The UN in the Democratic Republic of Congo Eurocentrism Threatening Stability and Peace

by Rosalia Inglima edited by Lenny Adonteng and Libby Egan

To many struggling nations across the globe, the sight of a blue helmet decorated with the large white letters “U” and “N” is a symbol of hope: a vow of safety and a sign that help has come with a mission of peace restoration within a conflict-ridden region. It is a symbol representing one of the strongest multi-national organizations in the world. However, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the opposite sentiments are associated with the blue helmets of the UN peacekeepers. The blue helmets are characterized by empty promises; they represent the failure of peacekeeping and furtherment of existing malcontent.

For decades, the United Nations has funded missions within the Democratic Republic of the Congo to combat inter-communal violence and terrorism that constantly threatens the nation and its livelihood. The rhetoric of their efforts as peacekeeping missions grows increasingly more ironic as the UN logs each day of continued presence in the DRC. In 2022, armed conflict intensified within the DRC, and with it, anti-UN sentiments. Pre-existing United Nations efforts to establish peace in the Congo date back to the year 2000, when peacekeeping efforts were initially approved by the United Nations. 1 Since then, progress has been the furthest thing from linear, as increased UN presence has inversely aggravated existing tensions. Distrust of the UN within the DRC grows daily, as the disconnect between UN attempts at stimulating peace and the needs of the Congolese people grows larger.

The current peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is known by its acronym, “MONUSCO.”, officially titled, “Mission de l’Organisation des Nations pour la stabilisation en RD Congo” (The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo). 2 MONUSCO was originally founded in July 2010 to protect civilians from humanitarian crime and protect democracy within the nation. 3 Since then, the mission has been extended several times, with the most recent security report extending the mission to December 2022. 4 As December quickly approaches, and UN efforts show little to no hope for ensuring peace and stability, the failures of MONUSCO allude to the larger issue of growing distrust and anger towards the UN from both citizens of the DRC and Congolese government officials.

The Democratic Republic of Congo has been historically regarded as one of the African nations most impacted by European colonization. Belgium’s conquest of the Congo resulted in the deaths of 20 million Congolese, and effects of colonization are ever-present in Congolese politics, culture, and rebel group motives. 5 Presently, the M23 rebel group is the driving force of violence in the DRC, as well as the main combatants against the United Nations peacekeeping mission. While the DRC was still under colonial rule, Belgium forcibly resettled hundreds of thousands of Rwandans, both from the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups, causing major insecurity along the Congolese-Rwandan border. 6 Conflict consumed the Congo during this period, resulting in the creation of M23’s predecessor, a Tutsi-led rebel group called National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP). Following the CNDP’s violent uprisings, a peace agreement with the Congolese government was signed on March 23, 2009, and CNDP members were incorporated into the Congolese military. 7 Shortly after the peace agreement was signed, Tutsis and former CNDP members revolted from the army to form M23, a rebel group whose namesake reflects the date associated with the Congolese government’s attempt at rebel repression. 8 Motivated by a rejection of colonial residue and decades of oppression, M23 swore off further cooperation with the DRC government. The history of blurred border lines and ethnic strife were results of Belgian imperial rule, laying the foundation for M23 to rise. Today, many people, including the Congolese Security Minister Richard Muyej, argue that “M23 is another name for Rwanda. It’s all part of Rwanda’s Machiavellian destabilisation plan of the east.” 9 Rwandan involvement in M23 efforts is apparent. Rwanda’s current president, Paul Kagame, shares the same Tutsi ethnic background as the M23 group, carrying the dark history of Tutsi-Hutu conflict with that identity. Many point to this as the cause of Rwandan interest in supporting M23. Within Rwanda, Rwandan troops have worked against rebel groups led by Rwandan Hutus, while simultaneously supplying aid to M23 and invading Eastern cities within the Kivu provinces of the DRC. 10 Since June 2022, M23, with the assistance of Rwandan troops, has committed various atrocities against Congolese civilians and military forces, concentrating most of their efforts in Eastern DRC. Since the beginning of M23’s violent efforts of rebellion, fighting between Congolese troops and M23 rebels has forced nearly 200,000 people to flee their homes. 11 M23 has committed numerous crimes against humanity, including torturing and ruthlessly murdering civilians. Typically, these acts are based on wrongful accusations that civilians were informing government troops of M23 positions. 12 Rwandan involvement with the M23 efforts increases concerns of the DRC’s security crisis, threatening the stability of the region. Félix Tshisekedi, current President of the DRC, has condemned Rwanda publicly, notably in front of the United Nations General Assembly in

September 2022. As a result, President Tshisekedi called on the UN, the African Union, and other African organizations to support efforts “increasing pressure on the M23,” in lieu of continued violence towards UN peacekeeping forces. 13 The parallels between current UN peacekeeping in the Congo and UN peacekeeping in Rwanda during the 1990 Rwandan genocide are undeniable. Similar to MONUSCO, UN intervention in Rwanda was viewed globally as a failure of the UN. The mission, called United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), was primarily composed of forces from Bangladesh and Belgium. 14 As Belgium was the colonial power that first began the ethnogeographic issue behind the genocide and civil war, Rwandans rejected Belgian intervention. Violence towards Belgian aid was targeted, as one of the largest tragedies resulted in the deaths of ten Belgian blue helmets, and a temporary hold on Belgian participation in UN peacekeeping missions. 15 As Belgian troops withdrew, and along with them other Western nations including the United States, the UN had virtually no peacekeepers active in Rwanda, leaving no force standing in the way of the genocide. Political commentators, such as Michael Lind, criticized the UN following this disaster, claiming that the UN had been, “finally and completely discredited.” 16 The wounds left from UN failures in Rwanda have still not healed, and today amplify scorn from both Rwanda and the DRC. MONUSCO is viewed as a western power similar to Belgium and UNAMIR, an organization that is again failing the region and contributing to the longevity of conflict. Furthermore, present peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of the Congo reveals the sad and under-publicized truth of the United Nations. The United Nations is typically renowned across the globe as a symbol of diplomacy and cooperation between the 193 member states, praised for its sustainable development goals, peace conferences, and aid during global crises such as the recent COVID-19 pandemic. 17 However, successes within the United Nations are mostly limited to occurring between the permanent members of the Security Council: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 18 One of the greatest accomplishments of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, was created in 1948 and approved by the UN General Assembly. 19 However, many of these countries, especially those on the Security Council, still held African colonies during this time. Those colonies were not welcomed into the United Nations until after the end of European imperialism in Africa, in 1960. 20 The integrity of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was therefore directly contradicted by the interests and actions of the United Nations. This history of the UN is foundational to the global organization, evolving into current interests of the UN. Countries outside of the General Assembly, or those that are new in comparison as UN members, do not achieve the same successful results in advancing their interests. The example of intervention in the DRC reveals this Euro-centric bias of the United Nations. As stated by Javad Miri, Iranian sociologist and professor at the Institute of Humanities and Cultural Studies, “The UN is obliged to fulfill the requirements of the U.S. and Western countries in most cases,” which leads to an inherent bias in UN priorities and peacekeeping. 21 The priorities of the United Nations contribute to the overarching issue at hand: should a Eurocentric organization be mitigating crises and advancing peace in a region distraught over Afrocentric conflict?

MONUSCO has been deemed incapable of providing aid to the DRC by most Congolese citizens, as the peace-keeping mission has contributed to the deaths of civilians and violence over conflict with M23. One of the greatest failures of MONUSCO resulted in the deaths of 36 people, consisting of four of their peacekeepers and 32 Congolese civilians from protests of anti-MONUSCO Congolese citizens in August

2022. 22 MONUSCO buildings were set on fire and vandalized as citizens “accuse[d] the mission, which has been active for more than 10 years, of failing to protect them from armed gang violence that has long plagued the region.” 23 In addressing this tragic event, MONUSCO spokesperson Mathias Gillmann stated, “We need de-escalation to happen…because both the Congolese army and we [MONUSCO] do not have scalable means, and we cannot guarantee an ultra-efficient presence everywhere at the same time.” 24 Gillmann’s statement revealed the true weakness of MONUSCO, and solidified concerns of the mission’s incapacity to protect. Furthermore, his statement was deemed by the Congolese government as “an admission of impotence.” 25 Former governor of North Kivu, Julien Paluku, stated, “For the Congolese, there is no longer any reason to keep those who say they are incapable of dealing with the rebellion.” 26

Following his remarks, Mathias Gillmann was asked by the Congolese government to leave the country. The official statement read, “The Congolese government considers the presence of this official… is not likely to promote a climate of mutual trust and calm between Congolese institutions and MONUSCO.” 27 These same sentiments have translated into demands from Congolese citizens, protestors, and political groups for the complete withdrawal of MONUSCO from the DRC. The city of Goma’s youth branch of the ruling political party called on the government to “withdraw [MONUSCO] from Congolese soil without conditions because it has already proved its incapacity to provide us with protection.” 28 The statement was shortly followed by an anti-UN protest in June 2022, resulting in five deaths and 50 wounded in the city of Goma.

The nature of the United Nations, coupled with failing MONUSCO efforts, shape M23’s and Congolese disdain towards Western or European powers. M23 has origins in ethnic conflicts that were created by colonial powers, as Belgium initially created a ethnic hierarchy through appointing Tutsis as authoritative figures in Rwanda during their imperial rule, causing longlasting ethno-geographic conflict. 29 Ultimately, present issues of violence and terror in the DRC are direct products of colonization and insufficient reparations, an experience that is only truly understood by the Congolese and Rwandans experiencing the events and history first-hand.

To rebuild peace in the DRC, the Congolese government places primary trust and responsibility in African organizations to provide aid. Before the 75th United Nations General Assembly session, President Tshisekedi emphasized the importance of inter-regional cooperation, calling on the African Union, East African Community, and Presidents of Kenya and Angola to continue their support and aid in resisting terrorism and violence from M23 and Rwanda. 30 Cooperation between the United Nations and these African powers is vital to properly alleviate conflict between rebel groups and the DRC government, as these issues can only properly be understood and addressed by African nations themselves.

Decline in peacekeeping efforts skews the vision of a peaceful finish line in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The dark history of colonization and imperialism still remains everpresent, contributing to the perpetuity of geoethnic disputes as seen in the DRC. Anti-United Nations attitudes spread nationally, damaging the reliability and capabilities of global organizations that are meant to defend humanitarian values. The state of the DRC serves as a warning sign to the rest of the world that the livelihood of global peace is threatened if not addressed properly. Is peace viable within the Democratic Republic of the Congo?

The intrinsic Euro-centrism of the world’s most prominent global organizations must be reformed to ensure this.

References

1 “Timeline - MONUSCO.” MONUSCO. United Nations. Accessed September 29, 2022. https://monusco.unmissions.org/ en/timeline.

2 “MONUSCO - À Propos.” MONUSCO. ONU, August 15, 2022. https://monusco.unmissions.org/%C3%A0-propos.

3 See footnote 9.

4 “Democratic Republic of Congo: Vote on Monusco Mandate Renewal.” Security Council Report. Security Council Report , December 19, 2021. https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/ whatsinblue/2021/12/democratic-republic-of-congo-vote-onmonusco-mandate-renewal.php.

5 Julien Bobineau. “Retracing Belgium's Dark Past in the Congo, and Attempts to Forge Deeper Ties.” The Conversation. The Conversation US, September 13, 2022. https:// theconversation.com/retracing-belgiums-dark-past-in-thecongo-and-attempts-to-forge-deeper-ties-184903.

6 Michel Thill.. “The M23 Crisis and the History of Violence in Eastern Congo.” openDemocracy. openDemocracy, November 5, 2012. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opensecurity/ m23-crisis-and-history-of-violence-in-eastern-congo/.

7 “Who Are DRC's M23 Rebels?” News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, November 5, 2013. https://www.aljazeera.com/ news/2013/11/5/qa-who-are-dr-congos-m23-rebels.

8 See footnote 3.

9 See footnote 2.

10 “Rwanda Backing M23 Rebels in DRC: UN Experts.” Conflict News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, August 4, 2022. https:// www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/8/4/rwanda-backing-m23rebels-in-drc-un-experts.

11 “DR Congo: Resurgent M23 Rebels Target Civilians.” Human Rights Watch. hrw.org, July 25, 2022. https://www.hrw. org/news/2022/07/25/dr-congo-resurgent-m23-rebels-targetcivilians.

12 See footnote 6.

13 UN Affairs. “DR Congo President Denounces 'Aggression' by Rwanda, Calls on UN to Support African-Led Mediation | | 1UN News.” United Nations. United Nations, September 20, 2022. https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/09/1127271 .

14 “Rwanda - UNAMIR.” Peacekeeping - United Nations. United Nations, September 1996. https://peacekeeping.un.org/mission/past/unamir_b.htm.

15 “Belgium and the United Nations: A Historical Perspective.” Permanent Mission of Belgium to the UN. FPS Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, January 24, 2022.

https://newyorkun.diplomatie.belgium.be/belgium-at-the-un/ historical-perspective.

16 Lionel Rosenblatt and Larry Thompson. “The Door of Opportunity: Creating a Permanent Peacekeeping Force.” World Policy Journal 15, no. 1 (1998): 36–42. http://www.jstor. org/stable/40209567.

17 “Member States.” United Nations. United Nations. Accessed September 29, 2022. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/memberstates.

18 “Current Members Security Council.” United Nations. United Nations. Accessed September 29, 2022. https://www. un.org/securitycouncil/content/current-members.

19 “History of the Declaration.” United Nations. United

Nations. Accessed September 29, 2022. https://www.un.org/en/ about-us/udhr/history-of-the-declaration.

20 “From Independence to Long-Term Stability: United Nations Efforts in Africa.” United Nations. United Nations, September 2015. https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/independence-longterm-stability-united-nations-efforts-africa.

21 Javad Miri.. Basic idea of UN is euro-centric. Other. Tehran Times. Tehran Times , June 29, 2020. https://www.tehrantimes. com/news/449357/Basic-idea-of-UN-is-euro-centric-saysIranian-sociologist.

22 “DRC Expels MONUSCO Spokesman over Deadly Anti-Un Protests in Eastern Kivu Provinces.” RFI. Radio France Internationale, August 4, 2022. https://www.rfi.fr/en/ africa/20220804-drc-expels-monusco-spokesman-over-deadlyanti-un-protests-in-eastern-kivu-provinces.

23 DR Congo Expels UN Peacekeeping Mission Spokesman after Protests.” United Nations News | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, August 3, 2022. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/8/3/ congo-expels-u-n-peacekeeping-mission-spokesman-afterprotests.

24 Patrick Ilunga. “DRC Kicks out UN Peacekeepers Spokesman, to Speed up Troops Withdrawal.” The East African. The East African, August 3, 2022. https://www.theeastafrican. co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/drc-kicks-out-monuscospokesman-3901596.

25 See footnote 14.

26 See footnote 14.

27 See footnote 13.

28 “At Least Five Killed as Anti-UN Protesters Overrun Base in Eastern DRC.” RFI. Radio France Internationale, July 26, 2022. https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20220726-at-least-five-killed-asanti-un-protesters-overrun-base-in-eastern-drc.

29 “Who Belongs Where? Conflict, Displacement, Land and Identity in North Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo.” (14) 2010. Citizenship and Displacement in the Great Lakes Region. International Refugee Rights Initiative, Social Science Research Council. March. http://webarchive.ssrc.org/pdfs/Who%20Belongs%20Where. EN.March2010.pdf

30 See footnote 8.