Asia Changing Culinary Landscapes: How Food Fuels Gentrification

by Katie Dang edited by Jessica Swanson and Julie Lee

Food is more than just a necessity. It serves to create memories, share stories, and define one’s identity. The creation of each dish encompasses the evolution of culture throughout history, providing insight into the interactions between individuals, communities, and states that have influenced the ingredients and flavors of food. As such, food offers the perfect gateway to understanding history and culture. Asia is home to some of the most fascinating cuisines in the world. Asian cultural enclaves such as Chinatowns and Koreatowns are present in many cities worldwide, with foods like sushi, boba, and dim sum deeply integrated into the food scenes of many western countries. However, these foods also undergo food gentrification, the process of replacing traditional ingredients, and preparation methods to provide a more modern and elevated version of commonly known traditional dishes. 1 This represents the growing trend in Asian fusion cuisines pioneered by many chefs and restaurants in the United States and Europe, fueled by globalization and increased cultural diffusion through social media platforms, travel, and cultural diplomacy.

The re-creation of many of these Asian dishes in Western countries represents how various cultures and ethnicities can unite by hybridizing elements of one another's culture. The United States, for example, is often referred to as a ‘melting pot’ of different cultures. First- generation immigrant Asian-American chefs such as David Chang and Roy Choi are known for providing a modern twist to traditional Asian food and have gained popularity for their creations, yet the craze that chefs get from their innovative food creations does not reflect the disdain that immigrants face when they introduce their culture’s food to their host country. For them, Asian fusion is also reflective of the challenges of diasporic life as immigrants settle into their host country and are forced to culturally assimilate and blur the differences between their host country’s and that of their own. This means altering certain Asian dishes to “cater to the expectations of a white majority - however ethnically mixed that majority may be 2”, especially because non-Asian customers would prefer the westernized version as it is more familiar with their flavor palette. 3

As Asian fusion cuisine continues to grow in popularity, the tension between cultural assimilation and cultural authenticity remains prevalent. The fusion of western ingredients and techniques in Asian cuisine has the potential to misrepresent how westerners view Asian culture. It reinforces the idea that western culinary culture is seemingly superior and more desirable, and that ethnic Asian food should be altered to fit with western culinary standards. It perpetuates class hierarchy, as most Asian fusion cuisines are a form of class distinction, targeting those who have the means to produce and consume it. 4 Haute cuisine, or fine dining, is one example of how premium ingredients and meticulous cooking techniques are incorporated into food to be consumed by those who have the financial means to afford it - the upper classes. This comes at the expense of immigrant working-class communities since their businesses are displaced with establishments that cater to a more affluent group of clientele. While they may have assimilated into their host country’s culture to an extent, their restaurant businesses are a way to preserve and protect their own culture 5 .

This article aims to explore how Asian food gentrification has expanded ever since its introduction into the western culinary sphere, and its impacts on Asian socio-economic and political discourse over time. The first section provides a historical context of the introduction of Asian food in western countries, followed by an explanation of the development of food gentrification over time. The last section aims to evaluate the socio-economic and political impacts of food gentrification on Asia.

East to West: How Western Consumption of Asian Foods Developed

Asian food was first introduced during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The British government was involved in expanding Chinese cuisine within the country. Near the end of the eighteenth century, Chinese sailors arrived in the East End of London. 6 This gave rise to the establishment of Chinese communities in London, then eventually Liverpool, Glasgow, and Cardiff.

Alongside was the 1884 Health Exhibition, an exhibition supported by Queen Victoria and Prince of Wales aimed at showcasing Britain’s momentous strides in technology and public health occurred, the Chinese Restaurant was considered a “popular attraction”. Arrangements for the Chinese Restaurant included employing Chinese cooks from Beijing and Guangzhou. 7 However, the Restaurant was not taken seriously, and its food was mocked as “tasting not unlike that of a turtle”. 8 This hostile sentiment towards the Chinese community continued until the First World War, most prominently seen through the 1911 riot of 30 Chinese laundries in Cardiff. 9 As the number of Chinese seamen and students continued to grow during these years, the number of Chinese restaurants increased, serving dishes such as chow mein, and fried rice. However, the dismissive view persisted: according to a BBC broadcast that introduced Chinese recipes, “[the Chinese] dishes were delicious, and their names sounded exciting, but one had to endure receiving food from one’s host chopsticks and to watch a Chinaman eat was not a pretty sight”. 10

During the Second World War, more of the British population became exposed to Chinese food, as many servicemen and women had to travel to India and China. By the end of the war, many Britons were familiar with Chinese food, such as chow siu fong and foo yong hai, served at more and more new establishments opened during the post-war years. 11 As most Chinese immigrants were Cantonese, most restaurants specialized in Cantonese cuisine, from dim sum and roast duck to clay pot stews. Sichuanese and Hunan restaurants also began appearing in London, along with increasingly available Chinese ingredients, such as chili bean paste, and street food stalls serving Shanghainese buns and Chongqing noodles to city folk and tourists alike. 12 The U.K.’s Chinese restaurant boom began in the late 1950s and early 1960s when Cantonese immigrants from Hong Kong arrived. 13 Clusters of Chinese restaurants began forming at Gerrard Street in central London and central Manchester, posing as early Chinatowns in each respective city. Immigration was the result of economic woes: rice-growing communities in Hong Kong had to deal with immigrant farmers from mainland China trying to grow vegetables for Hong Kong’s urban market, which put their lifetime businesses at risk. 14 As a result, they immigrated to Britain to find better economic opportunities while preserving their family businesses. Besides, Hong Kong immigrants feared the Commonwealth Immigrants Act and wanted to arrive before it came into effect on July 1, 1962. The act restricted the entry of Commonwealth citizens to Britain unless for those with work permits. 15 In the 1990s, as China opened up, immigrants from other regions, such as the Fujian province, flocked to Britain. 16 As China opened itself up, a new generation of Chinese people traveled and immigrated to places like Britain to seek employment in the food industry. 17 The newly diverse population consisting of Chinese restaurant workers and Chinese customers subsequently contributed to the growth of Chinese food in Britain.

In contrast, the introduction of Chinese food in the United States took place under different circumstances compared to Britain, mainly involving immigrants. In 1849, the discovery of gold in Sacramento Valley in California, U.S., led to a massive influx of immigrants from South China to the United States. While most were engaged in mining or manual labor, some worked as cooks due to the shortage of women domestic workers. At the start of this rush, America welcomed migrants and their cultures, with San Francisco's Chinatown growing in popularity and Chinese restaurants popping up nationwide. However, “disorder in the mining districts, coupled with anti-foreign feeling” increased racial tensions against the Chinese immigrant population over fear that the Chinese immigrants would take over American jobs. 18 Discrimination towards Chinese immigrants was only exacerbated in 1882, when the U.S. Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, banning entry to all new Chinese immigrants. 19 However, this sentiment began to change in the early twentieth century. The San Francisco earthquake in 1906 led to the creation of a new ‘Oriental City’ that was cleaner and more attractive than the old Chinatown. San Francisco’s Chinatown was part of this renewal, and more Chinese restaurants opened as a result. 20 By the 1920s, Chinese restaurants also started opening in New York and Philadelphia, with Asian food becoming more widely accepted despite ongoing racial discrimination due to the increased assimilation of second-generation Chinese Americans. 21 By 1940, Chinese food was widely accepted in the United States, and the number of Chinese restaurants increased across the country. The recognition of the U.S. and China alliance during the Pacific War against Japan changed American views towards China. Most notably, San Francisco’s Chinatown experienced a 300 percent increase in business between 1941 and 1943. 22

Following the Second World War, Chinese food became more globalized as more Chinese restaurants appeared in many countries around the world. Globalization was most apparent, though, in the United States and Canada. At first, many Chinese restaurant owners served American food to appease Americans to assimilate into their host. According to Rose Hum Lee, a ChineseAmerican sociologist, cafés and restaurants serving American food run by Chinese people had almost disappeared after the 1940s, making way for “authentic mooncakes, engagement cookies, and muti-course feats for various occasions”. 23Furthermore, awareness of the diversity of Chinese food increased when the banquet menu for Presidential dinner between Richard Nixon and Zhou Enlai in 1972, encouraged more Americans to try Chinese regional cuisines instead of only chop suey dishes and fortune cookies, the well-known dishes at the time. 24

The Rise of Food Gentrification

As Asian food became deeply integrated into the food scenes of many countries, many chefs decided to take on the rising trend of Asian cuisine and began culinarily experimenting with adding new variations to well-known Asian dishes. Chefs claimed that they were modernizing and diversifying the definition of Asian cuisine by incorporating western techniques with Asian ingredients, feeding into cultural globalization. 25 However, debates about the lack of authenticity and respect for the origins of Asian food reflect its rising gentrification to fit with the rising trend of globalization and cosmopolitanism. This phenomenon is exacerbated by the misinterpretation of Asian cuisines by many

Western chefs, which has furthered the narrative about the inferiority of Asian cuisine.

To understand why fusion cuisine is the basis for food gentrification, it is essential to dive into the origins of fusion cuisine and how it became incorporated into Asian cuisine. Fusion cuisine was a term first coined by Florida chef Norma Van Aken in 1988, referring to the “combinations of flavors and culinary techniques from two or more cultures.” 26 Richard Wing, the chef of the Imperial Dynasty, was considered the pioneer of Asian fusion cuisine with his “chinois” (a French term for Chinese) cooking. He incorporated techniques learned during his career as a personal chef to fivestar U.S. Army General George Marshall during the Second World War. By the 1970s and 1980s, fusion cuisine became celebrated as “the cuisine of choice for young urban professionals,” referencing their ability to “confer a cultural cosmopolitan identity”. 27 Chefs such as Wolfgang Puck and Nobu Matsuhisa carried on the trend when they opened their restaurants in the 1980s – Puck serving Chinese and French-inspired cuisine and Matsuhisa serving Peruvian-Japanese cuisine.

By the mid-2000s, the initial excitement over Asian fusion cuisine changed as critics claimed it was haphazard and inauthentic. Asian hipster cuisine emerged from Asian fusion, taking a different approach of being globally inspired and focusing more on passion than ancestry. David Chang, the founder of Momofuku Noodle Bar, was considered the big brother of Asian hipster cuisine and crafted “high-end Asian-inspired food,” which included fried veal sweetbreads, a Korean-inspired burrito, and a pork belly bun that has since become a massive sensation. Danny Bowein, founder of Mission Chinese Food, on the contrary, took Sichuan cooking and incorporated it into dishes such as “Kung Pao pastrami, mapo tofu, and cumin lamb.” 28 These chefs share an eagerness to experiment, re-imagine Asian ethnic street food, and offer a more gourmet version while using mainly Asian ingredients. However, the incorporation of western techniques in their cooking could indirectly impact how they portray Asian cuisine.

The problem worsens when non-Asian chefs, who have no background or thorough knowledge of Asian cuisine, decide to appropriate Asian food and impart western standards to it.

For example, when Karen Taylor, founder of the company Breakfast Cure, crowned herself with the title “Queen of Congee” because she “modernized [congee] for the Western palette”, it angered many Asians because it perpetuated the notion that Asian food must be influenced by western cuisine to become appealing. 29 Similarly, in 2019 Arielle Haspel, a nutritionist, opened Lucky Lee’s and marketed the restaurant as being a cleaner version of a typical Chinese restaurant that would not make people feel “bloated and icky” 30 after eating. She also came under fire from critics on social media who accused her of cultural appropriation and insensitivity because she portrayed traditional Chinese food as being unhealthy, different to that of her restaurant’s version. These instances show how the whitewashing of Asian cuisine intensifies condescending views toward Asian food, given the backlash many Asians have faced when trying to remain authentic with promoting their food because of westerners' misconceptions.

Socio-economic and Political Impacts

For decades, cultural enclaves built by immigrants in cities worldwide have contributed to the multicultural fabric of many western countries, such as the U.S. and Britain. For many of those immigrants, protecting the integrity of their cultural practices, including food, has been the main goal, despite the changing nature of the Asian food scene. Unfortunately, the desire for adventure and exotic experiences in food gastronomy by many millennials, along with urban infrastructural developments, is impacting the sustainability of these local businesses. In Flushing, New York, for example, the construction of luxury developments by conglomerates has displaced immigrants and small business owners, disrupting the cultural and culinary landscape. From 2010 to 2015, the number of food and drink retail stores in the area increased from approximately 400 to more than 800. 31 Many of the local restaurants have been replaced with upscale international Asian chains like Papparich and HaiDiLao. The change is intentional: according to Helen Lee, the executive vice-president of the F&T Group, restaurants are leased retail space with the goal of changing Flushing’s “cheap eats” reputation. This, coupled with rising housing prices, has forced many local restaurant businesses to shut down. 32 Disruption to the culinary landscape of areas like Flushing is a painful reminder of the discrimination many Asians face when consuming their cultural food. Politically, the gentrification of Asian food has impacted how Asian countries aim to portray their cultural and political image: gastrodiplomacy is the result of Asian food growing popular worldwide, but most importantly, it is part of an effort to combat food gentrification and appropriation to “improve the way international audiences perceive [their countries]. 33 In 2009, South Korea launched the Korean Cuisine to the World Campaign, organizing global culinary events promoting Korean celebrity chefs and royal Joseon dynasty cuisine. The government believed that Korean cuisine could also successfully promote Korean culture like TV, movies, and K-pop. Korea is an example of gastrodiplomacy’s growing value in diplomatic relations, where countries use it to improve their visibility on the international stage through recognizable features such as food. The emergence of gastrodiplomacy is a direct result of food globalization, with social media and the internet facilitating the spread of new cuisines; countries have used this to their advantage to expand the global popularity of their food. Given the significance of gastrodiplomacy, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) decided to expand its List of Intangible Cultural Heritage to include

“agricultural practices, food production, and gastronomic traditions”. 34 Inclusion of culinary traditions in this list emphasizes appreciation for a community’s culture, which bolsters a sense of unity and pride along with engagement to keep those culinary traditions alive. In 2013, South Korea’s kimjang, the practice of making and sharing kimchi, successfully made it to the UNESCO list, thus reaffirming kimchi as a central part of South Korea’s national identity. This shows how food is important as a vehicle in promoting history and culture, as it is essential to improving and correcting any misconceptions held about it. 35 The power that food holds should not be underestimated, as it has the ability to reflect history, culture, and subsequently, international relations. While Asian food is popular in western countries, its integration into the western food scene was turbulent for the immigrants that introduced them. When immigrants flocked from all parts of Asia into western countries in the early nineteenth century, they were often subjected to hatred and bigotry. Today, Asian food has become recognized worldwide and integrated into many food scenes, yet this has also given rise to fusion food and culinary appropriation, which feeds into condescending narratives about Asian food. 36 Hence, the debate surrounding the authenticity of these new takes on Asian food is integral to protecting the integrity of Asian food and culture. Chefs who have taken their personal experiences as Asian Americans to create their own take on Asian food also make up the diversity of the Asian community worldwide and should be recognized. At the same time, it is important not to feed into the cycle of perpetuating socio-economic division and class hierarchies resulting from the modernization of Asian cuisine by glamorizing fusion food but simultaneously neglecting traditional food. Preventing the appropriation of Asian food by those who have no background or understanding of it is as crucial, which allows them to impose a westernized view onto Asian narratives. This is how prejudice towards working-class communities occurs, stemming from food – something that is meant to unite, not divide people.

References

1 Vega, Tanzania. “Understanding Food Gentrification’s Impact on Hunger”. Produced by Ross, Elizabeth, and McAdon, Sarah. The Takeaway, July 18, 2018.

2 LIO, SHOON, and MEGAN BOTT. “From Asian Fusion to Asian Hipster Cuisine: Consuming Cosmopolitanism and Authenticity.” In Chop Suey and Sushi from Sea to Shining Sea: Chinese and Japanese Restaurants in the United States, edited by BRUCE MAKOTO ARNOLD, TANFER EMIN TUNÇ, and RAYMOND DOUGLAS CHONG, 191–210. University of Arkansas Press, 2018.

3 BIRKLE, CARMEN. “‘Stirring the Pot’: Asian Foodways in American Eating Places.” In Chop Suey and Sushi from Sea to Shining Sea: Chinese and Japanese Restaurants in the United States, edited by BRUCE MAKOTO ARNOLD, TANFER EMIN TUNÇ, and RAYMOND DOUGLAS CHONG, 211–234. University of Arkansas Press, 2018.

4 LIO, SHOON, and MEGAN BOTT. “From Asian Fusion” (pp. 209)

5 BIRKLE, CARMEN. “‘Stirring the Pot’” (pp. 213)

6 Ibid., 155.

7 Ibid., 140.

8 Ibid., 142.

9 Ibid., 155.

10 Ibid., 158.

11 Dunlop, Fuschia. “The UK’s Chinese Food Revolution.” The Guardian, September 15, 2019.

12 Ibid.

13 Ibid.

14 Roberts, J.A.G. China to Chinatown: Chinese Food in the West. London: Reaktion Books, 2004 (pp.173)

15 Ibid.,172.

16 Dunlop, Fuschia. “The UK’s Chinese Food Revolution.” The Guardian, September 15, 2019.

17 Ibid.

18 Roberts, J.A.G. China to Chinatown: Chinese Food in the West. London: Reaktion Books, 2004 (pp.136).

19 Mishan, Ligaya. “Asian-American Cuisine’s Rise, and Triumph.” The New York Times, November 10, 2017.

20 Roberts, J.A.G. China to Chinatown: Chinese Food in the West. London: Reaktion Books, 2004 (pp.145)

21 Ibid., 148.

22 Ibid., 152.

23 Ibid., 163.

24 Ibid., 166.

25 LIO, SHOON, and MEGAN BOTT. “From Asian Fusion” (pp. 206)

26 Ibid., 193

27 Ibid., 193

28 Ibid., 199

29 Mark, Julian. “‘Queen of Congee’ Apologizes for Cultural Appropriation but Still Sells the ‘Improved’ Asian Dish.” Washington Post, July 22, 2022.

30 Otterman, Sharon. “A White Restaurateur Advertised ‘Clean’ Chinese Food. Chinese-Americans Had Something to Say About It.” The New York Times, April 12, 2019.

31 “‘Not What It Used to Be’: in New York, Flushing’s Asian Residents Brace against Gentrification.” The Guardian, August 13, 2020.

32 Ibid.

33 Parasecoli, Fabio. “How Countries Use Food to Win Friends and Influence People.” Foreign Policy, August 20, 2022.

34 Ibid.

35 Ibid.

36 Chow, Andrew, and Suyin Haynes. “Fights Over 'Authentic' Chinese Food Have a Long and Complicated History. Now They're Tearing the Culinary World Apart.” TIME Magazine, July 8, 2019.