Did the ‘raver’ subculture in Britain, from the late 1980s to early 1990s, lead to social change in British culture and politics or was it merely a community of ecstasy infused ‘party people’? Jasmin Harbord
British youth subcultures are something of relevantly new classification. Birthed during the affluent times of post-war regeneration, teenagers and young adults suddenly found themselves bridging the gap from children to adulthood with more disposable income than their parents had ever had. “The increased importance of the market, consumption, and the growth of ‘Youth-oriented’ leisure industries” (Hall et Al, 1979, pg. 18) alongside the progression of education, ensured a new market was opened. Furthermore, there was less of a demand to go straight from school to work. Subsequently, ‘youth’ was born. “’Youth’ appeared as an emergent category in post-war Britain, one the most striking and visible manifestations of social change in the period” (Hall Et Al, 1976, pg.9) and with this new found independence, the youth of Britain sought out to define itself separate from its predeceasing generations. A rise in national communication, via the mid-1950s onwards, wide distribution of the television saw the beginnings of a youth ‘mainstream’. “For many youthful imaginations the mainstream is a powerful way to put themselves in the bigger picture, imagine their social world, assert their cultural worth, and claim their subcultural capital (S Thornton, 1995, pg. 115). This notion of subculture and wanting to fight back against the imposed, stemmed largely from working class backgrounds. Arguably, “it was felt that the breakdown in family life, caused by absent fathers, led to increased levels of youth delinquency.” (J Hocking, pg. 2). From the 1950s onwards, British youth subculture has seen many differing discourses; evolving, growing and transforming to fit their social, cultural, political and historical environments. Following this, the argument can be made that during the late 1980s to early 1990s, the ‘ravers’, a British subculture group influenced social change in Britain. Rave culture came to fruition at the start of the early 1980’s with “the illegal warehouse party scene in London” (H Evans, 1992, pg. 2) due to what could arguably be considered two main reasons. Firstly, the decline in manufacturing and rise in working class unemployment under the Thatcher regime, combined with the introduction and mass distribution of the illegal drug: ecstasy (Fig. 1). These two factors increasing in strength lead to the late 1980s to early 1990s nation-wide spread of the ‘club culture’, throwing the supposed ‘underground subculture’ into the mainstream consensus. Tabloid exploitation of this community raged; but it’s hard to determine how much of the conservative antirave propaganda was true. Perhaps, this community was indeed just a group of “spaced out” and “drug crazy” (The Sun, 1998, Fig.2) youngsters partying. Alternatively, the rave movement may have provided more in the longevity of British social change. An argument that deprived the rave movement of any significant social authority, was the idea that they gathered through the use of recreational drugs. Simultaneously, listening to techno and similar subgenres of music. The lack of a strong social or political standpoint at the start of the rave movement made it seem too many, a subculture lacking in ‘authenticity’. In her book ‘Club Cultures’, Sarah Thornton states (pg. 116) that “The idea that authentic culture is somehow outside media and commerce is a resilient one. In its full-blown romantic form, the belief suggests that grassroots cultures resist and struggle with a colonizing mass-mediated corporate world.” To take into account this viewpoint, it could be argued that the rave movement did not resist or struggle against the “massmediated corporate world” but instead transformed to incorporate it. With the introduction of the Entertainment Act in 1990, a large portion of the rave scene moved to a more commercial outlet in the form of clubs. In ‘Out of sight, out of mind’ Helen Evans (1992, pg.2) states in regards to the ‘ravers’
reaction to the Entertainment act “The most visible part of rave activity now took place in clubs such as ‘The Seven Acres’ in Hackney, a licensed venue which held regular rave nights and sent out newsletters to members to keep the scene going. This can be seen as the beginning of the institutionalisation of raves.” This idea of the club culture moving from something that was originally underground based into the mainstream commercial sphere could be seen by some as to prove that the movement lacked an authentic voice in which to speak out and shape the social environment around it. The incorporating nature of commercialisation and media coverage by the rave movement with little resilience could be seen to show their community as one of apathy and disinterest - one that didn’t care for trying to stand up for social or political issues, but rather, evolving to live with them. In agreement with this, it is suggested that “there is almost no political activism in the rave scene”, instead, “ravers do little more than attend late night and early morning parties”. (Hutson, 2007 pg.1) However, this point could be opposed. H Evans (1992 pg. 6) goes on to say about the rave culture “It isn’t politically realistic, it doesn’t naively believe it can overthrow or opt out of a whole system but learns to live under it, to manipulate it to its own ends […] Rave is about making it possible to live under the culture imposed on us, by reintroducing into it a ‘plural mobility of goals and desires – an art of manipulating and enjoying’”. This would indicate that rather than succumbing to commercialisation and the mainstream, it merely adapts so that the subculture and values can remain prominent within a society that is trying to dilute it. This form of adaptation has allowed the rave movement that was primarily part of ‘popular culture’ during the late 1980s and early 1990s to still survive in an almost unchanged way through the decades to present day. As clubs promote ‘rave nights’, estates in London still hold warehouse parties advertised through pirate radio. The scene could be reasoned to still be alive with little damage done to its original grass roots. In a recent article on VICE website (2016) a London teenager was interviewed about the emerging current British youth culture in which he discussed contemporary and current raves still happening in the UK, “Generally they are pretty fucking sick nights […] You either meet up where the rave is, or at Victoria […] It’s the freedom to take all the drugs you want, and not have to worry about anything – you’re removing that level of fear.” Another teen interviewed during the article stated, “You can go on the train and tell who’s going to a rave. It’s usually glitter on the face, or the shell jacket.” Whereas previous subcultures such as punks have either disappeared or been diluted down to a much more relaxed version of their predecessors, the ‘feel good’, ‘underground’ and often drug induced atmosphere of the rave scene can be seen to still be alive in today’s youth subculture. These almost unaltered core values could be seen as a strength to rave cultures resilience in not surrendering their beliefs even throughout decades of social and political change, arguing that while it may seem they were a subculture of rather void values and means, they in fact have kept their principles and outlived most other British subcultures, leaving a lasting impact on the way youth culture has evolved since rave culture began. One of the defining factors differing rave subculture from many of those that came before it, was its inclusivity and an all-encompassing attitude in terms of who was considered to be a part of the rave community. Hall Et Al notes (1976, pg.14) “Members of a subculture may walk, talk, act, look ‘different’ from their parents and from their peers: but they belong to the same families, go to the same schools, work at the same jobs, live down the same ‘mean streets’ as their peers and parents.” Rave culture disregarded this notion completely, Tim Wall (2013, pg.49) described “[…] rave as the hedonism of post-feminist, post-modern youth.” And it was in part due to this hedonistic lifestyle approach the movement became somewhat important in the deconstruction of traditionalist British social segregation in regards to race, sexuality and class. “[…] they do not exclude any section of youth on the grounds of race, gender, class or sexuality. ‘There are no barriers’ within rave since there is no authentic rave; each is just as much a rave as the other.” (Evans, 1992, pg. 2) This point leads on from
the earlier statement that rave, though it could be argued to lack authenticity, had evolved past a linear state of involvement. Becoming something in which participants were not ridiculed within the subculture itself due to hierarchical or definitive rules, as set by previous subcultures. Because of this, a much more accepting and liberal mind set was put in place within the rave community, “The rave is supposed to take people of all races, colours, and nationalities and unite them into a consciousness synchronised around the pulsating rhythm of techno […]” (S Mizrach, pg. 5). As the community was based around hedonistic ideals without political agenda the community was very broadminded in terms of who was welcome. Whether the participants were black, gay, straight, male, female etc. it didn’t matter; all that mattered was the shared experience of euphoria. “Differences are disregarded, and old hierarchies discarded in the atmosphere of euphoria. In a rave are you temporarily freed from ‘fixed identity’ defined by gender, race, class or sexuality as the meaning and binary opposed become fluid in their meaning. It doesn’t matter who you are, what is important is that you are present and participating.” (Evans, 1992, pg.4). As the raver movement transgressed from the ‘underground’ London scene to the mainstream popular music sphere, ramifications of this acceptance was seen as to filter through into the national consensus, and ever so softly sink in as ‘the norm’. As footage of the raves was broadcasted, the visual imagery of various peoples from differing walks of life coming together in a celebration of freedom and jubilation, somewhat normalised the disregard of social opposition. Simultaneously promoting acceptance of not merely tolerance, but the favourable reception of differing people enjoying each other’s company. It would seem that through the rave movement being unconcerned with political and social boundaries, it became a beacon of social change itself. To assume however, that the rave movement single handily brought tolerance and respecting those from other walks of life to Britain, may be quite a stretch to make. “There is no ‘subcultural solution’ to working class youth unemployment, educational disadvantage, compulsory miseducation, deadend jobs, the routinisation and specialisation of labour, low pay and the loss of skills. Sub-culture strategies cannot match, meet, or answer the structuring dimensions emerging in this period for the class as a whole […] They ‘solve’, but in an imaginary way, problems which at the concrete level remain unsolved.” (Clark and others, pg. 47-48). This point could be placed into the context of the rave; yes, this subculture was one open to the masses (“Rave dance floors are public spaces open to all. Their aim, together with the quest for pleasure, is to abolish or subvert rules and transgress social order and prohibitions.” (Aaronson, 1999)) But was this feeling really reciprocated by the nation as a whole? Or was it kept within the subcultural world itself, having only a miniscule impact on the environment around it. John Wilde wrote in Esquire (Winter 1991) that “Acid House, a movement with one idea, simply patted itself on the head and danced itself to a standstill. Its only achievement was to resurrect the facile self-satisfaction of Sixties hedonism.” This idea that rave was merely a regurgitation of the Sixties ‘free love’ hippie ideals is an interesting take. Both movements were extremely postmodernistic and hedonistic in their values. Despite this, it’s unclear if these values were ever taken into Britain’s social sphere. Perhaps it could be argued that while the rave movement never meant to act as a beacon for social change, by merely existing and pushing itself from the underground to something sustainably long lasting, it has bled into the culture around us today. In some part, helping gradually change social attitudes from one of segregation to one of acceptance. The rave movement was also one of the only subcultures to be specifically targeted by law and government in an attempt to crack down on the ever expanding nature of the community. In 1994, the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act was passed which enforced, “Powers to remove persons attending or preparing for a rave”. Going on to specify “’music’ includes sounds wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats.” (Government,
Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, section 63). The use of the term “repetitive beats” is one that singled out the rave community from others. Proving that while the movement may not have had political ambitions or motives in the initial stages of its growth, it was becoming something discussed and deemed worthwhile tackling within the political sphere. Throughout Thatcher’s time in power, her regime caused an almost unprecedented amount of employable damage to working class Britain, due to the dismantling of most of the industrial Northern manufacturing and mining communities. Throughout this period the gap between the classes shifted massively to show a difference between those who ‘had’ and those who ‘had not’. There was also a sense of abandonment and loss of hope in regards to what the future held for many people in Britain. It could be argued that it was in part due to this lack of faith that the rave movement was birthed in the council estates and warehouses of London, before moving to the North. “Where Thatcher created that dearth of culture with her policies, and filled the high streets with brands, conformity and mundanity, what you got is young kids looking to fill that void, which can only be a good thing.” (Eckle, 2013, pg. 9) This notion of rave as an escape from the depression around many Britain’s lives is a valid one. The combination of the effect of ecstasy on the brain alongside the strong sense of ‘free love’ and acceptance showcased in the subculture provided a perfect place for people to return to through hard times. However, this simple act of escapism was soon seen as an act of defiance against the strict Conservative command. “It is true to say that rave does not offer any direct political opposition, but this does not mean that rave has no political dimension to it at all. The major distinction between rave and traditional subcultures is that rave is defined through an activity rather than as an identity.” (Evans, 1992 pg.6) It was this activity then that the government tried to lock down through the addition of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act. Tabloid newspapers, in particular The Sun (see Fig. 2) and The Daily Mail jumped at the chance to demonise ecstasy and the club culture community. With the Conservatives backing this biased standpoint, the papers continued to produce article after article branding people as ‘thugs’, ‘drug crazy’ and ‘party people’. While the ravers themselves may have had little in the way of an opinion about how their actions were being portrayed politically, it subsequently lead to a small type of resistance against the Conservative ruling. “It seemed at the time that any resistance offered to Thatcher’s political scene-smashing was transforming what might have otherwise been a matter of mere musical taste into something tangible and strong.” (Holden, 2013 pg.10) Whether intentional or not, the rave movement did provide something in the realm of a small beacon of hope; a shining example of resilience and defiance through their community driven ideals. To draw to conclusion the argument suggesting that the ‘raver’ subculture in Britain lead to social change is supported by the notion that, “Rave is about making it possible to live under the culture imposed on us” H Evans (1992 pg. 6). Whether through intentional means, accidental rebellion of governing bodies or acceptance and love for every person, no matter their race, gender or sexuality. It can be concluded that the movement has helped provide some social change in how Britain has evolved. Though the legitimacy of the subculture could be debated, the repercussions of the movement did leave a lasting impact on not only our laws, but in British culture and music as a whole.
Fig.1
Fig. 2
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