Pedro de Osma Museum

PEDRO DE OSMA MUSEUM

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7 PRESENTATION. FELIPE DE OSMA BERCKEMEYER 9 PRESENTATION. SOCIÉTÉ GÉNÉRALE 10 INTRODUCTION. A COLLECTION. A PALACE. A MUSEUM. 13 THE MUSEUM. JEREMÍAS GAMBOA 16 A PALACE IN BARRANCO. 1906 19 AN ANONYMOUS AND MAGNIFICENT ART. 16th-18th CENTURIES 23 A VISIONARY COLLECTS. 1801-1967 29 A MUSEUM FOR A CITY IN THE DARK. 1967-1988 33 A MUSEUM OPENS ITS DOORS. 1988-2014 36 THE COLLECTION. JAIME MARIAZZA WITH CONTRIBUTIONS

BY ANNICK BENAVIDES AND MAYA STANFIELD-MAZZI

38 INTRODUCTION TO THE COLLECTION 40 VESTIBULE 46 MANNERISM 60 MARIAN DEVOTIONS 78 ANGELS AND ARCHANGELS 90 SAINTS CORRIDORS 102 SCULPTURES 114 ALLEGORIES 130 SAN FERNANDO RECEIVES THE KEYS OF SEVILLE

132 DEFENSE OF THE EUCHARIST WITH SAINT ROSE

134 ADORATION OF THE EUCHARIST 142 CUZCO 17th CENTURY 156 CUZCO 18th CENTURY 174 SILVER AND TEXTILES

192 DALMATIC 194 ALTAR FRONTALS

196 VIRGIN MANTLE

198 STANDARD WITH MOSQUE 200 PORTRAITS AND FURNITURE 212 HUAMANGA STONE 226 CONTEMPORARY ART GALLERY PEDRO DE OSMA MUSEUM 230 THE PEDRO AND ANGÉLICA DE OSMA GILDEMEISTER FOUNDATION

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From the moment the contents of the wills of siblings Angélica and Pedro de Osma Gildemeister were made known, we their heirs received the honorable mandate to comply with their wishes. One such behest called for the conservation, exhibition and dissemination of the cultural heritage of the Pedro de Osma collection.

In this new edition of the catalogue, we highlight the emblematic works of the collection, which are an important testimony to the history of Peruvian art during the colonial period. These pieces communicate the variety of artistic expression of our ancestors.

Peru possesses an identity built on traditions originating from the mutual productivity of two cultures during their heyday. In their own time and space, each of these cultures made unwritten history, artifacts which are decisive for interpreting the past. Their cultural and artistic heritage now makes us proud.

This collection invites the spectator to consider that this was not only a case of one people conquering another – something that has occurred throughout human history – but also an intercultural process, which of course was not immune to defects such as pride, vanity, greed and a thirst for power.

In this sense, the artistic expressions created in our country during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reflect the essence of our cultural identity: miscegenation and cultural syncretism.

The different artistic expressions of the collection – within the originality of each piece – are tributes to a process of evangelization begun by the Catholic Church. This church, holy and secular at the same time, reminds us not only of our heavenly heritage, but also of the material precariousness of our time on Earth.

The works we proudly and carefully conserve in the Pedro de Osma Museum and which we include here are an excellent vehicle for aesthetic transmission. Through their forms, colors and materials, they express themes exalted by the creative genius of those whom God granted the talent to transmit all of their creativity in them.

I would like to express my special gratitude to all those who contributed to the production of this new catalogue, and especially, to Société Générale, whose generous support made possible this publication.

Felipe de Osma Berckemeyer President of the Pedro and Angélica de Osma Gildemeister Foundation

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Société Générale is proud to sponsor this beautiful catalogue, a book that reflects the editorial expertise of the Pedro de Osma Museum, an institution within which one can appreciate the artistic synthesis of the colonial period and one of the finest collections of art in Latin America.

With the signature of Carlos V, King of Spain, on November 20, 1542, the Peruvian territory was officially annexed to the Viceroyalty. Soon afterward, viceregal art in Peru felt the influence of the Italian Renaissance painter Bernardo Bitti, and later, the Baroque painter Miguel Güelles.

The extensive range of fine arts that constitute the Pedro de Osma collection aptly represents the intercultural wealth of the territory, a wealth of diversity that still today is clearly manifested in Peru.

I would like to express my personal gratitude and that of Société Générale for the opportunity to collaborate with the Pedro and Angélica de Osma Gildemeister Foundation in creating this magnificent book, an exemplary contribution to Peruvian cultural wealth.

William Birkbeck Deputy to the Global Market Manager - Latin America SGPBS Société Générale Group

A COLLECTION. A PALACE. A MUSEUM.

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A DISTINCT ART IN THE HISTORY OF A COUNTRY. The Pedro de Osma Museum was shaped by the efforts of diverse men and women throughout the history of Peru: those who, during the Colonial Period, created works of art in search of transcendental meaning in their lives; those who constructed the de Osma mansion in Barranco in the early twentieth century, guided by ideas of progress and hope in the Republican Era; that of the visionary collector who worked tirelessly over decades to rescue colonial works of art; and those who, in the turbulent, tumultuous years of Peru’s recent past, protected, restored and conserved that legacy in order to present it to the public, adherring to the highest standards of quality. For all of those reasons, the Pedro de Osma Museum is an exceptional place offering visitors an opportunity to experience not only one of the most valuable collections of art in Latin America, but also a treasure trove of architecture and history. Once the home of a man obsessed by art and identity, it is now every man’s residence, a melting pot where many different epochs are splendidly linked, a phenomenon that illumiontes our shared syncretic culture and universal condition.

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Everyone who knew Pedro de Osma Gildemeister – the man responsible for amassing the Museum’s collection – recalls a single, indelible image of him: that of a sociable and charming gentleman, who into the late 1960s, received guests at his mansion in Barranco to show them the marvelous pieces he had carefully collected over decades. Pedro de Osma Gildemeister received visitors in his home for nearly two decades. Those who shared these evenings with him remember gathering at the casa de don Pedro. News began to spread through Lima that the mansion along the avenue lined with ficus trees, connecting the districts of Barranco and Chorrillos, contained some of the most impressive jewels of Peruvian art. And that the man who lived there, always accompanied by his sister, Angélica, heir to a family of successful miners and ranchers, had become one of the leading art collectors in Peru. What perhaps no one suspected was that several years after his death, his residence and the objects he had acquired would form part of the country’s most important private museum of colonial art.

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A PALACE IN BARRANCO 1906

The Pedro de Osma collection is still intimately associated with the casa de don Pedro. Pedro de Osma Gildemeister - Don Pedro, the collector - was just five years old when his father, the notary public and politician Pedro de Osma y Pardo, commissioned civil engineer and architect Santiago Basurco to build the French inspired mansion that now houses the Museum, in 1906. Basurco had earned a sterling reputation in Lima thanks to his studies in France and his design of the San Fernando Medical Pavilion for San Marcos University in 1903.

Pedro de Osma y Pardo was a figure of enormous prestige and power in Peru. He founded the newspaper La Prensa and was a leader of the democratic political party. He would become a legislator as well as mayor of Barranco and later mayor of Lima. When he comissioned the building of his summer residence in Barranco – the family lived in an elegant home in downtown Lima.

At the turn of the twentieth century, Barranco was a summer resort dominated by spacious ranch-style dwellings and small beach houses – lively structures that had just begun to shape the still tenuous urban landscape after the destruction caused by the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) between Peru and Chile. After years of rebuilding efforts, the grandiose architecture of Lima hoped to demonstrate that the power of the ruling class remained intact despite the defeat of Peru in the war. In present-day Barranco, the de Osma residence is one of the last remaining testimonies of that time.

The edifice of the Pedro de Osma Museum is a magnificent example of a period in Peruvian history that historian Jorge Basadre labels “The Aristocratic Republic.” During that period, in the early twentieth century, authorities associated with wealthy industires such as agricultural exports, mining and finance still governed the country. According to historian Luis Enrique Tord, it was an era influenced by the spirit of national reconstruction, in which “a nationalism born of the war with Chile and the effort to rebuild a broken nation” was being forged. Thus, the de Osma residence could be viewed as a declaration of hope and faith in the future, aiming to boost the morale of Peruvians after the defeat of the war.

“I believe this architecture had a purpose that is not prosaic,” says Wily Ludeña, architect and urban planner. “To build that edifice on land devoid of urban architecture has the intention of prefiguring a grand profile, an impressive scale, for a future city in the nation of Peru. This is where its importance lies: inventing a new city. But, because the de Osma family was so wealthy, no one was subsequently able to achieve the magnificence of that architectural example.”

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“The construction of the de Osma mansion was unquestionably exceptional,” notes José García Bryce, architect and expert on the history of architecture. “It is unique and unusual. This type of architecture, inspired by the French Renaissance, is typical of the nineteenth century but uncommon in Peru.” “It is a petit palais in the Versailles style in the middle of nowhere,” says Ludeña.

“This building does not belong to any category of dwelling in Lima,” says Elio Martuccelli. “It is not the typical Lima mansion with the interior patio or the more or less classic ranch-style house of the summer resorts to the south - Miraflores, Barranco and Chorrillos. It is much more eclectic. In the early twentieth century, it must have been a solitary, extraordinary building on that rural road.”

The visitor to this residence can only imagine the impact it must have had when it was built over 100 years ago. Even today, the de Osma mansion is a surprising sight. It still conserves the two main pavilions of the original building, both open to the public: the main house and the separate dining building. The main house, constructed in the indigenous quincha method utilizing mud and cane sticks, features small vestibules and narrow corridors in the traditional Baroque style. Outside, palatial elements and a mansard roof are wholly European in inspiration. Inside, the art nouveau stained glass windows, metal ceilings and crystal chandeliers hanging in its 10-plus rooms are of particular historic importance. In the vast garden that stretches between the two sections of the house, marble sculptures can be found amongst palm trees and geraniums.

The Basurco model for the de Osma residence influenced the architecture of Lima in the early twentieth century. For example, his work had considerable impact on the architect Rafael Marquina, with whom he collaborated on the Guadalupe School building. Marquina would play a key role in the construction of several exceptional buildings in Lima. The de Osma model also inspired several of the mansions erected along Leguía Avenue – later Arequipa – during the economic boom years of the 1920s and 1930s.

In this mansion, Pedro de Osma spent his childhood summers in the early twentieth century.

Later he and his sister Angélica moved into the home definitively after the 1940 earthquake that devastated downtown Lima. By that time, Pedro de Osma y Pardo had passed away and his son had already begun to collect viceregal art.

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AN ANONYMOUS & MAGNIFICENT ART 16th-18th CENTURIES

There is an aura of mystery surrounding many of the viceregal pieces Pedro de Osma collected in his home. Who created these pious, mestizo images, which have gradually earned their place in the history of Baroque art? For years, experts faced this same obstacle, as did Pedro de Osma when he began his collection. “The most difficult thing for Pedro to obtain was signed works,” says colonial art scholar Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “although in the world of colonial art, those types of works were not necessarily the most important.”

Very early in the colonial era, Italian and Spanish masters arrived with various religious orders to spread the Catholic religion and teach indigenous artists to decorate churches and monasteries and to create devotional pieces. Of these European masters, Bernardo Bitti and Mateo Pérez de Alessio stand out in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. Subsequently, however, pictorial and sculptural expressions merged with local elements and therefore Peruvian art gradually acquired a uniquely Andean character. In this new context, artists worked affiliated to workshops where they tirelessly meet the growing demand of collectors in the leading cities of the viceroyalty. These artists typically did not sign their paintings.

“The best of colonial art, the most interesting, is anonymous.” With these words, colonial art historian Ricardo Estabridis summarizes the most representative characteristics – as well as one of the greatest challenges for scholars – of the art produced in this part of the continent from the time the Spanish invasion until the founding of the Peruvian Republic. The exact reason for that anonymity is still unclear. According to art historian Ramón Mujica Pinilla, until the eighteenth century, there was no differentiation between artist and craftsman, and perhaps for that reason, much of colonial art has remained anonymous. “It should be remembered that these were devotional objects. It did not matter who made them but rather what they attempted to do. Often the Andean painter was more interested in issues such as iconophany, the phenomenon by which the icon acquires a mystical life, the miracle of the image.”

The Pedro de Osma collection illuminates an aesthetic trajectory, beginning with the initial absorption of European models and leading to the achievement of an original, uniquely Andean expression. The development of that specific expression was gradual; it took nearly two centuries.

Initially basing their works on engravings from Europe, and later inspired by the perspective found in Spanish artworks brought by religious authorities, the artists of Lima and Cuzco began to create their own visual language until they ultimately made an important breakthrough.

“The key thing here is how European proposals are influenced by the sentiment, emotion and vision of the mestizos,” says the art scholar Luis Enrique Tord. Mujica Pinilla agrees: “In my opinion, the copies of European engravings that reached the Americas were not as important as the modifications that Andean artists made when copying these visual models. Even today, it is fascinating to observe how they subverted the model from Europe without the Criollos or the

Spaniards necessarily noticing. Curiously, the most important moment of hybridization did not occur in the sixteenth century - when Bitti and Medoro arrived with contramaniera – or in the seventeenth century. In those early years, there was quality but not necessarily originality.”

The first great works of the viceregal era – created by Diego Quispe Tito and Basilio de Santa Cruz Pumacallao, artists that form part of the Pedro de Osma collection – evidence impressive painterly achievement and imitation of European art, especially of Flemish engravings. “Both artists reached an extremely high level of emulation of European art,” says Wuffarden, “but the next step was to achieve a truly original expression.” Most historians agree that it was after Quispe Tito, in the late seventeenth century, when colonial painting reached its apex.

According to Wuffarden, during the first third of the eighteenth century “all of those fantastic images of piety were produced, with fine gilded details and intricate floral ornamentation.” Within the Pedro de Osma collection, “we are talking about the harquebus archangels, about the painted Virgins with feathers, about St. James the Moor-slayer, about the series of the Inca Geneaolgy and that of Corpus Christi. The source of this Andean religious art may have been public festivities rather than European engravings. There are documents that show harquebus angels on the streets. Perhaps we had reached a point in which certain iconography no longer depended wholly on engravings” says Mujica Pinilla.

What is clear, perhaps given the great distance between Spain and the Viceroyalty of Peru (as compared with that of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, today Mexico), is that the creators of Andean art had to invent new responses, which led them to develop a language that is now cherished as an original variation of Western Baroque.

The passage of time has shown that many historians of colonial art who followed the pioneering steps of the studies by Bolivians Teresa Gisbert and José de Mesa were on the right track. In recent years, several leading museums in the world have created exhibitions that showcase Peruvian colonial art. “Some time ago, I asked the curator of the Prado Museum when he would organize an exhibit of colonial art and he told me he never would because it was not art,” recalls Mujica Pinilla. “A few years ago, there was an exhibit entitled Painting of the Kingdoms, Shared Identities: Territories of the Spanish Monarchy, 16th-18th centuries, whose central argument defined a new direction in the understanding of colonial art in the Americas. It is no longer seen as an art dependent on Europe but rather one shaped by the new social and political context of the Americas.

It has some key modifications, which make it possible to study as an original, distinct art.”

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A VISIONARY COLLECTS 1801-1967

It is difficult to determine exactly why Pedro de Osma Gildemeister became a collector of viceregal art. His passion was perhaps a product of the art that surrounded him as a child.

When Pedro de Osma Gildemeister, the future collector, was growing up, the presence of European and Peruvian viceregal artworks was already part of the spirit and identity of the family. Pedro’s forefather, Gaspar Antonio de Osma, came to Peru in the early nineteenth century to assume a post in the Spanish colonial government, and his wife, María Josefa Ramírez de Arellano y Baquíjano, brought from Spain a carved figure of the image known as The Christ of Valvanera.

What is certain is that Pedro de Osma Gildemeister was buying art for his Barranco mansion at the same time other important Peruvian collectors were emerging, including Miguel Mujica in Lima and Rafael Larco Hoyle in Trujillo, and these collections were taking shape in a context of enormous social and cultural change in Peru. Intellectuals such as José de the Riva Agüero and Víctor Andrés Belaunde engaged in heated discussions with the likes of José Carlos Mariátegui and Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre regarding the notion of country and the role of the nation’s Indigenous and Spanish roots in forging Peruvian identity. In this climate of debate there emerged a sense of urgency to define a national image and promote indigenismo in Lima’s cultural sphere. At this moment, Pedro de Osma began to purchase paintings, silver objects and sculptures that had been produced in Peru during the viceregal era.

Mujica Pinilla believes that the emergence of the collector of viceregal art: “is an issue that has to do with Peruvianness. Generally speaking, collectors are Criollos, descendants of Spaniards, who realize that colonial art contains elements that differentiate it from that of Europe. They intuitively discovered American aesthetic values and began to understand those objects as works of art; they identified artistic values in them and began to reappraise them, which had not occurred in the nineteenth century. There is a search for identity in the process of collecting.” Luis Enrique Tord suggests that in the case of Pedro de Osma, his sensibility may have been heightened through his relationship with scholars well versed in Peru’s past, such as historian Raúl Porras Barnechea, a close family friend, or José Luis de la Riva Agüero, a Peruvian intellectual who was related by marriage to the de Osma Gildemeister family.

Art historian Jaime Mariazza explains: “Pedro de Osma was a man who had taste and sufficient education to shrewdly purchase many masterpieces that the Museum has today.” And he collected them at a time when colonial art was not highly valued in the market, and therefore was less expensive than it is today. De Osma was able to acquire paintings by recognizable artists such as Bernardo Bitti, Luis de Riaño, Diego Quispe Tito and Espinoza de los Monteros, as well as those of many anonymous Cuzco masters from the eighteenth century, the height of the Andean Baroque period. By collecting these pieces, de Osma not only saved them from oblivion or exportation

Founding members of the Pedro and Angélica de Osma Foundation (from left to right): Fernando de Osma Elías, Felipe de Osma y Porras, Pedro de Osma Gildemeister y Felipe de Osma Elías.

abroad, but also increased their value. His affinity for colonial art helped change society’s perceptions regarding the art from that period, which for a long time was associated with obscurantism and imposition.

Many of these treasures, which were displayed among the innumerable objects packed into the de Osma Barranco mansion, were seen by hundreds of people during tours organized by Pedro de Osma. All of those who remember him mention that, as a host, he was always charming and sociable. Manuel Ugarte Eléspuru wrote about these tours: “The visits were always subject to the same ritual: at six in the afternoon, the front door opened for visitors. The tour began with a friendly greeting from the host and then the group, of not more than 15 or 20 people, was guided by the host. He explained the content and importance of each piece with the knowledgeable opinion of an expert. The tour traversed first the rooms of the stately residence; then through the lovely Versaillesinspired gardens, and lastly, through an underground tunnel that led to a neighboring residence, where visitors were served a pisco sour cocktail and the host delighted us with his conversation, lavishing cordiality on us, which always made him so pleasant. At exactly 8 o’clock, the host said goodbye to his visitors.”

During the tour, one’s eyes rarely got a rest. “You could not even fit a pin in there, you had to walk sideways” recalls Silvia Stern, colonial art restorer and collector. She was a frequent participant in those passionate evening tours. She remembers that as a girl, she observed with keen interest the paintings, silver objects and carvings that adorned all the walls. “I had never been in such an entertaining museum,” recalls Ana María de Ayulo, who was just 20 years old when she began to date the collector’s nephew, later her husband, Fernando de Osma y Elías, future director of the Foundation. “He had some modern Virgins with some little compartments from which something new always appeared, a smaller Virgin or a little lamb. They were modern objects that he also purchased to entertain his visitors.”

Pedro de Osma collected art until his death at the age of 66. With his example, he contributed immensely to the training of other collectors. For Silvia Stern and her son Aldo Barbosa, currently responsible for the Barbosa-Stern collection, the second-largest colonial art collection in the country after that of de Osma, there is no doubt that Pedro de Osma was a pioneer in art collecting, as well as a generous individual who opened his home and his collection to help many in their professional training.

“For us, the priority will always be the collection,” says Aldo Barbosa. “We cannot ignore an art piece that is at risk. The private collector in Peru has had the immense merit of impeding everything from being taken abroad. We hope that the word ‘collecting’ will have a positive connotation in the near futre, and Pedro de Osma certainly spearheaded those efforts.”

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Ballroom, first pavilion, mid 20th century.

Pedro de Osma offering a tour of his collection to visitors, 1960s.

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A MUSEUM FOR A CITY IN THE DARK 1967-1988

Pedro and his sister Angélica de Osma Gildemeister were the only two children of Pedro de Osma y Pardo. Pedro de Osma passed away on September 18, 1967 and Angélica passed away on the same day thirteen years later. Neither one of them had children. On his deathbed, the collector expressed a desire to establish a foundation to administer his assets and he had even suggested a line of succession in its administration, with the aim to convert his legacy into a museum that would serve the whole of Peruvian society.

The death of Pedro de Osma occured at a tumultuous time in Peru, just a year after General Juan Velasco Alvarado overthrew the democratic government in a coup that established the so-called Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces, a government which advocated for a complete break with the colonial past that the de Osma collection represented. As a result of the political situation, the mansion remained closed during the 1970s. Those were years during which economic measures such as the Agrarian Reform took place, leading to a series of social and political changes that transformed the country. When Angélica de Osma died, the residence remained closed and the valuables it contained were in danger of deteriorating. The history of the Pedro de Osma Museum would perhaps have been very bleak, were it not for the intervention of Felipe de Osma y Porras, cousin of the de Osma Gildemeisters, who assumed the responsibility of establishing the Museum. He was the first president of the two foundations – that of Pedro and that of Angélica – which were later combined into one.

When democracy returned to the country after thirteen years of dictatorship, and society had recovered from years of repression, the elderly Felipe de Osma y Porras embarked upon rescuing an important cultural venue. “There were rodents, fleas and spiders in every corner,” recalls Ana María Ayulo de Osma. “The stained glass was broken; the Murano chandeliers were falling down in pieces; the rugs were ruined…” The challenge of conserving and maintaining the enormous collection in the de Osma Barranco mansion could have been overwhelming for one man, especially someone trained as an agricultural engineer, who was over 80 years old at the time. However, his commitment to the legacy of his cousin was such that it led him to convince those closest to him to join the crusade.

Felipe de Osma y Porras united the efforts of both his children and a special staff dedicated to cleaning the mansion and protecting the art. The immense restoration project of Felipe de Osma was carried on by his two sons, Felipe and Fernando de Osma y Elías. It was in the early 1980s when Felipe de Osma y Elías, as president of the Foundation, hired the renowned colonial art historian Francisco Stastny to classify, conserve and possibly restore the de Osma legacy. It was Stastny

Dining Room Chandelier, late 19th century.

who had made the selection of works for exhibition from the huge number of pieces inventoried by several specialists, including Jaime Mariazza and Ricardo Estabridis, and who determined the authenticity of the works. He also identified within the collection modern replicas of viceregal works.

Stastny built a highly professional team to work on the de Osma collection, to restore the art and catalogue it, and follow scientific criteria. The first person he hired was Álvaro Sandoval, a Trujillo native who came to Lima to work in the San Francisco Church and who joined the restoration workshop of the Pedro de Osma Museum in 1981. In 1984, Liliana Canessa joined the team to supervise the conservation of the mansion’s paintings. Later Brunella Scavia joined the team, to manage the collection warehouses. The group grew to include Rosana Kuon, Alicia Yagui, Suri Mercado and Emperatriz Rodríguez – a formidable team that redefined the field of art restoration in Peru. “Stastny made it clear that we were working on a dream that was the colonial art museum for the City of Lima,” recalls Brunella Scavia. They joined forces under this vision. The team employed the most rigorous methods to explore the canvases and best determine how to intervene in them.

These efforts helped clarify many misperceptions regarding the art of the epoch.

The Pedro de Osma Museum opened its doors to the public in July of 1988, one of the most difficult years in recent Peruvian history. The fragile economy and terrorist attacks had thrust the city into darkness and fear. Opening a museum under these circumstances was almost ironic, especially given that the collection was built by a wealthy man and displayed in a mansion. However, that did not deter to the team committed to its rescue. “We were happy and proud,” says Canessa. “We felt like we were part of the family because we believed we would prevail. No one who was there would tell you that Pedro de Osma did not change their lives. Staff members recall how they thought about the collector that night in 1988 when his vision finally became a reality and the Museum opened. “I remember that all the rooms were lit, everything was illuminated,” says Canessa. “It was like saying: Despite everything, here we are.”

Huamanga Sculpture Room Chandelier, late 19th century.

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A MUSEUM OPENS ITS DOORS 1988-2014

Beginning in 1988, under the direction of art historian Pedro Gjurinovic, individuals interested in colonial art who wanted to visit the Pedro de Osma Museum had to make a private appointment. This was necessary at the time in Lima, when blackouts and terrorist violence forced most of the city’s residents to erect security walls around their homes. In that tense climate, and in a highly polarized society, the Museum operated under a low profile.

Press releases from the time describe what the Barranco mansion offered visitors: an organized, thematic tour through rooms painted in different colors – light green, ivory, rose, blue – that began in the chapel where the famous family altar was displayed in all its splendor.

Throughout the two pavilions open to the public, the emphasis of the exhibit revolved around the devotional character of the objects and highlighting the architecture of the house, with the intention of maintaining the spirit of the residence, as the de Osma Gildemeister siblings knew it. Francisco Stastny was largely responsible for this strategy.

The 1990s were years of persistence. The restoration workshop was consolidated in that decade. It was located in a special area, nearly 500 square meters large, that was optimally equipped to continue the restoration of colonial works of art. Here valuable art was conserved and restored, belonging both to the Museum and to other institutions, especially religious ones. One of the most emblematic works of 18th century Peru was restored in the Pedro de Osma workshop - Baltazar Gavilán’s sculpture The Archer of Death. In addition, the Museum was involved in restoring the famous canvas of the Señor de los Milagros of the Nazarenas Church, the most venerated image in the country, and the Cristo del Descendimiento sculpture made by Pedro de Noguera in 1619.

On June 1, 1996, the Pedro de Osma Museum finally opened its doors permanently. That day was the first official workday of the tourist guide Blanca Silva. Silva vividly remembers that day because it was the same day that the Museum unveiled the Contemporary Art Gallery, an area of nearly 190 square meters, with high-quality lighting and a climate control system. The Contemporary Art Gallery first displayed a splendid exhibit of Latin American Masters. Since then, it has displayed important manifestations of contemporary art in exhibits that rotate monthly.

Following the inauguration of the Contemporary Art Gallery, the Silverwork Gallery and Museum Gift Shop also opened.

In 2009, historians Jaime Mariazza and Ricardo Estabridis implemented a new museum guide and renovated the museography, respectively, in order to make the visitor experience more coherent and comprehensive. Today visitors can enjoy a chronological tour, beginning with Mannerist masters and concluding with the explosion of Cuzco art in the eighteenth century. This design offers

an overview of colonial art, while placing the pieces in specific thematic groups to aid visitors in understanding the traditions or recurrent motifs of colonial culture. The tour ends with a visit to the magnificent Silverwork Gallery, which displays stunning liturgical objects, utensils and coins of the colonial period. The highlight of the room is The Christ of Valvanera, the image that the wife of the first de Osma brought with her when the family came to Peru.

The recent political stability and economic growth experienced in Lima has produced great expectations for the twenty-first century in Peru: the country has not only fortified its reputation as a touristic and cultural destiny, but Lima has proved to be one of the most interesting, cosmopolitan and attractive capital cities in South America. The district of Barranco has diversified its cultural offerings with the opeing of new gallery spaces and museums dedicated to the visual arts, such as the Museo de Arte Contemporaneo (MAC) and the Museo Mario Testino (MATE). Within this artistic neighborhood, the Pedro de Osma Museum stands out as the destination with the richest historic legacy. The Museum has enjoyed an exponential increase in visitors during the past decade.

The Museum has always received visits from students and professors of educational institutes, as well as grade-school students, and now the Museum offers a special experience for children and adolescents that emphasizes the history of colonial art as a process of miscegenation and convergence. The tour helps students appreciate the syncretic and absolutely inventive nature of colonial art. It also encourages them to think about the origin of Peruvian identity. In the mornings, one frequently finds groups of students viewing the collection and discussing the art. Later, the students move outside to the gardens, where they participate in art workshops designed by the Museum’s education team, which has been coordinated by Clara María Rodríguez since 2012.

“A skewed perception of [viceregal] art persists, which limits it to a sub-product of an evangelizing effort. We believe this must change,” states Patricia Pinilla, director of the Museum from 2007 until 2014. “Perpetuating that misguided view impedes us from properly assimilating the immense contribution of miscegenation to the development of Peruvian art. The creative nature of miscegenation in colonial art should be emphasized and its linkages should be reassessed. This is the only way we can forge a collective identity and build self-esteem.” The Museum hopes to provide a space where a positive self-image for Peruvians may be explored and evaluated, where visitors can appreciate the artistic results of the considerable efforts of men and women who shared a territory.

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THE COL LEC TION

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THE COLLECTION

The Pedro de Osma Museum collection came about as a result of the predilection that its original owner - philanthropist and collector Pedro de Osma Gildemeister - had for works dating from the colonial period in Peru. For much of his life, until his death in 1967, he collected artwork from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries, including paintings, sculptures, altarpieces, silver, Huamanga stone carvings, furniture and other objects from centers of traditional Andean artistic production in Peru. Without the intention of creating a museum, he displayed these works in his home for the appreciation of guests and visitors.

The current Museum is composed of two historic structures. In the first pavilion - originally the family’s living and sleeping quarters - we find a vestibule, nine rooms and two corridors. In the second pavilion - originally a summer dining area - we find three rooms and a boutique store. The historic home is surrounded by gardens. For many years, the decorative variety of these private spaces attracted countless people who were curious about or interested in colonial art. Many of the pieces displayed at the time are still on exhibit here today, but under new criteria.

My first contact with the Museum occurred in 1973. At the time, Pedro de Osma Gildemeister was in the habit of giving tours of his collection to tourists and those interested in the colonial period. I remember wandering from room to room with the awe of a novice having his first contact with the art of that period (some of the images seemed mysterious and appealing to me). The magnitude, quantity, quality and variety of the objects made quite an impression on me.

In the early 1980s, I again came into contact with the Museum. Now managed by a Foundation named after its former owner, along with that of his sister, AngĂŠlica de Osma Gildemeister, the collection had passed into the hands of young enthusiastic professionals, engaged in conservation and restoration, responsible for classifying the collection and determining its worth. My job in this project was to continue to catalogue each piece of the collection, a task which had begun years earlier. To this end, we used specially designed cards that enabled us to develop a documentary and photographic archive in a relatively short time. The archive contained information regarding the conservation processes employed, the history of each piece, its authors, dates and other information that would facilitate subsequent historic research of the collection.

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My third contact with the Museum came in 2008: the Museum desired a new, museographic proposal to replace the previous one, which we felt did not follow a logical sequence, and therefore, was not optimal for educational purposes. Since the original organization of 1988 had been transformed over time through the addition of pieces that had no relation between them in terms of style or date, the Foundation asked me to propose a new museographic outline that would show the visitor an organized sequence of colonial art production. Our goal was to organize the collection by themes.

Within each theme, formal and conceptual differences between the pieces established a timeline that would guide the observer from the oldest to the newest pieces, all duly explained in wall texts. The Museum authorities were enthusiastic about this proposal, which finally led to the development of a new organization of the permanent collection on exhibit.

The Museum visit now begins in a room devoted to sixteenth century art, which is dominated by the influence of Italian Mannerism. The second room exhibits Virgins, whereas the third is reserved for images of Archangels and Angels of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The next room contains a series of sculptures that demonstrate the best of Lima and Cuzco. The following room is filled with paintings, sculptures and furniture depicting allegorical scenes that Peruvian colonial artists copied from European sources. Paintings and artworks produced in Cuzco and the southern Andes during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries occupy the next two rooms. Two corridors, one devoted to paintings of male saints and the other to paintings of female saints, complete the thematic organization of the main building.

In the second pavilion - the former dining area - the first room features nineteenth century furniture, paintings and photographs of the ancestors of the de Osma family. Adjacent you find a gallery with portraits of Spanish kings, and next to that room is a small area containing Huamanga stone carvings from the eighteenth century and a few from the nineteenth century. The visitor then completes his or her experience in the Silverwork Gallery.

I believe my three different encounters with the Museum over the years aptly highlight the richness of this art collection and the possibility it offers for an in-depth investigation of the colonial period, which remains a pending area of study.

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VESTI BULE

VESTIBULE

The vestibule of the Pedro de Osma Museum is an ideal place to receive visitors, as it offers a taste of the building’s architecture, paintings and sculptures from the Peruvian colonial period. The Museum tour begins in this vestibule.

Opposite the front door, visitors find the Cuzco School paintings of Saint Marine (Fig. 1) and Saint Anthony the Abbot (Fig. 2). Both are magnificent examples of the influence that the Spanish painter Francisco de Zurbarán had on painters in the Americas, beginning in 1630. Saint Marine was based upon the models of Blessed Virgins or Latin Virgins that Zurbarán painted in series, both for Spanish monasteries and for export to the viceroyalties of Peru and New Spain. These not only became standard models of Baroque religious art – continually reproduced during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries – but also constituted ideals and exemplary behavior according to the recommendations of the Council of Trent (1545-1563).

Although hagiographic legends had circulated since the Middle Ages, composed with a large dose of imagination in the events narrated and a strong emphasis on miracles and martyrdom, it was not until the sixteenth century that the Catholic Church proposed these features as a visual aid for its ideological campaign. The legends would serve both for the religious struggles of the sixteenth century as well as a means to prevent the rise of heretic groups in the future. Thus, an image such as Saint Marine appears with a number of attributes – objects from real life – which are symbolically associated with her story and which contain the didactic character of her discourse. Guided by their vocation as painters of religious images, colonial artists often associated the name of a saint with the attributes of another, thereby violating the standards established by the decrees that closely supervised the creative process of the images in an attempt to avoid misinterpretations of the doctrine. This is the case of our saint: she has elements distinct from those of a penitent saint and not exactly those of Marine, whose legend is also associated with those of other saints. As a result, the painting does not offer a defined iconographic model.

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Fig. 1.

Saint Marine.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

191 cm x 110.7 cm.

The other painting of note in the vestibule is a depiction of Saint Anthony the Abbot, the father of the hermit movement among monks, who lived in the Egyptian desert during the early years of Christianity (third and fourth centuries). Saint Athanasius, his first biographer, stressed the temptations to which the devil subjected the saint during his anchorite life. This led to the conclusion that this was the first time in history the devil appeared in concrete form. The saint was said to be fond of animals. One legend claims that the saint cured the blindness of some piglets, whose mother never left the saint’s side and protected him against vermin. In the religious traditions of the Middle East, the pig was viewed as an impure animal, for which reason it was common to depict the saint dominating impurity in a reference to the defense he made of Christian virtues before the satanic insinuations. Therefore, a pig was frequently depicted in an attitude of submission at the saint’s feet, which is how the image passed to the iconography of the Middle Ages. This eighteenth century painting is from Cuzco and reproduces a well-known image by Francisco de Zurbarån.

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Fig. 2.

Saint Anthony the Abbot.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

168.4 cm x 113.4 cm.

MANNE RISM

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MANNERISM

Italian art created between 1520 and 1600 is commonly known as Mannerist. The term refers to the specific way in which each artist expressed an anti-classical reaction to the ideal of beauty as defined by the High Renaissance. The aesthetic standards and rules of composition that had interested fifteenth century masters - with their components of order and perspective - were transformed through modification of the norms, measures and proportions that had governed the production of fine arts until that time. The movement, as well as the Renaissance that preceded it, demonstrated the avant-garde of Italian art and culture, in other words, their position at the forefront of European thought and spirit. Although Mannerism spread to several European countries, Flanders and Spain became its most active proponents. This was manifested in Flanders through a curious, intuitive adoption of Italian lineal and aerial perspective in a Late Gothic decorative framework, in which the spectator must carefully observe the space and painted figures to identify the modern current that hailed from the south. In the case of Spain, Renaissance painting was shaped by a context in which fifteenth century Italian models appeared together with those of the sixteenth century and coincided with the development of the more radical Mannerist proposals of Florence and Rome.

This shift began with Michelangelo’s frescoes painted on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel (1508 1512) and intensified after the death of Raphael in 1520. It was a time when key historic factors converged, including: the discovery of new lands across the ocean, the confirmation that the Earth is round, the schism created by Martin Luther and his Protestant doctrine and the Sack of Rome in 1527. All of these events contributed to destabilizing the established order and created a climate of upheaval that was reflected in the arts through the modifications mentioned. These Italian inspired changes were slowly incorporated into the language of the Flemish artists. It was not until the second half of the sixteenth century that the Italian archetypes became paradigms that monopolized national taste. Meanwhile, in sixteenth century Spain, the transition from the Gothic to the Renaissance was characterized by the spread of Mannerist canons that reached nearly all studios in the leading art centers, first in the southern Mediterranean and then in the north of the peninsula.

The European art that reached the Americas, whether through imported works or the presence of Italian artists who travelled to Lima to support the evangelization campaign or simply to seek their fortunes, can be described as Mannerist, in the generally accepted use of the term, given its iridescent, aqueous colors and the shaping of its figures. The first of the painters to bring this artistic innovation to colonial Peru was Bernardo Bitti, a Jesuit priest who painted for the churches of his order in Lima and Cuzco, as well as in many other temples in the Southern Andes. He arrived in Lima in 1575 and acted as the founding father of Peruvian colonial art, which at the time was undergoing a phase of experimentation of Hispanic-Flemish models and of adaptation of earlier styles.

Fig. 3.

Virgin with Scepter.

Bernardo Bitti.

Cuzco, 16th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

108 cm x 69 cm.

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Years later, in 1588, Mateo Pérez de Alessio travelled to Lima to work for the leading political and religious figures of the colonial government. He brought with him a stylistic form known as preciosista, which was characterized by the assuredness and sensuality of lines and the expressions of his sacred figures. According to documentary records, he produced several paintings for Lima, but relatively little of his work survives today.

In 1600, the artist Angelino Medoro came to Lima, after working in Quito and a few Colombian cities.

He then lived in Lima and produced art until 1622, when he returned to Europe.

The disciples of these artists (Friar Pedro Bedón, Luis de Riaño, Pedro Pablo Morón and Francisco Bejarano, among many others) spread the principles of Late Mannerist painting throughout the Andes and contributed to consolidating the presence of certain models of devotional art during the colonial period. The commonly found early paintings, such as the Virgin and Child, the Virgin of the Milk and other images of the Blessed Virgin, eventually became icons of popular piety. The first room of the Pedro de Osma Museum contains examples of these images.

In direct relation to Bitti, the collection features three paintings. The first is the Virgin with Scepter (Fig. 3). This very early colonial painting dates to the sixteenth century and is the clearest expression of the Bitti style. The characteristic style of the artist is evident in the angular folds of the cloth on both figures, in the iridescent colors, the elongated form of the Virgin, the delicate, soft features of her face and that of the Child and in the Florentine neckline of the Virgin’s tunic. Bitti emphasized the crown and scepter in the foreground, which causes them to compete, without proportion, with the figures of the Virgin and Child, a feature which may relate to the Mannerist training of the painter.

The title Virgin with Scepter does not correspond to any Marian dogma in Colonial America. It appears to have originated from a hymn of the liturgy exalting her virtues and recognizing her as the queen of heaven. Thus the scepter, transformed into a symbol of the celestial monarchy, becomes – like the crown she wears on her head – an iconographic attribute that defines the character of the Virgin Mary. It is a unique example of a Marian depiction attributed to the painter Bernardo Bitti, who never again repeated this particular Marian iconography in his subsequent paintings.

Fig. 4.

Virgin and Child.

Bernardo Bitti.

16th century, last third.

Oil on canvas.

46.5 cm x 37.4 cm.

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The second Bitti painting is Virgin and Child (Fig. 4), which reflects the painter’s interest in achieving realistic, finely-crafted textures, especially in the tulle and the blue veil covering the Madonna’s head.

The third Bitti painting in the collection is Christ with Cane (Fig. 5).

Another Virgin and Child (Fig. 6), attributed to Friar Pedro Bedón, demonstrates that this Quito monk and painter was an enthusiastic follower of Bitti and trained in his studio while pursuing his studies at San Marcos University. Nevertheless, his Virgin and Child more closely resembles that of Pérez de Alessio, whom he possibly met during his stay in the city. The hybridization present in his art, which resulted from the strong influence the two Italian painters had on him, is the first known instance of a style that would become a common practice among the painters of the Peruvian colonial period, and which would continue until the nineteenth century in certain Andean centers of art production.

The Virgin of the Milk (Fig. 7) is based on a painting by Mateo Pérez de Alessio, now part of a private collection in Lima. This Virgin painting by Pérez de Alessio had an enormous influence as an emblematic standard of Madonna symbolism in Peru. The version in the Pedro de Osma Museum, which dates from the late sixteenth century, replicates every detail of that painting, whose author, with high quality brushwork inspired by Italian painting, stood out among the many local artists who filled the workshops of Lima and Cuzco at the end of the sixteenth century.

Fig. 5.

Christ with Cane.

Bernardo Bitti.

Cuzco, 16th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

46.7 cm x 48.2 cm.

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Fig. 6.

Virgin and Child.

Fray Pedro Bedón.

Lima, 16th century.

Oil on wood.

54.1 cm x 42.2 cm.

Fig. 7.

Virgin of the Milk.

Circle of Mateo Pérez de Alessio.

16th century, last third.

Oil on wood.

44 cm x 33 cm.

An Annunciation (Fig. 8), signed by Luis de Riaño and dated 1632, clearly demonstrates how Italian Mannerist art remained popular until the mid seventeenth century in Peru. Riaño, who was born in Lima but lived in Cuzco, was trained in Angelino Medoro’s workshop. Once he completed his education as a painter, he worked in several Andean cities. His paintings, many of them signed, are heavily influenced by Italian Mannerism and Flemish engravings, especially of interior scenes. These details appear in the painting here mentioned.

Fig. 8.

The Annunciation.

Luis de Riaño.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

180 cm x 135 cm.

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MARIAN DEVO TIONS

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MARIAN DEVOTIONS

No image in the Christian repertoire has attracted as many followers as that of the Virgin Mary.

The emotive resonance of her life story, full of joyful and painful familial dynamics, has contributed to this devotion. With the passing of the years, her role as protector of the Christian faithful on the five continents has grown. Images of Mary first appeared in the catacombs, where she was depicted with a child. Several scholars have identified this as the first depiction of the Virgin of the Milk, a figure representing the spiritual nourishment of man. Since the second century, different peoples of Western Europe under her patronage have depicted her with specific attributes, signs and symbols particular to each region. These symbols also allude to the hymns that the liturgy developed to celebrate Mary.

In the sixteenth century, a group of Marian cults from Catholic Europe reached the Americas in the form of altar images brought by evangelizing religious orders. The first group includes the effigies of Our Lady of Candelaria of Tenerife and the Almudena Virgin, from the Canary Islands and the Madrid area, respectively, whose predecessors were medieval sculptures from which painted reproductions were made to facilitate their transport to the New World. The Dominicans and Franciscans brought images of Our Lady of the Rosary and of the Blessed Virgin. Likewise, the Mercedarians brought their most venerated figure whereas the Jesuits favored devotion to Our Lady of Loreto. Some of these images underwent iconographic transformations in Peru: Our Lady of the Rosary, for example, was given feather plumes and colorful robes, as well as flower vases on her altar. This type of intervention is commemorated in the work of painters of religious images in cities such as Pomata, who exported the new and unique prototype of the Virgin, which was then replicated throughout the Andes in the eighteenth century.

Fig. 9.

Our Lady of Almudena.

Basilio Santa Cruz Pumacallao.

Cuzco, 17th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

219.4 cm x 151.2 cm.

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As a result of the unique interpretation of sacred Biblical stories by Andean populations, who augmented Catholic tales with their local legends regarding miracles and visions, the Peruvian viceroyalty witnessed the birth of new cults on its soil. Thus, Our Lady of Cocharcas was the center of a passionate, widespread devotion and pilgrimages were made to her church. The painted versions of her narrate the vicissitudes of the devout indigenous man Sebastiรกn Quimichi who, in 1598, after a long pilgrimage, commissioned a carving of a replica of Our Lady of Copacabana, in Bolivia, to take to the shrine of his native city, Cocharcas. Over time, the iconography of the Cocharcas sculpture became separate from the Candelaria iconography and by the eighteenth century had its own symbolic language. Her shrine is comparable with those dedicated to Our Lady of Lujรกn in Argentina or of Guadalupe in Mexico.

The Pedro de Osma collection of Marian canvases is among the richest and most extensive in the Americas. It contains some magnificent paintings from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from Cuzco, which reveal a varied typology. Among those paintings, Our Lady of Almudena (Fig. 9) stands out as one of the few images of a black Virgin depicted during the colonial period. Also of extraordinary quality are the canvases of Our Lady of Bethlehem (Fig. 10), an Immaculate Conception (Fig. 11) attributed to the workshops of Lรกzaro Pardo Lagos, and Our Lady of Candelaria of Tenerife (Fig. 12) - depicted in her distinctive iconographic traditional smock of colored feathers and a lit candle - and that of the Virgin of the Rosarary of Pomata (Fig. 13).

Fig. 10.

Our Lady of Bethlehem.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

162.7 cm x 107.6 cm.

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Fig. 11.

Immaculate Conception.

Workshop Lรกzaro Pardo Lagos.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

177.4 cm x 118.4 cm.

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Fig. 12.

Our Lady of Candelaria of Tenerife.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

157.6 cm x 116 cm

The maturity and development of Cuzco painting in the eighteenth century refers not only to the technical aspects of the works or to the development of workshop guilds. It also refers to the level of consolidation that certain iconographic themes acquired and which, as devotional models, were repeated during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and in some form continue to the present day in fine art prototypes related to popular piety. Our Lady of the Rosary of Pomata was created in the city of Pomata in response to the active local devotion to the Virgin Mary. This was the most popular Virgin model in the different artistic centers of the viceroyalties in the Americas. The profuse ornate Andean - style decoration in this canvas is an example of cultural syncretism.

The statue Our Lady of the Rosary of Pomata was venerated in the Lake Titicaca area. Her visual representation on canvases reached its definitive form in the early eighteenth century. This form included the iconographic attributes of Andean taste which her followers added to her over time.

Although she was known since the sixteenth century – when local inhabitants followed the doctrine of Dominican friars – it was not until the early eighteenth century that the effigy and her decorative opulence were exported to the City of Cuzco and from there to the rest of the viceroyalty. The painting in the Pedro de Osma collection reproduces the model that the painter Pablo Chilli Tupa used in his work of 1723: the Virgin holds the Child as well as a rosary in her right hand. Both figures wear richly ornamented, gilded garments. The Child holds the globe and blesses it. The Virgin’s triangular mantle has lace cuffs and is decorated with strings of pearls buttoned in large flowers.

Colored plumes emerge from the center of the crowns of both figures as a distinctive feature of its iconography. The Virgin is standing on a half-moon; rays of light that terminate in heads of cherubs radiate from behind her head. This particular painting is framed by a flower border. Sometimes depictions of this Virgin include half-length images of Dominican saints in the bottom corners.

Fig. 13.

Virgin of the Rosary of Pomata.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century, second third.

Oil on canvas.

199.5 cm x 126.9 cm 74 / 75

Fig. 14.

The Dormition of Mary.

Anonymous. Lima, 17th century, second half.

Oil on copper.

39 cm x 48.9 cm.

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Fig. 15.

Glorification of the Virgin.

Antonio Vilca. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

37.7 cm x 28.8 cm.

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Other scenes of the Virgin Mary include the painting The Dormition of Mary (Fig. 14), that represents the Virgin surrounded by the apostles during her transition from earthly to heavenly life. Although painted in the Italian style, with excellent naturalistic effects of light and shadow, this seventeenth century work was created in Lima. We also find the Glorification of the Virgin (Fig. 15), a small canvas attributed to Cuzco painter Antonio Vilca, which is a half-length portrait of the Virgin placed centrally among eighteenth century decorative elements, whose formal composition originates from an engraved source.

A very unique iconography, The Virgin with Tailors (Fig. 16) represents the Virgin in a triangular composition, standing on a pedestal and facing the spectator, dressed in a red mantle and tunic with strings of pearls and flowers surrounding her, and lace embroidery at her sleeves and neck. In her right hand she holds a needle and thread and in her left she carries the Christ Child, also dressed in red with his neck and sleeves decorated in white lace. In the inferior corners of the canvas we find archangels seated, represented in the act of sewing chasubles on their laps. In the left lower corner a basket is located, full of sewing instruments.

In the same gallery, there is a small polychrome and gilded wooden Altar with an image of Our Lady of Copacabana (Fig. 17), from the eighteenth century, that replicates the statue in her church on the banks of Lake Titicaca.

Fig. 16.

Virgin with Tailors.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century, first third.

Oil on canvas.

146 cm x 102.5 cm.

Fig. 17.

Altar with an image of Our Lady of Copacabana.

Anonymous. Bolivia, 17th century.

Carving on wood and pulp.

59 cm x 34.5 cm x 14 cm.

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ANGELS AND ARCHAN GELS

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ANGELS AND ARCHANGELS

According to Christian mythology, angels and archangels are members of the celestial court. The former are ambassadors for men whereas the latter serve as messengers of God, whose orders they obey. Archangels possess a polarized nature that popular piety and medieval mystics emphasized by contrasting their heavenly essence with the strength of character demanded of them on their missions, such as the expulsion of Adam and Eve from Paradise or the struggle against evil forces.

Other Biblical passages also underscore these traits. The councils of Rome in 745 and that of Aachen in 788 recognized Michael, Gabriel and Raphael as the only archangels of the Christian doctrine. In that capacity, these archangels were incorporated into the repertoire of sacred images of the church and individualized through their respective names, legends and iconographic attributes.

Their artistic depiction was regulated by the provisions of the Council of Trent, but in an odd contradiction to those rules, they frequently appeared next to archangels such as Uriel, Zadkiel, Jegudiel and others cited in apocryphal gospels. Images of Angels and Archangels were promulgated in paintings as well as prints imported from Northern Europe. We can appreciate the similarities between a Flemish print of the Seven Archangels of Palermo with a painting in the Pedro de Osma collection by the same name (Fig. 19 & 20).

In the sixteenth century, they were depicted in paintings and engraved plates throughout northern Europe. Their formalization in art, particularly in the Americas, served to conciliate Catholic dogma with local apocryphal legends that enabled the church to expand its evangelizing vocabulary. This phenomenon is apparent in the series of archangels painted during the Peruvian colonial period, where different sectors of the population accepted them as objects of devotion. Around 1680, the syncretism resulting from the mix of pre-Hispanic winged deities or warrior birds with the heraldic figures of European art produced the image of an archangel with a harquebus, considered an iconographic invention of the southern Peruvian Andes (Fig. 18). The native population believed that the sound of a Spanish harquebus resembled the sound of thunder (ilappa in Quechua), for which reason they gave the colonial archangel the definitive form we know today. Colonial painters imagined archangels as eternally young and asexual. They dressed them in long tunics or military uniforms, models suggested by the seventeenth century arms treaty, whose illustrations have formal similarities with these figures.

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Fig. 18.

Archangel with Harquebuse.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

171.8 cm x 95.7 cm.

Fig. 20.

The Seven Archangels of Palermo.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

95 cm x 128.2 cm.

Fig. 19.

Seven Archangels of Palermo - Engraving.

Hieronymus Wierix (1548-1624).

Source of print: Navarrete Prieto, Benito.

The seventeenth century Andalusian Painting Engraved and Fuentes.

Madrid, Foundation for the Support of Hispanic Art History. 1998.

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Fig. 21.

Archangel Michael.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century, first third.

Oil on canvas.

167 cm x 109.6 cm.

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Fig. 22.

Archangel Michael.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

39 cm x 27 cm.

Fig. 23.

Archangel Raphael.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century, first third.

Oil on canvas.

187 cm x 120 cm.

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The archangels and the Virgin Mary, as well as Trinitarian themes, provided an opportunity to express syncretic ideas in which the ancient forms of worship mixed with creeds from Europe.

Andeans gave characters new forms or appearances without affecting their Christian significance, which the Andean population respected throughout the colonial era. Thus, the sacred stories depict the Archangel Michael frequently dressed as a Roman soldier who eternally battles the forces of evil and whose iconography is defined by his attributed role of a warrior (Fig. 21 & 22). By contrast, Gabriel holds a lyre in individual portraits and also appears in Annunciation scenes where he announces to the Virgin Mary that she will conceive a child. The Archangel Raphael (Fig. 23) is usually associated with fishing, an allusion to the legend of Tobias, who cured his father’s blindness with fish scales.

Thus, the first is known as “who is like God,” while the second is referred to as the “strength of God,” and the third represents the “healing power of God,” titles which undoubtedly refer to the different aspects of a single figure.

The angels and archangels in the Pedro de Osma collection exhibit all of these characteristics and reflect the Cuzco styles of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Some canvases originate from the workshops near Lake Titicaca and replicate the color and decorative motifs of highland Peruvian painting. They are works of enormous expressive force and brilliant, magnificently-rendered color.

For these reasons, they are considered some of the best paintings of this type in Peruvian colonial art.

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SAINTS CORRE CORRI DOR DE DORSY SANTOS SANTAS

SAINTS CORRIDORS

Just as in the Old World, saints played a key role in the belief system of colonial Peru. Beginning in the sixteenth century, the story of the lives of saints spread from Europe to the Americas, for which reason the miraculous feats attributed to them were well known. They arrived with the explorers and the friars, were highlighted in the preaching of the gospel and ultimately became models of piety.

Thus, just as gods and heroes embodied the highest ideals and established a set of values that defined conduct and beliefs in Ancient Greece and Rome, the arrival of Christianity led to the appearance of men and women whose defense of the faith would transform them into new heroes. Martyrs, hermits, founders of religious orders and doctors of the church were worshipped as illustrious individuals known for their sanctity and intelligence. These people defined and supported a universal monotheistic credo, which was strengthened by the abundant hagiographic literature.

From the beginning of the Peruvian viceroyalty, Lima’s popular piety favored the appearance of devout, enlightened individuals, male and female saints and diverse religious practices. In this context, Saint Rose of Lima appeared as the most popular saint in the colony and the first saint of the Americas. She was canonized shortly after her death. Her life was depicted artistically – in painting, wood and huamanga stone carvings. The Pedro de Osma collection has three Saint Rose canvases that are highly didactic. The first shows Saint Rose holding Jesus as a child on her lap, in scene similar to that of the life of Saint Catherine of Alexandria (Fig. 24). There is also a small portrait that depicts the saint in her traditional iconographic guise (Fig. 25). A third, surprising portrait depicts Saint Rose playing a dice game with Christ, a scene taken from Saint Rose’s mystic literature, but still an uncommon theme in colonial painting (Fig. 26). Other saints in the collection are formally associated with the Latin Saints, in the style of Francisco de Zubarán, who so successfully portrayed the saints as examples of Christian virtue and models of devotion.

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Fig. 24.

Saint Rose of Lima with Christ Child.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

85.9 cm x 62.5 cm.

Fig. 25.

Saint Rose of Lima with Christ Child.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

58 cm x 42.6 cm.

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Fig. 26.

Jesus and Saint Rose Playing Dice.

Anonymous. Lima, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

72 cm x 60.4 cm.

The image of Saint James the Moorslayer (Fig. 27) was known since the seventeenth century in Peru and remained popular throughout the nineteenth century as a symbol of a liberator in battle or as a symbol of the faith.

Noteworthy among the male saints is the image of Saint Eligius, patron saint of goldsmiths (Fig. 28). This painting is magnificently complemented by an eighteenth century wooden frame. Other outstanding pieces include Saint Isidore the Laborer (Fig. 29) and Saint John of God (Fig. 30). These works correspond to later colonial cults, when some images became identified as patron saints of agricultural work and of animals at the end of the eighteenth century. These patron saint images were reproduced through the nineteenth century. Although the scene of Saint Isidore praying while the angels plow the landscape was known since the seventeenth century, together with the other landscapes, it was not until the end of the next century that it became popular thanks to the growth of his devotion in the Andes. This is also true of other saints, such as Saint John the Baptist, who almost always appeared accompanied by sheep in nineteenth century religious art.

Fig. 27.

Saint James the Moorslayer.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 17th century, last third.

Oil on canvas.

165.5 cm x 131 cm.

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Fig. 28.

Saint Eligius.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

121 cm x 70.1 cm.

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Fig. 29.

Saint Isidore the Laborer.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

108.2 cm x 83.6 cm.

Fig. 30.

Saint John of God with Donors.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

95.5 cm x 70.7 cm.

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SCULP TURES

SCULPTURES

Sculpture was an essential element in colonial visual culture. It reveals the enormous influence of the Baroque aesthetic of Seville, whose models of devotion and popular worship were emulated and re-imagined by artists of the Americas.

The sculptures in the Pedro de Osma collection comprise a set of carefully selected images in which one can appreciate all the artistic technique of colonial sculptors. These are gilded and polychrome wood figures, which are associated with their Spanish counterparts not only because of their lifelike quality but also due to their excellent craftsmanship and proximity to the models of popular piety produced in Seville and Valladolid workshops from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries. Workshops such as that of Juan Martínez Montañés or of Gregorio Fernández may have been the origin of the sculptures depicting Saint Joseph (Fig. 31), Saint John the Evangelist (Fig. 32), Saint Joachim (Fig. 33) and Saint Anne (Fig. 34). Or, their creators may have been Lima followers of Hispanic forms and sculptural iconography during the first half of the seventeenth century.

The collection also has several pieces depicting severed heads of saints, such as The Head of Saint John the Baptist (Fig. 35). This typology reflects the dramatic scatological tendency of Spanish Baroque. These types of images were the result of the agreements of the Council of Trent, which recommended using images that evoked dramatic emotions to inculcate in observers the values and sacrifices set by the life and death of saints.

A sculpture from the Lima School, Saint Christopher (Fig. 36), represents the patron saint of travelers while he is crossing a river with the Christ Child on his shoulders and holding in his hand a palm tree for support – both pieces which have unfortunately been lost over time.

Other sculptures, such as the group of Adam and Eve (Fig. 37) with the anthropomorphic serpent or the full-body Saint Anthony the Abbot (Fig. 38), are technically and formally associated with southern Andean centers of sculptural production. Whereas the first sculptures mentioned in this chapter are made of wood and pulp, Adam and Eve and Saint Anthony the Abbot are fashioned out of maguey cactus and glued cloth. These pieces reveal a growing schematization of nature and a softness of forms, which were characteristic of eighteenth century Cuzco Folk Art.

Fig. 31.

Saint Joseph.

Juan Martínez Montañés.

Lima, 18th century.

Woodcarving.

97 cm x 52 cm.

108 / 109

Fig. 32.

Saint John the Evangelist.

Anonymous.

Lima, 17th century, second half.

Woodcarving.

46 cm x 116.3 cm.

Fig. 33.

Saint Joachim.

Anonymous.

Lima, 17th century, second half.

Woodcarving.

177 cm x 66 cm.

Fig. 34.

Saint Anne.

Anonymous.

Lima, 17th century, second half.

Woodcarving.

113.7 cm x 64.5 cm.

110 / 111

Fig. 35.

Head of Saint John the Baptist.

Circle Baltazar Gavilรกn.

Lima, 18th century.

Woodcarving.

29.7 cm x 23.7 cm.

112 / 113

Fig. 36.

Saint Christopher.

Anonymous.

Lima, 18th century.

Woodcarving.

102 cm x 49 cm.

114 / 115

Fig. 37.

Eve. Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Maguey, pasta, carving and modeling.

73 cm x 26 cm.

Adam.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Maguey and pasta, carving and modeling.

62 cm x 27 cm.

Fig. 38.

Saint Anthony the Abbot.

Anonymous.

Lima, 18th century.

Wood, pulp, size, glued cloth.

131 cm x 58.5 cm.

A particularly noteworthy sculpture in this section is the Christ Resurrected (Fig. 39), which possesses a quality uncommon among the few images of this type made during the colonial period. It is slightly smaller than life-size and depicts Christ bending his left leg and bearing his weight on the right leg.

The twisting of the right hip and the torso, as well as the angular volume of the mantle covering his middle section, respond to anti-classical proposals and contrast with the size of the shoulders and the delicate facial features. These details bring to mind the Italian-inspired art created in Lima during the first half of the seventeenth century, when the painted or sculpted models reflected the strong influence of Mannerism on local art forms. The Jesuit and Franciscan churches of Lima contain sculptures of the Holy Family that were created in a similar Mannerist style.

The development of Christ Resurrected is linked to familiar names in the history of Hispanic art, such as Martínez Montañés, Gregorio Fernández, Juan de Mesa and Pedro de Mena. Some of these artists worked in Lima for religious orders. The most important, wealthiest Lima monasteries – such as that of the Immaculate Conception or of the Incarnation – used to purchase the works of Spanish masters, who exported their art directly to the Peruvian colonial market. Beginning in the late sixteenth century, the Flemish influence gave way to the Spanish style, whose Seville facet would be decisive in defining the sculptural tastes of the leading artistic centers of the viceroyalty.

The technique for gilding wood remained unchanged throughout the colonial period. The practice was used in both sculpted or relief pieces and in altarpieces, pulpits, ambos, tabernacles, shrines and ceilings. This decorative technique consisted of the application of gesso to a sculpted wood piece. An under layer of red clay, also known as red bole, was used, which served as a flexible background that enabled the gilded surface to be burnished with a piece of agate to produce a brilliant, smooth and semi-transparent gold layer with reddish highlights. A subsequent layer of paint and intricate patterns tooled on gold leaf using a template (a procedure known as estofado) completed the decoration of the carved wood. This procedure was used in South America beginning in the sixteenth century and was a distinctive feature of all types of carvings until the nineteenth century. The preferred material was noble hardwood; however, in Andean workshops, a soft wood from the local maguey cactus was used, whose trunk was cut, tied and reinforced with gypsum and glued cloth before color and gold leaf were applied. This was similar to the procedure used when working with cedar, walnut or pine. Additionally, artists crafted sculptures with glued cloth in which only the hands and heads were carved from polychromatic and reddish wood.

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Fig. 39.

Christ Resurrected.

Baltazar Gavilรกn.

Lima, 18th century.

Woodcarving.

110 cm x 45.5 cm x 40.5 cm.

118 / 119

ALLEGO RIES

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ALLEGORIES

Allegory is the result of an associative, indirect reference. In the symbolic cultures of the Renaissance and the Baroque, allegory addressed an abstract concept by means of a graphic depiction. To this end, artists made use of iconographic attributes, human, animal or plant figures whose meanings were easily interpreted.

The concept that gave rise to the allegorical form was almost always some knowledge or an idealization associated with the moral and ethical values governing life in society. Thus, the traditional symbols of justice, love and death were a scale, arrows and a scythe, respectively. This way of transmitting ideas originated in Ancient Greece, but it was greatly enriched by Christian content – as part of the evangelizing rhetoric – which was first manifested as metaphors and later as more complex forms in which ideas such as virtue, vice and sin acquired their definitive artistic depiction in medieval iconographic design.

Peruvian colonial art followed the European practice of communicating certain ideas through signs and symbols whose contents – based on stories from the Bible and the concepts disseminated through symbols since the sixteenth century – were part of common knowledge of the time. Together with other literary forms, the symbol became a medium of rapid diffusion of iconographic concepts at the same time that it became a model itself: some documents from the period record its practice, associated with Jesuit study, beginning in the early seventeenth century in Lima.

The Pedro de Osma Museum has collected a large number of works that possess these characteristics.

Eucharistic allusions are frequent in the figure of the Monstrance displaying the body of Christ (Fig. 40), represented by the host, inside the sun, from which sunrays symbolizing the Eternal Father radiate light on the universe. Another Eucharistic theme is known as the Divine Wine Press (Fig. 41), where Christ crushes grapes to turn them into wine as a metaphor of the blood spilled during his passion and death. This theme, carved in huamanga stone, is displayed next to a similar relief depicting the Immaculate Virgin surrounded by the symbols of her litanies, both invocations of the Virgin Mary as well as hymns to her virtues (Fig. 42).

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Fig. 40.

Monstrance.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

63.3 cm x 43 cm.

Fig. 41.

Divine Wine Press.

Anonymous.

South Andean, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

40.2 cm x 27.3 cm x 6.9 cm.

124 / 125

Fig. 42.

The Immaculate Virgin.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

40.3 cm x 29.6 cm x 3.5 cm.

The cross was long used as an instrument of death for all who defied the legality of Roman authorities. After the death of Christ, his followers transformed it into a sign of eternal, hopeful life.

In certain Counter-Reformation compositions, the cross appears together with other signs that refer to human status, hierarchies and plunders on Earth. These signs are always placed at Christ’s feet to demonstrate a position of subjection to the Christian faith. Nevertheless, other images are also associated with it. In the Exaltation of the Cross (Fig. 43), a pelican – a bird that was compared with Christ and considered a symbol of his transubstantiation – wounds herself in the chest to feed her young with her blood.

Other allegorical forms in the repertoire of Peruvian colonial painting include compositions whose discursive nature allows for a dual reading, mainly to achieve the didactic goals of pictorial language.

Thus, a theme such as Adam and Eve (Fig. 44) at the moment Adam receives the apple can be a reminder of Genesis or a way of depicting sin.

One concept of the foundational rhetoric of Christianity was that the religion represented the only way to achieve salvation. This was because only the Church of Christ, after navigating dangerous seas – the sins that waylay man both in the form of heretic doctrines and in the different moments of history when they were presented as true credo – would lead the faithful to a safe port. This idea gave way to the symbol of the anchor, which in early Christian art became a key concept in the evangelizing discourse.

To materialize this idea in the visual arts, medieval artists used the image of a fishing boat, in allusion to Saint Peter. Later, during the Renaissance, the boat was substituted for a ship whose main mast included the figure of Christ crucified on a background of a sail. He was accompanied by the virtues and the Virgin Mary while the archangels or the saints navigated in the direction indicated by Jesus Christ. After the Council of Trent, the Ship of the Church became a mandatory reference to explain the triumph of the church over its enemies.

Fig. 43.

Exaltation of the Cross.

Workshop of Lázaro Pardo Lagos.

Cuzco, 17th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

191.1 cm x 148.1 cm.

126 / 127

Fig. 44.

Adam and Eve. Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

145 cm x 102.2 cm.

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130 / 131

132 / 133

In Allegory of the Catholic Church as a Ship (Fig. 45), we see the Catholic Church depicted as a ship whose mast is formed by the figure of Christ, being attacked by infidels and defended by saints and pious men, in keeping with the structural models disseminated through Flemish, Italian and French engravings. Colonial painting used this method for indoctrination and the engraved images that circulated, each with minor variations, served to create canvasses that disseminated, for didactic purposes, the allegory of the ship whose sailors battled false prophets and the forces of evil. In the painting in the Pedro de Osma collection, Christ and the Virgin steer the ship from heaven and lead it to the Port of Constantinople, while saints and the devout battle the opponents of Catholicism and the Pope appears to deliver a fiery speech. The composition embodies a concept of victory that frequently appears in seventeenth century European art and that also reached the Spanish viceroyalties in the Americas.

Pages 126 / 127 Fig. 45.

Allegory of the Catholic Church as a Ship.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

294.6 cm x 496.8 cm.

(Page 128 detail)

Fig. 46.

San Fernando Receives the Keys of Seville or The Surrender of Seville.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

150 cm x 203 cm.

134 / 135

In this painting (Fig. 46) a central, knightly figure on horseback looks skyward, engaged with a small Virgin visible through an aperture in the clouds. Beneath the knight on the left, a sumptuously dressed man is kneeling. He offers keys to a city, visible in the background, to the central knight. This Andean painting mimics the iconographic tradition developed in Spain for depicting the surrender of the Muslim ruled city of Seville to the Christian King Fernando III in 1248.

The potential for surrender iconographies to communicate a discursive analogy - a correspondence between besieged cities, heretical enemies, and divine intervention - affects the reading of our Surrender of Seville. This Cuzco School Surrender of Seville endeavors to purposefully reference the capital city of the Inca Empire, Cuzco, while still maintaining its Iberian Re-Conquista significance.

This is accomplished through a correspondence in divine apparitions in both cities, as the Virgin appeared in Seville to guarantee the victory of Fernando III, and in Cuzco to save the livelihoods of the besieged Spaniards. Also, Axataf’s accouterments serve as conspicuous and intentional markers of his dual persona – Moorish king and Inca. By his feet lies a shield with a solar emblem emblazoned on the center, and a sword whose hilt recalls the face of a large bird – perhaps a condor. Both the sun and condor were important entities to the Inca polity, and the sun was linked particularly with Sapa Inca authority. Furthermore, the two cities are comparable: Seville was the cultural capital of Al-Andalus, and the military stronghold that withstood the onslaught of Fernando III the longest; Cuzco was the capital of the Inca Empire, and witnessed the strongest indigenous rebellion against the Spanish in the viceroyalty.

This painting strives to symbolically triangulate the Spanish occupation of Cuzco, a rather shabby affair, with the much-adulated Spanish Re-Conquista triumphs in Seville. The attempt to analogize the Spanish victory in Seville with that in Cuzco confirms that: “Ideologically, the struggle against Islam offered a descriptive language which allowed the generally shabby ventures in America to be vested with an eschatological significance.”1 The painting is of course a chivalrous fantasy propagated in the Andes that fails to adequately describe the colonial world: a world in which the Spanish occupation of Cuzco was an arduous, narrowly won and drawn out affair, and the Spanish encroachment upon indigenous land was a process never entirely completed, and far from uncontested.

Annick Benavides

136 / 137

In Andean Defense of the Eucharist (Fig. 47) paintings an epic battle takes lucid form, as the king of Spain defends the most tendentious of Catholic sacraments, the Eucharist, against the onslaught of a Turkish king. Defense paintings were visually based on prints imported from Europe, and they evince to some degree a political reality in the Mediterranean world: Hapsburg and Bourbon kings launched military campaigns in Turkish territories, while Turkish crews pirated the Iberian coast.

The iconography is, though, at its essence a Counter-Reformation discourse. The monstrance at the center of the composition houses the eucharistic host. That the monstrance serves as the subject of dispute between two parties aptly conveys the divisiveness that the eucharist engendered in the early modern world. The Spanish king can be understood to defend the sacrament against all enemies who would question the real presence of Christ in the eucharist.

Andean artists were inspired by European imagery of Protestants and Turks in creating Defense paintings, but they altered their print models in significant ways. Firstly, Andean artists dignified the Turkish character through lavish dress and hierarchical relevance. Secondly, Andean artists organized the European figures in the paintings according to indigenous spacial hierarchies, such as Hanan/Hurin bilateral symmetry, similar spacial organizations evident in colonial Inkarri-Collari kero design. Recognition of the formal correspondences between Defense paintings and kero designs breaks down barriers that typically segment the study of vicegeral art, and strongly suggests that artisans of disparate media were in dialogue with each other.

The invention of this uniquely Andean Defense iconography can be associated with a pre-hispanic affinity for understanding triumph as the coming together of festive, complementary opponents.

Colonial dictionaries describe tinku [tinkuy] and its many linguistic permutations, both in Quechua and Aymara, as a place of union where two opposing yet complementary forces have come together to form something new and powerful2.

Defense paintings also pay homage to Moros vs Cristianos: mock-battle performances that occurred in viceregal Peru between complementary moieties. Moros vs Cristianos was enacted, by both Iberians and indigenous groups, in hopes to promote social cohesion and communal well being.

The paintings serve as a lasting testament to moieties’ desire to achieve tinku thorough enacting choreographed dances that performed the Moor/Turk character. Defense paintings thus participated in the colonial re-imagining of the Turk, shifting the Turk away from his typically pejorative role, and instead presenting the character as a dignified and necessary complement to Catholicism.

Annick Benavides

Fig. 47.

Defense of the Eucharist with Saint Rose.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

99.4 cm x 69.7 cm.

In the Adoration of the Eucharist (Fig. 48) we find a Spanish monarch and a bishop, both kneeling with hands clasped adoring the centrally placed monstrance. Here ecclesiastics and Catholic monarchs are positioned as complementary forces that together enable the triumph of the eucharist. This iconography was likely disseminated in the Americas via print copies of Ruben’s “Adoration of the Eucharist” altar wall tapestry in church in Descalzas Reales, and is associated with sixteenth and seventeenth century court paintings in Madrid that position Hapsburg kings as adoring a visual representation of God or the Eucharist with hands clasped, kneeling.3 In these artworks, whilst the king appears to be kneeling in genteel adoration of God, often subtle references to Hapsburg military victories over Arians, Muslims, and Protestants commemorate the defeat of heretics by Catholic monarchs.

Of particular relevance in this Adoration of the Eucharist is the distinctly Andean monstrance. It follows the unique portable monstrance format developed in Cuzco in the seventeenth century featuring a sunburst shaped receptacle for the circular host surmounted above a stem and base.

The Andean configuration for the rays of the sunburst often consisted of an elaborate meshwork of interlocking C or S shapes.4 The sunburst finial on a monstrance was not popular in Europe before the Baroque period, and, the earliest examples in Europe were likely crafted in the Americas and sent to Iberia.5 The sunburst finial resembles images of the pre-Hispanic deity Inti propagated in viceregal Peru.

Andean artists utilized the sunburst sign to indicate the Inca Sun-God Inti. Martín de Murúa’s Historia del Origen y Genealogía Real de los Reyes del Piru portrays an Inca man worshipping an Inti icon, placed above an altar at Coricancha (c. 1590, “Coricancha,” folio 64v, Private Collection of Sean Galvin). The personified sunburst form of the icon corresponds with the imported European visual tradition for representations of Inti, and with the sunburst finial in Andean monstrances.

It is therefore posible that paintings such as this Adoration of the Eucharist served to sustain the conception Inti in the colonial world.

Annick Benavides

Fig. 48.

Adoration of the Eucharist.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

164.3 cm x 113.3 cm.

138 / 139

Fig. 49.

Christ Child Triumphant.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

92.3 cm x 68.6 cm.

140 / 141

Fig. 50.

Exaltation of the Eucharist with the Holy Trinity.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

167 cm x 125.4 cm.

Fig. 51.

Premonition of Christ’s Passion.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

29 cm x 34.5 cm.

142 / 143

Fig. 52.

The Cross of the Passion with Saints.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on wood.

33 cm x 20.7 cm.

Fig. 53.

Virgin of the Order of the Mercedarians with Saint Peter Nolasco.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

50 cm x 39.3 cm.

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CUZCO th 17 CEN TURY 146 / 147

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CUZCO 17th CENTURY

While Cuzco School painters were initially influenced by the Italian masters who came to the Peruvian viceroyalty in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, the art of Flanders and Spain provided essential models and consolidated the formal, ornamental and expressive maturity of the Cuzco School of painting. In the seventeenth century, Diego Quispe Tito and Basilio de Santa Cruz Pumacallao were the leading painters in the city. The painters, along with their disciples and followers, had different influences: Flemish technique in the former and Spanish taste in the latter. They filled most of the century with their compositions, imposing elements that practically monopolized local production.

The work of these two painters is indicative of the preferred aesthetic styles of patrons in colonial Cuzco.

The work of Basilio de Santa Cruz Pumacallao acquired a distinctive style in the last quarter of the seventeenth century, at the height of the Baroque period. His painting is characterized by large-scale, dynamic and profusely decorative compositions, as evident in Saint Lawrence (Fig. 54). Here gold leaf appliqué details were later added over the painted vestments.

Santa Cruz Pumacallao was not inspired by the Flemish engravings but rather by the work of Spanish painters such as Murillo and Valdés Leal, masters he became familiar with through the paintings and engravings brought to Cuzco by Bishop Mollinedo y Angulo. The bishop, who arrived in the city in 1773, gave new impetus to rebuilding projects that began after the 1650 earthquake.

Local workshops, such as that of Basilio de Santa Cruz, the bishop’s favorite painter, worked at a feverish pace. They created canvasses for all the convents, monasteries, churches and chapels rebuilt on Mollinedo’s initiative. That is how many Cuzco painters adopted the Hispanic Baroque style. They continued to employ this style even after the colonial period ended.

Diego Quispe Tito’s use of Flemish engravings added a new element to the art of his time: the use of rural or woodland landscapes as background in paintings depicting figures narrating New Testament scenes, as we can appreciate in the Return from Egypt (Fig. 55). It also provided a romantic component of Arcadian nature, referring to the idea of a parallel, eternally harmonious world in which the human condition did not exist. The first works of Quispe Tito are formally associated with the work of Gregorio Gamarra, a painter from Potosi and a follower of Bernardo Bitti, whom he appeared to emulate early in his career, as evidenced by his tendency to follow the forms inherited from Italian Mannerism.

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Fig. 54.

Saint Lawrence.

Basilio Santa Cruz Pumacallao.

Cuzco, 17th century, last third.

Oil on canvas.

143 cm x 94.5 cm.

152 / 153

Fig. 55.

Return from Egypt.

Diego Quispe Tito.

Cuzco, 1680.

Oil on canvas.

63.7 cm x 145.4 cm.

Fig. 56.

Hermit Saint.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Oil on canvas.

113.2 cm x 153.5 cm.

154 / 155

Fig. 57.

The Holy Family.

Diego Quispe Tito.

Cuzco, 17th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

83.5 cm x 141.6 cm.

During this period, the techniques used were equally innovative. Painters used an opaque mix of ancient egg tempera and paint diluted in oil, of European Renaissance origin, which lent a brilliant transparency. This was known as mixed technique and was used frequently on cotton, linen and jute during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

In addition, a painting representing a hermit saint (Fig. 56) depicts an unusual iconographic type that is quite rare in colonial art collections. The anchorite or hermit saints are saints whose biographies focus on their flight to the solitude of the desert or the forest in search of silence and prayer. The legends of the first anchorites date from the fourth century and originate in a society experiencing a religious and political crisis. The anchorite saint in the Pedro de Osma collection reflects the rendering of the landscape and the profound spirituality typical of Quispe Tito’s workshop.

The seventeenth century Cuzco room in the Pedro de Osma Museum contains works of the great painters of the period. Return from Egypt (Fig. 55), a variation on the well-known composition by Rubens popularized by Paulus Pontius, as well as Holy Family (Fig. 57), reveal the distinctive features – the landscape and chromatic preciosity of the faces – of the Cuzco art developed in Quispe Tito’s workshop.

There is also a Saint John the Evangelist (Fig. 58) associated with the workshop of Juan Espinoza de los Monteros, another Cuzco master, whose work reflected the hybridization of Flemish and Spanish styles.

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Fig. 58.

Saint John the Evangelist.

Workshop Juan Espinoza de los Monteros.

Lima, 17th century, last third.

Oil on llienzo.

158 cm x 82 cm.

Fig. 59.

Pieta.

Anonymous.

17th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

100 cm x 116 cm.

158 / 159

Fig. 60.

Immaculate Conception.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century, second third.

Oil on copper.

25.9 cm x 20.4 cm.

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CUZCO th 18 CEN TURY

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CUZCO 18th CENTURY

In the eighteenth century, the Cuzco art workshops reached their zenith of technical and aesthetic development. The city’s workshops produced such popular works that their models were even exported to other regions of the Americas. Cuzco paintings practically monopolized the market, including the Lima market. The art of Cuzco reached the leading urban centers of the viceroyalties of New Spain, New Granada and La Plata, where it became a distinctive element in the eclectic Spanish-American art market of the eighteenth century.

Devotional painting of Cuzco reached its height thanks to the skill of masters such as Marcos Zapata, Basilio Pacheco and Mauricio GarcĂ­a. Most of their paintings reveal the growing preference of local patrons for gilding as an element of worship and decoration. Throughout the region, gold already had a strong symbolism dating from pre-Hispanic times. This did not differ much from the significance that Christian tradition had given to golden light as a symbolic way to depict certain celestial figures.

In addition to the painters identified by their signatures and recorded in documentary records, others existed who produced an enormous number of anonymous paintings. We know the names of other artists only by their signature on paintings. This is the case of the artist who signed as Don Blas. He made three religious paintings, which were found in different areas of Peru. His work exemplifies the common painter whose art represents a hybridization of models of devotional art and which regularly appeared in the different colonial markets.

The paintings in this section include Dinner of the Holy Family (Fig. 61), which depicts Jesus, as a child, Mary and Joseph engaged in daily human activities, a form that Cuzco painters borrowed from Flemish engravings and subsequently transformed. Among the images of greatest devotion is the Lord of Earthquakes (Fig. 62), the patron saint of Cuzco since the 1650 earthquake, whose features, characteristic of a carved crucifix, were subsequently copied in painting throughout the viceroyalty until the nineteenth century. The saint is invoked against natural disasters and even today continues to be one of the references of faith and devotion in Cuzco in particular and southern Peru in general.

Fig. 61.

Dinner of the Holy Family.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

122 cm x 88.4 cm.

164 / 165

Fig. 62.

Lord of Earthquakes.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century, first third.

Oil on canvas.

118.4 cm x 83.2 cm.

166 / 167

Fig. 63.

Virgin as Child Spinning.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century, second third.

Oil on canvas.

112.5 cm x 80.5 cm.

168 / 169

Dressing the images in Andean clothes is another constant in colonial art, both in sculpture and in painting. Some, such as the Christ Child dressed as an Inca child, were prohibited by church and political authorities due to the doctrinal threats it posed. Nevertheless, figures such as that of Mary, interpreted as an indigenous child with spindle and yarn, were popular compositions favored by patrons, who requested them of the painting masters for their respective devotional rites (Fig. 63).

The development of religious painting did not impede the growing use of a decorative form based on geometric shapes and signs from the ancient Inca Empire, whose reappearance was prophesied by certain myths, such as that of the Inkarri. This new aesthetic was widely used in paintings and textiles and applied on gold, wood and gourds and other materials around 1750. It was a cultural world that existed parallel to the official one, which favored nostalgia for the former Inca Empire and motivated the insurgency of several rebel groups, forerunners of the great revolution led by José Gabriel Condorcanqui in 1780.

Another issue of undeniable importance in eighteenth century iconography is that associated with the Inca, native Peruvians and their cultural elements, which appeared in a large number of canvases, whether to emphasize the indigenous identity or as a form of political conciliation proposed by the government. The Pedro de Osma collection contains three paintings that relate to these themes: Union of the Descendants of the Imperial Inca with the Houses of Loyola and Borja (Fig. 64), that of Inca lineage in Genealogy of the Inca (Fig. 65) and that of the Corpus Christi Procession in Cuzco (Fig. 66). These are closely associated with political currents and events that contributed to the destabilization of the colonial system.

In response to this climate of political discontent, the institutions of the viceroyalty opted to develop messages of conciliation which, in the form of painting, led to the appearance of a new iconography.

This is the case of the theme known as the Union of the Descendants of the Imperial Inca with the Houses of Loyola and Borja or also as Marriage of the Ñusta (Inca Princess), based on a sixteenth century actual event and represented by Jesuits in images two centuries after the marriage took place. By illustrating the marriage of Princess Beatriz, niece of the last Inca, Huaina Capac, and the heir to the Inca Empire, to Martin de Loyola, nephew of the Jesuit Saint Ignatius of Loyola, the composition attempts to legitimize the presence of Spanish authorities in Peru. In addition, the daughter of the couple, Lorenza, appears at her wedding with Juan de Borja, nephew of another Jesuit saint, Saint Francis of Borja. In this way, the descendants of the most representative saints of the Spanish Counter-Reformation are depicted as related by marriage to the Cuzco nobility.

Fig. 64.

Union of the Descendants of the Imperial Inca with the Houses of Loyola and Borja.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 1718. Oil on canvas.

175.2 cm x 168.3 cm.

The Inca were frequently depicted in eighteenth century portraits – as evident in Genealogy of the Inca. Typically, in the upper part of the painting, the Christian God presides over the composition together with the Spanish coat-of-arms and that of the Inca. Manco Cápac and Mama Huaco appear on either side of the painting. Several scholars have interpreted this series as a call for conciliation during a period of political rebellion.

The Inca became figures that symbolized – in both private and public life – groups that were against merely replacing the local authorities appointed by the King of Spain; rather, they wanted to break all ties of dependence on the Spanish monarchy. This image was portrayed on paper and engravings and painted in watercolors. It also appeared in mural paintings and finally on canvases. The model for the canvases was taken from a composition attributed to Oratorian priest Alonso de la Cueva, who in 1725 produced a group of half-length portraits of Inca and Spanish kings in chronological order, accompanied by their biographies.

This composition, unique in the iconography of colonial painting, spread throughout much of the viceroyalty. Its horizontal format had a vertical variation in which the Holy Trinity was replaced by the figure of Christ and two of the first conquistadores. Today, the examples we have of the horizontal version are formally associated with the engraving by Alonso de la Cueva, of which all details are copied. These paintings are found in church collections from Cuzco to Lima, including Ayacucho. With respect to the vertical composition, there is a canvas, also inspired by the De la Cueva engraving, in a private collection.

The discursive nature of the Pedro de Osma version of these half-length portraits presents a chronological that order suggests a complete break with Spain, since only the Inca appear. The Inca have the same postures and the same expressions as those in the De la Cueva engraving: the Inca coat-of-arms presides over the composition and the figures of the first Inca and Mama Huaco appear again on either side of the painting. This is the case of the painting in the eighteenth century Cuzco room of the Pedro de Osma Museum. It is on display here as an image reflecting the ideological current that promoted Peruvian Independence.

Fig. 65.

Genealogy of the Inca.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century, second half.

Oil on canvas.

105.6 cm x 103 cm.

170 / 171

172 / 173

Fig. 66.

Corpus Christi Procession in Cuzco.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

86.4 cm x 200.2 cm.

In the painting Corpus Christi Procession one observes the principal parishes of Cuzco, each processing with their respective patron saint in the Main Square. We can observe the participation in this baroque religious festival of all sectors of society. Near the center, we find two local indigenous leaders, known as caciques, dressed in a colonial re-imagining of the Inca’s imperial regalia. Because these two figures are represented in the canvas, we can determine that the painting was made before the rebellion of Túpac Amaru II in 1780 - as a consequence of the rebellion, crown mandates forbade local indigenous leaders to dress as Incas during public ceremony.

Nearing the end of the eighteenth century, Cuzco painting tends towards a mimetic treatment of space. Volumes are flattened and forms are abstracted through the use of brilliant colors. Painted canvases were known to be used to cover furniture or musical instruments. This decorative function of painting helped maintain a playful, courtier and generally pastoral design. This late trend in Cuzco painting had enormous repercussions in the high class urban society in viceregal Peru; its practice stayed alive and vibrant well into the nineteenth century, and was eventually appropriated by republican Folk Art. In addition to paintings, Cuzco school artists produced a diverse array of sculptures: altars, domestic furniture, pulpits, tabernacles, roofs, silverwork. These objects satisfied the commercial demand for objects both sacred and profane. The trade routes that these objects followed included Lima, the regions of Puno and Arequipa, as well as Charcas and the northern regions of Argentina and Buenos Aires. A small altar in the Pedro de Osma collection was probably made in the Southern Andean region (Fig. 67). The intricacy and design of the sculpted altar corresponds to the work produce by small workshops, full of rich ornamental details popular in the eighteenth century, such as mirrors and gold leafing; distinctive qualities of the late Baroque art in Peru.

Fig. 67.

Andean Baroque Altar with Crucified Christ.

Anonymous.

Lima, 18th century.

Woodcarving, assembling.

350 cm x 245 cm.

174 / 175

176 / 177

Fig. 68.

Christ Crucified.

Anonymous.

Flemish School, 16th century.

Carved ivory.

60 cm x 46.5 cm.

SILVER AND TEXTI LES 178 / 179

180 / 181

SILVER AND TEXTILES

During the colonial period, Peru’s mineral wealth originated mainly from the exploitation of deposits of gold and silver in the Andes, symbolic metals that since pre-Hispanic times were associated with the worship of the sun and moon. According to chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, these plentiful metals attracted prospectors of precious metals and adventurers early on.

In the mid sixteenth century, one of the richest silver mines in the region was discovered on a conical hill in the former region of Upper Peru – today Bolivia – at 4,000 meters above sea level.

Next to the deposit, the City of Potosi was established in 1545 and quickly became prosperous. By the early seventeenth century, it was the most populous city in the Americas. An active miningbased economic network filled the coffers of the viceroyalty. At the same time, Huancavelica had a large mine, Santa Bárbara, and several smaller ones that produced large quantities of mercury, or quicksilver, which made it easier to obtain silver through amalgamation. In addition, a silver deposit discovered in Pasco City was so large that it had its own mint beginning in the late seventeenth century. This mine, which was active throughout much of the eighteenth century, played a key role in the colonial economy after production in Potosi declined in the early decades of that century.

Silver was used to strike coins. Because silver is a soft metal, it was alloyed with stronger ones, such as copper, to prevent its natural degradation. Silver was also used to create religious and secular objects. The Museum has a collection of silver pieces intended for sacred and ritual use, and another collection of utilitarian and domestic objects for personal use. In the first case, the church required objects for its liturgical services – both processions and daily worship – as well as decorative altar sets.

Following the Seville tradition, liturgical objects were created for Catholic rituals: Monstrances (Fig. 69), incense containers, chalices, pots, crowns for sculptures of Saints and Christ, papal tiaras, miters, processional Silver Crosses (Fig. 70), Eucharistic Pelicans (Fig. 71), Saint Reliquaries (Fig. 72), Tabernacles (Fig. 73), ciboria, lecterns, candlesticks and candelabras.

Fig. 69.

Monstrance.

Anonymous.

Lima, 18th century.

Silver.

54.5 cm x 26 cm x 24 cm.

182 / 183

Fig. 70.

Silver Cross.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Silver, cast and wrought.

65.9 cm x 33.9 cm x 17.7 cm.

184 / 185

Fig. 71.

Eucharistic Pelican.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 18th century.

Wood and Silver.

62 cm x 60 cm x 28 cm.

Fig. 72.

Reliquary.

Anonymous.

Cuzco, 17th century.

Wood and Silver.

24.4 cm x 13.2 cm x 9.9 cm.

186 / 187

Fig. 73.

Tabernacle Doors.

M. Ochoa.

Andina, 1749.

Silver Repoussé.

71.3 cm x 47 cm x 2 cm.

Fig. 74.

Incense burner (deer).

Anonymous.

Lima, 19th century.

Silver filigree.

16.5 cm x 15 cm x 13 cm.

Fig. 75.

Incense burner (bull).

Anonymous.

Silver filigree.

17 cm x 13.6 cm x 18.3 cm.

188 / 189

In the second group, we find utilitarian objects for domestic use and also religious objects for personal use. The objects range from Incense Burners in different animal and anthropomorphic shapes (Fig. 74 & 75), to candelabras, Baskets (Fig. 76) and crucifixes. The collection also features tea kettles, coffeemakers, milk churns, chocolate pots, pitchers, bowls, washbowls, soup tureens, pans, serving dishes, cups, chamber pots, sugar bowls, masks, Tupu pins (Fig. 77 & 78), scepters, bottles, tinderboxes, chests, cutlery, as well as decorations for salons and bedrooms. One can also appreciate Mate Vessels (Fig. 79) made of silver-plated gourds, embossed Silver Panels (Fig. 80 - 83), and hammered silver masks. Lastly, the Pedro de Osma collection also exhibits Peruvian equestrian accoutrements, including stirrups, spurs, whips, reins and harnesses for horses.

The Silver Gallery also exhibits various objects from the private collection of the de Osma Ayulo family, such as a grand silver filigree basket, a horse saddle made of leather and silver, riding accoutrements and the Christ of Valvanera (page 175). This Christ statue, made of ivory and probably carved in the Phillippines, was originally brought to Peru by María Josefa Ramírez de Arellano y Baquíjano, and has remained in the families´possession for generations. The Christ originally passed to one of the daughters of María Josefa, and then to the Pardo family in Lima. The Christ returned to the de Osma family through Ana María Ayulo Pardo de Osma. Her son, Diego de Osma Ayulo, is the current custodian of the piece.

Fig. 76.

Basket.

Anonymous.

Lima, 19th century.

Silver filigree.

24.7 cm x 19.2 cm.

Fig. 77.

Tupu.

Anonymous.

Sierra Sur, 19th century.

Silver.

31.3 cm x 11.4 cm.

Fig. 78.

Tupu.

Anonymous.

Sierra Sur, 19th century.

Silver.

31.8 cm x 15.1 cm.

190 / 191

The Silver Gallery also features miniature paintings. Our Lady of Kings (Fig. 84) was made in Spain and signed by Seville painter Francisco Varela in 1644. It is displayed in a tortoiseshell frame with embossed decorations. Alongside one finds the Virgin of the Mercedarian Order (Fig. 85), exhibited in a hammered repoussĂŠ silver frame.

The Pedro de Osma Museum also exhibits a group of magnificent objects belonging to the descendants of the Italian collector Vittorio Azzaritti, as well as an important collection of gold coins collected by Guillermo Wiese de Osma. The Azzaritti collection includes excellent examples of silverwork for secular use: whips, chamber pots, scepters, tupu pins, vases and pitchers, among other quality pieces. There are also processional crosses, gilded silver mates and lecterns. The set of gold coins of Guillermo Wiese de Osma demonstrates the delicate craftsmanship of goldsmiths of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Visitors thus can appreciate silverwork, both domestic and religious, originating from four different collections, as well as excellent examples of colonial textiles in this gallery.

Fig. 79.

Mate Vessel.

Anonymous.

Gourd with metals.

14.1 cm x 10.5 cm x 10 cm.

Fig. 80.

Silver Plaque.

Anonymous.

Lima, 18th century.

Molten silver, embossed.

26.2 cm x 31.8 cm.

192 / 193

Fig. 81.

Silver Plaque.

Anonymous.

Lima, 18th century.

Silver, cast.

27.4 cm x 32.7 cm.

Fig. 82.

Silver Plaque with Musician.

Anonymous.

Lima, 19th century.

Silver, cast.

16.4 cm x 12.1 cm.

Fig. 83.

Silver Plaque with Ñusta.

Anonymous.

Lima, 19th century.

Silver, cast.

15 cm x 11.1 cm.

Fig. 84.

Our Lady of Kings.

Francisco Varela.

Spain, 17th century.

Oil on copper.

23.5 cm x 16.4 cm.

194 / 195

Fig. 85.

Virgin of the Mercedarian Order.

Anonymous.

Puno, 18th century.

Oil on copper.

24.5 cm x 18.7 cm.

Fig. 86.

Dalmatic for Funeral Mass.

Anonymous. Sevilla, Spain, late 16th century or first half of the 17th century.

Silk velvet, with applications of silver thread embroidery and silk.

130.5 cm x 154 cm.

196 / 197

This Dalmatic (Fig. 86) is an excellent example of Sevillan embroidery produced during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. It was likely imported to Lima as a part of an ecclesiastical “suit”: a set of liturgical ornaments and clothing used during Catholic mass. A “suit” usually included a chasuble for the priest and two dalmatics, for the deacon and sub-deacon, in addition to other ornamental textiles.6 This dalmatic, composed of a black body and featuring imagery of skulls and cross-bones, would have been used with its corresponding pieces to perform funerary masses.7 The production of liturgical embroideries used for Catholic ritual flourished in Seville during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.8 It consisted primarily of application embroidery, where by artisans embroidered motifs on a cloth base, such as linen, then proceeded to cut out the motifs and apply them to finer cloths such as silk and velvet. In this example the decorative motifs and skull and cross-bone images were embroidered on linen and then applied to a red velvet textile. The panels of red velvet were then applied to the black velvet that constitutes the body of the dalmatic. These panels of velvet, which exhibit “grutesco” designs surrounding a central motif, correspond to Sevillan “al romano” embroidery, labelled as such due to its inspiration from Italian Mannerist ornament.9 Each panel displays a variety of embroidery techniques, all composed fundamentally with silver threads, or rather, silk threads wrapped in thin plates of silver. In the circular border framing the skull, we can observe the “cestería” or basketwork technique known as “setillos y empedrados.”10 Embroiderers utilized another technique, known as “oro matizado,” or shaded gold, to create the illusion of depth in the skulls and to add colors to the plants.11 In this technique parallel silver threads are crossed by colored silk threads, creating a transparent effect. Each panel is framed by a ribbon with relief designs, in this case a design known as “de almendrilla” due to the almond-shaped motifs.

These ribbons, which consist of silver threads embroidered on top of thick hemp threads were known as “retorchas.” 12 There is evidence that pieces such as these were imported from Seville to Peru. One of the most celebrated Sevillan embroiderers, Pedro de Mesa, sent embroideries to Peru at the beginning of the seventeenth century, among which was a ecclesiastical suit with the insignias of the Immaculate Conception.13 Works such as this could have served as models for embroiderers working in Peru.

The motifs were possibly transferred to alternate mediums as well. This piece, or a very similar piece, must have served as inspiration for two altar frontals made in the Southern Andes, woven with camelid fiber to likewise celebrate funerary masses. Each frontal features images of skulls and cross-bones, surrounded by “al romano” designs. These frontals demonstrate the importance of Sevillan embroidery such as this piece in the creation of viceregal visual culture.14 Maya Stanfield-Mazzi

Fig. 87.

Altar frontal. Anonymous. Spain or Peru. Around 1700. Silk velvet with applications of silver and silk embroidery. 98 cm x 169 cm.

Although today embroidered textiles are no longer hung from the front of altars, during the colonial era the altar frontal, or antependium, was an important adornment of the altar during mass. The frontal covered the width of the altar, and was attached to the upper cornice of the altar, falling to nearly reach the ground, covering the empty space under the altar and serving as a backdrop for the priest and his attendants at mass.

While in the eighteenth century frontals were created of repoussĂŠ silver or painted canvas, the finest were crafted from imported textiles. Although they were delicate, textile frontals were meant to be changed according to the liturgical calendar, and in that manner visually marked the sacred year.

The Roman Missal of Pope Pius V established the colors that were appropriate for distinct feasts. For example, red served for celebrations of the cross and martyrs.15 This pair of frontals made of red velvet with applied embroidery was created in the Spanish style.

But it is difficult to know whether they were created in Spain to be exported to the Americas, or in Peru itself. The materials, silk velvet and silk threads, were definitely imported from Spain or Italy.16 But the silver threads, crafted from twisting thin sheets of silver around silk threads, may have been created in Peru. Furthermore, there were already embroiderers in Peru working in the Spanish style, especially in Lima.

198 / 199

Fig. 88.

Altar frontal. Anonymous. Spain or Peru. Around 1700. Silk velvet with applications of silver and silk embroidery. 96.4 cm x 170.7 cm.

Each frontal features a medallion at the center with a figure embroidered in silk colors on a satin background. The medallion is framed by decorative motifs and a baldachin, whose curtains are pulled open to reveal the principal figure. These motifs are applied in relief, consisting of silver threads embroidered onto cushioned bases that are then applied to the velvet. The four borders on each frontal are adhered to the velvet in a design that complements the inner frame, and each corner features a jug with plants that opens inward.

One frontal presents at the center the figure of a bishop, dressed in red, holding a pastoral staff (Fig. 87). Saint John of God appears on the second forntal, dressed in blue and carrying a skull and crucifix (Fig. 88). This Portuguese saint (1495-1550) was the founder of the Brothers Hospitallers of St. John of God.17 As the order was active in Peru, managing the first hospitals, it is possible that this pair of frontals was created to adorn the altar of a church of this order. Saint John of God was canonized in 1690, so it is probable that the frontals were created after this date.

Maya Stanfield-Mazzi

This mantle (Fig. 89) is an early example of the typical “bordado de recorte” or cutout embroidery that is still used today in creating the garments for religious figures.18 Since the first century of the colonial era it was common to dress sculptures of the Virgin Mary in rich cloths. Patrons - usually “alféreces” or “mayordomos” funded various aspects of a religious celebration - would donate mantles for the different celebrations of the Virgin, so that the sculpture would be taken in procession wearing new clothing. Often these mantles were accompanied with chestpieces (“pecheras,” or “escapularios”), that matched the mantles in color and design.19 During the colonial era it was not always known who donated each mantle, although churches kept them in the Virgins’ “camarines” or dressing rooms along with their jewels.20 Later it became common to inscribe the names of donors on mantles. Here we have an early example of this practice, with the name of the donor - Mateo de Guzmán - and the year of the donation, 1793. The name appears on the back part of the mantle and would have been visible to the crowds when the sculpture was taken in procession.

The background of the mantle was constructed of two pieces of blue velvet, a color traditionally associated with the Virgin Mary. The outer borders feature fringes crafted with gilded thread. Inside of this border are two other borders, one a thin undulating line and another composed of sinuous plants with thin stems, characteristic of the late eighteenth century. Motifs such as leaves and flower petals were applied to cardboard cutouts, which were wrapped in gilded thread and then sewn to the velvet. One can also appreciate gilded sequins and semi-precious stones, commonly used in embroidery during the late eighteenth century. At the two extremes of the mantle are located two jugs filled with flowers. The central field of the mantle is decorated with small flowers that recall stars, emblematic of the Immaculate Virgin. The Catholic world had celebrated the Immaculate Virgin as a solemn day since 1708. Many Peruvian churches, especially those managed by the Franciscan Order, had sculpted images of the Immaculate Virgin.21 It is probable that this mantle was created to dress a Virgin of this advocation, for her celebration on December 8, 1793.

Maya Stanfield-Mazzi

Fig. 89.

Mantle for a sculpture of the Virgin Mary.

Anonymous. Peru, 1793.

Inscription: Mateo de Guzmán, Year 1793.

Silk velvet, with applications of gilded silver threads, sequins of gilded silver and precious stones.

126.7 cm x 210.5 cm.

200 / 201

202 / 203

This textile displays a mosque, with two minarets terminating in crescent moons rising on either side of the main cupola, also crowned in a crescent moon. The mosque is framed by a floral design. It probably served as a festive standard, and would have been utilized by a Turk character in Andean masquerades, mock-battle performances or dances.

Moros vs Cristianos performances, originally imported from Iberia, were adopted by Amerindians in colonial Peru. These festive performances involve an armed conflict between two factions of men dressed as Christians and Moors. Milena Cรกceres, who studies contemporary Moros vs Cristianos, argues that the language of some scripts may date to the sixteenth century.22 The Quechua and Aymara term tinku is now often utilized to describe community level ritual dance-battles between moieties.23 The dances take place between clearly defined groups, at an appointed time, and for a limited duration. Tinku dances are enacted in order to define the boundaries of ayllus and feed the earth and sacred places of Andeans with vitality.24 They find their origins in pre-Hispanic performances of martial character that celebrated military victories. Small town Andean performances of Moros vs Cristianos constitute one of the earliest colonial manifestations of this Andean festive-battle strategy of achieving tinku. Thus the hostility between Moors and Christians in these performances, which continue to be enacted even today, should not be comprehended as a negative or destructive force.

La Danza del Turco, likely a derivative of colonial Moros vs Cristianos performances, is a principal feature of religious festivities in various towns in the Southern Andes. This dance is celebrated, according to Maunel Retamozo, in order to give thanks for the harvest and recognize the triumph of Christianity.25 The Turks dance, clashing at every semi-circular turn with their sabers. They wear bรถrk hats and sport standards, richly adorned cloaks over skirts, colored scarves tied at their elbows and masks. Colonial sources describe Turks costumed similarly in masquerades, flaunting lavish costumes and processing among the most virtuous characters from Iberian lore and history.26 When Amerindians donned the festive costumes of Turks, first worn by Iberians in early Moros vs Cristianos and masquerade performances, they demonstrated that chivalrous performances and personas were not the exclusive cultural domain of Iberians. Furthermore, Amerindians challenged the pejorative association between Indians and Turks through their performances. Their insistence that the Turkish character in viceregal Peruvian performances remain dignified effectively undemonizes the Turk. Turks were not performed as the monstrous Other to Catholicism. In vicegeral Peru, they were the dignified complementary half that enabled tinku - the triumph of Andean Christianity.

Annick Benavides Fig. 90.

Standard with Mosque.

Anonymous. 19th century.

Velour with metallic threads.

48 cm x 45.3 cm.

204 / 205

POR TRAITS AND FURNI TURE

206 / 207

PORTRAITS AND FURNITURE

Documentary sources indicate that it was unusual for colonial portrait painters to have actually met their models. This is confirmed by comparing the dates of death of the individuals depicted with the dates of their portraits. This frequent practice led most portrait painters to limit themselves to reproducing the overall form of the individual, without taking into account the need to achieve realistic textures of the skin or hair of the models. Painters were commissioned mainly to produce religious images rather than nature studies. If patrons wanted a painting of something in their natural environment, they had to adapt to these conditions. To recreate the past, it was common to rely on oral references as well as visual sources – engraved prints – which contributed to disseminating the use of certain images.

Given this practice, it can be assumed that colonial painters, like their European contemporaries, depended on pre-existing images, which they re-elaborated at will. However, more importantly, unlike their European counterparts, they did not have the custom of directly copying their natural environment. In our painting, there is neither landscape as an autonomous genre nor illustrations that reveal creative processes of interpretation of the live model. The study of nature and the depiction of its textures were programmatically excluded in favor of a standardization of appearance.

The way painters usually rendered bodies and faces probably derived from this visual perception of the model. In the faces, the skin generally lacks an adequate texture: it is presented simply as a splotch of color tempered by a chiaroscuro that defines the effect of the light under which the subject is situated, rather than being shaped by it. By contrast, colonial painters sought to lend expressiveness to their work through the treatment of the eyes and mouth, with which they managed to suggest the character and personality of their subject. They deployed all of their ability in the meticulous reproduction of heraldic shields, jewels, embroidered cloths, gilded surfaces and just about every other decorative detail imaginable. In the treatment of the body, the pose of the subject was a prototype replicated as part of a procedure directly associated with the documentary and institutional role of the portrait.

Fig. 91.

Portrait of Charles III King of Spain.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

127 cm x 102 cm.

208 / 209

The Portrait Room of the Pedro de Osma Museum has a group of effigies of Spanish kings produced by local painters throughout the eighteenth century. The most outstanding is undoubtedly that of Charles III (Fig. 91): the engraving that captured his features and the decorative details of his accouterments was made by Luys Bonnardel, who from Cadiz disseminated the image of a young king created by Piazzetta. The portrait of Charles IV (Fig. 92) is a magnificent example of illustration and color which, judging by its formal features, originates from an unknown engraving. The room exhibits other portraits of Spanish kings and queens painted in Andean workshops – such as the Portrait of Fernando King of Castilla (Fig. 93).

The portraits acted as substitutes for the absent king. As authentic representations of a person or his essence, they received the same ceremonial treatment given to the flesh-and-blood nobles.

As historian Alejandra Osorio points out: “…the appearance of the king could only be imagined as that of God or Jesus Christ. Notwithstanding, the power and authority of the king were very real and concrete for his subjects, for whom the Spanish king was an authority figure analogous to the figure of God: he could see without being seen.” From this perspective, the portrait of the king was “necessary and irreplaceable as the leader of the community he ruled” (Xavier Gil-Pujol) and also a “requirement of the government of the Indies” (Alejandra Osorio).

Fig. 92.

Portrait of Charles IV King of Spain.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century, last third.

Oil on canvas.

136.5 cm x 94.8 cm.

210 / 211

Fig. 93.

Portrait of Fernando King of Castilla.

Anonymous. Cuzco, 18th century.

Oil on canvas.

134.2 cm x 82.2 cm.

212 / 213

The Portrait Room also exhibits exquisite examples of colonial domestic furniture, decorated with embedded fine materials such as ivory or mother of pearl. The popularity of this embedded decorative tradition originates in Japan, in the Namban style of furniture production from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century.27 This oriental influence, combined with a Moorish mudejar influence, is evident in the exceptional Cabinet (Fig. 94). This opulent piece is composed of three dismountable tiers, each tier featuring five faces of drawers marked by Solomonic columns. It contains inside the central face two private devotional paintings. As Maria Campos Carles de PeĂąa aptly describes: “the piece is unusually expressive, given the meticulous employment of materials such as mother of pearl, wood, oil painting and the imperceptible joints.â€?28 The room also features a chest fabricated in a similar manner (Fig 95).

Fig. 94.

Cabinet.

Anonymous.

Philippines, 18th century.

Carved wood, assembled.

220 cm x 175 cm x 62.6 cm.

214 / 215

Fig. 95.

Chest.

Anonymous.

Philippines, 18th century.

Carved wood, assembled.

41.3 cm x 62 cm x 34.8 cm.

216 / 217

HUA MANGA STONE

HUAMANGA STONE

As is known, the Western tradition used the term fine art to refer only to painting, sculpture and architecture, since these mediums were thought to embody the intellectual inspirations and culture of an epoch as well as the official taste. This attempt to create a hierarchy of the arts – of European origin – first occurred in the Middle Ages, was then consolidated in the Modern Age and continues to the present day, although with less force, as a way to classify art. Any other artistic expression was and continues to be considered simply a luxury good or craft accessory.

Although the Peruvian viceroyalty did not have art treaties to substantiate the validity of this system, the way in which researchers and scholars approached colonial arts indicates a view similar to that of Europe, at least among the first historians to study these themes. The illustrations of Huamán Poma de Ayala and Martín de Murúa or the watercolors Bishop Baltazar Compañón, for example, are works that are not considered part of any of the artistic currents which beginning in 1575 formally and conceptually defined painting, sculpture and religious and civil architecture. Rather, they are studied from a historical or anthropological perspective, in the manner of other occupations traditionally viewed as inferior. Nevertheless, over the past 20 years, exhibits and studies have emerged that suggest that both cultivated and popular sectors reflected the same spirit of the age and that they should be studied together to better understand their milieu.

This is the case of the figures carved from stone from Huamanga, the region later renamed Ayacucho. The area has quarries of a type of alabaster used since the seventeenth century to carve small devotional figures, which were of natural stone color or sometimes polychrome. From early on, Huamanga stone images enjoyed wide appeal across social sectors and eventually were considered part of fine visual arts. The carvings included effigies of saints, Marian devotions, Christ scenes from the Passion and other iconographic themes popular in the colonial period. Carvers generally relied on a prior source, often a sixteenth century Flemish engraving, as their model. During Peru’s Republican Era, themes reflected allegorical figures that highlighted American and triumphal discourses.

Of note among the Huamanga stone religious pieces in the Pedro de Osma collection is an eighteenth century set depicting the life of the Virgin, which has remnants of its original paint (Fig. 96-99).

Another outstanding carving is of a penitent Saint Francis of Assisi, who gazes upward as he holds a skull in his left hand (Fig. 102). The expression on his face represents a profoundly dramatic discourse whose correlation is found in the body bending backwards to emphasize the communication of the saint with God.

Fig. 96.

Birth of the Virgin.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

30.5 cm x 25.2 cm x 6 cm.

218 / 219

Fig. 97.

Education of the Virgin.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

30 cm x 25 cm x 6.2 cm.

220 / 221

Fig. 98.

Presentation of the Virgin.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

30.1 cm x 25 cm x 5.6 cm.

222 / 223

Fig. 99.

Holy family with Santa Teresa of Avila.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

31.1 cm x 23.5 cm x 5.3 cm.

Fig. 100.

The Coronation of the Virgin with the Holy Trinity.

Anonymous. Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

26.2 cm x 16.9 cm x 7.9 cm.

Fig. 101.

The Good Shepherd.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

28.7 cm x 10.9 cm x 8 cm.

224 / 225

Fig. 102.

Saint Francis of Assisi.

Anonymous.

Ayacucho, 18th century.

Stone carving - Huamanga.

20.3 cm x 10.1 cm x 5.5 cm.

1

Pagden, Anthony. Lords of all the world: ideologies of empire in Spain,

Luca Molà, The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice (Baltimore: Johns

Britain and France c. 1500-c. 1800. (New Haven, Conn: Yale University

Hopkins University Press, 2000).

Press, 1995), 92.

17

2

González Holguín, Vocabulario de la Lengua General de todo el Perú

For alternate image of the Saint, see Andrea Lepage, “Saint John of

God,” in The Arts in Latin America 1492–1820, eds. Joseph J. Rishel and

llamada Lengua Qquichua o Del Inca, Nueva, with a prologue by Raúl

Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, in

Porras Barrenechea. Edition by the Instituto de Historia. ed., Universidad

association with Yale University Press, 2006), 287.

Nacional Mayor de San Marcos: Pub. Del Cuarto Centenario (Lima: Impr.

18

Santa María, 1952).

Argumedo, Cuzco, el lenguaje de la fiesta (Lima: Banco de Crédito, 2009);

3

Examples being: Titian’s 1554 Gloria, El Greco’s 1574 Allegory of the

Jorge A. Flores Ochoa, Elizabeth Kuon Arce and Roberto Samanez

Esther Fernández de Paz, Los talleres del bordado de las cofradías (Madrid:

Holy League, Philip III’s commissions for gilded bronze cenotaph sculptures

Editora Nacional, 1982).

of Charles V (1597) and Phillip II (1600), and Claudio Coello’s c. 1687

19

La Sagrada Forma.

iglesia y en el virreinato,” Anuario de estudios bolivianos, archivísticos y

4

Cristina Esteras Martín, “Hispanic Silver” in The Arts in Latin America,

Maya Stanfield-Mazzi, “La Virgen del Rosario de Pomata, en su

bibliográficos 10, Nº 5 (2004), 698.

Olga Isabel Acosta Luna, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo

1492-1820, ed. Joseph J. Rishel and Suzanne L. Stratton (Philadelphia,

20

PA: Philadelphia Museum of Art Publishing Department 2006), 210.

Reino de Granada (Madrid, Frankfurt, y Norwalk: Iberoamericana Editorial

5

Jaime Lara, Christian Texts for Aztecs: Art and Liturgy in Colonial Mexico,

(Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2008), 197.

6

Emma Patricia Victorio Cánova, “La Casulla de los apóstoles: Una casulla

de imaginería en la Catedral de Lima”, Letras 84, Nº 120 (2013), 262.

7

Iglesia Católica, Missale Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii

Vervuert, 2011), 348–60.

21

Héctor H. Schenone, Santa María (Buenos Aires: Educa, Editorial de la

Universidad Católica Argentina, 2008), 9–115.

22

Milena Cáceres Valderrama, La Fiesta de Moros y Cristianos en el Perú

(Lima, Perú: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2005), 45.

Allen, The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean

Tridentini restitutum, s. Pii V Pontificis Maximi Jussu Editum, Clementis VIII

23

et Urbani VIII auctoritate recognitum (Regensburg: Sumtibus chartis

Community, (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988), 176.

et typis Friderici Pustet, 1862), 43.

24

8

Isabel Turmo, Bordados y bordadores sevillanos (siglos XVI a XVIII)

(Madrid: Laboratorio de Arte, Universidad de Sevilla, 1955).

9

Ibid., 19

The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community,

177.

25

“Los Ciclos Ceremoniales y La Percepción Del Tiempo Festivo en el Valle

Del Colca (Arequipa),” in Música, Danzas y Máscaras en Los Andes, ed.

10

Ibid., 15

Raúl R. Romero (Lima Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú: Instituto

11

Ibid., 15

Riva-Agüero, Proyecto de Preservación de la Música Tradicional Andina,

12

Ibid., 14

1993), 269.

13

Ibid., 41

26

14

Elena Phipps, “66. Tapestry with Skulls and the Five Wounds of Christ”,

Francisco Mugaburu, 1640-1694, 77; Hanke, Bartolomé Arzáns De Orsúa

Mugaburu, Chronicle of Colonial Lima; the Diary of Josephe and

in The Colonial Andes Tapestries and Silverwork, 1530 - 1830, eds.

Y Vela’s History of Potosí, v.2 186: “El Gran Turco... tan ricamente vestido

Elena Phipps, Johanna Hecht and Cristina Esteras Martín (New York:

y lleno de joyas, perlas y cintas que admiró tanta riqueza den caballos,

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), 230–32; Maya Stanfield-Mazzi,

ropajes y jaeces...”

“El complemento artístico a las misas de difuntos en el Perú colonial”,

27

Allpanchis 77 (2014).

América: El Mobiliario del Virreinato del Perú de los siglos XVII y XVIII,

15

Iglesia Católica, Missale Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii

Tridentini restitutum, s. Pii V Pontificis Maximi Jussu Editum, Clementis VIII et Urbani VIII auctoritate recognitum (Regensburg: Sumtibus chartis et typis Friderici Pustet, 1862), 42-43.

226 / 227

16

María Campos Carlés de Peña. Un Legado que Pervive en Hispano

(Madrid, España: Ediciones El Viso, 2013) 243.

28

Ibid., 257.

BIBLIO GRAPHY

228 / 229

Acosta Luna, Olga Isabel. Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granada. Ars Iberica et Americana. Madrid, Frankfurt, and Norwalk: Iberoamericana Editorial Vervuert, 2011.

Allen, Catherine J. The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community. Smithsonian Series in Ethnographic Inquiry.

Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988.

Cáceres Valderrama, Milena. La Fiesta de Moros y Cristianos en el Perú.

Lima, Perú: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2005.

Carlés de Peña, María Campos. Un legado que pervive en Hispanoamérica: el mobiliario del Virreinato del Perú de los siglos XVII y XVIII. Madrid, España: Ediciones El Viso, 2013.

Esteras Martín, Cristina. “Hispanic Silver” In The Arts in Latin America, 1492-1820, edited by Joseph J. Rishel and Suzanne L. Stratton: Philadelphia, PA: Philadelphia Museum of Art Publishing Department 2006.

Fernández de Paz, Esther. Los talleres del bordado de las cofradías.

Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1982.

Flores Ochoa, Jorge A., Elizabeth Kuon Arce, and Roberto Samanez Argumedo. Cuzco, el lenguaje de la fiesta. Lima: Banco de Crédito, 2009.

González Holguín, Vocabulario de la Lengua General de Todo el Perú llamada Lengua Qquichua o Del Inca. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos: Pub. Del Cuarto Centenario, with a prologue by Raúl Porras Barrenechea. Edition by the Instituto de Historia. ed. Lima: Impr. Santa María, 1952.

Guamán Poma de Ayala, Felipe, and Roland Hamilton. The First New Chronicle and Good Government: On the History of the World and the Incas up to 1615. Joe R. And Teresa Lozano Long Series in Latin American and Latino Art and Culture. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009.

Iglesia Católica. Missale Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, s. Pii V Pontificis Maximi Jussu Editum, Clementis VIII et Urbani VIII auctoritate recognitum. Regensburg: Sumtibus chartis et typis Friderici Pustet, 1862.

Lara, Jaime. Christian Texts for Aztecs: Art and Liturgy in Colonial Mexico.

Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2008.

Lepage, Andrea. “Saint John of God”. En The Arts in Latin America 1492–1820, edited by Joseph J. Rishel y Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt, 287.

Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, in association with Yale University Press, 2006.

Molà, Luca. The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000.

Mugaburu, Josephe de, and Francisco de Mugaburu. Translated and edited by Robert Ryal Miller. Chronicle of Colonial Lima; the Diary of Josephe and Francisco Mugaburu, 1640-1694. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975.

Pagden, Anthony. Lords of all the world: ideologies of empire in Spain, Britain and France c. 1500-c. 1800. New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 1995.

Phipps, Elena. “66. Tapestry with Skulls and the Five Wounds of Christ”.

En The Colonial Andes Tapestries and Silverwork, 1530–1830, edited by Elena Phipps, Johanna Hecht and Cristina Esteras Martín, 230–232.

New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004.

Romero, Raúl. “Los Ciclos Ceremoniales y la Percepción del Tiempo Festivo en el Valle Del Colca (Arequipa)”, en Música, Danzas y Máscaras en Los Andes. Lima Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú: Instituto Riva-Agüero, Proyecto de Preservación de la Música Tradicional Andina, 1993.

Schenone, Héctor H. Santa María. Buenos Aires: Educa, edited by Universidad Católica Argentina, 2008.

Stanfield-Mazzi, Maya. “La Virgen del Rosario de Pomata, en su iglesia y en el virreinato.” Anuario de estudios bolivianos, archivísticos y bibliográficos 10 (5), 689-719, 2004.

Stanfield-Mazzi, Maya. “El complemento artístico a las misas de difuntos en el Perú colonial.” Allpanchis 77, 2014.

Turmo, Isabel. Bordados y bordadores sevillanos (siglos XVI a XVIII).

Madrid: Laboratorio de Arte, Universidad de Sevilla, 1955.

Victorio Cánova, Emma Patricia. “La Casulla de los apóstoles: Una casulla de imaginería en la Catedral de Lima.” Letras 84 (120), 261-274, 2013.

CONTEMPO RARY ART GALLERY AT THE PEDRO DE OSMA MUSEUM 230 / 231

232 / 233

The Contemporary Art Gallery at the Pedro de Osma Museum exhibits the work of both national and international artists. With this space, the Museum aims to promote young artists recently emerging onto the contemporary art scene, as well as artists with established careers and world-wide recognition.

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THE PEDRO AND ANGÉLICA DE OSMA GILDE MEISTER FOUNDATION

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The cultural activities of the Pedro de Osma Museum constitute an integral element of the Pedro and Angélica de Osma Gildemeister Foundation’s work. The Foundation is a non-profit institution established through the last will and testament of the de Osma Gildemeister siblings who destined their wealth to serve two objectives: protect and promote – through the Museum – viceregal art and to realize social work for children and elderly in need.

Since the deaths of Pedro and Angélica de Osma, the Foundation is administered by different members of the de Osma family. In addition to funding the Museum, the Foundation provides aid to vulnerable citizens across various regions in Peru.

The Foundation collaborates intensely with three projects in Lima: the Angélica de Osma Home, located in Ñaña - Chaclacayo, a home for abandoned children; the Belén de Osma Daycare Center, in downtown Lima, which provides care for pre-school aged children with Down Syndrome; and the Pedro de Osma y Pardo Childcare Center in Barranco, a daycare center for local children from low income families.

The current Administrator of the Foundation, Oscar de Osma Berckemeyer, explains: “We [the leadership of the Foundation] are in a position that allows us to devote our time to helping those most in need. Pedro and Angélica de Osma Gildemeister generated the resources and established the structure, but we – their descendants – are the ones who have worked to allocate those resources.

It is our responsibility.”

The Foundation also works closely with other organizations, such as the “Asociación Internacional Mensajeros de la Paz” and with a network of nursing homes in Peru known as “Congregación de Hermanitas de los Ancianos Desamparados”, with locations in Lima, Callao, Chaclacayo, Piura, Ayacucho, Arequipa, Huancavelica, Cuzco, Chiclayo and Trujillo. Additionally, the Foundation provides economic aid to 25 other institutions that provide shelter, food and care for vulnerable populations: · Instituto Mundo Libre · Comedor San Vicente de Paúl · I.E.I. María Madre de los Niños · Parroquia San Pedro de Chorrillos · Parroquia Virgen de la Familia · Ciudad de los Niños - Padre Iluminato · Congregación Hijas de María Auxiliadora · Comedor San Antonio de Padua · Comedor San Francisco de Asís Piura · Solidaridad en Marcha · Asociación Proguardería Infantil de Barranco · Centro Ann Sullivan · Fundación Niños del Arco Iris Cusco

· Hogar Temporal San Luis Chorrillos · Refectorio Infantil San Francisco de Asís · Asociación Runayay · Asociación Aprendo Contigo · Parroquia San Francisco de Huánuco · Asociación la Verdadera Vida en Dios · Hogar San Camilo · Comedor San Martín de Porres · Hogar Niño Jesús de Praga · Hogar Clínica San Juan de Dios · Asociación Helen Keller · Da un Chance

PEDRO AND ANGÉLICA DE OSMA GILDEMEISTER FOUNDATION BOARD MEMBERS PRESIDENT

FELIPE JUAN LUIS DE OSMA BERCKEMEYER VICEPRESIDENT

ANA MARÍA DE OSMA AYULO SECRETARY

OSCAR JAVIER DE OSMA BERCKEMEYER TREASURER

DIEGO PEDRO DE OSMA AYULO BOARD MEMBER

EDUARDO HOCHSCHILD BEECK BOARD MEMBER

JORGE HERNÁN CHRISTOPHERSON PETIT BOARD MEMBER

WALTER NUÑEZ ANTO

This publication was made posible by the Pedro and Angélica de Osma Gildemeister Foundation and Société Générale.

Editor ANNICK BENAVIDES Editorial Assistant KARINA PALOMINO Designer DANIELA SVAGELJ - IDEO COMUNICADORES Proofreader JAVIER MEJÍA Digital Retouching SOLANGE ADUM Printing and Binding GRÁFICA BIBLOS S.A. Calle Morococha 152, Surquillo Photo Credits JAVIER FERRAND: pages 14, 45, 56, 57, 59, 72, 73, 77, 85, 97, 107, 108, 109, 110, 120, 121, 123, 130, 147, 148, 171, 172, 183, 185, 187, 190, 211, 219.

DANIEL GIANNONI: pages 68, 83, 98, 105, 106, 119, 125, 132, 135, 150, 151, 153, 162, 179, 180, 188, 189, 192, 194, 195, 197, 198, 208, 221.

MAYU MOHANNA: pages 43, 51, 53, 55, 65, 67, 69, 71, 74, 86, 87, 88, 93, 94, 95, 99, 101, 111, 126, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 154, 155, 161, 163, 164, 167, 168, 181, 182, 184, 186, 191, 205, 207, 210, 215, 216, 217, 218, 220.

MUSUK NOLTE: cover and pages 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 18, 21, 28, 31, 32, 35, 36, 40, 46, 48, 60, 78, 80, 90, 102, 113, 114, 116, 128, 142, 144, 156, 158, 174, 176, 200, 202, 212, 223, 224, 228, 236.

ARCHIVOS MUSEO PEDRO DE OSMA: pages 22, 25, 26.

BRENDA BRAVO: pages 230, 232.

EMILY ÁLVAREZ: page 226.

RONALD HARRISON: page 62.

ISBN: 978-612-46844-1-8 Archived in the Peruvian National Library Nº 2015-00727 © Pedro and Angélica de Osma Gildemeister Foundation First Edition: January 2015 Published by Fundación Pedro y Angélica de Osma Gildemeister Jirón Montero Rosas 119, Barranco Tel. +511 467-0063 comunicacion@fundacionosma.org All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced without written permission from the publisher.

Av. Pedro de Osma 421 Barranco, Lima - Peru www.museopedrodeosma.org

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