Bikenography

nography e k i B

An ethnography of University of Illinois Bike Lanes Janet Broughton Fall 2010

Introduction For many decades, bicycles have been a formative element in American childhood; a main form of recreation and transportation before one reaches 16 and can enjoy the freedom of a car. For increasing numbers of people, however, bicycles are viewed as an environmentally sustainable, community-friendly, and healthy way to get around. Burgeoning numbers of cyclists as well as advocacy for more sustainable transportation choices in the face of climate change and peak oil are increasing cyclists’ visibility. However, greater cycling participation also creates conflicts as cyclists attempt to carve out territory in the automobile-dominated transportation network.

I studied the University’s attempts to provide a space for cyclists by observing designated campus bike lanes. Simply stated, I did this by observing cyclists’ use of bike lanes and adjacent spaces on campus (for in-depth description of the actors and places studied, see taxonomic analysis sections II and III in the appendix). I hoped to gain insight into the implicit rules governing behavior and aiding in conflict resolution between cyclists, pedestrians, vehicles, and other users. Fortunately, so few incidents of conflict occurred that I turned instead to observing the types of cyclists using campus bike routes, and supplemented this information with interviews. What I learned gave insight into themes of bikes and identity, bicycle safety, and the conflicts cyclists experience.

Methodology To study the bike lanes, I selected three locations with the potential to yield interesting observations, heavy traffic, and representativeness of bike lanes on campus. I made observations in half-hour increments at each on several occasions to make co unts of cyclists. To interpret these counts, I used a simple, and not necessarily statistically reliable, method of analysis. I subtracted the number of cyclists demonstrating a certain characteristic or behavior within the whole population of observed cyclists (for example, about 94% of cyclists were students) from the percentage of observed cyclists demonstrating a certain behavior or characteristic within a subpopulation (for example, 100% of cyclists demonstrating reckless behavior were students). The resulting number shows whether people 1

in s subpopulation were more or less represented when a specific characteristic is selected than they were in the population as a whole.

Since, for example, the rate of student cyclists in a subpopulation of reckless cyclists is greater than the rate of students in the general population, it stands to reason that students may tend to be a bit more reckless than other age groups.

Site Selection After walking (next to, of course) the majority of bike lanes on campus, I selected three sites for observation: 1. Bike Path along Green Street (referred to henceforth as Green Street site)

bars, and retail; to the north is the Engineering Quad; and across Green Street to the South is the Illini Union.

2. Bike lane near Observatory (Referred to henceforth as the Intersection Site) Automobile Traffic

Walking Path

Bike Lane

Southeast Entry to Engineering Quad

Walking Path Brick Buffer Bike Lane

Westbound Traffic

C rosswalk

Eastbound Traffic

The bike path along Green Street is relatively straight; there is ample space for pedestrians; and painting as well as paving differences indicate the zones for pedestrians and cyclists. However, pedestrians sometimes walk in the bike lane, especially when there is a lot of traffic. Though separated by a curb at minimum, this bike lane borders Green Street, which is quite busy. To the west are restaurants, 2

Bike traffic at the intersection site crosses both with other bike lanes and with pedestrian traffic. Like other places on campus, this spot can become quite busy, especially when classes get out (to the north is the main quad; to the south is the agriculture quad). Unique to this site is the lack of confict with vehicular traffic, and minimal differentiation between bike and pedestrian zones (paint only, the bike lane is highlighted in red in the photo for legibility).

3. Bike lane near Undergraduate Library Bus Stop (referred to henceforth as the Library Site)

Automobile Traffic Bike Lane

Age and Race Most of the cyclists I observed were students; adults, older folks, and children were represented in much smaller numbers. I also classified cyclists based on race to the best of my ability into the categories of Asian, Black, Hispanic, White, and Other. The proportions of ethnicities are shown in the graphs below. The graph with a bike wheel superimposed shows the proportions of each race within the cycling population, as compared to those proportions in the student population at right.

Retaining Wall with Seating Bus Stop Elevated Plaza

The Library site bike lane is rife with conflict. The lane is confusing because of an awkward turn to get onto the quad toward the east; the lane ends shortly to the west; there are elevation changes, including stairs cyclists cannot navigate; and the bike lane stands between a bus stop shelter and the street. When a bus lets out, the entire bike lane can be packed with people. Also, the bike lane is bordered to the south by a retaining wall, making avoiding pedestrians in the lane more difficult. During my time of observations, the bike lane was also constantly blocked by construction just to the north of the extent of this aerial photo.

Bikes and Identity A prolific and humorous blogger, writing under the pseudonym Bike Snob NYC, recently wrote on the topic of bikes and identity in a post entitled “Self-styled: You are what you ride”. According to the Bike Snob, cyclists range from folks who picked up a bike off the bigbox shelf just to get around to those who build their own bikes, then post videos of themselves riding those bikes on Youtube (Snob 2010).

Bike Types Bikes in general suggest that the rider believes physical fitness, environmentally or people-friendly transportation, and self-sufficiency are important. Specific bikes, however, have specific things to say about the people who ride them. In this section, I have shown types of bikes, ordered from most popular to least popular, with the proportion of the general cycling population riding that type of bike.

I have also compared which kinds of people are riding each bike type with characteristics of the bike, exploring what each bike choice might say about the self.

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Mountain bikes were most common at the library site, and students are more likely to ride a mountain bike than are adults or older folks. Women ride mountain bikes more prevalently than men do, as do Hispanics in comparison to other races.

Mountain bikes offer a comfortable ride, the option of riding off-road, and the ability to hop curbs. They are also handy during inclement weather, since their tires are meant to have good traction.

However, this comes at the cost of speed. The most probable reason a person would buy a mountain bike, however, is because mountain bikes are the cheapest and most readily available bikes to buy. A good-quality mountain bike may be selected by someone who cares about bikes but wants a reliable, safe, comfortable commute, but it is safe to guess that anyone on a inexpensive mountain bike (therefore, one with poor components that are not built to last) did not put a lot of thought into their bike purchase. For example, the person I interviewed who has a mountain bike said his bike says “That I don’t take good care of it.”

Road bikes were most common at the Green Street site.

Students and adults are more likely to ride a road bike, as are men, Whites, Blacks, and other races.

Road bikes are used by people more concerned with speed, and perhaps style, than comfort, as they require a more hunched-over riding position, and usually have a minimal, rigid seat. Their thin tires also take more skill and are less 4

sure than those of a mountain bike. Inexpensive road bikes can either be acquired new (though of poor quality) or used. New, high-end bikes are not a good choice for commute because they are quite expensive; people who own these kinds of bikes tend to use them for other purposes. Those I interviewed who have road bikes said their bikes say, “That I rock;” “Probably that I am a hipster;”and “That I am cool, because I’m riding a road bike, and those are hip these days.”

Old road bikes specifically also speak to the rider’s environmental tendencies since they are riding a reused bike instead of a driving a car; one interviewee with an old road bike said his bike “says that I am environmentally conscious.”

Hybrid bikes were most common at the Green street and library sites. Adults and older folks are more likely to ride a hybrid, as are Blacks and Whites.

Hybrid bikes offer not quite the speed of a road bike and not quite the sureness and comfort of a mountain bike, but offer a good mix of speed and comfort for commuting. They are best suited for riding within the city. Hybrid bikes are hard to come by used, and are only made by higher-end companies, so may be expensive to purchase.

Cruisers were most often ridden at the library and the intersection. Older folks, women, Whites, Blacks, and other races are likelier to ride cruisers.

Cruisers are made for slow, easy, laid back, classy riding. Their handlebars and seat are made for an upright, comfortable seating position, and they often have coaster brakes and only one speed.

People who ride cruisers are not so interested in getting where they are going fast as they are in the experience of the ride, and perhaps the romantic appeal of riding a bike that makes you feel like you are in an idyllic 50’s suburb.

Fixed gears were ridden most often on Green Street, and are ridden exclusively by male students in the observed population. Asian and Hispanic students are more likely to ride fixed than other races.

Fixed gears are a bike associated with those steeped in biking culture. Originating in popularity amongst bike messengers in New York City for their simplicity (ease of self-maintenance), lightness, and speed, they have now spread and become popular with many people who are into fixing and building their own bikes. Fixed gear bikes do not have a free wheel, so any time the real wheel turns, the pedals turn. This enables slowing down and stopping without brakes, as well as pedaling in reverse. As a result, some riders choose to ride without brakes, or do tricks with their bikes. One interviewee who rides fixed said his bike says that “I am a self-involved hipster.”

BMX bikes were most often ridden near the intersection, exclusively by Hispanic male students.

BMX bikes are not practical for commuting; they are built for doing tricks.

I only observed one tandem bike; ridden by a mother and her very young daughter.

Tandem bikes are unique in that they offer a way for two people to ride a bike together, which is useful for parents with young children or couples. Tandems may also be ridden, jokingly, by male students.

Location The library site was highest in mountain bikes and cruisers. It is situated between the dorms and the quad, so it stands to reason that more undergraduates are using this bike lane than the other sites.

Undergrads likely have little money to spend on a bike, and if they are living in the dorms, do not have a convenient indoor space to store a nice bike. Two interviewees who are now interested in bikes and part of cycling culture reported that they did not become interested until after their undergraduate careers.

The Green street site is along an arterial road, so is probably used by more commuters. It is also more likely used by engineering students than the other two locations. Fixed gear and road bikes are most common here. Engineering students might be more interested in working on their bikes, as fixed gear riders tend to do. Road bikes are also commonly worked on, as well as a cool and convenient bike for commuting.

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Gender Men, I observed, were more likely to cycle than women, as shown in these graphs comparing the gender populations within cyclists (with a bike wheel superimposed) to those within the general campus population:

Men also ride different kinds of bikes than women do.

Men tended to ride the kinds of bikes most appreciated within specialized cycling subcultures of racers, messengers, and trick riders. Men ride more road bikes, fixed gears, and BMX bikes than women do. These bikes are created for performance, whether speed or tricks, and require knowledge of bike culture as well as aptitude. They are symbols of status in that they demonstrate skills, mechanical proficiency, bicycling knowledge, and physical prowess.

Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton wrote in The Meaning of Things: Domestic Symbols and the Self that “wealth, political power, talent, and physical prowess are the stuff from which status is made” (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981).

Women ride mountain bikes, cruisers, and hybrid bikes. These bikes are slower, safer, and more comfortable to ride, though each has its own nuances. Mountain bikes are likely just the easiest choice for many women who see their bike as a tool for getting around, though this is certainly not true of all women, and there is also a fair share of men who ride mountain bikes for the same reason. Cruisers have a romantic appeal, in that they allow one to sit upright and prim. They also tend come in colors like powder blue and pink; they are clearly marketed to women. Hybrids are a practical choice for campus living, 6

and may appeal to women who do not feel they need to ride fast or demonstrate skills in cycling as they commute.

Age More students rode mountain bikes, road bikes, fixed gears, and BMX bikes than other age groups. Adults rode road bikes and hybrids preferentially, whereas older folks rode hybrids preferentially.

Younger folks are riding bikes that are either likely indicative of indifference and/or limited funds or indicative of bike selection in an attempt to differentiate from the mainstream. Adults and older folks rode bikes that are efficient and practical for commuting.

Elitism- Bikes as a status symbol Bikes are an interesting status symbol in their contrast to cars.

Csikzentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton describe as cars as a status symbol: “The physical energy of the owner is enhanced by more and more powerful machinery… An expression of Ethos in the broadest sense, a need to demonstrate that one is alive, that one matters, that one makes a difference in the world” (Csikszentmihalyi and RochbergHalton 1981).

A bike can be a status symbol, but mostly to other bikers in the know, an exclusive group. As one interviewee said, when asked what his bike says about him, “To people in the know, [my bike says] that I have good taste, and to people who aren’t that I’m riding a normal bike. ’74 Peugeot. It’s a pretty good bike.” To those who are not “in the know,” cyclists are rejecting a traditional status symbol, the car, perhaps for environmental, social, or material reasons. They are, therefore, in a way saying that they do not care what people outside of their exclusive group think. These bikes are a means of integrating into the bike subculture, while differentiating from the car culture; perhaps contributing to an “us versus them” mentality.

Bike Safety: Nerdy or cool?

In addition to the kind of bike one rides, the use of safety accessories and how one rides provide avenues of inference about the self.

Helmet Use Vanity is clearly a part of bike riding because of people’s aversion, and stated reasons for avoiding, wearing helmets. A bit less than nine percent of cyclists wore helmets, an important line of defense against injury.

Adults, older folks, men, whites, and other races wore helmets more commonly than other categories. Only two interviewees wear helmets, because “it can literally save your life” and because “to me it’s just ridiculous not to wear a helmet because if you’re in an accident with a car, the car’s gonna win, so you should be protecting yourself.”

Those who did not wear helmets cited inconvenience, discomfort, expense, and aesthetics. Aesthetics were the most reference reason—from “It messes up my hair” to “I don’t want to look like a nerd” to “Girls look at you when you’re not wearing a helmet, and they don’t pay attention to you when you’re wearing a big, orange helmet.”

Reckless and Deviant Behavior I defined reckless behavior as riding one- or no-handed, riding the against traffic in the street (bike salmoning), carrying something in hand while riding (I saw someone carrying and eating a sandwich, someone carrying hot coffee, and someone carrying what appeared to be a musical instrument), biking with headphones, or racing in the street.

Students tend to be a bit more reckless than the other age categories. In terms of race, Black and Hispanic cyclists exhibited more reckless behavior. Men also seem to be more reckless than women.

I described deviant behavior (for the terms of this study) as riding in the street or on the sidewalk when a bike lane was provided.

Very few people rode on the sidewalk on Green Street; sidewalk riding was most common at the intersection site. Riding in the road instead of on the bike lane was equally common at Green Street and the Library site, however, it should be noted that the associated bike salmoning only occurred at the library site where there is a one-way street.

Bike Conflicts Cyclists can bike legally in most public places; conflicts arise, however, because many of these spaces are also used by motorists and pedestrians.

Campus bike lanes can be separated from pedestrian and vehicular traffic by various means (see taxonomic analysis section IIIA). However, these territories can be co-opted via their occupation by other users, as occurs with cars in bike lanes (observed on Green Street), walkers in bike lanes (observed at all sites), people waiting for the bus in the bike lane (observed at the Library site), and construction blockages (observed on Green Street). Bike conflicts occur because the right of cyclists to occupy space on the road or bike lane is not respected by other users.

Multiple interviewees insisted that they prefer not to bike in the campus bike lanes. Why? “The paths are usually crawling with pedestrians.” “I’m constant going like, ‘This is the bike path. You’re in the bike path!’” “People walk in them, and cars drive, pull out into them.” “They’re in the path or crossing the path without looking.”

“People get in the way; cars park in them.” Even people who go out of their way to use the bike paths as a way of showing support for them complained, “Pedestrians usually walk in them; they don’t usually pay attention;”and “Actually I think looking out for pedestrians is more challenging than cars.” In these instances, other users are encroaching on cyclists’ territory, even when it is clearly delineated for bicycle use.

As an alternative, cyclists may attempt to bike on the road or the sidewalk. Indeed, bikers do have a right to be in the road (except interstates) and on most sidewalks. However, the laws regarding bikes in traffic are not universally understood as are those regarding pedestrian and car traffic. The well-ingrained pedestrian navigation laws we learned as preschoolers and the vehicular traffic rules crammed before the driver’s education exam become confused and jumbled when you add bikes into the mix. Though bikes have equal rights to using the street, how cyclists should use the street is unclear and contested (I have, for example, been yelled at by pedestrians, drivers, and bystanding drunks and told that I should get on the sidewalk instead of riding in the street).

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The issues cyclists face are caused by issues of perceived legitimacy of bikers’ claiming territory, whether they are doing it bodily or someone has done it for them with paint. Confusion about what bikes should be doing exists both among cyclists (as demonstrated by some cyclists using the sidewalk, some the road, and some the bike lane) and within other groups such as pedestrians and drivers. Katie Linneman, for example, a previous ethnographer of the library site, wrote, “When the bicyclists chose to ride on the vehicular path [the street], they chose to create the conflict that ensued,” insinuating that bikes do not belong in or have fewer rights to that space, and are the sole blameworthy party (why are the drivers not complicit in the conflict?) (Linneman 2007). Indeed, the design of roads speaks to the dominance of cars. However, others, such as interviewees (“I bike in the road, because I am a vehicle”, “I would rather stay on the street”) and a bike commentator (“The people who want to go fast can get on the road” (Blue 2010)) suggest bicycling in the street is actually a safer alternative.

These territorial battles can lead to animosity between cyclists, pedestrians, and drivers. However, perhaps a point of understanding could be reached around (and design could be informed by) the fact that people will do what is most convenient for them. Elly Blue, a bike activist, wrote, “There ‘s a tendency to talk about people who ride bikes as though they’re a lawless bunch of yahoos. … [but] they are simply, like all other people, responding to an environment that doesn’t always serve their needs” (Blue, We need real bike paths for real bike transportation 2010). Interviewees also said, “I mean, it’s true that I jump onto sidewalks and cross bike paths when it’s most convenient;” “[I take the bike paths] because they cut through and it’s the closest distance to my studio;” and “It depends too on shortcuts sometimes, it’s a lot easier to cut across a certain way.”

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A progressive bike-positive campus, a diverse cycling culture A successful redesign of campus bike infrastructure should make cycling convenient, safe, and attractive to people of all ages, races, and gender. Since many cycling conflicts arise from confusion about where bikes belong, the university should legitimize bike presence with a strong top-down approach.

Many interviewees pointed out spatial design issues with campus bike lanes. The campus should design a comprehensive, clear, and convenient bike plan with paths that do not end suddenly or have blind spots. The most universal complaint among interviewees was the presence of pedestrians on paths. I observed that more pedestrian-cyclist conflicts occurred when either signage or design indicators did not direct where people belong. Signage alone is not enough; the design must also accommodate all users and indicate territory and right-of-way through, for example, physical divisions and distinctions made through material choice.

Spatial redesign must also be supported, however, with programmatic and policy changes. Cyclists would be greatly helped through the creation, advertisement, and strong enforcement of clear traffic laws for bikes. These laws should be tailored to the physics of cycling to encourage bike use. For example, allowing bikes to yield at stop signs and treat red lights as stop signs is a sensible choice, especially at lights where bikes cannot trip the light. The University should, in addition to painting bike path crossings on the road, indicate right-of-way for cyclists through signage as they do for pedestrian crossings. Stronger ticketing of drivers breaking traffic laws and endangering cyclists should be coupled with ticketing of cyclists who do not follow traffic laws. The safety of cyclists could also be improved by the legal requirement of helmet and bike light use.

The University has a special capacity in the creation of a bikepositive community in that it can offer educational and research opportunities on bicycles. Though students can learn about other sports and hobbies, there is only one class currently offered at the university about mobile cycling, and it will only be offered for one term. In addition to offering classes on cycling, safety, and techniques, the university could offer bicycle mechanics classes. Even better

would be the use of the university as a place for research and improvement of bikeway planning, maintenance, and promotion.

In order for cycling to be a welcoming transportation alternative for all students and adults, top-down design and program implementation must legitimize cycling as an attractive and socially acceptable alternative to cars. American girls and boys of a variety of races ride bikes in youth; perhaps legitimization could open up cycling to a larger and more diverse population of adults who choose to bike instead of drive. This diversity could only enrich cycling; opening up new opportunities for cycling subcultures to collectively dream new realities for this simple and beautiful machine.

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