2013 Callisophia e-book

Callisophia Society Song In our classic College halls Wisdom’s fount is springing: Here the living water falls, Precious crystal flinging.

Each may catch its diamond spray, Each may watch its gleaming, Heaping treasure day by day, Gems with radiance beaming.

In the palmy days of yore, Gracia claimed its waters, Drank the youths and sages hoar, Ne’er her dark eyed daughters.

Thus when Rome her legions led In a march victorious, Only round the manly head Twined the laurel glorious.

Deeply let us sound the fount, Mingling Love’s pure nectar; And to heights of beauty mount, Wisdom our director.

Sisters all, in heart and hand, Let us prove untiring; Beauteous Wisdom’s chosen band, Heavenward e’er aspiring.

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he first issue of Callisophia was published in 1993. The title of this journal was taken from the first women’s society on the Elmira College campus: the Callisophia Society. The Society was dedicated to education for women in the sciences such as astronomy, chemistry, physics, and technical math.

The women conducted intense reading seminars and workshops and eventually erected an observatory on campus. In 1886 the Society published their first bi-monthly magazine called The Callisophia which was dedicated to the sciences. It published articles by women students as well as their professors and important scientific news of the time. Eventually the magazine became more general in content and began to include poetry and stories. In every issue of The Callisophia the Society song was written on the first page. We continue to carry on this tradition.

Callisophia The Elmira College Student Journal of Feminist Thoughts and Ideas

Ceramic Sculpture Rachel Kolbinskie ‘13

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Callisophia 2013 A publication created collaboratively by the Elmira College Gender Issues Group and the Women’s and Gender Studies Program All contributors retain sole rights to their work.

Front Cover by Desiree Caballero ‘13 Back Cover by Christina Nurczynski ‘14 ©2013 Callisophia

Visit the Elmira College Women’s and Gender Studies webpage for more information on events held in 2012 -1013: http://sites.elmira.edu/wms/ Visit the Elmira College Women’s Studies Program Facebook page for more information on events held in 2012 – 2013: https://www.facebook.com/groups/75567251784/

Painting Laura Vann ‘14

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Contributing Artists

Photo Desiree Caballero ‘13

Contents 1 4 5 6

7 8 9 13 13 13 14 14 15 16 21 22 24 25 29 29 31 31

1 2 3 4 5 5 6 6 7 8 13 14 14 15 19 20 20 20 22 23 28 28 29 29 30 30 30 30 30 32 33

Rachel Kolbinski ‘13 Laura Vann ‘14 Desiree Caballero ‘13 Julia Tighe ‘15 Jessica Gonzalez ‘13 Stephanie Lalonde ‘13 Jamieson Riling ‘14 Rachel Kolbinski ‘13 Jennifer Kulcavage ‘13 Samantha Reed ‘13 Romance Vlavonou ‘13 Renee Bonacci ‘13 Andrew Gage ‘15 Jamieson Riling ‘14 T. A. Smoaks ‘14 Alexis Moody ‘13 Maggie Zurbruegg-Ramey ‘14 Nicole Duperry ‘13 Sara Holbrook ‘11 Sara Holbrook ‘11 Desiree Caballero ‘13 Kate Gott ‘13 Hannah Galvin ‘13 Alex Hood ‘15 Mary Wavle-Brown ‘13 Connor Crosby ‘15 Stephanie Lalonde ‘13 Lauren Kirkland ‘15 Miry Boutrs ‘16 Desiree Caballero ‘13/ Renee Bonacci ‘13 Desiree Caballero ‘13 / Jan Kather essay

Callisophia Song M.A.S.C. by Julia Tighe ‘14 The Altar of Inequality by Jessica Gonzalez ‘13 The Game by Amanda Fuller ‘16 “Trapt” by Alexis Moody ‘13 Artist Statement by Jennifer Kulcavage‘13 Neither Woman nor Man by Lucky Evolution of Gendered American Fashion by Chris Williams ‘13 The Perfect Imperfection by Erin Riley ‘15 Vision by Amanda Fuller ‘16 Dark by Caitlin Sickau ‘16 Self-image by Tyler Tarnowicz ‘16 I said by Amber DeKoeyer ‘15 Leg by T. A. Smoaks ‘14 Women and the Criminal Justice System by Mer Hall ‘14 Artist Statement by Nicole Duperry ‘13 Aimed at Women by Sara Holbrook ‘11 Elizabethan Bullies by Ellie Knapp ‘16 2012-2013 Women’s and Gender Studies Events Emmy Lou by Hannah Galvin ‘13 Big by Mollie Hamilton ‘15 Empty Fingers by Amber DeKoeyer’15 Self-image by Amanda Fuller ‘16

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M.A.S.C.: Make Advertisers Stop Controlling Julia Tighe ‘15 For our Women and Gender’s Studies course, Emily Truax and I created the activist project, M.A.S.C.: Make Advertisers Stop Controlling. It was meant to bring awareness to the manipulation of advertisements and the influence they have on children, especially on young girls’ perceptions of beauty.

From this idea of the mask of makeup we decided to each apply makeup to only half of our faces. Our intention was to show that women have options, that makeup is irrelevant to a person’s true beauty. The advertisements make it seem as though makeup is necessary to be considered a woman. This causes people to feel insecure if their “mask” is altered.

In addition to wearing the half makeup, we had people sign the pledge that said,

Painting Julia Tighe ‘15

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“I pledge to have a voice and to spread beauty in appropriate ways, so that I and others can be beautiful all the time and not just when advertisers tell us to be!”

I was inspired to create this painting for a self-portrait assignment. Turning the message into a painting allowed the idea to be spread to more people. Also by painting the half-makeup, I was forced to look at myself. When I wore the makeup, I only saw it when I looked in the mirror. It was then easily forgotten.

However, when I painted myself I was forced to examine closely. I thought more consciously about my own perception of beauty.

The Altar of Equality Jessica Gonzalez ‘13 A great part of my work deals with my struggles in religion and being homosexual. I use my artwork to try and understand as well as to accept things in my life as they are. Each piece of artwork that I have produced is a symbol of my accomplishment in overcoming adversity; however, this piece has a very special meaning to me. In this project I wanted to convey my opinions on the joining of equality in marriage through the use receiving a Holy Sacrament, communion.

Accentually this table is an altar; atop of it I have placed a tray with triangle communion wafers and a chalice. Since a triangle is synonymous with homosexuality I thought making the wafers into triangles would be a subtle way of intertwining homosexuality with religion. At the bottom of the tray I have placed a popular image for equality. As for the chalice it was purposefully made into a cone to also resemble a triangle again in an attempt to combine homosexuality and religion. In the chalice I have placed holy water; the water was blessed by a priest.

When people look at this piece I only hope that they can understand how religion separates homosexuals for being able to do the most basic things in life. In most religions it is deemed an abomination to be gay and because of that many gay people live in fear that one day they may be beaten or even killed for being who they are. I truly hope that my interpretation of how religion should embrace homosexuality will help others to learn and accept the differences in other people. After all God made us- gay, straight, black or white God made us who we are and for that we should thank him and embrace one another us we are all God’s children.

Installation Jessica Gonzalez ‘13

Photo Stephanie Lalonde ‘13

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The Game The milky white dice are rolled.

My tarnished silver pawn is moved.

Plastic houses settle on properties.

Paper money offers are gambled.

Income is not ensured When passing through “Go.” The banker psychiatrist Deals the currency medication And sells estates advice.

Chaos resides In circulation.

When will The Game end?

I’m tired of playing.

Amanda Fuller ‘16 Painting Jamieson Riling ‘14

“Trapt” The more I yell, the more I cry, the more I feel it.

I keep slipping, though I try.

My body sinks.

My mind goes numb.

I feel myself fade.

A daily darkness for some.

It’s dangerous; a place unkind.

The whispers haunting...

The dark abyss in my mind.

“Christine,” they say.

Sacred, I listen.

“You can’t seem to learn, you’ll fall deeper when thoughts churn.”

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Alexis Moody ‘13

Ceramic Sculpture Rachel Kolbinskie ‘13

Artist Statement Jennifer Kulcavage ‘13 Have you ever wondered what it would be like to be thousands of miles away from home in a strange country? Or have you ever wondered what it would be like to be without a loved one for a year? I used to wonder these things until I experienced it twice first hand. Yes, I’m speaking of military deployment, a phrase that most military families view as dirty words. After my husband’s third deployment to Afghanistan, when he was faced with a diagnosis of PTSD, I started looking for ways to understand what he was going through. I began viewing the hundreds of photographs that he had taken while overseas. Along with viewing the hundreds of photographs that he had saved from emails I had sent from home of our kids. The thought of being in harms way is enough for a soldier but the fact that most miss out on a huge part of their lives is saddening and even maddening. Painting from my husband’s photographs has helped me work through my own issues from his deployment and it has helped me better understand that someone always has it worse than me. By putting myself into someone else’s shoes, bringing a viewer into my painting to really make them think and feel the emotion behind the subject, trying to find beauty in war. This I feel would not only be advantageous to me, but may become helpful to share with another person that is experiencing the same life obstacles that I have already been through. I believe that the subject that I have chosen is something that is able to hit close to a broad range of viewers and in the long run maybe in someway I can help people face their “demons” that they haven’t been able to face.

Sculpture Jennifer Kulcavage ‘13

Painting Jennifer Kulcavage ‘13

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Neither Woman Nor Man I am neither woman nor man.

I’m me.

You say there is only two Genders’.

I say you are wrong.

Dead wrong.

You know nothing about me.

You have never walked in my shoes.

You never will.

I don’t think you could handle it.

Handle what I have been through.

What I have felt.

Why I have cried.

You say I’m confused.

You say I want attention.

You say I’m a fraud.

Weird.

Ugly.

Queer.

Homo.

Fag. Why the hate?

You act as if I chose to be this way.

To be different.

To be “extreme”.

Do you think I woke up one day and decided to make my life more difficult?

To be labeled.

Judged.

Hated.

Loathed.

Why do you assume my Gender?

Or anyone’s?

Do you require that much control?

Many wonder if I have a penis.

Or a Vagina.

Does it matter?

Can’t I just live my life?

Can’t I just love who I’m meant to love?

I do Love.

Passionately.

Devoted.

Romantic.

Swooning.

Writing Poetry.

Serenading in a sing-song voice.

I stare into my lover’s eyes.

That connection.

Does this not make me human?

My ability to Love.

Do you want me to burn?

To not exist.

To feel your hatred stares.

Why can’t you just let me be myself? (Yell) Why can’t you just fucking leave me alone? (Yell)

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Painting Samantha Reed ‘13 I’m a human being too. (Very emotional) I bleed when you prick me.

I laugh when you tickle me.

I hurt when you punch me.

When you slam me against the wall.

When you slap me.

I cringe when you mutilate me.

With your words.

Your hate.

Your eyes.

Your words.

Why can’t you just get it through your head that I’m me?

I’m Queer.

Not a threat But to you I apparently am.

I am by all means human.

I sing.

I dance.

I breathe.

I cook.

I clean.

I play sports.

I eat.

I cry.

I laugh.

I desire.

I dream.

I wish.

I aspire.

I inspire.

I get attached.

I connect.

I feel.

I love.

I want to be loved.

Is that so much to ask?

I am neither woman nor man I’m me.

And I have a name.

It is Lucky. .

Evolution of Gendered American Fashion Chris Williams ’13

The United States, like any culture, is a complex and changing system governed by a set of norms and values.

The culture evolves over time to reflect current American attitudes. These can be found in any facet of society. Gender, for example, is heavily regulated by the perceived cultural norms for performance. It then affects all other human institutions, including education, employment, and housing.

Fashion is especially vulnerable to shifts in the American system of gender. Since gender forms a male-female dichotomy in this context, styles of clothing follow a similar pattern. By analyzing American fashion as it has changed over the last century, it could be possible to track parallel shifts in gender norms.

CHARLOTTE PERKINS GILMAN

In the mid-twentieth century, leading feminist Charlotte Perkins Gilman addressed sex relations in the United States. Her foremost writing about gendered fashion was a serial column published in the Forerunner and collected more recently in her book the Dress of Women: A Critical Introduction to the Symbolism and Sociology of Clothing.

In the piece, she opens with the line, “Cloth is a social tissue” (Gilman 2002: 3). This is not to say that clothing is without a utilitarian purpose, but rather that it is shaped by interactions. Gilman observes that people are more aware of their fashion choices when they come in contact with others, while they are less cognizant in solitude. This implies that symbolic meaning is attached to the clothes we wear.

Gilman (2002) identifies five qualities that shape the evolution of clothing, these being protection, warmth, decoration, modesty, and symbolism. Protection and warmth were the two earliest reasons for dress. Sandals, for example, would offer protection from jagged rocks and broken sticks.

Thick materials maintain normal body temperature in frigid climates. These are basic needs, and even animal coverings offer this utility. Decoration developed along two paths with a separate purpose for each. The first is sex-attraction, when a person hopes to attract the sexual interest of another. The second is aesthetic beauty for the purpose of beauty itself.

Both forms of decoration are more common in women due to increased sex consciousness – they are socialized to be aware of their social position and its relation to the body.

Modesty is similarly gendered, since women and men face different standards of modesty. This is most evident in swimming attire. Gilman argues that men can swim in brief cloth – or none at all with a male audience – while women cover much more of their bodies, often with skirts and frills.

Gilman is most interested in the fifth quality of clothing, or the symbolic content. When people choose their attire, there is a system of distinctions that separate them by sex and class. These were once preserved by law, but now it is largely a cultural phenomenon. Since clothing has been attached to social patterns, it tends to change along with the

rest of society. Men and women have different positions, so their fashion is equally distinct. Men’s clothing is designed primarily for their physical conditions. It is durable and quite mobile, as is necessary for heavy play and the work setting. Some articles also represent their masculinity.

Women’s clothing is designed for the psychic conditions. The American culture is patriarchal, so women maintain a lower social position. Their attire is therefore limiting in its utility.

Women cannot easily take part in physical activities, and their comfort is not a priority. This matches the expectations for normal femininity.

As a feminist, Gilman approached fashion as a symptom of unequal sex roles in women and men. This is apparent in her understanding of the five qualities of gender.

Although some consensus is found, as with protection and warmth, many of the other qualities are gendered by the American culture. Women are especially vulnerable to decoration and modesty, and they are physically and psychically restricted by the symbolic content. Gilman’s theoretical approach to fashion seems well-grounded, but further evidence can be found in trends of American clothing since her serial was published in the mid-twentieth century.

GENDERED DRESS

When tracking gender patterns in fashion, it is important to determine the period which should be studied.

According to Batten (2010), clothes are a social tool that is used to convey identity and aspirations. Since culture shifts drastically in time and space, even one region of the country may experience rapid development of a new fashion ‘language.’ Fashion is especially transient as a cultural marker since it is very heavily commoditized (DiMaggio 2002). To be successful, clothing must sell in low quantity for high price or high quantity for low price. There are a limited number of consumers who are wealthy enough to afford high fashion. Designers must therefore cater to the masses, and their clothing is often the most immediate reflection of socioeconomic and technological developments (Mendes and de la Haye 2010).

Clothes are also a social tool in the way they represent a single person. Guthrie (1976) indicates that the body is comprised of several social organs which have symbolic meaning beyond their physiological functions. By changing the appearance of these social organs, it is possible to change the perceptions of others. Fashion serves as an indicator for mood, profession, and socioeconomic status.

This is important for society since one’s body is largely unchangeable. Clothes can be switched to cover naturally perceived flaws, increase social status, and seem more sexually attractive. For men, the dominant social organs are the chest, shoulders, and phallic region. These zones, or ‘body hot spots,’ are considered powerful, so they are accentuated by men’s fashion. Women’s hot spots have long been the breasts, waist, and buttocks for sexual connotations in a patriarchal world.

The United States is limited by a relatively brief history, and this is even more apparent in regards to fashion

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trends. Prior to the twentieth century, Americans were not exposed to European culture and styles of dress. American fashion was thus influenced by the norms within its own society. There was little development from its founding in 1776 through the nineteenth century, with common themes in social control (DiMaggio 2002). Professional men wore full suits that seemed to broaden their shoulders and chest. This is indicative of their raised position in the social hierarchy. Women were more restricted in their attire; they had long, structured dresses with minimal skin exposure.

They could not participate in physical activities due to limited mobility. This served their domestic role, since women were expected to raise children and maintain the house.

This current narrative will examine gendered fashion in the United States since the 1950s. By this time, there had been two world wars in less than fifty years which had taken most young men out of the workforce (Benson and Esten 1996). Women stepped forward to continue factory production, and this led to great social upheaval.

It was the first time in American history that women were accepted in roles outside the home. They traded their dresses for more appropriate trousers, donning the masculine symbol of work and power (Fischer 2001). When the wars finished, men returned to their jobs and women were expected to resume their feminine duties. Their brief freedom, coupled with a sexual revolution in the 1950s, hampered women’s willingness to comply, however. They fought to attain jobs in the public workforce, and women’s fashion was then bound for rapid and considerable change.

It is important to note that typical women and men are not equal participants in the fashion market. Women’s fashion is largely a response to their social liberation, with new clothing to match their developing roles. Clothing is considered a feminine pursuit, and a majority of advertising is intended for them today. As they enter a patriarchal workforce, their clothes tend toward a unisex look based on men’s styles (Fischer 2001). Gendered dress is still important, but it is not like divisions prior to 1950. For heterosexual men, an interest in high fashion is seen as threatening for the ideal masculinity. It is “concentrated among the young, the gay, racial minorities, and certain professionals” who reshape their own troublesome identities (DiMaggio 2002). Men certainly respond to social conditions, but change tends to grow out of the youth.

MEN’S FASHION

Men’s fashion has grown considerably since the midtwentieth century. Until the 1950s, respectable men could be found wearing some variety of suit (Costantino 1997).

This was true for businessmen, the working class, and even minorities calling themselves the ‘zoot-suiters.’ Common accessories included a jacket, trousers, tie or bowtie, and a hat, very frequently. Styles varied according to time period and the particular social class, but there was overwhelming continuity from one generation to the next. Men’s fashion was revolutionized by World War II. After combat had

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finished, the soldiers returned to their wives at home; the result was a sharp increase in birth rate. The American society accommodated its baby boom by creating an agebased category for the ‘teenager.’ The teenagers of the early 1950s lead the way into a new cultural era.

Teenagers were branded as rebellious and unruly; though exaggerated, they are indeed the root of great social change. The 1950s featured new musical influences, with Elvis Presley and James Dean first taking stage. These men rejected the typical suit for more humble denim jeans.

Denim was designed for menial work, as “Levi Strauss had made jeans for American miners and cowboys since the nineteenth century” (Costantino 1997: 83). Teenage boys adopted the dress, so blue jeans and T-shirts came to replace white-collar attire. They also untucked their shirts in a move against pre-war ideas of conformity. It was a time for youth to relax their attitudes, listen to rock and roll, and dance. The public was alarmed by their rebellious move, especially given that T-shirts were considered underwear during the world wars.

While older men maintained the conventional, muted business suit, the American youth carried themes of rebellion into the 1960s (Guthrie 1976). Their protest against any form of dress determining social status mixed with the hippie movement to create a new, radically different casual look. These youth, termed the ‘flower children,’ wore flowers, beads, and bright colors. This was a sharp distinction from the usual black, grey, or navy suit.

The alternative look for rebellious youth was leather and chains growing out of the motorcycle culture. By the late 1960s, young men were also experimenting with facial hair (Fischer 2001). The typical American man was clean-shaven, but now there was an abundance of shoulder-length hair and untrimmed beards, moustaches, and sideburns. The authorities were concerned by the blatant disregard for men’s gender norms.

Bold fashion choices persisted for young men through the mid-1970s, as political and economic uncertainty fed into youthful rebellion (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). Blue jeans had long been acceptable as casual wear, at least for teenagers and men in their 20s, with more extreme fashions becoming controversial. This moral panic continued until the 1980s when economic prosperity renewed interest in body consciousness and a culture of conspicuous consumption. Young professionals replaced their disquieted counterparts. In a play on their description, these men became known as ‘yuppies.’ They resumed an older style of broad business suits, emphasizing power through their shoulders and chest. Men in the 1980s also engaged in heavy exercise, which emerged slightly before for the female population. Unlike women, though, men were hoping to sculpt a larger body.

The 1980s were most significant as the decade when men were targeted by major fashion companies.

Men’s high fashion sales increased twenty percent between 1975 and 1985 (Costantino 1997). This translated to increased sales for the typical consumer. There were several

male-oriented fashion magazines that became popular during this time span, including Cosmo Man, GQ, and Vogue Men. The greatest sales boom was in accessories; a new market opened for skin and hair products, aftershave, cologne, watches, and other goods. For the first time, men’s underwear was advertised in mainstream formats (Benson and Esten 1996). Calvin Klein was the must-have brand, and a new style emerged with the waistband pulled above the jeans to show off the label. Men showed their purchasing power and revitalized the previously struggling designer lines.

Economic woes struck the United States again in the 1990s, and people revolted against signs of conspicuous consumption (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). High fashion was directed toward older men who had money to spend.

Younger crowds, meanwhile, experienced a familiar splintering of their overall identity. Yuppies from the previous generation gave up their conventional suits for a trim, tailored look. They were termed ‘new men’ and led the way toward a resurgence of youth culture. The United States also introduced ‘dress-down’ days, typically on Fridays, to acknowledge the more casual style. Men outside the professional circle had even greater diversity in clothing.

Subcultures were considered high fashion, as the punk and hippie influences combined as the grunge look. Tattoos and piercings entered the mainstream, despite public controversy.

With the new century, fashion has grown more distant from a muted business suit, available in such colors as black and grey. The biggest trend is toward sportswear; casual styles incorporate new material in the form of running shoes, tank tops, polo shirts, gym shorts, and jogging suits (Costantino 1997). The clothes are designed for athletic use but marketed at general consumption. As sportswear enters the mainstream, it is interesting to note that the ideal men’s body is shifting away from a larger, muscular build toward one that is more trim and toned. Fashion subcultures, like the grunge movement, are solidified in global chains that allow diversified choices (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). The speed of the internet has fostered international influence, so trendy young men can also dress in the latest European and nonwestern fashions.

WOMEN’S FASHION

Through much of United States history, men have been active agents with women filling the role of domestic servant. There was a relationship similar to ownership, with the women acting as symbols of masculine authority.

They were both prized as sexually attractive and denounced for their inferior position. Fashion was highly receptive to this paradox. Benson and Esten (1996: 23) write of period women that “if the owner of this creature wishes to establish that he can afford a wife or daughter who has no obligation to do menial work, he will take pride in seeing her dressed in such a way that his affluence is obvious.” For women prior to the twentieth century, this meant large, billowing dresses that limited any useful mobility. If a man could afford outside help for common chores, he was considered more socially lofty.

The world wars of the early twentieth century brought social upheaval, as men had to leave their factory jobs for posts abroad. The only option was for women to continue production of goods in their absence. They could not do factory work in dresses, though; a compromise had to be found (Fischer 2001). Trousers and overalls were acceptable in a work setting, but they were still forbidden from casual wear. At home, women were held to the familiar standards of femininity. Social liberation is difficult to control, though, and several trends emerged between the wars. Special outfits were designed for women who wished to swim or ride a bicycle. This allowed them to experience life outside the home, and women were able to escape the most rigid norms. Fashion would become even more divergent after the conclusion of the second world war.

The first bikini was introduced in 1946; although it was harshly criticized, this indicated a psychological need to escape from prewar restrictions (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). Dresses were designed with softer, flowing lines.

There was also a ‘new look’ that blossomed in the early 1950s. Women brought their hemlines just below the knee, so they could enjoy greater mobility and recreation. Nylon stockings were created to hide the now exposed leg; these were available in tan and flesh, since the pastel options proved far too controversial for persisting attitudes. By the mid-1950s, women were accentuating a thin waist and pointed breasts that came into style with the cone-shaped bra (previous models were not separated) (Benson and Esten 1996). The public was hugely concerned with the moral wellbeing of their girls.

While authorities panicked before, the 1960s brought greater sexualization into women’s fashion (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). Hemlines rose again as thigh-high mini-skirts became popular. Women also cut their hair shorter, or they chose wigs if their own hair was unfit for a stylish bob. Dark eye makeup replaced the red lips from the previous generation; to make the eyes more impressive, many women left their face and lips bare. Two of the more extreme fashions had brief success. First, paper dresses became popular through an advertising gimmick in 1966, though it would last only two years. America was at this time looking for disposable attire, but it was offset by practicality and a strong ecological movement. Women from the baby boom generation also experimented with a see-through material, but it proved too radical for long-term sales.

By the late 1960s and early 1970s, fashion was becoming very much a common woman’s pursuit.

Old Hollywood was less influential as consumers took inspiration from pop singers, disc jockeys, and top models (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). Diversity came from the hippie movement, with its earthy message and vibrant colors. Young women had access to blue jeans through their brothers and boyfriends; first criticized as being overly masculine, women could purchase their own jeans by the mid-1970s. The ultimate sign of youthful fashion arrived with the establishment of boutiques. Young owners would

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open clothing stores with the elements needed to bring the demographic. Most stores would have a relaxed sales assistant, large storefront window, mannequins, and bouncy pop music. Consumer fashion hit a peak, though, with economic ruin in the late 1970s.

During the 1980s, record numbers of women entered the professional world. They had to compete with men in the already patriarchal system, and the fashion reflected their current dilemma. Designers focused on women’s business attire with a unisex approach (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). In this case, of course, unisex refers to masculine business suits with a feminine touch. Shoulder pads were the biggest fashion, since women wished to appear as formidable employees (Guthrie 1976). The easiest way to enter man’s world was to adopt his own symbols of power, and indeed her look was termed the ‘power suit.’

Women maintained a subtle femininity by using accessories like handbags and high heels to balance out her gendered identity. The image-conscious era was also noted for a rise in exercise; while men grew larger, women hoped to further trim their waist.

Another recession in the early 1990s brought strong opposition to the trends of conspicuous consumption (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). It was no longer acceptable for women to display their wealth, or aspirations for wealth.

The fashion world adopted some subcultural looks, with influence from the hippie, punk, and grunge movements.

Sports wear also grew in popularity for women, with many of the same styles that were sold for men. They could purchase the same running shoes, tank tops, and gym shorts. Tommy Hilfiger was especially successful by now, with parallel lines that offered a unisex look. The dangers of an image-conscious youth also emerged, with full realization of the high incidence of eating disorders. Supermodels, previously idolized, were a central target for criticism over the culture of thinness.

FASHION TODAY

Fashion grew considerably for women and men during the latter half of the 1900s; the trend is likely to continue during the twenty-first century. Many of the changes came out of social and economic difficulty.

These remain pertinent in the last decade, and there will likely be strife through the next ten years. Globalization also continues to grow, and fashion centers are being established in India and China (Mendes and de la Haye 2010). It is likely Indo-Western fusion will be the next great fashion. Aiding the process is internet access around the world; people can communicate, share their styles, and order clothing from the comfort of their own homes. This expansion of the consumer market means more competition and lower prices for the everyday shoppers with greater availability of diversified apparel.

Gender remains an important consideration, despite the movement toward unisex fashion. Over the last sixty years, men have abandoned the conventional suit for a

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casual look and brighter colors. This does not mean that masculinity has been overturned. Men still wear many of the same styles they did before, with slight modifications to the fit. The T-shirt, for example, was previously worn as underwear, and shorts are a reduced version of trousers.

Men are increasingly body-conscious today, and gender transgressions are not permitted outside a very narrow window. Fischer (2001: 176) writes that, “heterosexual men are still restricted from donning dresses except as a masquerade or a farcical costume.” Indeed, men’s cross-dressing is used as a humor device in many popular forms of media, and performing drag is not yet socially acceptable.

While men’s fashion dictates their adherence to the most powerful gender norms, women’s fashion is a story of transgression. The early 1900s marked social liberation, and women have been adjusting to their public role ever since. The easiest way to access employment and social opportunity has been through masculinized appearance. Business attire, trousers, and sports wear first belonged to men’s fashion. Women have adapted the styles to suit their own purpose, adding a touch of femininity to maintain their separately gendered identity.

It is interesting to follow the dual nature that women must balance. Gender transgressions have been shocking, but society ultimately accepts most evolution in women’s appearance. It seems likely that the same pattern will continue, with women and men moving toward a unisex fashion sense.

References Batten, Alicia J. 2010. “Clothing and Adornment.” Biblical Theology Bulletin 40(3): 148-159.

Benson, Elaine and John Esten. 1996. Unmentionables: A Brief History of Underwear. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster Editions.

Costantino, Maria. 1997. Men’s Fashion in the Twentieth Century: From Frock Coats to Intelligent Fibres. New York, NY: Costume & Fashion Press.

DiMaggio, Paul. 2002. “Fashion and Its Social Agendas: Class, Gender, and Identity in Clothing.”

Contemporary Sociology 31(3): 303.

Fischer, Gayle V. 2001. Pantaloons and Power: A Nineteenth Century Dress Reform in the United States. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press.

Gilman, Charlotte Perkins. 2002. The Dress of Women: A Critical Introduction to the Symbolism and Sociology of Clothing. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Guthrie, R. Dale. 1976. Body Hot Spots: The Anatomy of Human Social Organs and Behavior. New York, NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

Mendes, Valerie and Amy de la Haye. 2010. Fashion Since 1900. New York, NY: Thames & Hudson.

The Perfect Imperfection The Mirror is the enemy It tells you, you aren’t pretty Your thighs are too big You’re not thin enough The mirror, the enemy Your smile is not straight enough Your eyes are too close together Your nose is not proportionate The mirror, the enemy You look inside, you feel you need to change Then one smile changes your world He thinks you are beautiful With all the flaws you see That smile makes you feel worthy The mirror, the potential friend

Photo Romance Vlavonou ‘13

Erin Riley ‘15

Vision Why does My dream Only shine bright When the rain is pouring?

Amanda Fuller ‘16

Photo Romance Vlavonou ‘13 Caitlin Sickau ‘16

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Self-image The mirror haunts me, Reflecting a world of insecurities, Screaming words of untruth Paintings captivate me, Revealing a time Of natural beauty, Whispering words of grace The one behind the glass Pours low self-esteem Down my throat, Forcing me to swallow The women composed in the frames Clothe confidence Around me, Exhibiting uniqueness in humanity Tyler Tarnowicz ‘16

Painting Renee Bonacci ‘13

I said I’m lonely You gave me a hand to hold onto I said I’m frightened You said I’m here I said the rain blinds me You shared your umbrella I said I can’t feel the ground beneath my feet You held me as the path turned to water I said I see the light at the end You said I knew it was there all along I said I don’t need your help to stand anymore You let go

Amber DeKoeyer ‘15

Painting Andrew Gage ‘15

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Leg T.A. Smoaks ’14 Jackson returned from the attorney’s office. As the yellow cab pulled up, Jackson passed a bill through the divider and thanked the driver.

The driver jogged around the front and opened the door for him. When he got home, Jackson eased into his seat at the kitchen table, swung his cold leg underneath, and overturned his leather satchel, scattering papers, bus schedules, and taxi service numbers, only paying attention enough to separate a single envelope. The voice of his wife drifted ahead of her as she walked to the kitchen, Did it come in yet? Jackson rotated the settlement check in his hands, showing his wife, and placed it to the side on top of a crinkled year-old hospital bill, policy printouts, and responses from the car insurance company.

The next morning, he left the house, walked past their borrowed car, and continued to the Pharmacy. The people who walked by him strode evenly, left and right feet alternating with

metronomic consistency. Jackson watched their steps, conscious of the hitch in his own. When she could, Jackson’s wife drove him wherever he couldn’t walk, but Jackson knew every other way to travel because he preferred not to drive anymore.

The next night, Jackson sat awake in bed too struck by thoughts to sleep. He got out of bed, put himself together, and coaxed himself into the driver’s seat of the car. His breath quickened at the start of the engine. The empty streets at night were a small comfort. He drove with uncommon caution to the town’s edge. As the sidewalk disappeared and the streets merged into reckless road, Jackson gave way to his anxiety. He pulled himself and his leg out of the car and paced the cement walkway. The calm of the night made the subtle, yet evident, glitch in his gait loud in his ears, an uneven alternating of actual and artificial. Minding the threshold, he stopped and watched the headlights go by on the highway.

Painting Jamieson Riling ‘14

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Women and the Criminal Justice System Mer Hall ‘14

Female criminality is often a controversial topic, the crimes women tend to commit are often limited to status offenses (if they are a juvenile) and property or drug related crimes (if they are an adult). Of course there are exceptions, which is why when a woman commits a violent crime there is often mass media attention surrounding the case. It seems as though our society’s ideas about how women should behave and think are contradicted when a woman commits a crime, which is why these cases usually receive so much media attention. The history of women’s prisons serves as a good indicator of where our ideas about women and the criminal justice system come from. The first female prison was opened in 1873 in Indianapolis, Indiana. This prison was run by women for women and one of the main goals of this prison was to teach inmates “appropriate” domestic skills, such as cooking, cleaning and sewing. Socially, it was believed that women who committed crimes were in a sense betraying their gender thus, while in prison they had to learn how to behave properly so that upon release they were able to successfully readjust into society. The first female prison is important to note because it tells us that our society genders everything including crime. Over time we have slightly diverged from the belief that women should not commit any crime to the belief that women commit certain crimes. However, the practices of the first female prison show that our society initially perpetuated the idea that any woman who committed a crime was betraying her gender.

The prison wardens at this prison believed it was their job to teach women their proper role in society in order to stop future criminal behavior.

As corrections and law enforcement as evolved so have the crimes women commit and the prison or jail sentences they receive. Because most women are first time offenders who are usually serving sentences for drug or property crimes they tend to have lesser sentences than men.

However, according to Collica (2010), “females feel the pains of imprisonment more harshly than males because of the difficulty in being separated by their family and children” (p. 316). This quote alone tells us that research on inmates itself is very gendered; it is very likely that there are more fathers in prison than mothers—which is due to the fact that there are more male inmates in prison than female inmates— however, there is no research that demonstrates men have a hard time adjusting to prison simply because they miss their children. Because of the social pressure put on women to be good wives and mothers it would be unthinkable to survey any female inmate who would report the reason she is having a hard time adjusting to prison life is because she misses her

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drug dealing boyfriend as opposed to her two children.

On the other hand, if a male inmate reports that he misses his children, we see that as endearing—exceptional but not expected.

Another gendered aspect of prison life comes with the roles inmates adapt in order to survive prison. Men have a long list of roles they take on in prison anywhere from right guys, who are inmates who follow the inmate code very precisely to rats or squealers, inmates who snitch on other inmates at any given time. Female inmates however, create “pseudo families”. Collica (2010), reports that they may do this to “recreate their lost family in prison” (p. 315). In these pseudo families, one or two women take on the mothering nurturing role whereas other female inmates take on the role of their children.

The difference in survival tactics is very gendered; men adapt certain roles either to be respected in prison (i.e. right guys) or in order to survive with special favors and protection from corrections officers (i.e. rats or squealers). It seems women create these families in an attempt not to lose their ability to nurture and mother human beings. Women do not create pseudo families as a form of protection from other inmates—although that may end up being a latent function of these families—they do it because they are socially programmed to take care of other people.

Everything in certain prisons down to the programs offered to inmates is gendered. Prisons work to offer programs that inmates can take part in that will offer them marketable skills so that upon release, they are able to find a job. Many of these programs at men’s facilities include GED, college courses and vocational training such as carpentry or furniture making. However, programs offered inside of women’s facilities are often limited to cosmetology programs, and sewing workshops.

These programs reflect our society’s antiquated notions on “women’s work” and the traditional responsibilities of women. As Zaitzow (2004) reports, “with respect to vocational training and placement, the training available in correctional institutions typically does not necessarily assist women offenders in obtaining meaningful and financially rewarding work” (p. 35). This may come as a surprise since a growing number of female inmates are also single mothers who need to support themselves as well as their children once they are released from prison. This may even be a form of systemic sexism; administrators in female prisons see the growing number of incarcerated women who are often found during the intake process to be single mothers and yet little is being done to increase vocational training for women. If we continue to operate female prisons this way, we are setting these women up for failure once they are released from their respective institutions. With no marketable skills they are more likely to resort to the same criminal activites that got them into prison in the first place. This

is a gendered concept because it seems as though we are punishing women more harshly for any kind of crime.

A life sentence in prison is much easier to adjust to than the short prison sentences women often receive. Many of these women find it difficult to reintegrate into society and often only stay out of prison for months at a time.

If we do not provide women with some kind of skill training while in prison their recidivism rates skyrocket, this is a form of perpetual punishment for female offenders who do not perform their gender correctly.

However, some prisons do have programs that are unique to female prisons such as prison nurseries. According to The Women’s Prison Association (2009), a prison nursery is “a program that allows a child born to an incarcerated woman to remain in the care of its mother for a finite amount of time within a correctional facility” (p. 8). This is a program unique to female prisons that allows a child to spend the first few months of his or her life with his or her mother in an attempt to create a bond between mother and child that will hopefully be strong enough to last throughout the mother’s prison sentence.

Although more male prisons have been established throughout the country for a longer period of time, none of them have prison nurseries. This program was created and continues to receive funding because of the importance we put on women as mothers. We believe that even though a woman is convicted of a crime, she still has the ability to be a loving mother—something our society views as natural.

Gender difference is also seen in difference between the actual crimes women commit and the crimes men commit. According to Zahn et al (2010), as juveniles, “minor offenses predominate among female delinquent offenders” (p. 2) as opposed to male juvenile offenders who tend to commit more serious crimes. In the juvenile justice system, females are overrepresented as status offenders. Female delinquents usually commit status offenses such as running away from home, or truancy. In many cases however, these minor offenses are often used to hide serious problems some girls are facing (Zahn et al, 2010, p. 2). Girls may run away in an attempt to flee from an abuser at home, causing them to miss school; or they may avoid school in an attempt to avoid an abusive or violent situation there. Zahn et al (2010), reports that “although their offense behavior may not appear to be very serious, these girls may be fleeing from serious problems and victimization” this could also include illegal behavior from adults in their lives (p. 2). Criminal activity as a means of survival is something we see in young girls and women. Many of these women and girls have been abused all of their lives and only know how to escape this abuse through criminal activity. This could be anything from illegal drug use to survival sex. Once again we see a gender divide; female

delinquents tend to commit status offenses as a means of survival whereas male delinquents tend to commit crime in order to provide for their families. Many male delinquents find themselves in single, female headed households where they see themselves as the providers. These boys participate in delinquent acts as a way to increase the revenue within their households. Female delinquents on the other hand, commit these status offenses usually because they are victimized within their homes. Richie et al (2000), reports, “overwhelmingly, women are incarcerated for nonviolent offenses, primarily for violating laws that prohibit the sale and possession of specific drugs”. Richie goes onto suggest that “this pattern of illegal behavior is decidedly gender related—that drug sales and other nonviolent crimes are ‘survival crimes’ women commit to earn money, feed a drugdependent habit, or escape terrifying intimate relationships and brutal social conditions” (p. 7). This suggests that the specific social pressures that women face often result in many of them resorting to nonviolent crimes in order to escape their harsh realities. According to The Sentencing Project (2007) “Women in state prison in 1998 were more likely to report using drugs at the time of their offense than men, and nearly one-third reported that they had committed their offense to obtain money to buy drugs”. This proves that the majority of women in prison were involved in criminal activity to support the drug use they resorted to as a form of self medication. The Sentencing Project also reports that “more than half of the women incarcerated under state jurisdiction reported they had experienced either sexual or physical abuse before their admission to prison” (p. 4). This finding correlates with many other studies that suggest that women find themselves participating in criminal activity because of victimization experienced throughout their lives.

It is also believed that incarcerated women come from backgrounds that include unmet social, educational, health and economic needs as well as a history of victimization.

These women are especially interesting to sexual violence researchers who assert that there is a direct correlation between women who come from such troubled backgrounds to their future criminal behaviors (Richie et al, 2000, p. 7).

This assertion makes it logical to believe that if we eliminate violence against women, we will see a decrease in the amount of women who come in contact with the criminal justice system over time. Richie’s research tells us that although it is possible and likely for both men and women to come from troubled backgrounds, the crimes in which they commit as a result of their upbringings are gendered, as are the trouble they tend to face growing up. It is more likely for female juveniles to be sexually and physically abused, whereas it is more likely for male juveniles to be neglected. The neglect that male juveniles face while growing up often leads them to commit violent crimes, whereas the female juveniles seek

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a way out of their volatile situation through any means necessary.

Incarcerated women also have a harder time with the stigma attached to being a criminal. This is because of our society’s perception that women should be at home with her children to ensure her family is being raised properly. When a woman is on trial, we hear a great deal of pubic outcry from concerned citizens asking where her children are. In turn, while in prison, women suffer with the label of felon for fear of it also being a label that reads “bad mother”. While in prison, women also suffer with the constant worry about the safety of their children.

There are a disproportionate number of single mothers in our jails and prisons and because of this, when they are arrested they often have very few long term child care resources. The children of these women often end up in foster care which is why so many women worry about how their children are being treated, and if they will be able to regain custody upon their release from prison. There is also the chance that incarcerated mothers may lose their parental rights while in prison. According to The Sentencing Project (2007), “The Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 (ASFA) was passed to ‘reduce long-term stays in foster care by facilitating quick termination of parental rights and speedy adoption.’” Further more, many states are authorized to “initiate termination of parental rights when a child has been living in foster care for 15 of the last 22 months.” In addition, “over 60% of mothers in prison are expected to serve more than 24 months on their current sentence” (p.

5). These procedures themselves are very gendered. Because the majority of women in prison had sole or primary custody of their children, it seems as though this system is using the termination of parental rights as a punishment on top of a prison sentence. It is not enough to punish women with a prison sentence and extreme social stigma but we are also making it extremely difficult for them to keep their parental rights. This makes it very difficult if not impossible for mothers to locate their children upon their release. Thus they must suffer with the label ex-con once they are released from prison and must also dedicate significant amounts of time, energy and money to finding their children. Women who do not do this immediately upon finishing their prison sentence are often shamed and this is taken greatly into consideration when and if they do decide to seek to have their parental rights reinstated.

This aspect of women in the criminal justice system is gendered because when a man is on trial, convicted and sentenced to prison we hear virtually no public outcry about the whereabouts of his children, or who will care for them while he serves his sentence. Even men who are convicted of murdering their own children do not face the same amount of public scrutiny and social rejection that women

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do. This shows that our social expectations on people based on their gender are so strong that they can dictate the type of social deviance we take part in. Even while incarcerated, female inmates are extremely passive in comparison to their male inmate counterparts. Female inmates often keep to themselves and because of their passive nature, rarely participate in inmate litigation even if they are a victim of a crime while imprisoned. Thus, even when removed completely from the general population and society, women still cling to their socially constructed gender roles which tells us what a strong hold these roles have on us.

Although the passive role many women take during incarceration keeps them out of trouble, and tends to save many institutions money since they are less likely to file lawsuits against workers or the state itself, many argue that this passivity is hurting female inmates as a whole. As Covington and Bloom (2003) argue, “women are often invisible in the many facets of the correctional system, and this invisibility can act as a form of oppression” (p. 3).

Women experience many forms of oppression throughout our society this is demonstrated by the crimes committed against women, the crimes women commit and the jobs and careers many women hold. The idea that this oppression exists even when women are removed from the pressures of the general population is a harsh reality for many incarcerated women. This can be seen with the programs that women have access to while in prison. In male prisons, there are many programs which work to teach marketable skills to inmates so that upon their release they have a better chance at finding a job. However, the skill training available to female inmates while incarcerated is almost nonexistent. Parenting classes, and rehabilitative counseling are very important for female inmates but these programs are not likely to result in any new or improved skill sets that potential employers may be interested in. Thus, we see the continued oppression of an already marginalized group. If women who find themselves in prison because they have committed survival crimes, leave prison with no marketable skills but have children to take care of, their chance of recidivism is extremely high. These women are often minorities from urban areas where crime is a way of life, and upon returning to these areas they find themselves surrounded by people committing crimes similar to those that landed them in prison. With little to no education or vocational training, it is very possible that these women will resort to crime as a way of life in order to feed themselves and their children.

When discussing oppression within the corrections system it is imperative to realize how the corrections system is structured. As Covington and Bloom (2003), point out “one of the gender dynamics frequently found [in corrections] is that something declared genderless or gender neutral is, in fact, male oriented” (p. 3). Female prisons are often run in a very similar manner to male prisons, which

is counter productive because female inmates have very different needs than male inmates. The reason this happens is because there is more research done on male inmates because they are seen as the “norm”. The amount of men incarcerated gives researchers bigger sample sizes and more diverse criminals to research, whereas the small amount of women in prison who are incarcerated for the same kinds of crimes limits many researchers scope on the subject.

Although it is not our corrections systems’ goal to release women back into society with virtually no new ways to fend for themselves, this often happens because of the lack of research associated with female offenders. This shows the importance of gender: male inmates receive more programs and resources while in prison which helps them reintegrate into society with greater ease. Female offenders receive little exposure to programs that will realistically decrease their recidivism rates. There is more research done on male inmates, because there are more of them, but also because they are considered more important, as they are seen as “the norm”. There is more urgency to rehabilitate our male offenders and have them readjust into society with more ease because in our society, they are more valued. Male offenders rarely experiences the same amount of social stigma attached to being incarcerated that female offenders do. Society in general usually sees male inmates as “making a mistake” when they commit a crime whereas criminal activity is something that sticks to a female offender longer and stronger. These women are often portrayed in the media as “bad mothers” or “bad wives” because they have committed a crime, usually regardless of the crime they have committed.

When it comes to punishing female offenders, there is often public outcry that demands harsh sentencing for these women depending on their crime. As Dresser (1995) reports, “when judges encounter a woman whose parenting behavior appears persistently irresponsible, they might see court-ordered contraception as a burden that could effectively discourage her from such behavior in the future” (p.3). This seems like a ludicrous idea for a punishment but is a great example of how gendered the criminal justice system is. This is a punishment that is solely suggested for female offenders, not male offenders.

Although male offenders commit the majority of sexual offenses and physical abuse in general, including abuse of their own children, the idea of taking away their ability to procreate as a form of retribution is something that very few judges would consider. There could be multiple reasons for this, such as the facts that surgery is required for the most effective male contraception method and that socially men have less responsibility when it comes to parenting their children. The reason this punishment option causes such a stir is because of the parenting roles attached to women as mothers. We believe that the best way to punish a woman is to take away her ability to have children. This

Digital photo T.A. Smoaks’14

suggests that as women, our worth is based on our ability to bear children and we will reform quickly in order to have that right reinstated. This is a problem for women who might be reluctant mothers that cannot handle the responsibility of parenting. This is also a problem because we are raising young girls with the idea that “if you are a bad mother, the government can take away your physical ability to become one”. It is true that being able to give the gift of life is a remarkable trait that only women possess, it is not true that this is the only thing women should value about themselves. The fact that court-required contraception is a real punishment that women have been and continue to be given really shows how antiquated our society’s views on women still are.

Historically, female offenders were placed in female prisons as a punishment not only for their crime but also for failing to do their gender properly. As crime and punishment has evolved it seems as though female prisons are still being used for this purpose. Much like how homophobic remarks are made to police the gender performance of middle schoolers, prison is used to police the gender performance of female offenders. This is seen with the programs offered to women while they are institutionalized and the passive role they take once they are in prison. On the surface, it is easy to ignore how gendered virtually every aspect of life in our society is. However, when we take a closer look, it is apparent that gender affects the way we interact with one another, the ways in which we conform to society and the social deviance we take part in.

As Zaitzow (2004) reminds us, “the justification offered for the differential programming available to women prisoners was due to women’s primarily domestic rather than “breadwinner”-responsibilities” (p. 35). However, as

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women have evolved, so have their responsibilities; many women are single mothers meaning they must play the role of breadwinner and make sure all domestic duties are taken care of. As women progress so should the stance female prisons take on increasing programming for incarcerated women. It is clear that the gender roles we expect women to follow are oppressing them in our greater population but are also oppressive to those who find themselves in prison, removed from the general population. The systemic and institutionalized sexism we see in our American corrections and criminal justice system seems to be disproportionately effecting and unfairly punishing female prisoners.

Works Cited Collica, Kimberly. (2010). Surviving Incarceration: Two Prison-Based Peer Programs Build Communities of support for Female Offenders. Deviant Behavior. Vol. 31 No. 4. 314-347. Retrieved from: http://web.ebscohost. com/ehost Covington, S. Stephanie., & Bloom, E. Barbara. (2003). Gendered Justice: Women in the Criminal Justice System. Gendered Justice: Addressing Female Offenders. Retrieved from: http://stephaniecovington.com Dresser, Rebecca. (1995). Long-Term Contraceptives in the Criminal Justice System. Hastings Center Report.

Vol. 25 No. 1. Retrieved From: http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost Richie, E. Beth., Tsenin, Kay., Windom, Spatz Cathy. (2000). Research on Women and Girls in the Justice System. National Institute of Justice. Retrieved from: http://ncjrs.gov The Sentencing Project. (2007). Women in the Criminal Justice System. Research and Advocacy for Reform.

Retrieved from: http://www.sentencingproject.org The Women’s Prison Association. (2009). Mothers, Infants and Imprisonment. www.wpaonline.org Zahn, A. Margaret., Agnew, Robert., Fishbein, Diana., Miller, Shari., Winn, Donna-Marie., Dankoff, Gayle., Kruttschnitt, Candace., Giordano, Peggy., Gottfredso, C. Denise., Payne, A. Allison., Feld, C. Barry & Chesney-Lind Meda. (2010). Girls Study Group: Understanding and Responding to Girls’ Delinquency. Office of Juevenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Retrieved from: http://www.ncjrs.gov Zaitzow, Barbra H. (2004). Pastel Fascism: Reflections of Social Control Techniques Used With Women in Prison. Women’s Studies Quarterly. Vol. 32. No. 3. 33-48. Retrieved from: http://search.proquest.com

Excerpt from Artist Statement Maggie Zurbruegg-Ramey ‘14 The current theme in my three dimensional work comments on our culture and our society’s habit to abuse people, specifically women, with words and labels. It calls attention to the ongoing struggle for equality and respect many women endure daily. My sculpture criticizes the common practice of objectifying and poorly treating people who make up fifty percent of the human race.

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Digital Mash-up of Munch’s The Scream Alexis Moody ‘13

Barbie Cullen Nicole Duperry ‘13

Artist Statement

Pushing / Restricting the Boundaries Nicole Duperry ‘13

Nicole Duperry ‘13 My vision was to create art that ignited a thought process and dialogue among viewers to question the ideals and stereotypes of today’s society. I am inspired by the pressures of our culture on women and girls to look and be a certain way for not only a cultural acceptance but a personal acceptance as well. I want to make the statement that this cultural ideal can eventually hurt our society and future generations.

For my self-portrait “Pushing /Restricting the Boundaries”, I wanted to create an intense moment between the subject, myself, and the viewer. This is an intimate moment where I am about to go under the knife to change my body to societal preferential for body shape, an unrealistic size.

I chose an intense background of pink to add a strong feminine quality to the painting.

Secondly I painted an image of “Barbie Cullen” an icy and fake version of Barbie. Today’s society glorifies pop culture and unrealistic expectations and preaches the message of conformity. Due largely to the Twlight Saga, little girls no longer want to grow up to be like their mothers, in fact they even no longer want to be like Barbie any more. Today little girls want to be like vampires and other mythical beings.

Therefore I have depicted Barbie wanting to be the new “in style” of fake and she has consequently turned into a glorified Cullen vampire.

Finally, for my set of drawings, “Kim Kartier Kollection”, I drew four high end broaches and watches from the recent Cartier collections. Today it seems that people are looking to the Kardashian’s for advice on life. Instead of seeing current events on the news, I constantly see “What Kim wore today!” and “Look! Kim Instagramed a picture of her new Cartier bracelets!” It has become a sad daily occurrence for Americans to know more about the Kardashians than current events. These drawings depict a extravagant luxury privy to rich and famous and have ignited an expectation for people to want what others have instead of being content with their own lives.

My future goals focus on taking societal pressures on the current and upcoming generations and turn them into intense subject matter that promotes a questioning of these new norms. It is my expectation that I will delve into this topic of pop culture and its potential risk on the upcoming generations and incorporate it into future portraits both of myself and of others. I hope that my paintings will have a personal meaning to each viewer and identify on an emotional level.

Kim Kartier Kollection Nicole Duperry ‘13

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Aimed at Women (an excerpt from my Master’s Thesis) Sara Holbrook ‘11 For my series, I focused mainly on the treatment of women in our country. Ours is a country that has always (albeit somewhat hypocritically) prided itself on freedom. Yet, politicians have been working to take away women’s freedoms and bring women down a notch. In particular, during the presidential elections there was a blizzard of legislation, mostly at the state level, aimed at women. I set off to create this series as a response to the politics I was reading and hearing about. My main goal was to express the way I saw things going. However, I also intended to create most of the works in a way that would leave them open to interpretation. Not all pieces necessarily have to be seen by everybody as political. Some of them can be related to on a far more personal level.

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All paintings Sara Holbrook ‘11

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Elizabethan Bullies

Ellie Knapp ‘16

William Shakespeare’s legendary play, Romeo and Juliet, is renowned for its tragic love story between the two main characters. They struggle throughout the play to be together and end up dying beside each other, the epitome of today’s “true love” story. Upon a deeper inspection of the work does one find more to the story than just tragedy; it reveals questions about Elizabethan life’s problems that still affect society today. One example of such a dilemma would be the bullying between characters that occurs. We consider the coined term, “bullying,” to be a situation mainly dealt with in recent times, but it has affected lives throughout time, as evidenced by Shakespeare. The people of his time may have perceived what we call bullying as a different condition, but no matter the opinion, they are essentially one in the same.

The main passage of the first scene of act three portrays bullying between Romeo, Tybalt and Mercutio.

The third act in Romeo and Juliet ends with the perspective that Romeo avenges his close friend, Mercutio’s, death, and not many realize that the fight is started by Tybalt’s bullying. In the beginning of the scene, Tybalt and a few Capulets approach Mercutio and Benvolio with aggression.

They are met with mutual feelings from Mercutio, who instantly challenges him and makes fun of them, making him the bully in this situation. When Romeo appears, Tybalt instantly calls him out: “Romeo, the love I bear thee can afford/ No better term than this: thou art a villain” (Shakespeare 119). Unlike the stereotypical man of the time, Romeo is not enraged and does not fight back. Instead he tries to placate Tybalt, by saying, “Tybalt, the reason that I have to love thee/ Doth much excuse the appertaining rage/ To such a greeting. Villain am I none./ Therefore, farewell.

I see thou know’st me not” (119). He tries to explain that he does not want to fight, that he does not hate Tybalt.

Unfortunately, Tybalt continues to badger Romeo and his friends. As the fighting continues, Benvolio tries to mediate and stop the bullying. He says, “We talk here in the public haunt of men./ Either withdraw unto some private place,/ And reason coldly of your grievances,/ Or else depart. Here all eyes gaze on us” (117). His attempt to placate the men is in vain because no one feels that they are in the wrong.

Romeo continues to be the victim of Tybalt until Romeo kills him.

The masculinity of the men and their loyalty to their families continues to perpetuate the bullying. The scene begins with Mercutio telling Benvolio he would welcome a fight with the Capulets despite the decree against it. They poke fun at one another with Benvolio saying, “An’ were I so apt to quarrel as thou art, any/ Man should buy the fee simple of my life for an/ Hour and a quarter” (117). It is carried further when Tybalt and his gang show up. The men must continue their

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arguing and picking on each other to show their masculinity.

In the Elizabethan times, a man would have been defined as one who does not give up, is ready to fight, and is proud of himself, an attitude that does not set up for peaceful surroundings. All of the people in this scene do so, but each character’s dedication to their family also helps maintain the bullying atmosphere. The whole reason the bullying began was because Tybalt was upset with the Montagues’ appearance at the Capulet party. We see that he took their attendance at the party as a personal offence when he says, “Boy, this shall not excuse the injuries/ That thou hast done me…” (119). And Romeo does not only kill Tybalt to avenge Mercutio, but to defend his name. The need for perceived masculinity and to defend their names allowed the bullying to get out of hand.

Tybalt and Romeo’s interactions in Act 3 Scene 1 are that of a bully and his victim. The lecture given by Dr. Pruitt, “Bullying as a Crime: Is Today’s Bully Tomorrow’s Criminal?” coincides with the bullying in Romeo and Juliet. Several slides listed descriptors of bullies and their victims that relate to Tybalt and Romeo. The first slide gave several common personality characteristics for bullies as well as victims of bullying. The character of Tybalt, who is considered the bully of the scene, shows several of the given traits: confidence, aggressiveness, impulsiveness, and an expressed need for dominance. He shows these throughout the play. First, he tells Capulet that he will not stand for the company of their enemies at the party and will fight them. Then he shows sureness in going to fight Romeo impulsively, and finally, the feelings he has towards his family being supreme, thus dominating over the Montagues.

Romeo held some of the traits of a victim. He was sensitive, passive-aggressive, and other people, including his family and friends, considered him “different.” Besides his family’s name, his characteristics made him a target for Tybalt. The second slide of the talk gave a few lifestyle choices that define a bully. Since Romeo and Juliet is a play, we do not get to see much of the background of the characters, but the movie by Baz Lurhman shows Tybalt participating in such bawdy behavior as smoking, drinking, and adultery. These acts are considered deviant, and often people who bully do such things. Without this bullying scene and the aftermath, the story of Romeo and Juliet would have been dramatically different, with the two lovers likely spending their lives together in peace and happiness.

Works Cited Pruitt, William. “Bullying as a Crime: Is Today’s Bully Tomorrow’s Criminal?.” When Worlds Collide. Elmira College. GTL Lecture Hall, Elmira. 12 Nov. 2012. Class lecture.

Shakespeare, William, Barbara A. Mowat, and Paul Werstine. The Tragedy of Romeo and Juliet. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2011. Print.

2012-13 Women’s and Gender Studies Events

Above, Dr. William Pruitt delivers the talk,“Bullying as a Crime: Is Today’s Bully Tomorrow’s Criminal?” in the Tripp Lecture Hall for the Women’s and Gender Studies Program’s First Annual Fall Symposium. Ellie Knapp’16 used information from the lecture for a paper on bullying, as depicted in Shakepeare’s Romeo and Juliet.

The Gannett-Tripp Library and the Women’s and Gender Studies Group held “Book Group” each term. At left, the members discuss Daughters of the North. In the winter, the group discussed Jeanette Walls Half Broke Horses. The spring group discussed Hosseini’s A Thousand Splendid Suns before traveling to other parts of the world for Term III.

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Lunch with Dr. Shirley Samuels of Cornell University, prior to her talk for Women’s History Month and Arts Alive, “Women and Sculpture in 19th Century America” (Liz Nielsen ‘14 at right).

Dr Easton introduces panelists for the Fifty Shades of Grey discussion.

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19th Annual Julia Reinstein Symposium: From Birth Control to Binders keynote speech by Leslie Danks Burke

Take Back the Night April 25, 2013

Visit the Elmira College Women’s and Gender Studies webpage for more information on events held in 2012 -1013: http://sites.elmira.edu/wms/ Visit the Elmira College Women’r Studies Program Facebook page for more information on events held in 2012 – 2013: https://www.facebook.com/groups/75567251784/

Annual Fall Pizza Get-together The Vagina Monologues 2013 27

Photo Desiree Caballero ‘13

Painting Kate Gott ‘13

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Hannah Galvin ‘13

BIG and little Uniquely transparent Blown through a straw Beauteous to the eye Like a round rainbow Entertainment for all Soapy and sudsy Mollie Hamilton ‘15

Painting Alex Hood ‘14

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Photo Lauren Kirkland ‘15

Photo Mary Wavle-Brown ‘13

Photo Stephanie Lalonde ‘13

Digital Poem / Photo Connor Crosby ‘15

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Digital Image Miry Boutrs ‘16

Digital Poem / Photo Amanda Fuller ‘16

Digital Poem / Photo Amber DeKoeyer ‘15

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From the Moving Portraits Project at the Chemung County Transportation Center Desiree Caballero ‘13 and Renee Bonacci ‘13

The Mystery of Mexico: Desiree Caballero’s Art Installation Jan Kather Depending on one’s cultural background, views and attitudes about America’s neighbor to the south, Mexico, vary dramatically. When asked what they think of when they hear the word “Mexico,” students respond with words like festive, piñatas, bright colors, warm weather, beautiful beaches, and spring vacation. Some students express the opposite response: drug lords, border patrols, danger, fear.

The installation constructed by senior art major Desiree Caballero’13 presented that dichotomy, and more. Mexico remains an enigma to many in America. Opinions are often formed at a distance and imagined in the brains of journalists and Hollywood scriptwriters. Caballero’s installation simulates this difficulty that most people in America have in penetrating to the core of what it means to live in Mexico.

In the far corner of the gallery, three perfectly white frames keep spectators at bay as they try to view through the screen of multicolored, randomly woven strings to scrutinize the grid of nine images beneath. Glimpses of the oldest Spanish architecture to the youngest of today’s citizens appear before the eyes, interspersed with a close-up of a prickly cactus and a serious, black hatted woman expertly wielding a butcher knife. She hovers with authority over two plucked chickens sprawling lifelessly in an outdoor sink. A triptych of eerie doll photos hangs in the center of the installation, symbolically suggesting the harsh realities of life and death that can rarely be avoided by all who live there. Caballero tantalizes us with just a peek at this mysterious neighbor that “gringos” either romanticize or villanize.

The piñatas to the right of the framed grid of photographs suggest the colorful and happy associations so many have of Mexican life. Upon close inspection, that notion is disrupted by inscrutable images, or in the case of the image of men skinning a goat in the street, revulsion at the site of raw flesh.

Hanging magically in a darkened space, paper sculptures fracture and disassemble a looping video projection of images of Oaxaca, the city where Caballero spent her Elmira College internship photographing for an art center. Again, the viewer can attempt to decipher the Mexican world of Oaxaca and other cities through Caballero’s viewfinder, but the fragmentation and splintering caused by the intricately folded sculptures makes the view distorted and unreliable. How very post-modern this view!

The spectator leaves the art gallery feeling like the perennial tourist who knows Mexico as the land of sunshine, festive music, and spicy tamales; the land of folktales, puzzling iconography, and heritage of Spanish conquistadors and/or Mayan civilization. Most importantly, however, the discerning spectator leaves knowing that they can never really know the life of those who live in Mexico; they humbly give up their illusions and acquiesce to that reality.

Watercolor by Christina Nurczynski ‘14

The Elmira College Student Journal of Feminist Thoughts and Ideas

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Photo by Desiree Caballero ‘13

Callisophia 2013

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