutional donors to enhance their control of the use of their funds and make a difference could well lead to a further deterioration of foreign aid’s efficiency. The concentration accentuates the share of the foreign donor’s impact at the expense of local participation. The greater the relative weight of the foreign component in development operations, the more difficult it becomes for local actors to take ownership of them and make them accessible to the population at large. Large scale operations further aggravate the Dutch Disease by which foreign exchange imbalances and concentration of large sums of money in the hands of a few tend to slow down development in recipient countries.

GEORGE RIDDEL, in Foreign Aid Reconsidered (1987) reviews exhaustively all public foreign aid programs and finds not a single positive impact, with the exception of the education and health sectors. On the contrary, if the results of econometric models are accepted, impact falls more on the negative side. The conclusion is later confirmed by the International Monetary Fund (2005)2 (but the IMF does not except the education and health sectors from this conclusion), by the American journalist Nicholas Kristof3 (2008) and especially by Professor Angus Deaton (see later). For Riddel, the main cause of failure is the domination of donors’ interest over the needs of aid recipients. His last chapter recommends nevertheless an increase in the volume of foreign aid, most probably due to the fact that his research was financed by the British bilateral aid agency.

Raghuram G. et al. Aid and Growth: What Does the Cross-Country Evidence Really Show? (2005) 3 Aid: Can it Work? The New York Review of Books, (Oct. 2006) 2

JEAN-JACQUES GABAS, in L’aide contre le développement: l'exemple du Sahel?4 (1988) shows that foreign aid never really sought to contribute to the wellbeing of the recipient countries. Already in colonial times, Northern interventions sought exclusively to benefit the colonizers. He considers that things have worsened since the independence of poor countries. He assimilates the interplay between donor and recipient of foreign aid to the partners in a potlatch. In this traditional game, the dominant player brings imperceptibly the dependent partner to the fringe of collapse and then, having demonstrated his superiority pushes him over the cliff. The excessive debt levels of foreign aid recipient countries can be traced back to the donors adopting this approach. See also J-M Albertini5 who forewarned already in 1969 that foreign aid would bring about excessive debt (not only loans but also grants at the origin of market distortions) recipient countries.

Aid against Development: the example of the Sahel? 5 Les éléments du sous-développement/ The elements of under-development (1969) 4

DRC, South Kivu, advocacy workshop

©IDAY International

" The main cause of the negative impact of aid is the weakening of the relationship between government and civil society"

©IDAY International

BRIGITTE ERLER, in Aid that kills6 (1987) recounts the author’s disappointment at the results of the projects financed by German foreign aid in Bangladesh and Pakistan which she visited during 9 years as Head of Department of her country’s Ministry of Economic Cooperation. Most of the projects have the opposite impact to the one for which they were financed: instead of helping the poor, the aid either makes them even poorer, or, in the best cases reinforces the position of the rich at the expense of the poor. She explains why these negative results are not denounced by the responsible agents, or not reported through so-called independent evaluations. She also gives several examples of the pernicious effects of The Samaritan’s Dilemma (see Clark Gibson) by which foreign aid substitutes for the budget that the government previously allocated to these priority operations against poverty. In 1974, the author resigned from her position in the Ministry.

WILLY WAPENHANS, former Vice-President of the World Bank, concludes in a 1992 study commissioned by its then President that the main reason for failure of more than half the World Bank projects is lack of ownership by the loan recipients. He does not explain, however, why the World Bank Board Members took so long to react to the regular reports of the Operation Evaluation Department, which had been revealing these failures for almost 15 years. One does not understand either why one must wait for the Paris Conference in 2005 – 13 years – for that common sense conclusion to become enshrined in the public donors’ key stated objectives.

ROBERT PUTNAM, in Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (1993) compares the rapid economic development of Northern Italy to the economic stagnation of the South – the Mezzogiorno. He explains the difference by the dynamism of local civil society of the Northern communes on the one side and the continuous historic foreign domination in the South that prevented the emergence of local dynamics. Hence, development could well be the result of real participative democracy, as confirmed later by authors like Easterly and McCloskey (see below). Note that despite the colossal amounts of regional aid provided under the European Union regional development policy, and especially the loans of the European Investment Bank created in 1958 precisely to develop the Mezzogiorno, income per person in the Mezzogiorno remains at about 40% of that in the North of the country. The failure of foreign aid is not an African prerogative.

AMARTYA SEN, demonstrates through his researches that earned him the Nobel Price in economics in 1998 and explained in The Economy is a Moral Science (1999)7 that only government policies elaborated with the active participation of the civil society are equitable and sustainable.

7 6

Tödliche Hilfe

L’economie est une science morale La Découverte, 1999

FRANCINE MAESTRUM, in Mondialisation et Pauvreté: de l’utilité de la pauvreté dans le nouvel ordre mondial8 (2002) shows Third World countries’ development depending more on open market policies than foreign aid to reduce their poverty9. From there the wellknown declaration Trade not aid by the leaders of these countries. She denounces the charitable souls who seek to give themselves a good conscience by pretending to help the poor in developing countries. She goes as far as writing that these do-gooders in fact need the poor to acquit themselves of the moral weight of their accumulated wealth while profiting from the lack of political power of the poor. This conclusion is close to that of Ms Abigail Disney in her speech at the Day of Philanthropy organized by the King Baudouin Foundation in 2014 in Brussels and repeated in the interview published in IDAY’s Autumn 2014 Newsletter. She makes the difference between charities through which donors seek to give themselves a good conscience and philanthropy which aims at lifting the obstacles that prevent the poor to enhance their human potential.

PAUL COLLIER, Professor at the London School of Economics and author of The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done about It (2007) shows the difficulty of any foreign capital to contribute to the development of Africa that he considers to be trapped at the bottom of the world economy. He accuses those who used the Marshall Plan as proof of the capacity of foreign aid to bring about development of recipient countries of forgetting that the Plan was accompanied by what he considers critical complements: security to prevent wars and institutional reforms. Regarding the latter, he is in line with the conclusions of the International Monetary Fund. He considers that Africa represents for Europe a socio-economic timebomb and begs its citizens to act to require from their government that they take measures to raise the efficiency of their foreign aid programs.

Globalisation and Poverty: of the Use of Poverty in the New World Order 9 A conclusion confirmed, among others, by Joel Mokyr’s A Culture of Growth: the Origin of Modern Economy (2017) 8

GEORGE RIDDELL, in Does Foreign Aid Really Work (2007) and Minoiu and al. in a document published by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Development Aid and Economic Growth: a Positive Long-Run Relation (2009) soften somewhat their previous condemnation but put clear conditions for foreign aid to succeed. They admit that they are rarely met. RIDDELL condemns especially the technical assistance programs that usually try to impose a donor’s vision onto aid recipients. The IMF study concludes that foreign aid can have a potential positive impact only if measured over a 15year period. Results are shown to differ according to the origin of the aid. The Scandinavian countries and possibly Switzerland and Holland can claim to have a clearly positive impact. On the contrary, the foreign aid programs of France, Great Britain and Belgium – all former colonial powers - are considered by th IMF to have a negative impact on the recipient countries apparently because the priority they give to geopolitical goals and, possibly their excessive administrative costs. The analysis does not cover international organizations but they are assumed to give better results because less influenced by internal

politics. RIDDELL concludes his book by urging donors to accept an honest and transparent evaluation of their foreign aid program, its eventual failure and be prepared for a fundamental reform.

DRC, South Kivu 94

ÂŠIDAY International

"The vast majority of young Africans have to work to earn a living, feed themselves and often support a family"

DAMBISA MOYO, eminent economist of Zambian nationality, denounces in Dead Aid (2009) the irresponsibility that foreign aid conveys to the recipient governments and local population. She proposes to replace it by borrowings in local currency on the financial markets and cites the European Investment Bank as a positive example.

RAYMOND BAKER et EVA JOLY, in an article published in 2009 and REALITY OF AID, an NGO which groups organizations mainly of the Third World and represented in Europe by EURODAD at an international conference in 2013 (see the more recent diagram presented in chapter I), show that Africa loses more capital to the World mainly because of illicit and legal transfers by its leaders into fiscal heavens than it receives through foreign aid and private investments. This revelation confirms that it is useless to continue past foreign aid practices. According to the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)10, the most efficient of all foreign aid programs is the one spent modifying the fiscal regimes of Third World countries to raise taxation on local revenues to finance social services.

ABHIJIT BANHEERJEE & ESTHER DUFLO, researchers of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in their Poor Economics (2009), show the results of numerous surveys of local populations from several continents. They indicate that poor people do not see poverty alleviation in the same way that most economist do. Their motivation to pull themselves out of poverty is often very different from the one that the Northern donors imagine. This explains in part why fighting poverty on the basis of donors’ interests, does not work.

CLARK GIBSON, and others demonstrate in The Samaritan’s Dilemma (2010) what BUCHANAN had already evoked in 1997 (and, as indicated above, described by Erler in 1987): that foreign aid supplied to critical sectors of special interest to Northern donors public and private – causes local governments to spend less on these key sectors. He explains on these grounds, for instance, why aid-recipient governments do not maintain their infrastructure, since they are usually replaced gratuitously by foreign donors once totally destroyed or out of order (so - called " rehabilitation project "). Indeed, once a road for instance has reached a state of disrepair unacceptable to donors from rich countries, they seem to be incapable resisting to rehabilitate them with their free of charge, or at least very low-cost, foreign aid. Southern Governments know that donors from the North cannot refuse to help for instance ragged children and other heartbreaking victims of poverty. Local governments then use their own funds, thus liberated, for other purposes.

Conference organized by IDAY in Brussels in June 2013 (see www.iday.org under " IDAY " & " Documents ".)

DEISDRE McCLOSKEY demonstrates in Bourgeois Dignity: Why Economics Can't Explain the Modern World (2010) that new technologies, savings, globalization, better communication, education, health, religion and race cannot by themselves or even combined explain the spectacular income increases per capita observed in the Western world since the 18th century (in Holland as from 1700, in England as from 1760, in the USA as from 1776 and in France as from 1789). She considers that a rise by a factor of several hundreds of these incomes stems primarily from the authorities’ support to innovations produced by enlightened discoverers. Their discoveries were broadly accepted because of a prevailing competitive environment and supportive governance by the authorities. These findings, based on extended historical research, confirm that economic development stems primarily from the close collaboration between local civil society and the institutions, be they governmental or private. This, in a way, brings us back to the underlying principles of a just society of John Rawls and the conclusions of Robert Putnam.

WILLIAM EASTERLY, former World Bank staff and Professor of Economics at New York University stresses also in The Tyranny of the Experts: Economists, Dictators and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor11 (2014) that development stems from the exploitation of ideas generated by individuals. He criticizes the lack of respect for individual human rights by the large international organizations. He presents several cases of spectacular developments in zones of poverty in Northern as well Southern countries resulting from the public support given to ideas originating with individuals and not public organizations.

ANGUS DEATON, Professor at the Princeton University and Nobel prize in economics in 2015 spent much of his life studying poverty and the way to combat it. Measuring the relationship between foreign aid and income per capita in recipient countries, he observes that the more aid a country receives, the slower income per capita grows. He explains this negative impact of foreign aid by the fact that it weakens the relationship between the governments and their civil society. He recalls that social progress in the North was extracted

from the authorities by civil society because the authorities needed the taxes from the population to cover their expenses. He hereby confirms the conclusions of Amartya Sen (see above). Foreign aid allows the authorities to ignore their population’s demands. He recommends concentrating foreign aid on the strengthening of the relationship between people and their government. IDAY finds in this conclusion the confirmation of the validity of its operational principles proposed already in 2008 (Annex III).

The negative impact of foreign aid on growth in recipient countries reported by Angus Deaton, is also well illustrated by Willian Easterly with specific reference to Africa. The figure reproduced hereunder, is extracted from William Easterly’s Can Foreign Aid Buy Growth?12

Easterly is also the author of the famous The White Men Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done so Much Ill and so Little Good 2006

Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 17, Number 3 — Summer 2003 — Pages 23 – 48

Nadia Molenaers & Robrecht Renard in « Ontwikkelingshulp faalt ; is participatie het redmiddel » (2011) – go through the successive forms of official foreign aid : project financing (1960-1980), that failed partly because of money fungibility; structural adjustments (1980-1990) that redress public finances but destroys social services; resurgence in the believe in development financing (1990-2000) and, budget support (2000-…..) including finally Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) aimed at overcoming the failure of foreign aid to poverty alleviation in recipient countries. The authors remain doubtful as to whether this last change substantially improves foreign aid efficiency and deplore several bilateral donors’ failure to support the move including Belgium. The culprits are the weak reaction of the public against their government’s faulty cooperation policies and especially that of the NGOs that benefit from government’s largesses. The missing link, is considered to be « social capital », i.e. the capacity of local civil society (LCS) to conduct collectively advocacy campaigns to improve local governance. Getting participation of genuine LCS is difficult, considering the unclear motivation of some organisations and the donors’ instrumentation to verify government in the use of foreign 100

aid They consider grants to individual LCS organisations as anti-democratic because they interfere with LCS’ collective action, needed to give LCS the power to influence government policies. International NGOs could well play a harmful role in this regard if they confine their interventions to service supply projects through individual LCS organisations.

University of Antwerp. Belgium The Failure of development aid : can participatie save it ?

21 22

JOEL MOKYR is Professor at Northwestern University (USA) & TelAviv (Israël) and economic historian. He tries to explain the extraordinary development that started in the mid-eighteen century in the West in « Culture of Growth » (2017). Why did the Western economy that was far behind that of China until about 1750 suddenly took off and became so opulent. Like Deirdre McCLoskey,for Mokyr much hinges on the collaboration among sectors of society – inventors, artisans, civil society, authorities. He stresses the critical role of transnational communities of thinkers « The Cercle of Literature » and the enlightened thinkers, as major driving forces in instituting ample changes. Mokyr, however, puts greater importance on the competition among countries that allowed brilliant thinkers who got in trouble with their local authorities to find in competing countries the safe haven to exercise their talents. In China a single dynasty controlled the economy, and instilled a preference for ancient believes over new ideas. It entertained an aversion of the domineering West resulting in China being unable to maintain its higher level of civilisation. Hence, for Mokyr, competition among nations stimulates the adoption of new ideas that accelerated development. The author opposes “propositional” to “prospective”

thinking, the first promoting past believes, the second daring innovations. Mokyr also highlights the critical role of artisans as key transmitters of innovations into practical applications. He questions the role of education as a critical factor of development observing that many artisans during the industrial revolution were illiterate. What really matters is the creation of an environment in which “parents want to instill into their offspring the willingness to invest in order to reap higher incomes at a later time”. It is essential to give respectability to those who engage in intellectual endeavours and to “turn curiosity, once regarded as a vice,into a virtue”.

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ANNEX III Raising voices for education in Africa

IDAY-INTERNATIONAL IDAY is an NGO encouraging a constructive dialogue between African civil society organisations (CSO) and their governments and advocating for the right of all African youth to access quality basic education. GUIDING PRINCIPLES Networking Advocacy Empowerment through ownership

WE ELIMINATE BARRIERS TO EDUCATION Fighting malaria in schools with Artemisia annua (Burkina-Faso, Burundi, DRC, Kenya) Mobilization of grassroots organisations HNHPUZ[ JOPSK [YHÉ&#x2030;JRPUN ;VNV Legal recognition of Domestic workers (Burundi, Rwanda, DRC, Kenya, Uganda)

IDAY directly contributes to the schooling of

260,000

children and youth in Africa (2014 census).

ÂŠIDAY International

IDAY Regional Assembly Senegal, 2015

IDAY NETWORK 450 members organisations ŕ Ž 19 African coalitions ŕ Ž 5 European coalitions Coordinated by IDAY-International aisbl (headquarters in Belgium)

80 million

children and youth in Africa are still deprived of quality basic education.

All children have the right to access quality basic education. IDAY exists because too many African children and youth are still deprived of it.

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IDAY gathers African CSOs involved in the education sector. These organisations form national coalitions.

As members of the network, these IDAY coalitions are encouraged to engage in efficient advocacy actions with a long-term impact. The advocacy agenda is decided by local civil society. These organisations decide what is required to achieve education for all in Africa.

Ownership / Social mobilisation / Advocacy

INTEREST

Government

Public Foreign Aid FUNDING

appropriate services

DIALOGUE

DEVELOPMENT

TRUST

taxes SERVICE DELIVERY

Civil Society

Private Foreign Aid INTEREST

DEVELOPMENT IS AN ENDOGENOUS PROCESS IDAY stimulates and promotes local African-driven development initiatives.

Kampala, Visit to IDAY Uganda Office

People build themselves ; one cannot develop someone else.

IDAY-International aisbl / 19, rue des Jambes - 1420 Braine-l’Alleud - Belgium / T. : +32 (0)2 385 44 13 E.: info@iday.org / IBAN : BE 93 5230 8026 6767 - BIC : TRIOBEBB (TRIODOS) / www.iday.org

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ANNEX IV REGIONAL PROGRAM â&#x20AC;&#x201C; SUPPORT TO DOMESTIC WORKERS

IDAY members from East Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) at their Regional Assembly of Nairobi in July 2010, decided to launch a regional program to integrate the domestic workers into the education for all drive of their country. They agreed to come together in Bujumbura in November of the same year to establish a common strategy and visit the training center Convergence dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;aide aux Domestiques (CAD) which was seen as a model with an annual capacity of 400 domestic workers trained receiving government approved certificates at the end of their program. The problems of the living and working conditions of the African domestic workers remain numerous: low or no salaries, long working hours, few or no holidays, violence in different forms, unsecure employment, no written contracts, etc. The children and youngsters who are working as domestics are particularly vulnerable and undergo numerous abuses. They are too poor to go to school and they are obliged to work. The chance of returning to school or receive professional training are slim. Domestic workers are hidden behind the walls of the individual plots and benefit from little if any attention from the authorities. Hence their title: Invisible workers. Child domestic work is considered by the International Labor Organization (ILO) as one of the worst forms of child labor. Domestic work is at times considered as a form of modern slavery. To combat these various forms of violence against child and young domestic workers, the members of the IDAY network have proposed various axes of intervention:

DRC, Kinshasa, CATSR, girl living in the street

106

107

W Statistics Conduct surveys at national scale is the first necessary step to evaluate the actual scale of domestic work and orient the measures to protect children and young workers. Reliable statistical data are also a way to demonstrate to the authorities the real protection needs, especially to send back to school children below working age but also their legal rights and their need for literacy and professional training. The number and actual living and working conditions of domestic workers are indeed not well known. The surveys cover the socio-economic profile of the domestic workers (number, social origin, literacy level, etc.) and that of the employers as well as the domestic workers’ expectations in terms of training and the employers’ requirements in terms of their employees’ skills. They are conducted with multiple partners, including the government and local authorities, the National Institute of Statistics and local civil society organizations. A harmonized questionnaire was developed to collect comparable data in DRC, Burundi, Rwanda, Kenya and Uganda. In 2013, 2014 and 2015, the IDAY network collected quantitative and qualitative data from 22.000 persons — child and adult domestic workers and their employers — in these 5 countries. The IDAY network seeks to enlarge the approach to several West African countries member of the network where similar problems arise with domestic workers as in East Africa. W Advocacy Campaign To better protect domestic workers, IDAY proposes to organize advocacy campaigns with the authorities along the following lines: W Ratification of the ILO Convention 189 on decent work for the domestic workers ; W Recognition and legalization of domestic work (including minimum wage, social protection, work inspection) ; and W Improvement of the child protection mechanism of below working age domestic workers. IDAY and its partners have lead campaigns in 2015 and 2016 in the 5 countries above. Campaigns should be continued over the next years to take advantage of the results obtained so far and pursue the on-going interventions. 108

W Awareness Raising Parallel to the advocacy campaigns with the authorities, the population at large is informed and made aware of the living conditions of domestic workers to initiate new behaviors. The awareness raising campaigns are conducted through radio and television programs, meetings with local leaders or the community as a whole, distribution of folders to the employers. In 2015 and 2016, all the IDAY coalitions and their partners in the 5 countries have launched such communication campaigns to raise awareness about the needs of domestic workers and fight against child labor. W Training In addition to the communication campaign, IDAY promotes training programs adapted to working age domestic workers. Pilot experiences have been led in DRC, Burundi and Rwanda by several IDAY partners. Youngsters trained in literacy – both in local and foreign languages-, knitting and cooking benefit from better working conditions and their relationship with their employers improve. IDAY seeks to develop these pilot projects on a larger scale together with the governments, in particular by the creation of curricula in household arts that include literacy training, algebra, languages, hygiene and cleanliness, childcare, cooking, politeness, welcoming guests, first help, citizenship and participative democratic rights and obligations. A regional program covering the 5 countries above is currently seeking financing to be launched in 2017. Investment costs over the next 4 years are estimated at € 1.8 million (USD 2 million).

109

" IDAY and its partners lead campaigns in 2015 and 2016 in 5 countries" Kigali, Collectif des Ligues et Associations de Défenses des Droits de l'Homme au Rwanda (CLADHO — IDAY Member). Training Center for Domestic Workers 110

111

W Legal Protection Child and young domestic workers are often victim of abuses in the working environment. Hence, the IDAY-Kivu coalition has developed an innovative approach creating a dialogue framework with the associations active in the sector, specialized state services (Labor Inspection, Unions, Youth associations, Social affairs), local authorities as well as international and local NGOs. The objective is exchange information about registered cases of abuse, orient and manage the disagreements between employers and employees and provide legal support to abused children and young domestic workers. For the time being, the model was developed only in East DRC. It could be duplicated in other areas if IDAY national coalitions recognize it as a new operational orientation. Program Impact as of September 2016 � Adoption of a minimum salary (USD99) per month for domestic workers in Kenya ; � Revision of the labor law in Kenya with explicit reference to domestic workers. The law refers to the ILO Convention 182 on the worst forms of child labor ; � Discussions on the adoption of a law aimed specifically at the domestic workers in Kenya ; � Revision (on-going) of the labor law in Uganda to better protect the children ; � Ratification process of ILO Convention 189 on decent working condition of domestic workers started by preliminary tripartite meetings in Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda & Burundi ; � Rwanda officially forbade children work by ministerial decree dated May 10, 2016. This decree mentions explicitly children domestic workerss ; � Adoption of a minimum salary for domestic workers currently under discussion in Parliament in Rwanda ; � Creation of a domestic workers’ union in Rwanda (September 2016) ; � Preliminary meetings with the informal workers union in Kinshasa (moto-taxi, for instance) to raise awareness about the living conditions of the domestic workers and the need to organize and reinforce the unions on these matters ; 112

� Provincial authorities in the East of DRC have instructed local authorities to supervise the case of children domestic workers and organise their schooling ; � Creation of a framework for discussion among local authorities and civil society in Kivu to follow up on cases of abuses of domestic workers ; and � A training center for young domestic workers created in Uvira (South Kivu), wich became self financed as from September 2015. Conclusions of the Independent Evaluations The final evaluation of the project was carried out on behalf of the European Commission by an external consultant, Mr Sadiki Byombuka Onésime (MAXIMPACT asbl), who visited each of the 6 project zones in Est Africa and the DRC. The conclusions are to a large extent positive, bringing out the advantages of the multi-actor strategy involving civil society and government, and the added-value of the project’s regional dimension coordinated by the Secretariat of IDAY-International in Belgium. The evaluation states: The project made it possible to highlight the specific issues that arise in respect of child and youth domestic workers. It has the merit of intensifying the understanding of how important it is to protect them and take care of their fate. It has contributed to increasing awareness of domestic workers, their employers, families and community as well as local authorities for better social and legal protection. In terms of impact, this project has started to yield remarkable changes. The evaluator first note that planned activities, including the survey of about 22 000 persons – children and adult domestic workers and employers – have been all been carried out as planned. He also notes that the advocacy towards governments in respect of ratification of the ILO Convention 189 on Domestic Workers should have been more highly developed and intensified under the project. Furthermore, for budgetary reasons, the project’s geographical coverage in the different countries remained somewhat limited, generally targeting capital cities and a small number of provincial centres. The evaluator thus strongly recommends carrying on a new phase based on the acquired results of the project, and also specifically integrating specific direct services by way of training of domestic workers. 113

ANNEX V

REGIONAL PROGRAM – EDUCATION AND HEALTH

Artemisia annua Nursery

114

his program seeks to raise education quality through the sharp reduction of school absenteeism by the elimination of malaria in African schools through the expansion of the use of Artemisia annua, a plant of Chinese origin, used there since over 2 000 years against infectious tropical diseases. The plant is a powerful repellent against the vector of the disease, is used to prevent the disease because it has no secondary effects since effective components are present in low concentrations, and to cure the crises at higher doses. The main text contains more information on the characteristics of the plants at pages 43-45 The members of the network were made aware of the potential of the plant by Ph. D. Pierre Lutgen, during the IDAY General Assembly of 2009. The seeds distributed at the time proved poorly adapted to Africa. Professor Tobias Arudo of the Kenyatta University discovered a cultivar in the University gardens and tested it with success in 2 schools. It was later identified as Apollo of Mediplant produced by Swiss researchers and adapted to African conditions. Trials conducted in Senegal by the Agricultural Faculty of University of Liège (Belgium) demonstrated that it was well adapted to all African regions and seeds were distributed to members by IDAY-Kenya during various assemblies of the network. Artemisia annua proves to be a useful complement to the official means distributed by the World Health Organization (WHO) to fight the disease – medication, bed nets and early diagnostic tests. Although these means are widely distributed with the financial help of powerful international foundations, they remain too costly to be accessible to all, are victims of counterfeits, are not sustainable and suffer from resistances. Hence, it looks interesting to start learning how to grow the plant in selected sites under supervision of the IDAY network. The program has 4 components: WIn vivo clinical tests in Kenya Despite the numerous researches and the positive evidence from the field, WHO’s approval of the use of natural extracts of the plant against malaria, requires in vivo research conducted according to WHO’s norms. The Kenyatta University and IDAY have proposed such clinical tests in partnership with Kenyan schools, which have supplied Artemisia annua to a sufficiently large population over many years to test in particular the resistance against the disease. The competent 115

Kenyan government body has approved the research protocol that will be implemented by Professor Ahmed Hassamali (Kenya) together with several international researchers including Professor Pamela Weathers (USA) of international reputation. Costs are estimated over 3 years at € 1.5 millions. IDAY is seeking the funds to complete these tests that could change fundamentally the economic perspectives of Africa. WSchool Gardens The improvement of school results and the spectacular drop in health costs in the 50 Kenyan schools that have adopted Artemisia annua planted in their school gardens since 2011 has led IDAY members to propose similar projects, adding various components according to local needs: highly nutritious plants, irrigation, school kitchens and youth exchanges. At the end of 2016, 9 coalitions have proposed 19 projects that will improve education standards of 220 000 pupils and their teachers in 365 schools at a total cost of € 800 000 with outside financing of € 460 000 to be found. Individual project costs vary from € 4 000 and € 134 000 over project periods of 1 to 6 years. Projects are currently ongoing in Benin, Burkina-Faso, Burundi, DRC, Kenya, Senegal, Togo, Uganda ; and WInterpellation of WHO The Minister of Health of The Gambia, IDAY and its international scientific partners — Professor Pamela Weathers and Dr. Lucile Cornet-Vernet (France) — have submited to the WHO General Assembly of May 2017 a request for official reservations against the use of Artemisia annua against tropical infectious diseases to be lifted. The Minister of Health of Burkina-Faso is planning a colloquium, which will bring together WHO representatives, Ministers of Health as well as researchers and practitioners of Artemisia plant species effective against malaria .The dates will be fixed when financing becomes available. The Minister of Health of Burkina-Faso is planning a colloquium, which will bring together WHO representatives, Ministers of Health, researchers and practitioners of Artemisia plant species effective against malaria .The dates will be fixed when financing becomes available.

116

WYouth Exchanges Artemisia annua is difficult to cultivate and young Kenyans propose to help teach their colleagues of the IDAY network their know - how about the cultivation and transformation for medical use of the plant. These exchanges are envisaged both ways, lasting from 1 to 5 months and include language courses for French-speaking students visiting English speaking countries and vice-versa. A first exchange took place with a Kenyan student visiting Burkina Faso in 2015 and an agriculturalist promoting the plant in Burkina-Faso visiting Kenya by early 2017. Costs of these exchanges are usually included in the investment costs of the school garden projects. They contribute in developing a sense of PanAfricanism among the African youth.

Keny

a, Wo men C their Artem o-operat iv isia a nnua e preparin garde g n

©IDA Y Inte

rnatio

nal

ANNEX VI REGIONAL PROGRAM — QUALITY EDUCATION OF MINORS DEPRIVED OF LIBERTY IN AFRICA

etained minors are particularly vulnerable and often prevented from receiving a proper education. In Africa, considerable uncertainty persists about the dimension of the issue. Little data exist about the origin of the imprisonment of these minors and the way they are treated. These youngsters, of which about 65% should not be behind bars, are often considered as deserving no political consideration and are victims of the lack of interest from both the public authorities and the population and at times even their own parents. According to their respective objectives, IDAY-International and the NGO Defense of Children International (DCI) – Belgium have decided to work together to resolve this issue. The partnership started in May 2010 and as from the General Assembly of Kampala in November 2011, both organizations consulted each other regularly to examine how IDAYMembers could best respond to the needs. They both aimed mainly at the improvement of the legal policies and norms, the adoption of concrete measures to have the basic rights of the minors deprived of liberty respected in particular in terms of education. In the light of international and regional standards, putting youngsters behind bars must remain a last option. If such a punishment is pronounced, it must be as short as possible. It is up the each State to verify that minors are treated with dignity and prevent them being subjected to degrading and inhuman treatments. Also, the way the minors are detained must be adapted to their situation. The norms expect them never to be detained preventively for more than 48 hours, a rule rarely respected.

DRC, Uvira (Kivu) Prison with mixed youth and adults

118

IDAY’s program aims at improving the situation of minors in prison, regarding their overall situation, their conditions of detention and their access to education. The program is articulated around 3 themes:

119

W Mapping of minors in African prisons

Data collected will give an overall profile of the minors both from a quantitative and qualitative perspective, indicate the inadequacies of the legislation and policies and give an overall picture of the minors’ detention conditions — too many minors are still being detained together with adults instead of having their own prison or yard to avoid abuses of all sort. It will also provide relevant data on the situation regarding education and, in particular the norms these minors should reach to be able to integrate into the national education system when leaving prison. The data will also serve as reference mark to evaluate progress being achieved.

The mapping will be implemented by the organizations or persons who already work with minors in prison because they master the problems involved in this specialized area. It will be coordinated at regional level, in order to compare data and information collected. The survey questionnaires were developed together with several members of the IDAY and DCI-Belgium networks.

W Advocacy and sensibilization campaigns

The third component consists of conducting advocacy campaigns with government authorities and raise awareness of the population about the situation and rights of the minors in prison at both national and international levels. The goal is to remind States of their responsibility regarding the conditions minors in prison are facing, to inform leaders of the deficiencies of their legislation and also to facilitate the coordination of local and foreign civil society organizations active in the sector. The IDAY coalitions that currently participate in the program are: IDAYCameroon, IDAY-Guinea (Conakry), IDAY-Uganda, and IDAY-DRC. The extension of the activities to other African countries where the IDAYInternational network is present will depend on available resources. The program has been designed by IDAY and his awaiting financing for implamentation.

W Guide on education of minors in prison

120

Interna tio DRC, Memb Uvira (Kivu ), Priso er Inte rrogat ing a Y n — IDAY oung P risone r

©IDAY

The guide will also list the good practices found in some countries as well as concrete proposals to facilitate a legal framework adapted to the situation prevailing in each country. To do so, meetings of the participating organizations will be organized each year.

nal

The results of the mapping exercise will be used to update and adapt the existing guides on education of minors in prison aimed at the various authorities concerned: government, donors, international institutions. It will be a tool to advocate and influence improvements for these minors. In addition, the guide will reiterate the fundamental rights and obligations as described in the international conventions (restricting liberty as a measure of last resort, duration as short as possible, respect of the minors deprived of liberty, the need to provide education to facilitate reinsertion when released).

ANNEX VII

REGIONAL PROGRAM EDUCATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE IN POST-CONFLICT AREAS

DRC, Kinshasa, Bokolisi Domestic Workers Training Center

Context1

ccording to UNESCO the number of South-South migrants, i.e. migrants from a Southern country to another Southern country (in this case migrations within Africa), exceeds the number of SouthNorth migrants, i.e. those leaving a Southern country to seek a better life in Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) member countries. In the case of South-South migration, the externally displaced youths (EDY) (from one country to another) and internally displaced youth (IDY), when acting on a voluntary basis, being on the basis (an intentional decision by the migrants or by their parents), achieve a better fate than those who do not migrate at all. But, on the opposite, EDY and IDY suffering from a fate that is not of their own doing (like conflicts or natural disasters) meets results that are less favorable. Even if the number of conflicts is diminishing on the African continent, the number of youths in a situation of prolonged displacement caused by conflicts keeps increasing in view of the absence of programs for their reintegration. They find themselves outside the zone where they come from for prolonged periods of time. Consequently, the youths are subjected to a first trauma caused by the change in their living environment, and must then overcome the obstacles inherent in their insertion into a new schooling system in which the number of pupils is already excessive to start with. For those displaced abroad, a linguistic barrier often further aggravates the adjustment problem, in addition to the even more estranged social and schooling environment. The consequence of these displacements is in the first instance a psychosocial gap that the youth needs to overcome, often requiring an adaptation of several years. There is further an age gap, as most of the displaced have dropped behind in their schooling – even when their schooling has been organized from the outset, which is rarely the case. This increases the adaptation hurdles in view of the differences in age and ill-adapted schooling systems.

Education is still not systematically considered to be a priority action 1

122

Most statistics in this text are sourced from UNESCO’s 2016 Global Education Monitoring (GEM)

123

that saves lives in emergency situations ; this is particularly the case when it comes to mobilizing funding. But education should be a crosscutting theme in all programs addressing emergency situations, as highlighted by the Interagency Network for Education in Emergencies2.

More often than not, displacements are prolonged, leading to the need to adapt the programs to the specific conditions of the environment where the displaced en up. This is how in Burundi, the internally displaced still reside in refugee camps for the more than 20 years since the end of the conflict situation. In Tanzania, refugees from Kivu and Burundi do receive education in French following curricula from their home countries, but they cannot return home while remaining rather unwelcome in Tanzania. The internally displaced youth (IDY) constitute a specific problem because they are only rarely attended to by international authorities. In 2014, internally displaced persons reached 28 million. In Nigeria, the torments inflicted by Boko Haram have since 2009 caused more than 1 million internal displacements in 43 camps of which 19 were not offering formal or informal education facilities. Among IDAY members, the following countries are more severely affected : Burundi, Cameroon, DRC, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda.

It is a known fact that children at an age above the normal primary level age have a degree of maturity allowing them to learn faster, especially when programs are adapted for their age. Displaced children could thus acquire the necessary skills within a reduced time span if the children had access to such program. All such circumstances require specific educational programs. Members of the IDAY network from affected countries have requested support from IDAY’s Secretariat for the design and implementation of such programs in their countries.

The indispensable link must be emphasized between the issues of education in prolonged displacement situations and the issues of peace making/ consolidation, stability and conflict prevention. In particular, the role of the States and of civil society in peace keeping must be highlighted (including their required neutrality). And the importance of peace oriented education in curricula directed at IDY can only be stressed.

Program

The Regional Assembly of IDAY members in Eastern Africa has proposed the following pillars for the concerned region:

PILLAR 1

Dialogue among stakeholders Develop strategic partnerships / synergies for acting and catalyze the impact of interventions by stakeholders ; bring resources together for more effectiveness.

Objective: Strengthened dialogue between actors from the base up for more effectiveness.

PILLAR 2

Legislative, institutional and political frameworks Authorities should be made responsible.

Objective: Improve the national and regional legislative, institutional and

political frameworks to foster educational solutions adapted to children and youth under prolonged displacement.

PILLAR 3

Socio-economic capacity of the communities Mobilize the relevant communities.

Objective: Improve care of children and youth under prolonged

displacement.

www.inee.org

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The program will be developed in close coordination with the concerned United Nations entities (UNHCR, UNICEF, IIEP). It would be implemented first where there is an initial survey like the one completed in Burundi. It will comprise on a systematic basis an inventory of the concerned children’s’ and youths’ needs, the identification of their age and socio-economic characteristics (including their capacity to become autonomous), the duration of their stay in the camps, their mother language and education language in their zone of origin, the capacity of available school infrastructure, the avenues for sustainable solutions (returning, integration, resettlement/ relocation) and legal measures required to integrate displaced people and ensuring the respects of their fundamental rights. During this first phase, members of civil society will conduct their advocacy campaigns towards the authorities so that they would become aware of the extent of the needs and start needed procedures to address them, towards the parents in order that they ensure education for all their children including girls, and towards both groups for them to facilitate the integration of displaced populations. This will involve identification of the lack of means of the parents (school materials, uniform) and also psycho-social needs of children having endured traumas. An evaluation of the results will determine the need and orientation of a second phase. If warranted, a second phase will deploy schooling program as a function of available facilities and the needs, either by deploying existing inclusive educational facilities or by the development of suitable curricula for formal schooling, informal schooling, and the transition between the two with particular attention to youths above the schooling age. Budget A detailed budget has been prepared for a first series of 5 countries (Burundi, Kenya, DRC, Rwanda and Uganda). Total cost is estimated as € 1.21 million over 3 years. The amount will be adjusted according to the number of countries actually participating in the programme over and above those mentioned above. The program, as conceived by IDAY, awaits financing for its implementation.

ternation

©IDAY In

ANNEX VIII MEASURING THE PERFORMANCE OF EDUCATION SYSTEMS

Kenya, World Day Against Child Labor, June 12

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he 11 new Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) for education approved by the United Nations at the end of 2015 have replaced the former Millenium Development Goals and established new objectives to be achieved by 2030. The new SDGs put greater emphasis on education quality in addition to access to basic education. This is fully justified in Africa where education quality has been decreasing in a majority of countries. The causes of this decrease are numerous and involve features that reach beyond the education sector. The participants to the IDAY Board meeting of June 2015 in Dakar, asked the Management Committee to examine a program by which IDAY member organizations would conduct surveys to establish the progress made regarding the SDGs in their country and for the network as a whole. IDAY’s experience shows indeed that once the authorities are confronted with properly established data about an issue, they have a greater inclination to seek solutions than when the requests are purely qualitative. Several official and private international agencies produce statistics on the performance of the African education systems both in terms of access and quality at different stages of the learning cycles. Most assessments, however, are largely based on official data, fail to verify whether education meets the needs of the local population and only rarely offer practical solutions. Hence, IDAY proposes to take advantage of the wide coverage of its network to interrogate annually all parties concerned – parents, students, teachers and authorities – over education access and quality. To achieve credibility for the data collected, sampling with be carried out in accordance to the criteria established by the national statistical offices. The subjects examined will be evaluated according to the 4 " A " proposed by K. Tomasevski Special Rapporteur of the United Nations for Education working in the Raoul Wallenberg Institute (Sweden) and recommended by the Global Campaign for Education: Availability (physical access) – Accessibility (social access) – Acceptability (meeting local needs) – Adaptability (improvements over time). The list of questions will also to all extent possible follow the indicators proposed in the guidelines of Right-to-Education organization, a specialized NGO.

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The 572 organizations that have spontaneously joined the IDAY network to raise education levels represent a potentially important group of independent surveyors which have a role to play in helping measure the performance of their national education system. In doing so, national coalitions will improve the fixing of specific objectives of their future national advocacy campaigns and establish their members’ measurable goals. This exercise will be conducted in close cooperation with other networks with similar aims, like African Network of Coalitions for the Education for All (ANCEFA), if the latter agrees to cooperate and the PAL-Network specialized in citizenled learning assessments. IDAY member organizations have a vast experience in providing access to education for vulnerable children, in raising quality education through improvement of health standards in schools, in collaborating effectively with government agencies. The wide geographical coverage of the network – many members are genuine grass-root organizations and located outside the large cities – places it in an advantageous position to provide a valuable assessment of the performance of the education systems and gives it the political clout to get the proposed solutions implemented. The exercise will cover the three basic education types in which IDAY is active: pre-school initiation, formal primary education and vocational literacy training of illiterate youth who did not have access to a full cycle of quality primary education. The proposed program covers an initial 6 years and also measures the impact of IDAY network’s interventions, forming a better more objective basis to orient IDAY members’ national advocacy themes. Finally, it could also provide a valuable impact assessment of the validity of the conclusion of the research conducted by Professor Angus Deaton, Nobel Prize in Economics in 2015, according to whom development depends on the interplay of government and its people a founding principle of IDAY. Results will be verified by the IDAY-Secretariat and made available on an open data system. The reports will be presented to national and international authorities and the public at large each year on June 16, the International Day of the African Child, when IDAY members are accustomed to commemorate all together to present their requests to the authorities.

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The number of participating coalitions will grow as follows: Year

Number of existing African IDAY coalitions

Number of participating coalitions

The process will be submitted to regular internal and external evaluations. The latter will be carried out by specialized consultants, if possible in partnership with a university that will supervise the process. Total costs over the 6-year project period are estimated at € 7,9 million (USD 8,7 million). Outside financial needs over that period would amount to € 6,5 million (USD 7,2 million), or on average € 76 500 (USD 84 200) per coalition per year, including the general coordination costs. The program, as conceived by IDAY, awaits financing for its implementation.

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Bibliography Bibliography IDAY-DRC/Kivu team

Albertini J-M. “Les mécanismes du sous-développement” Economie & humanisme: Editions ouvrières 1967 Coll. Initiation économique N° 7. Baker R., Joly E. The New York Review of Books 2009 Dec 3 Vol. 56 N° 19 Banheerjee A., Duflo E., "Poor Economics” Public Affairs 2009 ISBN:978-1-58648798-0 Collier P. The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and What can be Done about It Oxford University Press 2007 ISBN: 978-0-19-531145-7 Deaton A. See below article by Swanson A. Easterly W. Can Foreign Aid Buy Growth? Journal of Economic Perspectives – Volume 17, N° 3 pages 23-48.– Summer 2003; pAGE Easterly W. The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators and the Rights of the Poor Basic Books 2014 ISBN:978-0-465-03125-2 Easterly W. The War on Terror vs. the War on Poverty The New York Review of Books 2016 vol. 63. N° 18. Engelman B. Six Billion in Africa. Population Projections for the Continent are Alarming. The Solution: empower women Scientific American 2016 Feb Vol 314 N° 2. 50-55. Erler, B. Todliche Hilfe: Bericht von meiner letzt Dienstreise in Sachen Entwicklungshilfe 1985 Dreisam-Verlag D-7800 Freiburg s Gabas J-J. L’aide contre le développement? L’exemple du Sahel Ed. Economica 1988. Gibson C. et al. The Samaritan’s Dilemma Oxford University Press 2010 ISBN: 978-019-9278884-8 Gillis M. et al. Economie du Développement Editions Universitaires De Boeck 1987 ISBN:2-8041-1409-0 Horton R. Stopping Malaria: the Wrong Road New York Review of Books 2011 Feb 24 Vol. 56 N° 3 International Commission on Financing Global Education Opportunity Kristof N. Aid: Can It Work? The New York Review of Boorks 2006 Oct. 5 Vol 53 N°15 McCloskey D. Bourgeois Dignity: Why Economics Can’t Explain the Modern World The University of Chicago Press 2010 ISBN: 978-0-226-55665-9 Mestrum F. Globalisation and Poverty: of the Use of Poverty in the New World Order L’Harmattan 2002 ISBN:2-7475-2749-2 Michailof S., Bonnel A. Notre Maison Brûle au Sud: que peut faire l’aide au développement? Fayard 2010 Minoiu C. et al. Development Aid and Economic Growth : a Positive Long-Run Relation 2009 May IMF Working Paper Mokyr J. A Culture of Growth : the Origin of the Modern Economy Princeton University Press 2017 ISBN 9780691168883 Molenaer N. & Renard R. “Ontwikkelingshulp faalt: is participatie het redmidde” 2011. Acco Uitgeverij. 132

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Raising voices for education in Africa

Towards a Modern Philanthropy for an Equitable and Sustainable Development of Africa For over 30 years, analysts have denounced the inadequacy of results obtained in the fight against poverty: foreign aid does not produce the expected results. Our world is changing radically while foreign aid remains stuck in its obsolete practices although they are clearly disavowed by the growing flow of clandestine emigrants. This brochure questions the conventional approach to foreign assistance – public as well as private – basing its assessment on numerous treatises and field experience. A few well-documented chapters describe a more effective development philanthropy model that is also more efficient for the private donor. The IDAY-International network, which regroups hundreds of organizations of civil society and defends the rights of the children and youth to quality basic education in Africa, is an example of this new model. It achieves a more equitable and sustainable impact through the interaction between civil society and relevant authorities based on advocacy and multiplier effect of result-oriented interventions. The donor wishing its grants to have a lasting impact will find in this brochure, how to bring his initiatives in line with modern philanthropy. The brochure also seeks to give citizens basic criteria to judge the quality of the development cooperation program of their country. Price of the paper version of the brochure: € 20 (USD 24) Student price: €10 (USD 12) Also available in French