"Between the Occupation and the Patriarchy"

Between the Occupation and the Patriarchy: An analysis of women’s involvement in the peace processes in Israel and the West Bank

Christine Widstrom, Maria Mate-Kodjo The George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs Capstone Instructor: Jillian Burns May 8, 2017

Table of Contents Abstract

1

Introduction

2

Women’s Imperative Role in the Peace Process: The History and Significance of 2 UNSCR 1325+………………………………………………………………………

Statement of Purpose………………………………………………………………..

Background

5

6

The Failure of High Level Peace Negotiations……………………………………...

6

Current Policy: Israel and Palestine’s Implementation of UNSCR 1325+………….

7

Necessity for Change: The Limits of the Occupation and the Patriarchy…………...

8

Methods……………………………………………………………………………..

10

Analyzing Sub-National Peace Processes…………………………………………...

Discussion of Results

13

Organizations’ Current Use of 1325 +………………………………………………

13

Barriers Women Face to Track II and Track III Diplomacy………………………

17

Successes and Areas for Improvement: How Organizations are Overcoming 20 Barriers to Participation…………………………………………………………...

Recommendations

23

Develop a Common Vision of UNSCR 1325+……………………………………...

ii

23

Improve Communication between the Government and Grassroots Level…………

25

Reevaluate Programming……………………………………………………………

26

Commit to Gender Mainstreaming………………………………………………….

27

Implementation

28

Connecting the Dots of Engagement and Social Change…………………………...

Appendices

28

31

Appendix 1 – Summary of UNSCR 1325+ ………………………………………...

31

Appendix 2 – Participant Organizations…………………………………………….

33

Appendix 3 - Interview 1, Survey 1, and Participant Information…………………..

34

Appendix 4 - Survey 1 Responses…………………………………………………..

40

Appendix 5 - Organizations and Interview Themes………………………………...

51

Bibliography

53

iii

Glossary of Terms CEDAW CSO GBV GoI IDF NAP NGO oPt PA PLO UN UNSC UNSCR UNSCR 1325+ VAW

Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women Civil Society Organization Gender Based Violence Government of Israel Israel Defense Forces National Action Plan Non-Governmental Organization occupied Palestinian territories Palestinian Authority Palestine Liberation Organization United Nations United Nations Security Council United Nations Security Council Resolution United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and its complement Resolutions Violence Against Women

iv

Abstract: Since 2000, both Israel and Palestine have proposed frameworks to incorporate the ideals of UNSCR 1325 into their national practices and legal systems. In 2003, the Palestinian Authority created the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to empower and promote Palestinian women’s capabilities and status, and in 2015 they created a National Action Plan for the implementation of UNSCR 1325. Israel altered its Women’s Equal Rights Law in 2005 to include more women in official peace negotiations in accordance with UNSCR 1325 principles but has not yet adopted a National Action Plan for the implementation of UNSCR 1325. Despite these public policies and statements, barriers remain that have prevented meaningful participation of women at all levels of peace negotiations in Israel and Palestine. These barriers include the lack of high level peace negotiations, social taboos, geographic factors, and the inherent limits of organizations. According to the experiences and successes of local organizations, this study recommends four actions for local peace and women’s organizations to navigate these barriers: participate in an open discussion on the history and significance of UNSCR 1325+ in order to create a common vision of what UNSCR 1325+ means in local communities; improve communication between the government and grassroots level; introduce or continue to support long-term programming that increases activist networks; and commit to gender mainstreaming.

1

Introduction: Women’s Imperative Role in the Peace Process: The History and Significance of UNSCR 1325

The United Nations’ Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 marked a global shift to the acknowledgement of the role of women in war and peacemaking. Founded on the rallying cry of “human rights are women’s rights,” a wave of civil society and grassroots movements grew, spearheaded by the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) Working Group on Women, Peace and Security. This consortium of fourteen international NGOs worked alongside the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and successfully advocated for the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in 2000.

This landmark international declaration highlighted that women are both disproportionately and uniquely affected by violence. It directed its signatories to protect women and girls from gender-based violence (GBV) and to increase the participation of women in all peace and security efforts.1 These directives were not only a call to inclusion, but a recognition that peace deals and their implementation have historically left out the unique social and physical experiences of women. UNSCR 1325 established a growing global norm for women’s gendered experiences to be considered during negotiations, rehabilitation, reintegration, and reconstruction. 2 Since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, scholars and policymakers have recognized “the continuing need to increase women’s participation and the consideration of gender-related issues in all discussions pertinent to the prevention and resolution of armed conflict, the maintenance of 2

peace and security, and post-conflict peacebuilding.”3 The Geneva Graduate Institute’s comprehensive study on peace and transition processes, “Broadening Participation Project,” analyzed peace agreement data and showed that peace processes that include women are more successful than those that do not. Specifically, it found that women’s involvement as witnesses, signatories, mediators, or negotiators of peace agreements produced a 35% increase in the probability that a peace agreement will last at least fifteen years.4 This is especially notable because more than half of all peace negotiations fail within the first five years.5 By excluding women from participating in peace talks, the negotiations are missing the input of 50 percent of the population and are therefore not as comprehensive as they could be.

Verveer explains, “When women’s perspectives and contributions are left untapped, not only are their voices silenced, but so too are societies shortchanged, along with prospects for sustained peace and prosperity.”6 That is not to say women innately hold the answers that men are lacking. On the contrary, “the human capacity for folly and miscalculation is widely shared.

But the history of this century tells us that democracy is a parent to peace. And common sense tells us that true democracy is not possible without the full participation of women.”7 UNSCR 1325 is important because of the internal and operational reforms it precipitated within the UN, as well as its ability to unite the global and local efforts of CSOs. UN Women, for example, was created in 2010 to merge, build upon, and streamline the work of four formerly separate UN bodies: the Division for the Advancement of Women, the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women, the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women, and UNIFEM. UN Women’s role is twofold: it 3

supports UN Member States and intergovernmental bodies to meet global standards on women’s rights, and it coordinates accountability and monitoring of UN progress towards gender equality.8 UNSCR 1325 also inspired the International Gender Champions initiative that helps UN and non-UN organizations commit to actions in their executive management, governance, programmatic work, and visibility and communication that further gender equality. Such actions range from an organizational commitment to only participate in and host professional panels that include both men and women, to improving recruitment processes, undergoing staff gender bias training, and conducting a gender analysis of all public images to ensure they do not carry a negative gender bias.9 Just as UN bodies and international governments can use UNSCR 1325+ to change their administrative practices and programming, civil society groups can also use the Resolution nationally and internally. CSOs can pressure their national and local governments to change gender status quos in peace negotiations and implementation. This allows more women to be meaningfully involved in peace processes, and therefore participate in improving the security of entire societies.10 CSOs can also use UNSCR 1325 to introduce gender-sensitive programming, expand their client outreach, and adapt their administrative and training practices to address women’s lack of representation in high-level decision making bodies. While these options are open to all parties to the Resolution, different localities find the usefulness of UNSCR 1325 different according to their histories, cultures, and levels of conflict. Seven complementary resolutions have been formulated since 2000 that address implementation, reporting, and accountability concerns with regard to UNSCR 1325. These complementary resolutions and 4

UNSCR 1325 are jointly referred to as UNSCR 1325+ in this report (see Appendix 1). Even with these changes, however, signatory parties often find local implementation of UNSCR 1325+ slow, difficult, and inadequate.

Statement of Purpose This research project examines how local peace and women’s organizations in Israel and the West Bank utilize UNSCR 1325 within their organizations and programming. It describes the barriers these organizations face to increasing women’s participation at all levels of peace and human rights initiatives and provides recommendations based on local experiences for how local and international peace and women’s organizations can better integrate principles of UNSCR 1325+. This report does not include analysis of the implementation of UNSCR 1325+ in the Gaza Strip and its recommendations are not tailored for organizations or satellite offices in the Gaza Strip.

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Background: The Failure of High Level Peace Negotiations Since 1947, there have been many attempted peace negotiations between the leadership of Israel and Palestine. The 1991 Madrid Process, the 1993 Oslo Accord, and the second Camp David negotiations of 2000 ultimately stalled. Subsequent peace negotiations included the Arab Peace Initiative in 2002; the United States, Russia, European Union, and UN’s Quartet Roadmap of 2003; and the unofficial Geneva Accords of 2003.11 President George W. Bush’s Annapolis talks produced a joint understanding in November of 2007 to come to an agreement by the end of 2008,12 but negotiations stopped with Israel’s military offensive in Gaza in December 2008.

Most recently, U.S. Secretaries of State Hillary Clinton and John Kerry moved at U.S. President Barack Obama’s request to re-establish negotiations between Israel and Palestine, but these efforts did not succeed in changing the legal or social realities in Israel and Palestine.

UNSCR 1325 calls for “increased representation of women at all decision-making levels in national, regional and international institutions and mechanisms for the prevention, management, and resolution of conflict”,13 yet very few women were involved in the various Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. Exceptions to this trend are Dr. Hanan Ashrawi who played a significant role for the Palestinian delegation in the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference and former Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni who led the Israelis at the 2007 Annapolis Conference.

However, there has not been an increase in women delegates or a significant inclusion of women in either party in any peace negotiation in the past 15 years.14

6

Current Policy: Israel and Palestine’s Implementation of UNSCR 1325 Since 2000, both the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Government of Israel (GoI) have proposed frameworks to incorporate the ideals of UNSCR 1325 into their policies and practices and have committed to increasing women’s participation in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.

The PA, which governs the occupied West Bank, created the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) in 2003 to “empower and promote Palestinian women’s capabilities and status.”

MoWA bases its work on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), UNSCR 1325, and the Fourth International Convention on Women in Beijing to meet its goals of increasing women’s participation in peacemaking and to affirm its commitment to gender equality.15 Following the UN Secretary General’s 2004 recommendations for successful implementation of UNSCR 1325, MoWA created a National Action Plan (NAP) in 2015 outlining a strategy for local implementation of UNSCR 1325 principles.16 MoWA’s creation of a NAP follows the movement of other state governments to develop NAPs that delineate plans “to accelerate, institutionalize, and better coordinate efforts to advance women’s inclusion in peace negotiations, peacebuilding activities, and conflict prevention and response; to protect women and girls from gender-based violence; and to ensure safe, equitable access to relief and recovery assistance in areas of conflict and insecurity.”17 Pushed by women’s organizations and female members of the Knesset, the GoI altered its Women’s Equal Rights Law in 2005 to include more women in official peace negotiations in accordance with UNSCR 1325+ principles.18 The Women’s Equal Rights Law is unique because it calls for the inclusion of women from diverse ethnicities and social classes. Appointed women 7

must come from diverse ethnic groups including Jewish Israelis, Arab Israelis, Christian Palestinians, Muslim Palestinians, Druze, etc. No official mechanisms were instituted to mandate and oversee the implementation of the law, and consequently, the law was only implemented after multiple Israeli and Palestinian NGOs submitted multiple petitions to the Israeli High Court of Justice.19 Because of this gap between policy and implementation, local NGOs and CSOs worked together to create a tailored NAP for Israel. The GoI has not yet formally adopted this NAP, which calls for equal representation of women from all sectors of society and gender mainstreaming in all decision-making bodies at national and local levels,20 and the official governmental push for women’s formal participation in peacebuilding remains minimal.

Necessity for Change: the Limits of the Occupation and the Patriarchy Despite the legal changes, policies, and available resources, there has not been an increase in meaningful participation of women in official peace processes in Israel and Palestine, nor has UNSCR 1325+ been used to unify the work of local and international organizations working for gender equity or the end of the Occupation. By focusing on Israel and Palestine’s civil society successes in increasing women’s participation in peace movements and local governance, this study seeks to influence how future UNSC resolutions will be interpreted and implemented successfully at local levels, and provide guidance for sub-national structures to mainstream gender considerations into all levels of policies and practices.

The ongoing disconnect between policy and implementation is indicative of the general problems that parties to UN resolutions and conventions have in changing traditional systems 8

that limit women’s opportunities and involvement to match more gender inclusive global trends.21 In this case, progress within the GoI and the PA is limited by the historical roles of men and women in government leadership, the military, and the security sector, which usually relegate women to lower, ancillary roles, if they are included at all. Historically, women in Israel have been prevented from attaining high-level political and security positions.22 Because Israeli policy has treated matters concerning the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) as strictly security-related, most decision-makers in the process are high-ranking military or Knesset members, who are usually male, or the lawyers of high-ranking Knesset leaders, who are also usually male.23 24 Because Israeli women have yet to gain decision-making power in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), they do not generally serve as decision-makers in any interactions concerning the oPt. Like the women in Israel, Palestinian women in the oPt contend with patriarchal systems and must also bear the brunt of the consequences of the Occupation. For example, the West Bank’s penal code regarding women’s rights in marriage, divorce, and sexual harassment cases is based on gender-restrictive Jordanian laws from the 1960s. This legal code “treats women as the ones responsible for crimes perpetrated against them” and prevents women from obtaining justice for and protection from crimes committed against them.25 Palestinian women not only deal with the health and safety risks supported by outdated laws, but they are further affected by the proliferation of checkpoints, settlements, the destruction of family homes, and the unequal provision of services for women that are consequences of the Occupation.26 27 A 2005 report by Amnesty International on violence against women in Israel and the oPt describes, 9

The weakening of already inadequate protection mechanisms combined with the blockades and restrictions on movement imposed by the Israeli army have made it more difficult and often impossible for women and girls who are at risk of being killed or harmed by family members to escape to safety.28 Academic expert Maria Holt explains, “Women are said to face ‘double oppression’, in the sense that violence comes from both the Israeli occupation and their own society.”29 She goes on to say, “[This] routine and systematic use of violence over a prolonged period of time has had the effect of placing women at a disadvantage when it comes to imagining and constructing the future state. They have been excluded, in other words, from effective participation in their own society.”30 These societally rooted restrictions on gender negatively affect the peace process between Israel and Palestine, leading many to believe that no viable agreement will be created between the two without first addressing the lack of women’s involvement.31

Methods: Analyzing Sub-National Peace Processes The major peace initiatives in the past fifteen years have not created real political or social change for individuals in Israel and Palestine, and while there is hope that new national and international leadership present a new opportunity, there were no ongoing high profile peace negotiations at the time this research was conducted. Consequently, this report does not look at high-level, governmental use of UNSCR 1325+ but instead strives to understand how local organizations were using it as a model for their programming or as a tool to fulfill their goals at the community level. These organizations address peace and gender equity through skill-building and education programs, inclusive economic opportunities, and platforms for positive dialogue 10

between people of different social and political backgrounds. These types of CSOs work in subnational peace processes that may or may not require government support or approval. While professional peace organizations are examples of Track II diplomacy,32 Track III diplomacy refers to the grassroots, “people-to-people diplomacy” that works to “build or rebuild broken relationships across the lines of division among ordinary citizens in communities.”33 This report draws from interviews with individuals and organizations active in Track II and Track III diplomacy, as well as an online review of organizations to determine the extent of how they used UNSCR 1325+ in their programming. We collected input for this project in March of 2017. From the wide array of organizations working in Israel and Palestine, we selected organizations actively involved in the broad categories of peace initiatives or women’s empowerment. We then separated these organizations into four subcategories: peace organizations that promote human rights, peace organizations that focus on intergroup dialogue, local and international development groups that include a focus on women’s rights and empowerment, and women’s groups that work for peace in Israel and Palestine (see Appendix 2).

We targeted these types of organizations in order to analyze their understandings and uses of UNSCR 1325+.

Our interactions with members from each organization subtype included in-depth interviews and written surveys (see Appendix 3). In the interview, participants spoke about their organizations’ current programs, successes and difficulties in promoting women’s rights and involvement, and involvement in the civil society network at large. In the written survey, participants voiced their personal views on the use and applicability of UNSCR 1325 for both 11

their organization’s advocacy, as well as their personal advocacy, and the primary challenges facing their communities. While many participants were either directors or program managers of their organizations, they answered the interview and survey questions by recalling their personal experiences and not as official representatives of their organizations.

A similar review conducted in 2010 influenced the content of the interview and survey questions,34 and a lingering question about the ambiguity of the language in UNSCR 1325 from a 2015 study caused us to include a specific survey question on this topic.35 Ten interviews were completed in person in Israel and the West Bank, and six were completed over Skype. The compiled responses represent sixteen participants from thirteen organizations (see Appendix 4).

The interviews ranged from 30 to 90 minutes and captured varying levels of detail and experience from participants. The final analysis includes an expanded review of 15 additional organizations’ use of UNSCR 1325+ that were not represented in interviews. Although the sample size of the surveys is too small to be representative of the civil society community active in women and peace initiatives in Israel and Palestine, it offered a unique look at possible trends of use and understanding of UNSCR 1325 across genders, nationalities, and age differences.

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Discussion of Results: Organizations’ Current Use of UNSCR 1325+ Before conducting our research, we hypothesized that organizations that focus on women in peace and women’s development would be more likely to utilize UNSCR 1325+ in their programming than peace organizations that focus on human rights or dialogue. This hypothesis held true when reviewing the websites and program information of 28 sample organizations, however, our 13 interviews produced a different result. Participant responses suggested that women’s development organizations and peace through human rights organizations are more likely to utilize UNSCR 1325+ as a legal and holistic tool than dialogue organizations or women’s organizations for peace. Of the thirteen participant organizations, seven organizations used UNSCR 1325+ in a definitive manner (such as naming UNSCR 1325+ in their Mission Statement), while three organizations used it as a theoretical and philosophical guide (such as training young women for leadership roles without explicitly using UNSCR 1325+ as an educational tool).

Table 1: Use of UNSCR 1325 by Organization Type

Sub-type

Peace

Women

Number of participant organizations analyzed

Percentage of participant organizations that use UNSCR 1325+ in some way

Total Number of each subtype organization analyzed

Total Percentage that use UNSCR 1325+ in some way

Human Rights

1

100%

6

16.7%

Dialogue

4

80.0%

8

37.5%

Development

5

100%

11

63.6%

Peace

2

50.0%

3

66.7%

13

Total

13

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The interviews showed the following major trends: Importance of UNSCR 1325+ ● 63.6% of those surveyed find UNSCR 1325+ important in the effort to include women in peace negotiations, and no one stated that it is of no importance. Only 27.3% of those surveyed actually find 1325+ of high importance in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, while 45.5% said it was of low importance and 27.3% said moderate importance. 77.8% of those surveyed thought the language of 1325 needed to be changed to better suit the needs of their communities. This language change would need to recognize the Occupation in some way to acknowledge the environment it creates. ● Organizations that did not use UNSCR 1325+ thought the Resolution was important and indicated that they wanted to learn more about it and how to implement it.

Priorities in Society ● The majority of those surveyed think the highest priority for organizations should be changing or improving political views of Israelis and Palestinians.

Public Perceptions of Women ● 81.8% believe training, skill-building programs, and new educational opportunities for women have changed the general belief that women are less skilled or experienced than men when it comes to policy-making and decision-making 14

Involvement of the International Community ● 81.9% think the international community needs more or much more involvement in helping Israel and Palestine implement UNSCR 1325, with 45.5% indicating there should be much more international involvement.

Communication Between Government and Civil Society ● 81.9% think communication and teamwork between government officials/policy makers and civil society is not good. 55.6% think government officials do not know about their organization’s programming. On the other hand, 90% think civil society organizations know about their programming.

The interviews showed the following counter-trends according to how participants answered questions about their ethnicity, sex, and age: Ethnicity: 37% Palestinian, 50% Jewish Israeli, 6% Arab Israeli, 6% Other ●

Palestinians ranked changing patriarchal laws on incest, rape, and marriage as generally more important than the security situation in the West Bank, societal awareness of UNSCR 1325, or roles of women in their communities.

● Israelis were less likely than Palestinians to think the language of UNSCR 1325 needed to be changed to suit the interests of their communities and were less likely than Palestinians to think government officials know about their organizations’ programming.

Sex: 12% Male, 88% Female 15

● Men were more likely than women to find implementation of UNSCR 1325 less important in the current social and political atmosphere to achieving peace. ● Men ranked the importance of changing or improving women’s roles in society generally lower than other societal problems and were less likely than women to think changing marriage, incest, and rape laws was a very important social priority.

Age: 36% Below Age 35, 28% Above Age 60 ● Participants above age 60 consistently ranked UNSCR 1325 as having low social importance in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and were more likely to think UNSCR 1325 language does not need to change to suit their communities ● This group did not prioritize changing political views to overcome societal barriers to peace, and they were less likely than other age groups to think changing laws on incest, rape, and marriage was very important. ● All participants over age 60 wanted much more international involvement in the peace process.

The major trends and countertrends reflect the responses of the 13 participant organizations. The expanded analysis in Table 1 includes information from 15 additional organizations gathered solely through available materials online, not through contact with a representative. The differing conclusions regarding which types of organizations use UNSCR 1325 show that our sample size was relatively small. Further questions to consider include the disaggregated data of local Palestinian-led, local Israeli-led, and internationally-led organizations in their organization structure, use of UNSCR 1325, and their institutional successes. Neither 16

participants nor organizations were consulted about how their organization was classified in the four sub-types. Designations were assigned according to information gathered in the interviews and online materials (see Appendix 2). A few organizations combine multiple sub-type indicators in their programming. For example, Creativity for Peace imparts dialogue and emotional skills to “prepare young Israeli and Palestinian women to be peacemakers...by facilitating an understanding of the other.”36 Regardless of the organizations that blur the lines between dialogue, human rights, development, and women’s equality, many organizations have room for improvement in how they view the applicability of UNSCR 1325+.

Barriers Women Face to Track II and Track III Diplomacy Social taboos, geographic factors, and the inherent limits of organizations all prevent women in Israel and Palestine from participating in peacebuilding and human rights organizations. The participants consistently noted that these barriers not only affect if and how women participate in high-level decision-making in their governments, but they also affect how women are prevented from working in peacebuilding and human rights organizations and participating in their programs.

Women in the West Bank and East Jerusalem all noted how the social taboo of normalization affected their work and personal lives, as well as their programmatic outreach.

Participants recounted how the stigma of “normalizing” the Occupation, by interacting with Israelis or acknowledging the Israeli government in any way, led other groups such as the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement to protest and attack their organizations’ 17

events, family members to question and criticize their work, and community members to react negatively. Youth who appeared willing to take part in the programming of these organizations are also affected by this stigma, as many study participants said that local instances of violence often led their clients to drop out of events, especially young women.

Participants in Israel described how working in peace efforts was socially linked to being politically “leftist,” which is becoming more and more synonymous with anti-Israel sentiment.

Under the current right-wing government, CSO employees and their clients face a stigma from multiple layers of Israeli society—from the community level to the government level—that ultimately discredits their work, prevents them from acquiring resources, and exposes them to criticism and violence.

Geography also limits women from meaningful participation in organizations, because activist centers are in main cities and travel between areas in Palestine and Israel is difficult. The activists in Israel repeatedly mentioned that the required time and costs of travel significantly impeded their efforts to increase grassroots connections with activists from Southern Israel, small villages, lower socio-economic status, and different ethnic groups. Tel Aviv, Haifa, and Jerusalem contained the older, more established feminist networks, while others outside of these areas had a harder time engaging in different peace and women’s movements. The oPt are, of course, separated geographically and by the structures of the Occupation. Participants noted that a trip that might otherwise take 20 minutes became 60 minutes due to checkpoints and settlements. Organizations in the West Bank noted how they could rarely visit their counterparts or partners in Israel because of the difficulty in getting the appropriate permits.

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Inherent institutional limits that are created by donors, organizational missions, internal structure, and an NGO’s time in operation affect all NGOs and think tanks, but the politicized atmosphere in Israel and Palestine creates an especially competitive arena that hinders collaboration and networking. We found that while many organizations saw the need to change their focus or programming to meet the new needs of a more politically frustrated client base, their success depended strongly on the strength of the leadership in their organization and whether or not they were capable of including new programming that fit within their mission.

For example, organizations that worked closely with their government were able to increase focus on UNSCR 1325+ recently because it was a part of their vision and they found it to be helpful with their client base, while groups focused on providing skills for youth groups could not necessarily add UNSCR 1325+ to their curriculum because their mission was based on personal dialogue and emotional resilience, and adding UNSCR 1325-specific activities was not seen as helpful to their young clients. Larger, more established organizations were able to hire new staff to address the changes they wanted in programming, while smaller organizations relied on their internal decision-making reallocate resources to meet new goals like increasing social activism after participation in a program.

Finally, while most organizations in Israel and Palestine are limited by geography and their organizational structure, those that work in peace and women’s empowerment face unique restrictions. All peace organizations must contend with the fact that official government-level negotiations have all but ceased. Israel has a well-established feminist network, but it is criticized for being mostly comprised of older, more affluent Jewish women. Activists and their clients in 19

the oPt are more affected by the day-to-day instances of violence that their communities experience and the everyday presence of the Occupation. This creates disconnect between the experiences of Israeli and Palestinian women fighting for the same rights and peaceful principles.

Yet, regardless of their location, organizations and the women they serve have found ways to continue and expand their work.

Successes and Areas for Improvement: How Organizations are Overcoming Barriers to Participation Organizations are developing new and innovative philosophies and programs that address the current concerns and strengths of their communities. Their work attempts to lay the groundwork for a society that is receptive to peacemaking and empowering of women’s participation at all levels. Current efforts work around a stagnant official peace process, social taboos, geographic restraints, and institutional limits.

The lack of action in high level peace negotiations has led organizations to concentrate their efforts on grassroots programming. Organizations are focusing on engaging local communities with programs that teach negotiation and leadership skills to women, foster dialogue between people of different ethnicities, unofficially monitor checkpoints, and organize large marches and demonstrations. While these efforts might only reach a handful or a hundred people, organizations are optimistic that the programs will create a ripple effect when program participants take their new knowledge and skills back to their communities and share them within their own social networks. One interviewee explained, “as long as a girl stands up in front 20

of her family and peers and is able to stand up for the other in an empathic way,” that is success.

Organizations are attempting to overcome social taboos by creating safe spaces where participants can learn about the conflict, ask questions, think critically, and form relationships with people from different backgrounds, viewpoints, and experiences. These programs focus on building social networks and strengthening relationships, as well as building dialogue skills and emotional resilience. Many organizations are attempting to broaden the scope and timeline of their programs so that participants remain engaged with their organizations and their coparticipants after they return to their own communities. This type of “open door” policy aims to provide ongoing emotional and intellectual support for participants in order for each program’s impact to endure over time. Other organizations are focusing on how to increase their outreach by incentivizing their participants to bring friends and family to events, increasing the chances that they use their skills to create their own community-based projects.

In an effort to overcome geographic barriers, CSOs are taking their programs directly to the populations that cannot reach central metropolitan areas in order to include diverse voices.

Volunteers drive out to towns and villages, some bringing donated food and clothing or making efforts to protect communities from settlers. One organization created a public transportation system for distant villages so women could access programs, services, and jobs in cities.

Including different perspectives in an organization or movement widened the scope of the grassroots ripple-effect, and connected more individuals who brought their personal expertise and knowledge to the group.

Organizations have also evaluated their institutional structures in an effort to better 21

navigate the current political and societal environments and limitations. Creative and adaptable leadership structures have helped CSOs evolve and create programs that meet the needs of local populations. For example, local organizations were able to gauge the needs of their younger participants and increase resources that encouraged further activism, one even lobbying for the minimum age of running for local office to be lowered. Multiple activists leaned on technology like Whatsapp and WeChat to communicate about events and resources and to encourage each other to keep up their dedication to activism.

Most participants found UNSCR 1325+ positive, but the oral interviews and written surveys highlighted a disconnect between thinking positively about the Resolution and believing it was making a difference in their day-to-day work or that it would be useful to explicitly reference UNSCR 1325+ when describing their programming. Because organizations that do not currently use UNSCR 1325+ expressed interest in learning more about it, we believe the Resolution may be a useful way to address the competitive atmosphere and lack of coordination between CSOs that was also evident in the interviews. Other than through personal connections, participants noted that their organizations were unaware of the specific programs and strengths of other CSOs. While this is natural for organizations with different missions and target audiences, an internal review of an organization’s ability to build unity around UNSCR 1325+ may prove to be beneficial overall.

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Recommendations: The barriers we identified to women’s participation in peacebuilding included a lack of governmental progress on peace, social limitations, geographic factors, and institutional constraints. Based on the successes of the organizations we interviewed, we suggest that local and international peace and women’s organizations consider the following actions: ● Participate in an open discussion on the history and significance of UNSCR 1325+, create a common vision of what UNSCR 1325+ means in their local communities, and reevaluate whether using UNSCR 1325+ is beneficial to their organization and client base; ● Improve communication between the government and grassroots level; ● Introduce or continue to support long-term programming that increases their activist base; ● Commit to gender mainstreaming.

Develop a Common Vision of UNSCR 1325+ The interviews suggested that activists, community members, and government officials did not agree on the meaning of the word “gender” and that general knowledge of UNSCR 1325+ is varied. In an effort to increase constructive networking, peace and women’s CSOs should work together to develop a common vision of UNSCR 1325+ and its implementation in their communities. Each organization can self-evaluate whether it should prioritize its resources towards efforts to eventually place women in official peace negotiation talks when they restart or towards enabling women to increase their participation in ongoing Track II and Track III 23

diplomacy efforts. Cooperation between dialogue, human rights, development, women’s rights, and other organizations will provide the best opportunity for organic collaboration, resource sharing, and communicating best practices. This will strengthen the efforts of all organizations by increasing referrals, allowing organizations to imagine new ways to approach their Visions, and creating a new platform for local buy-in to a UN Resolution.

There are several drawbacks to this recommendation. CSOs that focus on a specific social or political issue have trouble collaborating with each other because they are competing for similar funding and their target clienteles often overlap. Furthermore, established, broad range organizations and fledgling smaller-scale groups do not approach local problems the same way.

The competitive working space created by these conditions is inherent in most civil society networks, but the particular politicization of community concerns in Israel and the West Bank and the long intractability of the conflict are especially challenging. Overcoming this barrier to form a unified vision over any topic will be difficult, but our research also suggests that UNSCR 1325+ may provide a new platform for agreement.

Focusing on how different types of organizations communicate with each other formally and informally could increase collective resources, make allocation of funds and prioritization of programming and resources more efficient, and increase service provision through client referrals. While our research attempted to address this question, we were not able to draw any conclusions about how communication could be improved (see Appendix 4). A unified understanding of the Resolution will allow organizations to more easily use the same vocabulary and philosophy when addressing local and national problems. This would help local 24

organizations interact with international actors and donors on gender and peace issues, increasing their resources, partnerships, and social impact. Cooperation and vision sharing between organizations is the most viable way to build the leadership necessary for effective policy advocacy at the national level.

Improve Communication between the Government and Grassroots Level Palestinian and Israeli grassroots organizations are finding success in imparting skills to community members, but there is a communication gap between community-level programming and government policies. Establishing a better connection between these two levels would not only help to integrate best practices in government programs, but could also ensure that women’s local concerns and solutions are not lost as policy moves up the hierarchal ladder from communities to governments. Finding local champions for the work of peace and women’s organizations in mayors, city councils, and active community groups would help to break this communication barrier. Some organizations described how they measured their impact by the level of media coverage of their work. Increasing awareness of their activities through connections with universities, news outlets, and radio stations or advertising programs through platforms like Facebook and Twitter may help connect them to local government officials or at least amplify their voices so their work is not easily ignored.

The scale of success of this type of communications effort will ultimately depend on the winds of political power in the GoI and the PA. For example, some GoI officials may want to empower peace and women’s initiatives, but the views and priorities of Knesset leadership will 25

limit how many champions will be receptive to supporting local organizations and listening to their advocacy regarding new laws. Finding inroads into local and national government bodies, however, will ultimately put local civil society in a better position to work with governments in peace building when the opportunity arises to affect official negotiations.

Reevaluate Programming Participant organizations reported a general trend in introducing activism to their educational programming. Many struggled knowing that their programs affected only small groups of people at a time, and they wanted to ensure that their clients remained active after going through programming. Where possible, organizations should offer long-term programs or alumni support systems that keep participants engaged with each organization, their coparticipants, and a network of similar organizations. Keeping participants engaged supplies them with a working network to find or establish projects to personally invest in and leaves them more likely to positively engage with their friends and family about social activism.

This type of reevaluation is limited by the time it takes to develop, implement, and monitor new programs. Not all organizations have the funding and expertise to create programming that follows participants for longer stretches of time, or the resources to capture and measure impact over long periods. The fact remains, however, that people-to-people skill building is where most organizations find success instead of only petitioning to governments.

While social taboos and day-to-day incidents of violence still negatively affect the commitment and levels of participation of organizations’ clients, increasing the opportunities for them to 26

remain engaged advances most organizations’ ultimate goals. In lieu of new, long-term programs, CSOs can create informal networks to link their participants with activism opportunities and generally encourage their participants to continue to challenge societal gender norms and negative views towards interaction between different groups of people.

Commit to Gender Mainstreaming.

Regardless of an organization’s ability to use UNSCR 1325+ in their programming, any type of CSO can assess the consequences of their programs and policies at all levels, with the goal of “making women's as well as men's concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated.”37 This will require organizations to evaluate themselves internally and to seek resources and training to rectify gender inequalities within their own organizations and programs.

While organizations like CARE International and MIFTAH (The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy) are known for their leadership in gender mainstreaming and gender transformative programming, it is an extra commitment for other organizations to seek gender mainstreaming training for their members. Larger groups can address this issue by hiring a gender advisor to analyze internal organizational structure, but CSOs that rely on volunteers may find it difficult to reform their administration without additional resources. Similarly, activities like gender bias training and analyzing budgets through 27

a gender lens require extra tasking, time, and resources.

Implementation:

Connecting the Dots of Engagement and Social Change The preceding recommendations make up a toolkit for organizations to implement UNSCR 1325+ and create more effective programming. Implementation consists of multiple steps that help define the continuing effort to better position individuals to actively ply their governments for social and political change. Each tool has its strengths and weaknesses, and organizations should determine which tools work best for them depending on their scale, mission, strengths, identified barriers, communication strategies, and cooperation with other organizations.

The organization or organizations that want to host an open forum should design it to help different organizations see their role in connecting peace organizations and women’s empowerment through UNSCR 1325+. This open discussion should include diverse groups of people and organization types. Participants should talk about their successes and best practices, and facilitators should highlight where organizations’ goals and work overlap, how they can maintain working relationships with each other, and how they can refer clients to each other.

Building a CSO network that goes beyond personal relationships to tie institutional strengths together will not remove the atmosphere of competition completely, but regular meetings that allow organizations to update each other on their work and successes may help reduce the problems that organizational overlap creates.

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An integrated CSO network would be better positioned to take advantage of connections with government officials at all levels. Champions of women’s initiatives and peace movements in both the GoI and the PA should be included in community engagement efforts if possible and kept regularly informed of programmatic successes. The ripple effect of long-term, activismbased programming would help widen the windows of opportunity around elected officials looking for ways to connect with marginalized or frustrated voters and local leaders looking for ways to change the social and political realities of their communities. The better-equipped participants are to remain socially active, the more community members are more likely to get involved in transformative projects, making local champions more likely to get involved.

Capitalizing on the successes of grassroots movements in the absence of governmentlevel peace negotiations requires an evaluation of how each organization is able to connect to popular movements. Feedback from clients should inform not just program efficacy but also the way in which organizations choose to address the general community’s levels of frustration and hope. Coming up with new ways to approach and talk about community issues will ultimately depend on the people who experience the conflict in their daily lives. Using community engagement strategies such as hosting community circles, conducting community assessments, and organizing surveys can be tailored to fit any CSO’s resources. For example, organizations could partner with community-based groups that do not address peace or women’s issues and adapt programming to educate new community audiences, or they can conduct a poll on social media to gauge people’s understanding of women’s issues, current laws, and the resources provided by organizations.

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While CSOs may not be able to change internal structure quickly by hiring new people or changing target demographics, they can still commit to empowering women within and outside of their organizations by making sure their organization follows the principles of UNSCR 1325+.

Like the commitments outlined by the International Gender Champions initiative, organizations can choose or create ways to implement UNSCR 1325+ in their internal governance. For example, organizations can immediately require women represent them on panels and in meetings, ensure their advertising and media campaigns do not exploit or ignore gender roles, and examine how hiring practices affect who holds executive positions within the organization.

The recommendations and example steps for implementation were not designed to be prescriptive. They are an attempt to synthesize the experiences of activists currently in the fields of building peace and encouraging women’s equality and empowerment. In presenting this information, we do not attempt to compare the roots of the social and political differences of people in the oPt and Israel, nor do we wish to directly compare the unique struggles they face.

Our brief survey of the barriers women face to all levels of peacebuilding serves to share current successes so that local and international organizations can decide what actions are best for them to take. The future of peace negotiations is unknown, but taking advantage of local stories of success in grassroots activism creates space for individuals and organizations to come together to collaborate where the Patriarchy and the Occupation continue to divide.

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Appendix 1: Summary of UNSCR 1325+ Summary of UNSCR 1325+ The following summarizes the main goals or outcomes of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the subsequent Resolutions that were passed in response to its criticisms and the needs of implementers.*

UNSCR 1325 (2000) Recognizes women and children as civilians that are particularly affected by armed conflict and acknowledges the special role they play in conflict prevention and resolution. Calls for women’s representation in all decision-making levels in the prevention, management, and resolution of conflict, the inclusion of a gender perspective in peacekeeping operations and peace agreements, an increase in gender-sensitive training efforts, and for the protection of citizens from genderbased violence.

UNSCR 1820 (2008) Describes the role of sexual violence in conflict and parties’ obligation to acknowledge and prevent it.

UNSCR 1888 (2009) Outlines specific ways UN bodies and parties can report and expand 1820 implementation.

UNSCR 1889 (2009) Requested the Secretary General to create a list of global indicators to measure implementation of UNSCR 1325.

UNSCR 1960 (2010) Calls for increased rigor in identifying, reporting, and stopping acts of sexual violence in conflict in order to hold perpetrators responsible with targeted sanctions and legal action. Asks for annual reports on implementation of UNSCR 1820 and 1888.

UNSCR 2106 (2013) Recognizes the role that civil society has in protecting local communities, accessing justice and reparations. Notes the importance of Women Protection Advisors and Gender Advisors in UN missions and operations.

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UNSCR 2122 (2013) Recommends increased meetings between the Secretary-General and other bodies to discuss implementation. Recognizes that a significant implementation shift is necessary for women’s perspectives to be appropriately represented in conflict and peacebuilding.

UNSCR 2242 (2015) Reflects on the results of a UN High-level Review and reiterates the need for increased representation of women, recommends increased funding for women, peace and security, and addresses sexual abuse allegations of UN peacekeepers and non-UN forces. *The above resolutions can be viewed together at: “Guiding documents.” UN Women. 2017. Accessed at http://www.unwomen.org/en/about-us/guiding-documents.

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Appendix 2: Participant Organizations Neither participants nor organizations were consulted about how their organization was classified into the four sub-types. It is understood that some do not fit in their sub-category perfectly or that some could be described by more than one sub-type. We did not receive survey responses from each of the 16 interview participant, limiting the conclusions drawn from the survey results.

Appendix 2 Table 1: Classification of Participant Organizations and Methods of Analysis Sub-type

Human Rights Peace Dialogue

Women

Local and International Development

Peace Totals:

Organizations Included in Review

Interview Participant (I)* or Online Review (OR)

NCA/DCA Yesh Din Rabbis for Human Rights Breaking the Silence B’Tselem Ir Amim IPCRI MIFTAH Creativity for Peace Hands of Peace Palestinian Peace Coalition Peace Players International Seeds of Peace Beit Hagefen Care International Dafna Fund Isha L’Isha Itach Maaki Kayan TAM Women’s Studies Center Oxfam WCLAC Kvinna till Kvinna Ajeec-Nisped Machsom Watch Women Wage Peace Women’s Affairs Technical Committee

I OR OR OR OR OR I (2) I I I (2) I OR OR OR I I I I I OR OR OR OR OR OR I I (2)

Survey Returned

Yes

Yes (1 of 2) Yes Yes Yes (2 of 2) Yes

Yes No Yes Yes No

Yes Yes (1 of 2)

OR 16 Interviews 15 Online Reviews

28 Organizations

* Includes number of participants from each organization if greater than one.

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Used UNSCR 1325+ in Some Way

Yes No No No No No Yes Yes Yes No Yes No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No Yes Yes No No Yes Yes

12 out of 16 Completed Surveys

14 out of 28 Use UNSCR 1325+

Appendix 3: Interview #1, Survey #1, and Participant Information The following pages are the interview, survey, and demographic question presented to each participant that participated in the research study.

Interview #1 Interview #1 is comprised of eight questions that you will go through with the research team. You may decline to answer any question or ask for clarification at any time.

1. What is your organization and is it involved in women’s participation?

Is there a connection to high-level decision making as outlined by UNSCR 1325 and its compliments?

2. What areas have you found the greatest successes in your efforts? What type of programming does your organization provide?

3. What have you identified as limiting factors to your goals?

What is preventing 1325 from making a bigger difference to women’s participation?

What are the challenges you have identified that prevent these efforts from being successful?

4. How do you confront and work with, around, against these limitations?

5. How do you measure the success of your programs? How do you communicate these successes and limitations to your clients? Organizational community?

6. How do you translate your best practices to future programs? How do you translate your best practices to other organizations involved in similar work?

7. Think about the amount of organizations that you partner with and with whom you share resources. Are you satisfied with this professional network? Would you like to expand, contract, or keep that network the same?

8. Is there anything from your personal experiences and observations that you do not think we covered and you would like to add?

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Survey #1 Survey #1 is comprised of fourteen questions that you will go through on your own. Please place checkmarks or circle the answer or answers of your choice. You may decline to answer any question or ask for clarification at any time.

1. What do you interpret gender to be? How do you use the term gender?

Choose as many as apply: __ As synonymous to women’s issues __ As a binary that describes demographics __ As an inclusive term that describes societal roles __ None of these ways __ All of these ways 2. How do you think your governing body interprets gender? How does your governing body use the term gender?

Choose as many as apply: __ As synonymous to women’s issues __ As a binary that describes demographics __ As an inclusive term that describes societal roles __ None of these ways __ All of these ways 3. How important do you find UNSCR 1325+ in the effort to include women in peace negotiations? __ No importance __ Low importance __ Moderate importance __ High importance 4. How important do you find UNSCR 1325+ in the current political and social environment in Israel and Palestine? __ No importance __ Low importance __ Moderate importance __ High importance

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5. Please rank the following statements in order of priority where 1 is the most important and 5 is the least important. Each statement must be ranked with a different number.

How do you rank the need to change or improve: __ Laws on incest, rape, femicide and their interpretation __ The security mindset that dictates checkpoints and travel requirements __ The knowledge base and awareness of UNSCR 1325 and its compliments __ The accepted roles of women in your society/ability of women to better their social situations __ Political views that prevent acknowledgment or collaboration between parties

6. Please rank the following statements with the number 1, 2, or 3 in order of how much you think they need to change. You may assign the same number for different statements: (1) No change needed (2) Needs a little improvement, (3) Needs a lot of improvement __ Laws on incest, rape, femicide and their interpretation (Women’s rights) __ The security mindset that dictates checkpoints and travel requirements __ The knowledge base and awareness of UNSCR 1325 and its compliments __ The accepted roles of women in your society/ability of women to better their social situations __ Political views that prevent acknowledgment or collaboration between parties

7. Do you find the need to change the language of 1325+ to better suit the needs of your community and ability of your governing body? (Do legal definitions match the on-the-ground needs of different groups of people?) __ Yes __ No __ N/A Comment:

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8. Do you believe that training, skill-building programs, and new educational opportunities that have been created for women have changed the general belief that women are less skilled or experienced than men when it comes to policy and decision-making? __ Yes __ No __ N/A 9. How involved do you think the international community needs to be in order for women to be more involved in high-profile decision making? __ Not at all involved __ A little less involved __ The same amount of involvement __ A little more involvement __ Much more involvement 10. How would you rank the communication and teamwork between government officials/policy makers and the civil society network? __ Not good at all __ Below where it should be __ Okay __ Very Good __ Perfect 11. In general, do you think government officials know about your programming? __Yes __ No __ N/A 12. In general, do you think other civil society organizations know about your programming? __ Yes __ No __ N/A

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13. How do you communicate to individuals or organizations outside of your organization? __ In the form of formal reports __ Personal Email __ Subscription Email __ Handouts, news releases, brochures __ Phone calls or in person communication 14. How often does each form of communication occur?

Formal Reports ___ times Daily ___times Weekly ___times Monthly ___times Yearly

Personal Email ___ times Daily ___times Weekly ___times Monthly ___times Yearly

Subscription Email ___ times Daily ___times Weekly ___times Monthly ___times Yearly

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Handouts, news releases, brochures ___ times Daily ___times Weekly ___times Monthly ___times Yearly

Phone calls or in person communication ___ times Daily ___times Weekly ___times Monthly ___times Yearly

Participant Information This section asks for demographic information. Your responses will not be linked to your name or organization and will not be shared for purposes outside of this study. Please place checkmarks or circle the answer or answers of your choice. You may decline to answer any question or ask for clarification at any time.

1. What is your ethnicity? (Choose any that apply.)

__ Arab-Israeli __ Jewish-Israeli __ Palestinian __ Other: ____________

2. Where do you live?

__ Israel __ Palestine-West Bank __ Palestine-Gaza Strip __ Palestine-East Jerusalem

3. What is your age? (Circle the age range that applies to you.)

18-24

25-34

35-44

45-54

55-59

4. What is your gender? __ Male __ Female __ Other

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60-64

65-69

70+

Appendix 4: Survey 1 Responses The following pages show graphical representations to the 14 questions of Survey 1 with accompanying raw data responses as they correspond to organization type. Appendix 4 Table 1 lists interview numbers, organization name, and organization sub-type. Blank spaces in tables represent a question left blank on the survey. Demographic data is not included.

Appendix 4 Table 1: Interview Numbers and Organization Classification Interview Number

Organization

Organization Sub-Type

Survey Response

#1

Hands of Peace

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#2

MIFTAH

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#3

CARE International Palestinian Peace Coalition

Women/Development

Yes

#5

Itach Maaki

Women/Development

Yes

#6

Hands of Peace

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#7

Kayan

Women/Development

#8

Women Wage Peace

Women/Peace

#9

Isha L'Isha

Women/Development

Yes

#10

Women Wage Peace

Women/Peace

Yes

#11

Machsom Watch

Women/Peace

Yes

#12

Creativity for Peace

Women/Peace

Yes

#13

IPCRI

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#14

Dafna Fund

Women/Development

#15

NCA/DCA

Peace/Human Rights

#4

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

Yes

#16 IPCRI Peace/Dialogue The 12 survey responses indicated above and collected in the surveys are included in the graphs and tables in the following pages.

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Interview Number

Organization SubType

1. What do you interpret gender to be?

How do you use the term gender?

#3

Women/Development

None of these ways

#6

Peace/Dialogue

None of these ways

#4

Peace/Dialogue

As a binary that describes demographics

#2

Peace/Dialogue

#1

Peace/Dialogue

#15

Peace/Human Rights

#12

Women/Development

#11

Women/Peace

#5

Women/Development

#10

Women/Peace

#13

Peace/Dialogue

#9

Women/Development

2. How do you think your governing body interprets gender?

How does your governing body use the term gender?

As synonymous to women’s issues As a binary that describes demographics; As an inclusive term that describes societal roles As a binary that describes demographics

As an inclusive term that describes societal roles None of these ways As an inclusive term that describes societal roles As an inclusive term that describes societal roles

As synonymous to women’s issues

All of these ways

As synonymous to women’s issues

All of these ways As an inclusive term that describes societal roles As an inclusive term that describes societal roles

As synonymous to women’s issues

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None of these ways As synonymous to women’s issues As synonymous to women’s issues

All of these ways

Interview Number

Organization Sub-type

3. How important do you find UNSCR 1325+ in the effort to include women in peace negotiations?

4. How important do you find UNSCR 1325+ in the current political and social environment in Israel and Palestine?

#3

Women/Development

High importance

Moderate importance

#6

Peace/Dialogue

High importance

High importance

#4

Peace/Dialogue

Moderate importance

Low importance

#2

Peace/Dialogue

High importance

High importance

#1

Peace/Dialogue

Moderate importance

Moderate importance

#15

Peace/Human Rights

High importance

Moderate importance

#12

Women/Development

Moderate importance

Low importance

#11

Women/Peace

Low importance

Low importance

#5

Women/Development

High importance

High importance

#10

Women/Peace

High importance

Low importance

#13

Peace/Dialogue

High importance

Low importance

#9

Women/Development

Moderate importance

Low importance

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5. Please rank the following statements in order of priority where 1 is the most important and 5 is the least important. How do you rank the need to change or improve: Interview Number

Organization Subtype

#3 #6 #4 #2 #1 #15 #12 #11 #5 #10 #13 #9

Women/Development Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Human Rights Women/Development Women/Peace Women/Development Women/Peace Peace/Dialogue Women/Development

…laws on incest, femicide and interpretation 4 4 2 3 2 4 2 5 3 5 3

…the security mindset...

3 1 3 2 1 2 3 2 2 5

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…awareness of UNSCR 1325 knowledge 2 5 5 1 5 5 5 4 1 1 4

…the accepted roles for women...

1 4 1 4 4 3 4 3 4 1 2

..political views that prevent collaboration…

5 3 4 5 3 1 1 1 5 2 1

6. Please rank the following statements with the number 1, 2, or 3 in order of how much you think they need to change. (1) No change needed; (2) Needs a little improvement; (3) Needs a lot of improvement. …laws on …the …awareness …the ..political incest, security of UNSCR accepted roles views that femicide and mindset...

1325 for women... prevent their knowledge… collaboration interpretation …

Interview Number

Organization Subtype

#3

Women/Development

3

2

3

3

2

#6

Peace/Dialogue

3

3

3

3

3

#4

Peace/Dialogue

3

2

2

3

2

#2

Peace/Dialogue

3

3

2

3

3

#1

Peace/Dialogue

3

3

2

3

2

#15

Peace/Human Rights

3

3

2

3

3

#12

Women/Development

3

3

2

3

3

#11

Women/Peace

2

3

3

3

3

#5

Women/Development

2

1

1

1

2

#10

Women/Peace

2

2

3

3

3

#13

Peace/Dialogue

3

2

3

3

3

#9

Women/Development

2

3

2

3

3

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Interview Number #3 #6 #4 #2 #1 #15 #12 #11 #5 #10 #13 #9

Organization Sub-type

Women/Development Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Human Rights Women/Development Women/Peace Women/Development Women/Peace Peace/Dialogue Women/Development

7. Do you find the need to change the language of 1325 to better suit the needs of your community?

Yes Yes Yes NA Yes Yes Yes No Yes No

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Interview Number

Organization Sub-type

8. Do you believe that training, skill-building programs, and new educational opportunities that have been created for women have changed the general belief that women are less skilled or experienced than men when it comes to policy and decision-making?

#3

Women/Development

Yes

#6

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#4

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#2

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#1

Peace/Dialogue

No

#15

Peace/Human Rights

Yes

#12

Women/Development

Yes

#11

Women/Peace

Yes

#5

Women/Development

No

#10

Women/Peace

Yes

#13

Peace/Dialogue

Yes

#9

Women/Development

Yes

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Interview Number

Organization Sub-type

9. How involved do you think the international community needs to be in order for women to be more involved in high-profile decision making?

#3

Women/Development

A little more

#6

Peace/Dialogue

A little more

#4

Peace/Dialogue

Much more involvement

#2

Peace/Dialogue

Much more involvement

#1

Peace/Dialogue

A little less

#15

Peace/Human Rights

the same amount

#12

Women/Development

A little more

#11

Women/Peace

#5

Women/Development

#10

Women/Peace

Much more involvement

#13

Peace/Dialogue

Much more involvement

#9

Women/Development

Much more involvement

Much more involvement A little more

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Interview Number

Organization Subtype

10. How would you rank the communication and teamwork between government officials/policy makers and the civil society network?

#3

Women/Development

Below where it should be

No

Yes

#6

Peace/Dialogue

Not good at all

NA

Yes

#4

Peace/Dialogue

Not good at all

Yes

Yes

#2

Peace/Dialogue

Okay

Yes

Yes

#1

Peace/Dialogue

Not good at all

No

Yes

#15

Peace/Human Rights

Very Good

Yes

Yes

#12

Women/Development

Below where it should be

No

No

#11

Women/Peace

Below where it should be

No

Yes

#5

Women/Development

Below where it should be

Yes

#10

Women/Peace

Not good at all

No

Yes

#13

Peace/Dialogue

Below where it should be

Yes

Yes

#9

Women/Development

Not good at all

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11. In general, do you think government officials know about your programming?

12. In general, do you think other civil society organizations know about your programming?

Interview Number

Organization Subtype

#3

Women/Development

#6 #4 #2 #1 #15 #12 #11 #5 #10

Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Dialogue Peace/Human Rights Women/Development Women/Peace Women/Development Women/Peace

#13

Peace/Dialogue

#9

Women/Development

13. How do you communicate to individuals or organizations outside of you organization?

Options: In the form of formal reports Personal Email Subscription Email Handouts, news releases, brochures Phone call or in person communication Formal reports;Personal email;Handouts…

Formal reports;Personal email;Subscription email;Handouts…;Phone calls or in person communication Formal reports;Personal email;Subscription email;Handouts…;Phone calls or in person communication Formal reports;Subscription email;Handouts…

Personal email;Subscription email;Handouts…;Phone calls or in person communication Formal reports;Phone calls or in person communication Personal email;Subscription email;Handouts…;Phone calls or in person communication Formal reports;Personal email;Handouts…

Formal reports;Personal email;Subscription email;Handouts…;Phone calls or in person communication Formal reports;Personal email;Subscription email;Handouts…;Phone calls or in person communication Personal email;Subscription email Personal email

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14. How often does each form of communication occur?

Interview Number

Organization Subtype

Formal reports at least once…

Personal email at least once…

Subscription email at least once…

Handouts, news releases, brochures at least once…

Phone calls or in person communicatio n at least once...

A month A month A day

#3 Women/Development A month A year #6 Peace/Dialogue A month A month A year A week #4 Peace/Dialogue A day A day A month A day #2 Peace/Dialogue A week A week #1 Peace/Dialogue A week A week A year A month A week #15 Peace/Human Rights A day A year A month A day #12 Women/Development A month A month A year A month A month #11 Women/Peace A month A month A month #5 Women/Development A week A month A month A day A week #10 Women/Peace #13 Peace/Dialogue A month A month A month #9 Women/Development A month A month Special note: the wording of this survey question caused participants to answer in different formats, some indicating the most used format of communication and some indicating by number how many times each activity took place within a given amount of time. While the responses were all adapted to a similar format, supporting conclusions for this report were not based off of Survey Question #14.

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Appendix 5: Organizations and Interview Themes The following tables indicate the major themes discussed in each interview. Appendix 5 Table 1 shows the organizational sub-type represented in each interview and the major themes each participant discussed. The themes are designated by numbers that are then explained in Appendix 5 Table 2. Appendix 5 Table 2 notes which major themes were discussed the most over all 16 interviews.

Appendix 5 Table 1: Classification of Participant Organizations and Themes Discussed in Interviews Sub-type Human Rights

Peace Dialogue

Local and International Development Women Peace

Organization

Themes Discussed 6, 7, 10, 11, 15, 16, 18, 25

NCA/DCA IPCRI (1 of 2) IPCRI (2 of 2) MIFTAH Creativity for Peace Hands of Peace (1 of 2) Hands of Peace (2 of 2) Palestinian Peace Coalition Care International Dafna Fund Isha L’Isha Itach Maaki Kayan Machsom Watch Women Wage Peace (1 of 2) Women Wage Peace (2 of 2)

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1, 2, 3, 11, 27 1, 3, 7, 16, 17, 5, 7, 8, 12, 19, 21, 24, 25 2, 3, 4, 9, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22 1, 3, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 19 1, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 17 1, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 27, 28 1, 7, 8, 17, 18, 19, 20, 26, 27 2, 14, 15, 27 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 22, 24, 28 1, 7, 8, 11, 15, 17, 22, 23, 28 1, 5, 7, 11, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27 11, 15, 24 1, 2, 4, 11 1, 4, 10, 17, 22, 23, 24

Appendix 5 Table 2: Major Themes Discussed in Interviews, Frequency of Each Theme Throughout 16 Interviews Theme Number

Theme

# of Times Theme is Mentioned

1

Leadership and organization structure shapes ability to adapt

10

2

Importance of inclusion

5

3

Normalization affects potential participants and personal lives of activists

5

4

Politicization-peace organizations are ‘leftist’, linked to anti-Israel sentiment

4

5

UNSCR 1325 needs to change language to acknowledge occupation

2

6

UNSCR 1325 is important for government/official progress, means different things for other sectors

3

7

UNSCR 1325 can be a rallying point, legal platform

6

8

Creating additional policy documents for national level adoption

4

9

Including emotional resilience, dialogue skills that can address feelings

3

10

Emphasis on education of participants on political situation and daily realities

5

11

Lack of hope for high level negotiations

8

12

Palestine is open to change, empowering women

4

13

Alumni network, increasing action after participation, ripple effect, changing public opinion

5

14

Shift from dialogue to action, shift from education to responsibility

4

15

Focus on grassroots and long term programs

6

16

Different Missions/Visions of organizations hamper networks

5

17

Importance of networking, need to work together to create a common vision, understanding roles so work is not repeated unnecessarily

7

18

Capacity building of local organizations that provide services and planning

2

19

Stereotypes of women are changing

5

20

Developing women’s skills, empowerment

4

21

Women are uniquely affected by the conflict and are affected more than men

4

22

Proper representation of all groups of women

4

23

Need for a broader definition of security

4

24

Generation gap in thought, type of activism

4

25

International support needed, is growing

3

26

Need to change the relationship between donors and organizations

2

27

Mainstreaming and gender transformative programming

5

28

Importance of portrayal of programs and visibility in the general media

3

As noted in the main report, interviews ranged from 30-90 minutes. Some participants had more time to expand the topics discussed in their interviews than others.

52

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1

Ibid UNSCR 1325 (2000). UNSCR. 31 October 2000. Accessed at https://documents-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

3 O’Rourke, Catherine. “‘Walk[ing] the Halls of Power’? Understanding Women’s Participation in International Peace and Security.” Melbourne Journal of International Law. Volume 15. 128154. 150.

4 Stone, Laurel. “Study of 156 peace agreements, controlling for other variables, Quantitative Analysis of Women’s participation in Peace Processes.” 2015. Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes, Annex II. March 22, 2017. http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/women-peace-security#notes.

5 Verveer, Melanne. “Where Women Are Leading the Peace.” Foreign Policy. September 30, 2016. http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/09/30/where-women-are-leading-the-peace-security/.

6 Ibid 7 Hudson, Valerie M. and Patricia Leidl. The Hillary Doctrine: Sex and American Foreign Policy. New York: Columbia University Press, 2015. 26.

8 “About UN Women.” UN Women. 23 March 2017. Accessed at http://www.unwomen.org/en/about-us/about-un-women.

9 “International Gender Champions.” International Gender Champions. 23 March 2017.

Accessed at http://genderchampions.com/.

10 Ibid 11 Kurtzer, Lasensky, Quandt, et al. The Peace Puzzle: America’s Quest for Arab-Israeli Peace, 1989-2011. United States Institute of Peace. Cornell University Press. 2013.

12 “Joint Understanding Read by President Bush at Annapolis Conference.” Office of the Press Secretary. 27 November 2007. Accessed at https://georgewbushwhitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2007/11/20071127.html.

13 UNSCR 1325 (2000). UNSCR. 31 October 2000. Accessed at https://documents-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

14 Finkel, Lior. “The role of women in Israeli-Palestinian Peace Negotiations. The Atkin Paper Series. The International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence.” March 2012. Accessed at http://icsr.info/wpcontent/uploads/2012/10/1334934237ICSR_AtkinPaperSeries_LiorFinkel.pdf.

15 “National Strategy to Combat Violence Against Women 2011-2019.” Ministry of Women’s Affairs, National Committee to Combat Violence Against Women, Palestinian National Authority, 2011. Accessed at http://www.lacs.ps/documentsShow.aspx?ATT_ID=5501.

16 “Palestine.” The national Action Plan Resource Center. Inclusive Security. 2016. Accessed at https://actionplans.inclusivesecurity.org/countries/palestine/.

17 “The United States National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security.” The United States Government. The White House. June 2016. 1.

18 Ashkenazy, Anat Thon. “The Story of the Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in Israel.” Heinrich Boll Stiftung. 31 October 2011. Accessed at 2

56

https://us.boell.org/2011/10/31/story-implementation-un-security-council-resolution-1325-israel.

19 Shtull-Trauring, Asaf. “Israeli Government Promises to Appoint Arab Woman to Socioeconomic Panel.” Haaretz. 22 August 2011. Accessed at http://www.haaretz.com/israeligovernment-promises-to-appoint-arab-woman-to-socioeconomic-panel-1.379913.

20 “A Comprehensive Action Plan for the Application of United Nation Security Council Resolution 1325.” Itach-Maaki, Center for the Advancement of Women in the Public Sphere, Agenda-Hashderah-Uru. 31 October 2013. Accessed at http://www.itach.org.il/wpcontent/uploads/tochnit-peula-en.pdf.

21 O’Rourke, Catherine. “‘Walk[ing] the Halls of Power’? Understanding Women’s Participation in International Peace and Security.” Melbourne Journal of International Law. Volume 15. 128154.

22 Lewis, Ori and Mohammed, Arshad. “Main participants in Israeli-Palestinian peace talks.”

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23 Ibid 24 Safran, Hannah. Personal interview. 16 March 2017.

25 “National Strategy to Combat Violence Against Women 2011-2019.” Palestinian National Authority, 21-23.

26 Ibid 27 “Checkpoints and Barriers: Searching for Livelihoods in the West Bank and Gaza, Gender Dimensions of Economic Collapse.” The World Bank. Report No. 49699-GZ (February 2010).

28 “Israel and the Occupied Territories Conflict, occupation and patriarchy.” Amnesty International. 30 March 2005. Index number: MDE 15/016/2005. Accessed at https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/MDE15/016/2005/en/.

29 Holt, Maria. “Palestinian women, violence, and the peace process.” Development in Practice, 2003, 13:2-3, 223-238.

30 Ibid 31 Aharoni, B. Sarai. “Internal Variation in Norm Localization: Implementing Security Council Resolution 1325 in Israel.” Social Politics, Spring 2014. 1-25.

32 Diamond, Louise and McDonald, John. Multi-Track Diplomacy: A Systems Approach to Peace. Kumarian Press, 1996.

33 Wasike, Stella and Kimokoti, Susan N. “Applying Track three diplomacy to Kenyan Conflicts.” International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies. Volume 2, Issue 1. June 2015.

34 Kevorkian, Nadera Shalhoub, et al. "The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 Implementation in Palestine and Israel 2000-2009." Norwegian Christian Aid (2010). Accessed at https://www.kirkensnodhjelp.no/contentassets/babdd17d712344e4a417e6dde3100ce2/unscr1325_implementation-in-israel-and-palestine-2000-2009.pdf 35 Aharoni, B. Sarai. “Internal Variation in Norm Localization: Implementing Security Council Resolution 1325 in Israel.” Social Politics, Spring 2014, 1-25.

36 “Strategic Plan for 2016-2018.” Creativity for Peace. 2017. Accessed at 57

http://creativityforpeace.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/Strategic-Plan-2016-2018.pdf.

37 UN General Assembly, Report of the Economic and Social Council for 1997, 18 September 1997, available at: http://www.un.org/documents/ga/docs/52/plenary/a52-3.htm [accessed 7 May 2017].

58