Sierra Leone

The e-Advocate Legal Missions International Genesis 10:6-20

Sierra Leone

“Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities Achieve Their Full Potential”

Vol. VI, Issue XVIII – Q-3 July| August| September 2020

The Advocacy Foundation, Inc. Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities Achieve Their Full Potential

Legal Missions International

Sierra Leone

“Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities Achieve Their Full Potential

1735 Market Street, Suite 3750 Philadelphia, PA 19102

| 100 Edgewood Avenue, Suite 1690 Atlanta, GA 30303

John C Johnson III, Esq. Founder & CEO (878) 222-0450 Voice | Fax | SMS

www.TheAdvocacyFoundation.org

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Biblical Authority Genesis 10:6-20 (NIV) The Hamites

6

The sons of Ham:

Cush, Egypt, Put and Canaan.

7

The sons of Cush:

Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah and Sabteka.

The sons of Raamah: Sheba and Dedan.

8

Cush was the father of Nimrod, who became a mighty warrior on the earth. 9 He was a mighty hunter before the LORD; that is why it is said, ―Like Nimrod, a mighty hunter before the LORD.‖ 10 The first centers of his kingdom were Babylon, Uruk, Akkad and Kalneh, in Shinar. 11 From that land he went to Assyria, where he built Nineveh, Rehoboth Ir, Calah 12 and Resen, which is between Nineveh and Calah—which is the great city.

13

Egypt was the father of

the Ludites, Anamites, Lehabites, Naphtuhites, Philistines came) and Caphtorites.

15

14

Pathrusites, Kasluhites (from whom the

Canaan was the father of

Sidon his firstborn, and of the Hittites, 16 Jebusites, Amorites, Girgashites, Sinites, 18 Arvadites, Zemarites and Hamathites.

17

Hivites, Arkites,

Later the Canaanite clans scattered 19 and the borders of Canaan reached from Sidon toward Gerar as far as Gaza, and then toward Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah and Zeboyim, as far as Lasha.

20

These are the sons of Ham by their clans and languages, in their territories and nations.

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Table of Contents Sierra Leone

Biblical Authority I.

Introduction

II.

History

III.

Politics & Government

IV.

Geography

V.

Health Conditions

VI.

Demographics

VII. The Economy VIII. Education & Culture IX.

Sports

Attachment The Sierra Leone Legal System

Copyright Š 2015 The Advocacy Foundation, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

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Introduction Sierra country east, southLeone estimated Freetown is the

Leone, officially the Republic of Sierra Leone, is a in West Africa. It is bordered by Guinea in the northLiberia in the south-east, and the Atlantic ocean in the west. Sierra Leone has a tropical climate, with a diverse environment ranging from savannah to rainforests. Sierra has a total area of 71,740 km2 (27,699 sq mi) and an population of 6 million (2011 United Nations estimate). capital, largest city, and its economic and political centre. Bo is the second largest city and second major economic center in the country. The country is divided into four geographical regions: the Northern Province, Eastern Province, Southern Province and the Western Area, which are further divided into fourteen districts.

About sixteen ethnic groups inhabit Sierra Leone, each with their own language and custom. The two largest and most influential are the Temne and the Mende people. The Temne are predominantly found in the north of the country, while the Mende are predominant in the southeast. Although English is the official language spoken at schools and government administration, the Krio language is the most widely spoken language in the country and unites all the different ethnic groups in the country, especially in their trade and social interaction with each other.

Sierra Leone is a predominantly Muslim country, though with an influential Christian minority.

Sierra Leone is regarded as one of the most religiously tolerant nations in the world. Muslims and Christians collaborate and interact with each other peacefully. Religious violence is very rare in the country.

Sierra Leone has relied on mining, especially diamonds, for its economic base. It is also among the largest producers of titanium and bauxite, a major producer of gold, and has one of the world's largest deposits of rutile. Sierra Leone is home to the third-largest natural harbour in the world. Despite exploitation of this natural wealth, 70% of its people live in poverty.

Sierra Leone became independent in 1961. Government corruption and mismanagement of the country's natural resources contributed to the Sierra Leone Civil War (1991 to 2002), which over more than a decade devastated the country. It left more than 50,000 people dead, much of the country's infrastructure destroyed, and over two million people displaced as refugees in neighbouring countries.

More recently, the 2014 Ebola outbreak threatens to lead the country into a humanitarian crisis situation and a negative spiral of weaker economic growth. The country has an extremely low life expectancy.

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History

The colony of Freetown in 1856

Early History Archaeological finds show that Sierra Leone has been inhabited continuously for at least 2,500 years, populated by successive cultures of peoples who migrated from other parts of Africa. The people adopted the use of iron by the 9th century, and by 1000 A.D. agriculture was being practiced by coastal tribes. The climate changed considerably during that time, and boundaries among different ecological zones changed as well, affecting migration and conquest.

Sierra Leone's dense tropical rainforest and swampy environment was considered impenetrable; it was also host to the tsetse fly, which carried disease fatal to horses and zebu cattle used by the Mande people. This environmental factor protected its peoples from conquest by the Mande and other African empires. This also reduced the Islamic influence of the Mali Empire. But the Islamic faith, introduced by Susu traders, merchants and migrants from the north and east, became widely adopted in the 18th century.

European Trading European contacts within Sierra Leone were among the first in West Africa. In 1462, Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra mapped the hills surrounding what is now Freetown Harbour, naming Page 10 of 75

the shaped formation Serra da Leoa or "Serra Leoa" (Portuguese for Lioness Mountains). The Spanish rendering of this geographic formation is Sierra Leona, which later was adapted and, misspelled, became the country's current name.

Soon after Sintra's expedition, Portuguese traders arrived at the harbour. By 1495 they had built a fortified trading post. The Dutch and French also set up trade here, and each nation used Sierra Leone as a trading point for slaves brought by African traders from interior areas. In 1562, the English initiated the Triangle Trade when Sir John Hawkins transported 300 enslaved Africans – acquired "by the sword and partly by other means" – to the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo in the Caribbean, where he sold them.

Early Colonies Following the American Revolutionary War, the British had evacuated thousands of freed African-American slaves and resettled them in Canadian and Caribbean colonies and London.

Many struggled in their new lives.

In 1787 the British Crown founded a settlement in Sierra Leone in what was called the "Province of Freedom". It intended to resettle some of the "Black Poor of London," mostly African Americans freed by the British during the war. About 400 blacks and 60 whites reached Sierra Leone on 15 May 1787. The group also included some West Indian, African people from London. After they established Granville Town, most of the first group of colonists died, due to disease and warfare with the indigenous African peoples (Temne and Mende), who resisted their encroachment. The 64 remaining colonists established a second Granville Town.

Following the Revolution, more than 3,000 Black Loyalists had also been settled in Nova Scotia, where they were finally granted land. They founded Birchtown, Nova Scotia, but faced harsh winters and racial discrimination from near by Shelburne, Nova Scotia. Thomas Peters pressed British authorities for relief and more aid; together with British abolitionist John Clarkson, the Sierra Leone Company was established to relocate Black Loyalists who wanted to take their chances in West Africa. In 1792 nearly 1200 persons from Nova Scotia crossed the Atlantic to build the second (and only permanent) Colony of Sierra Leone and the settlement of Freetown on 11 March 1792. In Sierra Leone they were called the Nova Scotian Settlers, the Nova Scotians, or the Settlers.

The Settlers built Freetown in the styles they knew from their lives in the American South; they also continued American fashion and American manners. In addition, many continued to practice Methodism in Freetown. The initial process of society-building in Freetown, however, was a harsh struggle. The Crown did not supply enough basic supplies and provisions, and the Settlers were continually threatened by illegal slave trading and the risk of re-enslavement. In the 1790s, the Settlers, including adult women, voted for the first time in elections. The Sierra Leone Page 11 of 75

Company, controlled by London investors, refused to allow the settlers to take freehold of the land. In 1799 some of the Settlers revolted. The Crown subdued the revolt by bringing in forces of more than 500 Jamaican Maroon people, whom they transported from Trelawny Town via Nova Scotia in 1800.

On 1 January 1808, Thomas Ludlam, the Governor of the Sierra Leone Company and a leading abolitionist, surrendered the Company's charter. This ended its 16 years of running the Colony. The British Crown reorganized the Sierra Leone Company as the African Institution; it was directed to improve the local economy. Its members represented both British who hoped to inspire local entrepreneurs and those with interest in the Macauley & Babington Company, which held the (British) monopoly on Sierra Leone trade.

Beginning in 1808 (following the abolition of the slave trade in 1807), British crews delivered thousands of formerly enslaved Africans to Freetown, after liberating them from illegal slaves ships. Most of these Liberated Africans or 'Recaptives' chose to remain in Sierra Leone. Cut off from their various homelands and traditions, the Liberated Africans assimilated the Western styles of Settlers and Maroons.

They built a flourishing trade in flowers and beads on the West African coast.

These returned Africans were from many areas of Africa, but principally the west coast. During the 19th century, freed black Americans, some Americo Liberian 'refugees', and particularly West Indians, also immigrated and settled in Freetown. Together these peoples created a new creole ethnicity called the Krio people (initially called Creoles) and a trading language, Krio, which became commonly used among many of the ethnicities in the country.

Colonial Era (1800-1960) In the early 19th century, Freetown served as the residence of the British colonial governor of the region, who also administered the Gold Coast (now Ghana) and the Gambia settlements. Sierra Leone developed as the educational centre of British West Africa. The British established Fourah Bay College here in 1827, which rapidly became a magnet for English-speaking Africans on the West Coast. For more than a century, it was the only European-style university in western SubSaharan Africa.

The British interacted mostly with the Krios in Freetown. They did most of the trading with the indigenous peoples of the interior. In addition, educated Krios held numerous positions in the colonial government, giving them status and good-paying positions.

Following the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, the UK decided that it needed to establish more dominion over the inland areas, in order to satisfy what was described by the European powers as "effective occupation" of territories. In 1896 it annexed these areas, declaring them the Sierra Leone Protectorate. With this change, the British began to expand their administration in the Page 12 of 75

region, recruiting British citizens to posts, and pushing Krios out of positions in government and even the desirable residential areas in Freetown.

In addition, the British annexation of the Protectorate interfered with the sovereignty of indigenous chiefs. They designated chiefs as units of local government, rather than dealing with them individually as had been previous practice. They did not maintain relationships even with longtime allies, such as Bai Bureh, chief of Kasseh, a community on the Small Scarcies River.

He was later unfairly portrayed as a prime instigator of the Hut Tax war in 1898.

Colonel Frederic Cardew, military governor of the Protectorate, in 1898 established a new tax on dwellings and demanded that the chiefs use their peoples to maintain roads. The taxes were often higher than the value of the dwellings, and 24 chiefs signed a petition to Cardew, telling how destructive this was; their people could not afford to take time off from their subsistence agriculture. They resisted payment of taxes. Tensions over the new colonial requirements, and administration suspicions about the chiefs, led to the Hut Tax war of 1898, also called the Temne-Mende War. The British fired first. The Northern front of majority Temne people was led

by Bai Bureh. The Southern front, consisting mostly of Mende people, entered conflict somewhat later and for different reasons.

For several months, Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British forces. Both the British troops and Bureh's warriors suffered hundreds of fatalities each. Bai Bureh finally surrendered on 11 November 1898 to end the destruction of his people's territory and dwellings. Although the British government recommended leniency, Cardew insisted on sending the chief and two allies into exile in the Gold Coast; his government hanged 96 of the chief's warriors. Bai Bureh was allowed to return in 1905, when he resumed his chieftaincy of Kasseh.

The defeat of the Temne and Mende in the Hut Tax war ended large-scale organized resistance to the Protectorate and colonial government. But, resistance continued throughout the colonial period in the form of intermittent, wide-scale rioting and chaotic labour disturbances. For instance, riots in 1955 and 1956 involved "many tens of thousands" of natives in the protectorate.

Domestic slavery, which continued to be practised by local African elites, was abolished in 1928.

One notable event in 1935 was the granting of a monopoly on mineral mining to the Sierra Leone Selection Trust, run by De Beers. The monopoly was scheduled to last 98 years. Mining of diamonds in the east and other minerals expanded, drawing laborers there from other parts of the country.

In 1924, the UK government divided Sierra Leone into a Colony and a Protectorate, with separate and different political systems constitutionally defined for each. The Colony was Freetown and its coastal area; the Protectorate was defined as inland areas dominated by tribal chiefs. Antagonism between the two entities escalated to a heated debate in 1947, when proposals were introduced to provide for a single political system for both the Colony and the Protectorate. Most of the proposals came from leaders of the Protectorate, whose population far outnumbered that in the colony. The Creoles (Krios), led by Isaac Wallace-Johnson, opposed the proposals, as they would have resulted in reducing the political power of the Krios in the Colony.

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In 1951, the educated protectorate leaders from across different ethnic groups, including Sir Milton Margai, Lamina Sankoh, Siaka Stevens, Mohamed Sanusi Mustapha, John Karefa-Smart, Kande Bureh, Sir Albert Margai, Amadu Wurie and Sir Banja Tejan-Sie joined together united with the powerful paramount chiefs in the protectorate to form the Sierra Leone People's Party or SLPP as the party of the protectorate. The SLPP leadership, lead by Sir Milton Margai, negotiated with the British and the educated Krio dominated colony based in Freetown in order to achieve independence [4].

Due to the astute politics of Sir Milton Margai, an ethnic Mende, the educated Protectorate elite was won over to join forces with the paramount chiefs in the face of Krio intransigence. Later, Sir Milton used the same skills to win over opposition leaders and moderate Krio elements in order to achieve independence from the UK. In November 1951, Margai oversaw the drafting of a new constitution, which united the separate Colonial and Protectorate legislatures and – most importantly – provided a framework for decolonisation. In 1953, Sierra Leone was granted local ministerial powers, and Sir Milton Margai, was elected Chief Minister of Sierra Leone. The new constitution ensured Sierra Leone a parliamentary system within the Commonwealth of Nations.

In May 1957, Sierra Leone held its first parliamentary election. The Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), which was then the most popular political party in the colony of Sierra Leone, and was supported by the powerful paramount chiefs in the provinces, won the most seats in Parliament; and Margai was re-elected as Chief Minister by a landslide.

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1960 Independence Conference On 20 April 1960, Sir Milton Margai led a twenty four member Sierra Leonean delegation at constitutional conferences that were held with Queen Elizabeth II and British Colonial Secretary Iain Macleod in negotiations for independence held in London.

On the conclusion of talks in London on 4 May 1960, the United Kingdom agreed to grant Sierra Leone Independence on 27 April 1961.

Independence (1961) On 27 April 1961, Sir Milton Margai led Sierra Leone to independence from Great Britain and became the country's first Prime Minister. Thousands of Sierra Leoneans took to the streets in celebration. Sierra Leone retained a parliamentary system of government and was a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. The leader of the main opposition APC, Siaka Stevens, along with Isaac Wallace-Johnson, another outspoken critic of the SLPP government, were arrested and placed under house arrest in Freetown, along with sixteen others charged with disrupting the independence celebration.

In May 1962, Sierra Leone held its first general election as an Independent nation. The Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) won a plurality of seats in parliament, and Sir Milton Margai was re-elected as prime minister.

Sir Milton was known for his self-effacement. He was neither corrupt nor did he make a lavish display of his power or status. He based the government on the rule of law and the separation of powers, with multiparty political institutions and fairly viable representative structures. Margai used his conservative ideology to lead Sierra Leone without much strife. He appointed government officials to represent various ethnic groups. Margai employed a brokerage style of politics, by sharing political power among political parties and interest groups; and with the powerful paramount chiefs in the provinces, most of whom were key allies of his government .

Final Years of Democracy (1964-1967) Upon Sir Milton's unexpected death in 1964, his half-brother, Sir Albert Margai, was appointed as Prime Minister by parliament. Sir Albert's leadership was briefly challenged by Sierra Leone's Foreign Minister John Karefa-Smart, who questioned Sir Albert's succession to the SLPP leadership position. Karefa-Smart received little support in Parliament in his attempt to have Margai stripped of the SLPP leadership. Soon after Margai was sworn in as Prime Minister, he immediately dismissed several senior government officials who had served under his elder brother Sir Milton's government, as he viewed them as a threat to his administration.

Sir Albert resorted to increasingly authoritarian actions in response to protests and enacted several laws against the opposition All People's Congress (APC), whilst attempting to establish a single-party state. Sir Albert was opposed to the colonial legacy of allowing executive powers to the Paramount Chiefs, many of whom had been key allies of his late brother Sir Milton.

Accordingly, they began to consider Sir Albert as a threat to the ruling houses across the country.

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In 1967, riots broke out in Freetown against Sir Albert's policies; in response Margai declared a state of emergency across the country. Sir Albert was accused of corruption and of a policy of affirmative action in favour of his own Mende ethnic group. Although Sir Albert had the full backing of the country's security forces, he called for free and fair elections.

Three Military Coups (1967–1968) The APC, with its leader Siaka Stevens, narrowly won a small majority of seats in Parliament over the SLPP in a closely contested 1967 Sierra Leone general election. Stevens was sworn in as Prime Minister on 21 March 1967.

Within hours after taking office, Stevens was ousted in a bloodless military coup led by Brigadier General David Lansana, the commander of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces. He was a close ally of Sir Albert Margai, who had appointed him to the position in 1964. Brigadier Lansana placed Stevens under house arrest in Freetown and insisted that the determination of the Prime Minister should await the election of the tribal representatives to the House.

On 23 March 1967, a group of senior military officers in the Sierra Leone Army led by Brigadier General Andrew Juxon-Smith, overrode this action by a coup d'ĂŠtat; they seized control of the government, arresting Brigadier Lansana, and suspending the constitution. The group set up the National Reformation Council (NRC), with Brigadier Andrew Juxon-Smith as its chairman and Head of State of the country.

On 18 April 1968 a group of senior military officers in the Sierra Leone Army who called themself the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement (ACRM), led by Brigadier General John Amadu Bangura, overthrew the NRC junta. The ACRM junta arrested many senior NRC members. They reinstated the constitution and returned power to Stevens, who at last assumed the office of Prime Minister.

One-Party State (1968-1991) Stevens assumed power again in 1968 with a great deal of hope and ambition. Much trust was placed upon him as he championed multi-party politics. Stevens had campaigned on a platform of bringing the tribes together under socialist principles. During his first decade or so in power, Stevens renegotiated some of what he called "useless prefinanced schemes" contracted by his predecessors, both Albert Margai of the SLPP and Juxon-Smith of the NRC. Some of these policies by the SLPP and the NRC were said to have left the country in an economically deprived state.

Stevens reorganized the country's refinery, the government-owned Cape Sierra Hotel, and a cement factory. He cancelled Juxon-Smith's construction of a church and mosque on the grounds of Victoria Park. Stevens began efforts that would later bridge the distance between the provinces and the city. Roads and hospitals were constructed in the provinces, and Paramount Chiefs and provincial peoples became a prominent force in Freetown.

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Under pressure of several coup attempts, real and perceived, Stevens' rule grew more and more authoritarian, and his relationship with some of his ardent supporters deteriorated. He removed the SLPP party from competitive politics in general elections, some believed, through the use of violence and intimidation. To maintain the support of the military, Stevens retained the popular John Amadu Bangura as the head of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces.

After the return to civilian rule, by-elections were held (beginning in autumn 1968) and an all-APC cabinet was appointed. Calm was not completely restored.

In November 1968, unrest in the provinces led Stevens to declare a state of emergency across the country. Many senior officers in the Sierra Leone Army were greatly disappointed with Stevens' policies; but none could confront Stevens. Brigadier General Bangura, who had reinstated Stevens as Prime Minister, was widely considered the only person who could put the brakes on Stevens.

The army was devoted to Bangura, and it was believed in some quarters that this made him potentially dangerous to Stevens. In January 1970, Bangura was arrested and charged with conspiracy and plotting to commit a coup against the Stevens' government. After a trial that lasted a few months, Bangura was convicted and sentenced to death. On 29 March 1970, Brigadier Bangura was executed by hanging in Freetown.

On 23 March 1971, a group of soldiers loyal to the executed Brigadier Bangura held a mutiny in the capital Freetown and in some other parts of the country in opposition of Stevens' government. Several soldiers were arrested for their involvement in the mutiny, including Corporal Foday Sankoh who was convicted and jailed for seven years at Freetown's Pademba Road Prison.

In April 1971, a new republican constitution was adopted under which Stevens became President. In the 1972 by-elections the opposition SLPP complained of intimidation and procedural obstruction by the APC and militia. These problems became so severe that the SLPP boycotted the 1973 general election; as a result the APC won 84 of the 85 elected seats.

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An alleged plot to overthrow president Stevens failed in 1974 and its leaders were executed. In March 1976, Stevens was elected without opposition for a second five-year term as president. On 19 July 1975, 14 senior army and government officials including Brigadier David Lansana, former cabinet minister Mohamed Sorie Forna (father of writer Aminatta Forna), Brigadier General Ibrahim Bash Taqi and Lieutenant Habib Lansana Kamara were executed after being convicted for allegedly attempting a coup to topple president Stevens' government.

In 1977, a nationwide student demonstration against the government disrupted Sierra Leone politics. The demonstration was quickly put down by the army and Stevens' own personal Special Security Division (SSD) force, a heavily armed paramilitary force he had created to protect him and to maintain his hold on power. The SSD officers were very loyal to Stevens and were deployed across Sierra Leone to put down any rebellion against Stevens' government.

General election was called later that year in which corruption was again endemic; the APC won 74 seats and the SLPP 15. In 1978, the APC dominant parliament approved a new constitution making the country a one-party state. The 1978 constitution made the APC the only legal political party in Sierra Leone.

This move led to another major demonstration against the government in many parts of the country but again it was put down by the army and Stevens' SSD forces. Stevens is generally criticized for dictatorial methods and government corruption, but on a positive note, he kept the country stable and from going into civil war. He built several government instititutions that are used by the government today. Stevens also reduced ethnic polarisation in government by incorporating members of various ethnic groups into his all-dominant APC government.

Siaka Stevens retired from politics in November 1985 after being in power for eighteen years.

The APC named a new presidential candidate to succeed Stevens at their last delegate conference held in Freetown in November 1985. He was Major General Joseph Saidu Momoh, the commander of the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces and Stevens' own choice to succeed him. As head of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces, Major General Momoh was very loyal to Stevens who had appointed him to the position. Like Stevens, Momoh was also a member of the minority Limba ethnic group.

Momoh was elected President as the only contesting candidate and was sworn in as Sierra Leone's second president on 28 November 1985 in Freetown. A one party parliamentary election between APC members was held in May 1986. President Momoh's strong links with the army and his verbal attacks on corruption earned him much needed initial support among Sierra Leoneans. With the lack of new faces in the new APC cabinet under president Momoh and the return of many of the old faces from Stevens government, criticisms soon arose that Momoh was simply perpetuating the rule of Stevens.

The next couple of years under the Momoh administration were characterized by corruption, which Momoh defused by sacking several senior cabinet ministers. To formalise his war against corruption, President Momoh announced a "Code of Conduct for Political Leaders and Public Servants." After an alleged attempt to overthrow President Momoh in March 1987, more than 60 senior government officials were arrested, including Vice-President Francis Minah, who was Page 18 of 75

removed from office, convicted for plotting the coup, and executed by hanging in 1989 along with 5 others.

Sierra Leone Civil War (1991–2002) In October 1990, due to mounting pressure from both within and outside the country for political and economic reform, president Momoh set up a constitutional review commission to assess the 1978 one-party constitution. Based on the commission's recommendations a constitution reestablishing a multi-party system was approved by the exclusive APC Parliament by a 60% majority vote, becoming effective on 1 October 1991. There was great suspicion that president Momoh was not serious about his promise of political reform, as APC rule continued to be increasingly marked by abuses of power.

The brutal civil war that was going on in neighbouring Liberia played a significant role in the outbreak of fighting in Sierra Leone. Charles Taylor – then leader of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia – reportedly helped form the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) under the command of former Sierra Leonean army corporal Foday Saybana Sankoh, an ethnic Temne from Tonkolili District in Northern Sierra Leone. Sankoh was a British trained former army corporal who had also undergone guerrilla training in Libya. Taylor's aim was for the RUF to attack the bases of Nigerian dominated peacekeeping troops in Sierra Leone who were opposed to his rebel movement in Liberia.

On 29 April 1992, a 25-year-old Captain Valentine Strasser, an ethnic Creole, led his fellow six junior officers in the Sierra Leone army, all in their mid to late twenties: Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, Sargent Solomon Musa, Captain Komba Mondeh, Lieutenant Tom Nyuma, Captain Julius Maada Bio and Captain Komba Kambo[44] that launched a military coup, which sent president Momoh into exile in Guinea and the young soldiers established the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) with Strasser as its chairman and Head of State of the country.

Sargent Solomon Musa, a childhood friend of Strasser, became the deputy chairman and deputy leader of the NPRC junta government. Strasser became the world's youngest Head of State when he seized power just three days after his 25th birthday. The NPRC junta established the National Supreme Council of State as the military highest command and final authority in all matters, and was exclusively made up of the highest ranking NPRC soldiers, included Strasser himself and the original soldiers who toppled president Momoh.

Senior NPRC commander Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, a trusted ally of Strasser, was assassinated, allegedly by Major S.I.M. Turay, a key loyalist of ousted president Momoh. A heavily armed military manhunt took place across the country to find Lieutenant Sandy's killer - the main suspect Major S.I.M Turay went into hiding and fled the country to Guinea, fearing for his life.

Dozens of soldiers loyal to the ousted president Momoh were arrested.

The NPRC Junta immediately suspended the constitution, banned all political parties, limited freedom of speech and freedom of the press and enacted a rule-by-decree policy, in which soldiers were granted unlimited powers of administrative detention without charge or trial, and challenges against such detentions in court were precluded.

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The NPRC Junta maintained relations with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and strengthened support for Sierra Leone-based ECOMOG troops fighting in Liberia. In December 1992, an alleged coup attempt against the NPRC administration of Strasser, aimed at freeing the detained Colonel Yahya Kanu, Colonel Kahota M.S. Dumbuya and former inspector general of police Bambay Kamara was foiled. Junior army officers were identified as being behind the coup plot. The coup plot led to the execution of seventeen soldiers.

Several prominent members of the Momoh government who had been in detention at the Pa Demba Road prison, including former inspector general of police Bambay Kamara were also executed.

On 5 July 1994 the deputy NPRC leader Seargent Solomon Musu, who was very popular with the general population, particularly in Freetown, was arrested and sent into exile after he was accused of planning a coup to topple Strasser. An accusation Seargent Musa denied. Strasser replaced Musa as deputy NPRC chairman with Captain Julius Maada Bio, who was instantly promoted by Strasser to Brigadier.

The NPRC proved to be nearly as ineffectual as the Momoh-led APC government in repelling the RUF. More and more of the country fell to RUF fighters, and by 1994 they held much of the diamond-rich Eastern Province and were at the edge of Freetown.

In response, the NPRC hired several hundred mercenaries from the private firm Executive Outcomes. Within a month they had driven RUF fighters back to enclaves along Sierra Leone's borders, and cleared the RUF from the Kono diamond producing areas of Sierra Leone.

With Strasser's two most senior NPRC allies and commanders Lieutenant Sahr Sandy and Lieutenant Solomon Musa no longer around to defend him, Strasser's leadership within the NPRC Supreme Council of State was not considered much stronger. On 16 January 1996, after about four years in power, Strasser was arrested in a palace coup at the Defence Headquarter in Freetown by his fellow NPRC soldiers Strasser was immediately flown into exile in a military helicopter to Conakry, Guinea.

In his first public broadcast to the nation following the 1996 coup, Brigadier Bio stated that his support for returning Sierra Leone to a democratically elected civilian government and his commitment to ending the civil war were his motivations for the coup. Promises of a return to civilian rule were fulfilled by Bio, who handed power over to Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, of the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), after the conclusion of elections in early 1996. President Page 20 of 75

Kabbah took power with a great promise of ending the civil war. President Kabbah opened dialogue with the RUF and invited RUF leader Foday Sankoh for peace negotiations.

On 25 May 1997, seventeen soldiers in the Sierra Leone army led by Corporal Tamba Gborie, loyal to the detained Major General Johnny Paul Koroma, launched a military coup which sent President Kabbah into exile in Guinea and they established the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC). Corporal Gborie quickly went to the SLBS FM 99.9 headquarters in Freetown to announce the coup to a shocked nation and to alert all soldiers across the country to report for guard duty. The soldiers immediately released Koroma from prison and installed him as their chairman and Head of State.

Koroma suspended the constitution, banned demonstrations, shut down all private radio stations in the country and invited the RUF to join the new junta government, with its leader Foday Sankoh as the Vice-Chairman of the new AFRC-RUF coalition junta government. Within days, Freetown was overwhelmed by the presence of the RUF combatants who came to the city in their thousands. The Kamajors, a group of traditional fighters mostly from the Mende ethnic group under the command of deputy Defence Minister Samuel Hinga Norman, remained loyal to President Kabbah and defended the Southern part of Sierra Leone from the soldiers.

Kabbah's Government and the End of Civil War (2002-2014) After 10 months in office, the junta was overthrown by the Nigeria-led ECOMOG forces, and the democratically elected government of president Kabbah was reinstated in March 1998. On 12 October 1998 twenty five soldiers in the Sierra Leone army were executed after they were convicted at a court martial in Freetown for orchestrating the 1997 coup that overthrew President Kabbah.

In October 1999, the United Nations agreed to send peacekeepers to help restore order and disarm the rebels. The first of the 6,000-member force began arriving in December, and the UN Security Council voted in February 2000 to increase the force to 11,000, and later to 13,000. But in May, when nearly all Nigerian forces had left and UN forces were trying to disarm the RUF in eastern Sierra Leone, Sankoh's forces clashed with the UN troops, and some 500 peacekeepers were taken hostage as the peace accord effectively collapsed. The hostage crisis resulted in more fighting between the RUF and the government as UN troops launched Operation Khukri to end the siege. The Operation was successful with Indian and British Special Forces being the main contingents.

The situation in the country deteriorated to such an extent that British troops were deployed in Operation Palliser, originally simply to evacuate foreign nationals. However, the British exceeded their original mandate, and took full military action to finally defeat the rebels and restore order. The British were the catalyst for the ceasefire that ended the civil war. Elements of the British Army, together with administrators and politicians, remain in Sierra Leone to this day, helping train the armed forces, improve the infrastructure of the country and administer financial and material aid. Tony Blair, the Prime Minister of Britain at the time of the British intervention, is regarded as a hero by the people of Sierra Leone, many of whom are keen for Page 21 of 75

more British involvement. Sierra Leoneans have been described as "The World's Most Resilient People".

Between 1991 and 2001, about 50,000 people were killed in Sierra Leone's civil war. Hundreds of thousands of people were forced from their homes and many became refugees in Guinea and Liberia. In 2001, UN forces moved into rebel-held areas and began to disarm rebel soldiers. By January 2002, the war was declared over. In May 2002, Kabbah was re-elected president by a landslide. By 2004, the disarmament process was complete. Also in 2004, a UN-backed war crimes court began holding trials of senior leaders from both sides of the war. In December 2005, UN peacekeeping forces pulled out of Sierra Leone.

In August 2007, Sierra Leone held presidential and parliamentary elections. However, no presidential candidate won the 50% plus one vote majority stipulated in the constitution on the first round of voting. A runoff election was held in September 2007, and Ernest Bai Koroma, the candidate of the main opposition APC, was elected president. Koroma was re-elected president for a second (and final) term in November 2012.

Struggle with Epidemic (2014- present) In 2014 an Ebola virus epidemic in Sierra Leone began, which had widespread impact on the country. By the end of 2014 there were nearly 3000 deaths and 10 thousand cases of the disease in Sierra Leone. The epidemic also lead to the Ouse to Ouse Tock in September 2014, a nationwide three day quarantine. The epidemic occurred as part of the wider Ebola virus epidemic in West Africa. In early August 2014 Sierra Leone cancelled league football (soccer) matches because of the Ebola epidemic.

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Politics & Government Ernest Bai Koroma, current president of Sierra Leone

Sierra Leone is a constitutional republic with a directly elected president and a unicameral legislature. The current system of national government in Sierra Leone, established under the 1991 Constitution, is modelled on the following structure of government: the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary.

Within the confines of the 1991 Constitution, supreme legislative powers are vested in Parliament, which is the law making body of the nation. Supreme executive authority rests in the president and members of his cabinet and judicial power with the judiciary of which the Chief Justice is head.

The president is the head of state, the head of government and the commander-in-chief of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces and the Sierra Leone Police. The president appoints and heads a cabinet of ministers, which must be approved by the Parliament. The president is elected by popular vote to a maximum of two five-year terms. The president is the highest and most influential position within the government of Sierra Leone.

To be elected president of Sierra Leone, a candidate must gain at least 55% of the vote. If no candidate gets 55%, there is a second-round runoff between the top two candidates.

The current president of Sierra Leone is Ernest Bai Koroma, who was sworn in on 17 September 2007. The first person of Temne ancestry to be elected president, he won a tense run-off election, defeating incumbent Vice-president, Solomon Berewa of the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP).

Koroma was re-elected as President for his second and final term, on 23 November 2012, with 58.7%, in the 2012 Sierra Leone Presidential election, defeating his main opponent, Retired Brigadier Julius Maada Bio of the main opposition Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), who got 37.4%.

Koroma was sworn in as President for his second and final term by Chief Justice Umu Hawa Tejan Jalloh at State House in Freetown; the same day he was declared the winner of the election.

Next to the president is the Vice-president, who is the second-highest ranking government official in the executive branch of the Sierra Leone Government. As designated by the Sierra Leone Constitution, the vice-president is to become the new president of Sierra Leone upon the death, resignation, or removal of the president by parliament and to assume the Presidency Page 24 of 75

temporarily while the president is otherwise temporarily unable to fulfil his or her duties. The vice-president is elected jointly with the president as his or her running mate. Sierra Leone's current vice-president is Samuel Sam-Sumana, sworn in on 17 September 2007.

Parliament The Parliament of Sierra Leone is unicameral, with 124 seats. Each of the country's fourteen districts is represented in parliament. 112 members are elected concurrently with the presidential elections; the other 12 seats are filled by paramount chiefs from each of the country's 12 administrative districts.

The current parliament in the August 2007 Parliamentary elections is made up of three political parties. The most recent parliamentary elections were held on 11 August 2007. The All People's Congress (APC), won 59 of 112 parliamentary seats; the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) won 43; and the People's Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC) won 10. To be qualified as Member of Parliament, the person must be a citizen of Sierra Leone, must be at least 21 years old, must be able to speak, read and write the English language with a degree of proficiency to enable him to actively take part in proceedings in Parliament; and must not have any criminal conviction.

Since independence in 1961, Sierra Leone's politics has been dominated by two major political parties, the SLPP and the ruling APC. Other minor political parties have also existed but with no significant support.

The Judiciary The Sierra Leone Supreme Court in the capital Freetown, the highest and most powerful court in the country

The judicial power of Sierra Leone is vested in the judiciary, headed by the Chief Justice and comprising the Sierra Leone Supreme Court, which is the highest court in the country and its ruling therefore cannot be appealed; the High Court of Justice; the Court of Appeal; the magistrate courts; and traditional courts in rural villages. The president appoints and parliament approves Justices for the three courts. The Judiciary have jurisdiction in all civil and criminal matters throughout the country. The current Chief Justice is Umu Hawa Tejan Jalloh.

She is the first woman in the history of Sierra Leone to hold such position.

Foreign Relations The Sierra Leone Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation is responsible for foreign policy of Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone has diplomatic relations that include China, Libya, Iran, and Cuba. Sierra Leone has good relations with the West, including the United States, and has maintained historical ties with the United Kingdom and other former British colonies through membership in the Commonwealth of Nations. The United Kingdom has played a major Page 25 of 75

role in providing aid to the former colony, together with administrative help and military training since intervening to end the Civil War in 2000.

Former President Siaka Stevens' government had sought closer relations with other West African countries under the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) a policy continued by the current government. Sierra Leone, along with Liberia and Guinea, form the Mano River Union (MRU). It is primarily designed to implement development projects and promote regional economic integration between the three countries.

Sierra Leone is also a member of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, the African Union, the African Development Bank (AFDB), the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Sierra Leone is a member of the International Criminal Court with a Bilateral Immunity Agreement of protection for the US military (as covered under Article 98).

Administrative Divisions The Republic of Sierra Leone is composed of four regions: the Northern Province, Southern Province, the Eastern Province, and the Western Area.

The first three provinces are further divided into 12 districts.

The districts are divided into 149 chiefdoms, which have traditionally been led by hereditary paramount chiefs, recognized by the British administration in 1896 at the time of organizing the Protectorate of Sierra Leone.

Each chiefdom has ruling families that were recognized at that time; the Tribal Authority, made up of local notables, elects the paramount chief from the ruling families. Typically, chiefs have the power to "raise taxes, control the judicial system, and allocate land, the most important resource in rural areas."

Sierra Leone also designates units of government called localities. To broaden representative government, each has a directly elected local district council to exercise authority and carry out functions at a local level. There are 13 district councils, one for each of the 12 districts and one for the Western Area Rural. Six municipalities also have elected local councils: Freetown, Bo, Bonthe, Kenema, Koidu, and Makeni.

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District

Capital

Area km2 Province

Bombali District Makeni 7,985 Koinadugu District Kabala 12,121 Port Loko District Port Loko 5,719 Tonkolili District Magburaka 7,003 Kambia District Kambia 3,108 Kenema District Kenema 6,053 Kono District Koidu Town 5,641 Kailahun District Kailahun 3,859 Bo District Bo 5,219 Bonthe District Mattru Jong 3,468 Pujehun District Pujehun 4,105 Moyamba District Moyamba 6,902 Western Area Urban District Freetown 544 Western Area Rural District Waterloo 13

Northern Province

Eastern Province

Southern Province Western Area

Population Population (2004 census) (2010 estimates) 408,390 434,319 265,758 251,091 453,746 500,992 347,197 385,322 270,462 313,765 497,948 545,327 335,401 352,328 358,190 409,520 463,668 561,524 139,687 140,845 228,392 252,390 260,910 252,390 772,873 1,473,873 174,249 205,400

Military The Military of Sierra Leone, officially the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF), are the unified armed forces of Sierra Leone responsible for the territorial security of Sierra Leone's border and defending the national interests of Sierra Leone within the framework of its international obligations. The armed forces were formed after independence in 1961, on the basis of elements of the former British Royal West African Frontier Force present in the country. The Sierra Leone Armed Forces consists of around 15,500 personnel, comprising the largest Sierra Leone Army, the Sierra Leone Navy and the Sierra Leone Air Wing.

The president of Sierra Leone is the Commander in Chief of the military, with the Minister of Defence responsible for defence policy and the formulation of the armed forces. The current Sierra Leone Defence Minister is retired Major Alfred Paolo Conteh. The Military of Sierra Leone also has a Chief of the Defence Staff who is a uniformed military official responsible for the administration and the operational control of the Sierra Leone military. Brigadier General Alfred Nelson-Williams who was appointed by president Koroma succeeded the retired Major General Edward Sam M’boma on 12 September 2008 as the Chief of Defence Staff of the Military.

Before Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961, the military was known as the Royal Sierra Leone Military Force. The military seized control in 1968, bringing the National Reformation Council into power. On 19 April 1971, when Sierra Leone became a republic, the Royal Sierra Leone Military Forces were renamed the Republic of Sierra Leone Military Force (RSLMF). The RSLMF remained a single-service organisation until 1979, when the Sierra Leone Navy was established. In 1995 Defence Headquarters was established, and the Sierra Leone Air Wing Page 27 of 75

formed. The RSLMF was renamed as the Armed Forces of the Republic of Sierra Leone (AFRSL).

Law Enforcement Law enforcement in Sierra Leone is primarily the responsibility of the Sierra Leone Police (SLP). Sierra Leone Police was established by the British colony in 1894; it is one of the oldest police forces in West Africa. It works to prevent crime, protect life and property, detect and prosecute offenders, maintain public order, ensure safety and security, and enhance access to justice. The Sierra Leone Police is headed by the Inspector General of Police, the professional head of the Sierra Leone Police force, who is appointed by the President of Sierra Leone.

Each one of Sierra Leone's 14 districts is headed by a district police commissioner who is the professional head of their respective district. These Police Commissioners report directly to the Inspector General of Police at the Sierra Leone Police headquarters in Freetown. The current Inspector General of Police is Brima Acha Kamara, who was appointed to the position by former president Ahmad Tejan Kabbah.

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Geography Sierra Leone is located on the west coast of Africa, lying mostly between latitudes 7° and 10°N (a small area is south of 7°), and longitudes 10° and 14°W. The country is bordered by Guinea to the north and northeast, Liberia to the south and southeast, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west.

Sierra Leone has a total area of 71,740 km2 (27,699 sq mi), divided into a land area of 71,620 km2 (27,653 sq mi) and water of 120 km2 (46 sq mi). The country has four distinct geographical regions. In eastern Sierra Leone the plateau is interspersed with high mountains, where Mount Bintumani reaches 1,948 m (6,391 ft), the highest point in the country. The upper part of the drainage basin of the Moa River is located in the south of this region.

The centre of the country is a region of lowland plains, containing forests, bush and farmland, that occupies about 43% of Sierra Leone's land area. The northern section of this has been categorized by the World Wildlife Fund as part of the Guinean forest-savanna mosaic ecoregion, while the south is rain-forested plains and farmland.

In the west, Sierra Leone has some 400 km (249 mi) of Atlantic coastline, giving it both bountiful marine resources and attractive tourist potential. The coast has areas of low-lying Guinean mangroves swamp. The national capital Freetown sits on a coastal peninsula, situated next to the Sierra Leone Harbour, the world's third largest natural harbour.

The climate is tropical, with two seasons determining the agricultural cycle: the rainy season from May to November, and a dry season from December to May, which includes harmattan, when cool, dry winds blow in off the Sahara Desert and the night-time temperature can be as low as 16 °C (60.8 °F). The average temperature is 26 °C (78.8 °F) and varies from around 26 to 36 °C (78.8 to 96.8 °F) during the year.

Environment Human activities claimed to be responsible or contributing to land degradation in Sierra Leone include unsustainable agricultural land use, poor soil and water management practices, deforestation, removal of natural vegetation, fuelwood consumption and to a lesser extent overgrazing and urbanisation.

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Deforestation, both for commercial timber and to make room for agriculture, is the major concern and represents an enormous loss of natural economic wealth to the nation. Mining and slash and burn for land conversion – such as cattle grazing – dramatically diminished forested land in Sierra Leone since the 1980s. It is listed among countries of concern for emissions, as having Low Forest Cover with High Rates of Deforestation (LFHD).

There are concerns that heavy logging continues in the Tama-Tonkoli Forest Reserve in the north. Loggers have extended their operations to Nimini, Kono District, Eastern Province; Jui, Western Rural District, Western Area; Loma Mountains National Park, Koinadougu, Northern Province; and with plans to start operations in the Kambui Forest reserve in the Kenema District, Eastern Province.

Habitat degradation for the African Wild Dog, Lycaon pictus, has been increased, such that this canid is deemed to have been extirpated in Sierra Leone.

Until 2002, Sierra Leone lacked a forest management system due to the civil war that caused tens of thousands of deaths. Deforestation rates have increased 7.3% since the end of the civil war.

On paper, 55 protected areas covered 4.5% of Sierra Leone as of 2003. The country has 2,090 known species of higher plants, 147 mammals, 626 birds, 67 reptiles, 35 amphibians, and 99 fish species.

The Environmental Justice Foundation has documented how the number of illegal fishing vessels in Sierra Leone's waters has multiplied in recent years. The amount of illegal fishing has significantly depleted fish stocks, depriving local fishing communities of an important resource for survival. The situation is particularly serious as fishing provides the only source of income for many communities in a country still recovering from over a decade of civil war.

In June 2005, the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB) and Bird Life International agreed to support a conservation-sustainable development project in the Gola Forest in south eastern Sierra Leone, an important surviving fragment of rainforest in Sierra Leone.

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Health Conditions The CIA estimated average life expectancy in Sierra Leone was 57.39 years.

The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the population is 1.6%, higher than the world average of 1% but lower than the average of 6.1% across Sub-Saharan Africa.

Few people in Sierra Leone have regular access to adequate medical care. For some people from rural areas, the next doctor or hospital is out of reach although free health care might be provided there. In other cases, people are charged by the medical staff who are themselves poorly paid.

Many people do not know that they have a right to free medical care.

Endemic and Infectious Diseases Sierra Leone suffers from epidemic outbreaks of diseases, including yellow fever, cholera, lassa fever and meningitis. Yellow fever and malaria are endemic to Sierra Leone.

2014 Ebola Outbreak Ebola is prevalent in Africa where social and economic inequalities are common. The central African countries are the most prevalent of EVD; like Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Uganda, and Gabon In 2014 there was an outbreak of the Ebola virus in West Africa. As of 19 October 2014, there had been 3,706 cases of Ebola in Sierra Leone, and 1,259 deaths, including that of the leading physician trying to control the outbreak, Sheik Umar Khan. In early August 2014 Guinea closed its borders to Sierra Leone to help contain the spreading of the virus, which originated in Guinea, as more new cases of the disease were being reported in Sierra Leone than in Guinea. Aside from the human cost, the outbreak was severely eroding the economy. By September 2014, with the closure of borders, the cancellation of airline flights, the evacuation of foreign workers and a collapse of cross-border trade, the national deficit of Sierra Leone and other affected countries was widening to the point where the IMF was considering expanding its financial support.

Sierra Leone is currently afflicted by an epidemic of Ebola virus disease (commonly known as "Ebola"), along with the neighbouring countries of Guinea and Liberia.

On March 18 Guinean health officials announce the outbreak of a mysterious hemorrhagic fever "which strikes like lightning." It was identified as Ebola virus disease and spread to Sierra Leone Page 33 of 75

by May 2014. The disease is thought to have originated when a child in a bat-hunting family contracted the disease in Guinea in December 2013. Consumption of African bushmeat, including rats, bats, and monkeys, is commonplace in Sierra Leone and West Africa in general.

At the time it was discovered, it was thought that Ebola virus is not endemic to Sierra Leone or to the West Africa region and this epidemic represents the first time the virus has been discovered there. However, some samples taken for Lassa fever testing turned out to be Ebola virus disease when re-tested for Ebola in 2014, showing that Ebola had been in Sierra Leone as early as 2006.

History of Ebola in Sierra Leone In 2014 it was discovered that samples of suspected Lassa fever showed evidence of the Zaire strain of Ebola virus in Sierra Leone as early as 2006. Prior to the current Zaire strain outbreak in 2014, Ebola had not really been seen in Sierra Leone, or even in West Africa among humans. It is suspected that fruit bats are natural carriers of disease, native to this region of Africa including Sierra Leone and also a popular food source for both humans and wildlife. The Gola forests in south-east Sierra Leone are a noted source of bushmeat.

Bats are known to be carriers of at least 90 different viruses that can make transition to a human host. However, the virus has different symptoms in humans. It takes one to ten viruses to infect a human but there can be millions in a drop of blood from someone very sick from the disease.

Transmission is believed to be by contact with the blood and body fluids of those infected with the virus, as well as by handling raw bushmeat such as bats and monkeys, which are important sources of protein in West Africa. Infectious body fluids include blood, sweat, semen, breast milk, saliva, tears, feces, urine, vaginal secretions, vomit, and diarrhea.

Even after a successful recovery from an Ebola infection, semen may contain the virus for at least two months. Breast milk may contain the virus for two weeks after recovery, and transmission of the disease to a consumer of the breast milk may be possible. By October 2014 it was suspected that handling a piece of contaminated paper may be enough to contract the disease. Contamination on paper makes it harder to keep records in Ebola clinics, as data about patients written on paper that gets written down in a "hot" zone is hard to pass to a "safe" zone, because if there is any contamination it may bring Ebola into that area. (see also Fomites) One aspect of Sierra Leone that is alleged to have aided the disease, is the strong desire of many to have very involved funeral practices. For example, for the Kissi people who inhabit part of Sierra Leone, it is important to bury the bodies of the dead near them. Funeral practices include rubbing the corpses down with oil, dressing them in fine clothes, then having those at the funeral hug and kiss the dead body. This may aid the transmission of Ebola, because those that die from Ebola disease are thought to have high concentrations of the virus in their body, even after they have died.

For the 2001 outbreak of Sudan virus in Uganda, attending a funeral of an Ebola victim was rated by the CDC as one of the top three risk factors for contracting Ebola, along with contact with a family member with Ebola or providing medical care to someone with a case of Ebola Page 34 of 75

virus disease. The main start of the outbreak in Sierra Leone was linked to a single funeral in which the WHO estimates as many as 365 died from Ebola disease after getting the disease at the funeral.

Bushmeat has also been implicated in spreading Ebola disease, either by handling the raw meat or through droppings from the animals. It is the raw blood and meat that is thought to be more dangerous, so it is those that hunt and butcher the raw meat that are more at risk as opposed to cooked meat sold at market. Health care workers in Sierra Leone have been warned not to go to markets.

Spring 2014: Early Cases In late March there were suspected but not confirmed cases in Sierra Leone. The government announced on 31 March 2014 that there were no cases in Sierra Leone.

The epidemic is thought to have started in late May when 14 people returned from a funeral of a traditional healer, who had been trying to cure others with Ebola in Guinea. The first person reported infected was a tribal healer. She had treated an infected person(s) and died on 26 May. According to tribal tradition, her body was washed for burial and this appears to have led to infections in women from neighboring towns.

The corpses are highly contagious immediately after death, so precautions such as hazmat suits are needed. In this region the practice of kissing and touching the dead has been implicated in Page 35 of 75

helping to spread Ebola. However, two U.S. doctors who "followed all CDC and WHO protocols to the letter" still managed to contract the disease and it is not clear how they got the disease.

By 27 May 2014 it was reported 5 people died from the Ebola virus and there were 16 new cases of the disease. Between 27 May 2014 and 30 May the number of confirmed, probable, or suspected cases of Ebola went from 16 to 50. By 9 June, the number cases had risen to 42 known and 113 being tested, with a total of 16 known to have died from the disease by that time.

The disease spread rapidly in the area, and the local government hospital was overwhelmed. At that hospital 12 nurses died despite having the world's only Lassa fever isolation ward, according to the U.N. The hospital proved instrumental early on, detecting the first case in the country and supporting the release of a research paper on Ebola. However, the growing number of cases there led to infection and loss of Sierra Leone's hemorrhagic fever expert, Doctor Khan, and the normal functioning of the hospital was disrupted because of the danger of getting infected by the disease.

Summer 2014: Continued Growth, Khan Dies On 12 June the country declared a state of emergency in the Kailahun District, where it announced the closure of schools, cinemas, and nightlife places; the district borders both Guinea and Liberia, and all vehicles would be subject to screening at checkpoints. The government declared on 11 June that its country's borders would be closed to Guinea and Liberia; but many local people cross the borders on unofficial routes which are difficult for authorities to control.

Seasonal rains that fall between June and August interfered with the fight against Ebola, and in some cases caused flooding in Sierra Leone.

By July 11, 2014 the first case was reported in the capital of Sierra Leone, Freetown, however the person had traveled to the capital from another area of the country. By this time there were over 300 confirmed cases and 99 were confirmed to have died from Ebola. There was another case before the end of the month.

On 29 July, well-known physician Sheik Umar Khan, Sierra Leone's only expert on hemorrhagic fever, died after contacting Ebola at his clinic in Kenema. Khan had long worked with Lassa fever, a disease that kills over 5,000 a year in Africa. He had expanded his clinic to accept Ebola patients. Sierra Leone's President, Ernest Bai Koroma, celebrated Khan as a "national hero".

On 30 July, it declared a state of emergency and deployed troops to quarantine hot spots.

In August, awareness campaigns in Freetown, Sierra Leone's capital, were delivered over the radio and through loudspeakers. Also in August, Sierra Leone passed a law that subjected anyone hiding someone believed to be infected to two years in jail. At the time the law was enacted, a top parliamentarian was critical of failures by neighboring countries to stop the outbreak. Also in early August Sierra Leone cancelled league football (soccer) matches.

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September 2014: Exponential Growth, Quarantines Within 2 days of 12 September 2014, there were 20 lab-confirmed cases discovered in Freetown, Sierra Leone. One issue was that residents were leaving dead bodies in the street. By 6 September 2014 there were 60 cases of Ebola in Freetown, out of about 1100 nationwide at this time. However, not everyone was bringing cases to doctors, and they were not always being treated. One doctor said the Freetown health system was not functioning, and during this time, respected Freetown Doctor Olivette Buck fell ill and died from Ebola by 14 September 2014.

The population of Freetown in 2011 was 941,000.

By 18 September 2014 teams of people that bury the dead were struggling to keep up, as 20-30 bodies needed to be buried each day. The teams drive on motor-bikes to collect samples from corpses to see if they died from Ebola. Freetown, Sierra Leone has one laboratory that can do Ebola testing.

WHO estimated on 21 September that Sierra Leone's capacity to treat Ebola cases falls short by the equivalent of 532 beds. Experts pushed for a greater response at this time noting that it may destroy Sierra Leone and Liberia. At this time it was estimated that if it spreads through both Liberia and Sierra Leone up to 5 million could be killed. (The population of Liberia is about 4.3 million and Sierra Leone is about 6.1 million.)

In an attempt to control the disease, Sierra Leone imposed a three-day lockdown on its population from 19 to 21 September. During this period 28,500 trained community workers and volunteers went door-to-door providing information on how to prevent infection, as well as setting up community Ebola surveillance teams. The campaign was called the Ouse to Ouse Tock in Krio language. There was concern the 72-hour lock-down could backfire.

On 22 September, Stephen Gaojia said that the three day lock down has obtained its objective and will not be extended. Eighty percent of targeted households were reached in the operation. A total of around 150 new cases have been uncovered, but the exact figures will only be known on Thursday as the health ministry is still awaiting reports from remote locations. One incident during the lock-down, was when a burial team was attacked.

On 24 September, President Ernest Bai Koroma added three more districts under "isolation," in an effort to contain the spread. The districts include Port Loko, Bombali, and Moyamba. In the capital, Freetown, all homes with identified cases will be quarantined. This brings the total areas under isolation to 5, including the outbreak "hot spots" Kenema and Kailahun which are already in isolation. Only deliveries and essential services will be allowed in and out. A sharp rise in cases in these areas was also noted by WHO. As of late September about 2 million people are in areas of restricted travel, which include Kailahun, Kenema, Bombali, Tonkolili, and Port Loko Districts.

The number of cases seemed to be doubling every 20 days, which led to the estimate that by January 2015 the number of cases in Liberia and Sierra Leone could grow to 1.4 million.

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On 25 September there were 1940 cases and 587 deaths officially, however, many acknowledged under-reporting and there was an increasing number of cases in Freetown (the capital of Sierra Leone).

WHO estimated on 21 September that Sierra Leone's capacity to treat Ebola cases falls short by the equivalent of 532 beds. There have been reports that political interference and administrative incompetence have hindered the flow of medical supplies into the country.

October 2014: Responders Overwhelmed By 2 October 2014, it was estimated 5 people an hour were being infected with the Ebola virus in Sierra Leone. By this time it was estimated the number of infected has been doubling every 20 days. On 4 October, Sierra Leone recorded 121 fatalities, the largest number in a single day. On 8 October, Sierra Leone burial crews went on strike. On 12 October, it was reported that the U.K. would begin providing military support to Sierra Leone.

In October it was noted hospitals are running out of supplies in Sierra Leone. There have been reports that political interference and administrative incompetence have hindered the flow of medical supplies into the country. In the week prior to 2 October there were 765 new cases, and Ebola was spreading rapidly. At the start of October there were nearly 2200 laboratory confirmed cases of Ebola and over 600 had died from it. The epidemic also claimed the life of 4 doctors and at least 60 nurses by the end of September 2014. Sierra Leone limits its reported deaths to laboratory confirmed cases in facilities, so the actual number of losses is known to be higher.

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Sierra Leone was considering making reduced care clinics, to stop those sick with Ebola from getting their families sick with the disease and to provide something in between home-care and the full-care clinics. These "isolation centers" would provide an alternative to the overwhelmed clinics. The problem the country is facing is 726 new Ebola cases but less than 330 beds available.

More than 160 additional medical personnel from Cuba arrived in early October, building on about 60 that had been there since September. At that time there were about 327 beds for patients in Sierra Leone.

Canada announced it is sending a 2nd mobile lab and more staff to Sierra Leone on 4 October 2014.

There were reports of drunken grave-diggers making graves for Ebola patients too shallow, and as a result wildlife comes and digs up and eats at the corpses. In addition, in some cases bodies are not buried for days, because no one comes to collect them. One problem is that it has been hard to care for local health care workers, and there is not enough money to evacuate them.

Meanwhile other diseases like malaria, pneumonia, and diarrhea are not being treated properly because the health system is trying to deal with Ebola patients.

On 7 October 2014 Canada sent a C-130 loaded with 128,000 face shields to Freetown.

In early October 2014, a burial team leader said there were piles of corpses south of Freetown.

On October 9 the International Charter on Space and Major Disasters was activated on Sierra Leone's behalf, the first time that its charitably repurposed satellite imaging assets have been deployed in an epidemiological role. On 14 October 2014, 800 Sierra Leone peacekeepers due to relieve a contingent deployed in Somalia, were placed under quarantine when one of the soldiers tested positive for Ebola.

The last district in Sierra Leone untouched by the Ebola virus has declared Ebola cases.

According to Abdul Sesay, a local health official, 15 suspected deaths with 2 confirmed cases of the deadly disease were reported on 16 October in the village of Fakonya. The village is 60 miles from the town of Kabala in the center of mountainous region of the Koinadugu district. This was the last district free from the virus in Sierra Leone. All of the districts in this country have now confirmed cases of Ebola.

In late October 2014, the United Kingdom sent one of their hospital ships, the Royal Navy's Argus, to help Sierra Leone. By late October Sierra Leone was experiencing more than twenty deaths a day from Ebola. In October 2014, officials reported that very few pregnant women were surviving Ebola disease. In previous outbreaks pregnant women were noted to have a higher rate of death with Ebola.

Officials struggled to maintain order in one town after a medical team trying to take a blood sample from a corpse were blocked by an angry machete wielding mob. They allegedly believed the person had died from high-blood pressure and did not want the body being tested for Ebola.

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town was placed on a 24-hour curfew and authorities tried to calm the situation down. Despite this several buildings were attacked.

On 30 October the ship Argus arrived in Sierra Leone. It carried 32 off-road vehicles to support Ebola treatment units. The ship also carried three transport helicopters to support operations against the epidemic. By the end of October 2014 there were over 5200 laboratory confirmed cases of Ebola virus disease in Sierra Leone.

On 31 October 2014 an ambulance driver in Bo District died of Ebola. His ambulance picked up Ebola patients (or suspected Ebola cases) and took them to treatment centers.

November 2014: Continuing Struggle On 1 November, the United Kingdom announced plans to build three more Ebola laboratories in Sierra Leone. The labs help to determine if a patient has been infected by the Ebola virus. At this time it can as much as five days to test a sample because of the volume of samples that need to be tested.

On 2 November, a person with Ebola employed by the United Nations was evacuated from Sierra Leone to France for treatment. On 4 November, it was reported that thousands violated quarantine in search for food, in the town of Kenema. On 6 November, it was reported that the situation was "getting worse" due to "intense transmission" in Freetown as a contributing factor; the capital city reported 115 cases in the last week alone. Food shortages and aggressive quarantines were reported to be making the situation worse, according to the Disaster Emergency Committee. Sierra Leone has established call centers in Port Loko and Kambia, according to MSSL Communications as reported on November 21; this is in addition to the June hotline originally established.

On 12 November, more than 400 health workers went on strike over salary issues at one of the few Ebola treatment centers in the country. On 18 November, the supply ship Karel Doorman of the Royal Netherlands Navy (Koninklijke Marine) arrived in Freetown, with supplies. Its Captain-Commander, Peter van den Berg, took steps to reduce the chance of the crew contracting Ebola virus disease.

The Neini Chiefdom in Koinadugu District was subject to isolation after Ebola cases. On 19 November, it was reported that the Ebola virus was spreading intensely; "much of this was driven by intense transmission in the country's west and north," the WHO said.

A British-built Ebola Treatment Centre which started in Kerry Town during November generated some controversy because of its initially limited capacity. However, this was because they were following guidelines of how to safely open an Ebola treatment unit. This is the first of six planned treatment centres which, when completed, will be staffed by a number of NGOs. In mid-November the WHO reported that while all cases and deaths continued to be underreported, "there is some evidence that case incidence is no longer increasing nationally in Guinea and Liberia, but steep increases persist in Sierra Leone". On 19 November, it was reported that Page 40 of 75

the Ebola virus was spreading intensely; "much of this was driven by intense transmission in the country's west and north", the WHO said. The first Cuban doctor to be infected with the virus was flown to Geneva. On 26 November, it was reported that due to Sierra Leone's increased Ebola transmission, the country will surpass Liberia in the total cases count. On 27 November, Canada announced it would deploy military health staff to the infected region. On 29 November, the President of Sierra Leone canceled a planned three-day shutdown in Freetown to curb the virus.

December 2014 On 2 December, it was reported that the Tonkolili district had begun a two-week lockdown, "which was agreed in a key stakeholders meeting of cabinet ministers, parliamentarians and paramount chiefs of the district as part of efforts to stem the spread of the disease," according to a ministry spokesman. The move meant that a total of six districts, containing more than half of the population, were locked down.

Sierra Leone indicated, in a report on 5 December, that about 100 cases of the virus are now being reported daily. On the same day, it was further reported that families caught taking part in burial washing rituals, which can spread the virus, would be taken to jail. On 6 December, a report indicated that the Canadian Armed Forces would send a medical team to the country of Sierra Leone to help combat the Ebola virus epidemic.

On 8 December, the doctors in Sierra Leone went on strike, demanding better treatment for health care workers according to Health Ministry spokesman Jonathan Abass Kamara.

On 9 December, Sierra Leone authorities have placed the Eastern Kono District in a two week lock-down following the alarming rate of infection and deaths there. The lock down will last until 23 December. This follows the grim discovery of bodies piling up in the district. The WHO reported fear of a major breakout in the area. The district with 350,000 inhabitants buried 87 bodies in 11 days, with 25 patients dying in 5 days before the WHO arrived.

On 12 December, Sierra Leone banned all public festivities for Christmas or New Year, because of the outbreak. On 13 December, it was reported that the first Australian facility had been opened; ―operations will be gradually scaled up to full capacity at 100 beds under strict guidelines to ensure infection control procedures are working effectively and trained staff ... are in place", one source indicated.

Médecins Sans Frontières/Doctors Without Borders, in partnership with the Ministry of Health, has carried out during December the largest-ever distribution of antimalarials in Sierra Leone.

Teams distributed 1.5 million antimalarial treatments in Freetown and surrounding districts with the aim of protecting people from malaria during the disease’s peak season. A spokesman said ―In the context of Ebola, malaria is a major concern, because people who are sick with malaria have the same symptoms as people sick with Ebola. As a result, most people turn up at Ebola Page 41 of 75

treatment centres thinking that they have Ebola, when actually they have malaria. It’s a huge load on the system, as well as being a huge stress on patients and their families.‖ Between 14 December and 17 December Sierra Leone reported 403 new cases with a total of 8,759 cases on the latter date. On 25 December, Sierra Leone put the north area of the country on lockdown. By the end of December Sierra Leone again reported a surge in numbers, with 9,446 cases reported.

On 29 December 2014, Pauline Cafferkey, a British aid worker who had just returned to Glasgow from working at the treatment centre in Kerry Town, was diagnosed with Ebola at Glasgow's Gartnavel General Hospital.

January 2015 On January 4th, the lockdown was extended for two weeks. On this day the country reported 9780 cases with 2943 deaths. Among healthcare workers there were 296 cases with 221 fatalities reported.

On 8 January MSF admitted its first patients to a Treatment Centre (ETC) in Kissy, an Ebola hotspot on the outskirts of Freetown. Once the ETC is fully operational it will include specialist facilities for pregnant women. By 9 January the case load in the country exceeded 10,000, with 10,074 cases and 3,029 deaths reported. On 9 January, it was reported that South Korea would send a medical team to Goderich.

On 10 January Sierra Leone declared its first Ebola-free district. The Pujehun district in the south east of the country reported no new cases for 42 days.

February 2015 A worker at Kerry Town clinic was evacuated to the United Kingdom on February 2, 2015, after a needlestick injury.

Healthcare Capacity Prior to the Ebola epidemic Sierra Leone had about 136 doctors and 1,017 nurses/midwives for a population of about 6 million people.

On 26 August, the WHO shut down one of two laboratories after a health worker became infected. The laboratory was situated in the Kailahun district, one of the worst-affected areas. It was thought by some that this move would disrupt efforts to increase the global response to the outbreak of the disease in the district.

"It's a temporary measure to take care of the welfare of our remaining workers," WHO spokesperson Christy Feig announced. He did not specify how long the closure would last, but said they would return after an assessment of the situation by the WHO. The medical worker, one of the first WHO staff infected by the Ebola Virus, was treated at a hospital in Kenema and Page 42 of 75

then evacuated to Germany. By 4 October 2014, it was announced he has recovered and left Germany.

As the Ebola epidemic grew it damaged the health care infrastructure, leading to increased deaths from other health issues including malaria, diarrhoea, and pneumonia because they were not being treated.

The WHO estimated on 21 September that Sierra Leone's capacity to treat Ebola cases fell short by the equivalent of 532 beds.

Death of Health Workers On 27 August 2014 Dr. Sahr Rogers died from Ebola after contracting it working in Kenema.

Sierra Leone lost three of its top doctors by the end of August, because they died from Ebola.

A fourth doctor, Dr. Olivet Buck, became ill with Ebola in September and died later that month.

Dr. Olivette Buck was a Sierra Leone doctor who worked in Freetown, who tested positive for Ebola on 9 September 2014 and died on 14 September 2014. Her staff thought she got exposed in August and eventually went to Lumley Hospital on 1 September 2014 with a fever, thinking it was malaria. After a few more days of sickness she was admitted to Connaught Hospital.

By 23 September 2014 about 61 health workers had died out of 91 known to have been infected with Ebola in Sierra Leone.

On 19 October the WHO reported 129 cases with 95 deaths of healthcare workers (125 / 91 confirmed).

On 2 November 2014 a fifth doctor, Dr. Godfrey George, a medical superintendent of Kambia Government Hospital died as a result of Ebola infection.

On 17 November 2014 the sixth doctor, Dr Martin Salia, died as a result of Ebola infection, after being medivaced to Nebraska Medical Center in the United States.

On 18 November 2014 a seventh doctor, Dr Michael Kargbo, died in Sierra Leone. He worked at the Magburaka Government Hospital.

Dr. Aiah Solomon Konoyeima was reported have Ebola in late November 2014, which would make him the eighth to contract Ebola. He was reported to have passed away from the disease on December 7, 2014, becoming what was reported as the 10th doctor to die there.

On 26 November 2014 a ninth doctor, Dr. Songo Mbriwa, was reported to be sick with Ebola disease. He was working at an Ebola treatment centre in Freetown. He was one of the doctors that cared for the late Dr Martin Salia, who experienced a false-negative Ebola test, but did indeed have it and may have exposed others.

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On Friday 5 December a senior health official announced the death of two of the country's doctors in one day. This brings the total number of doctors who have succumbed to the disease in Sierra Leone to ten. Dr Dauda Koroma and Dr Thomas Rogers are the latest deaths among healthcare workers. The two doctors were not in the front line of the Ebola battle and did not work in an Ebola treatment hospital.

On 18 December Dr. Victor Willoughby died from the disease after being tested positive for the disease on Saturday 6 December. The doctor died hours before he was to receive ZMAb, an experimental treatment from Canada, according to Dr. Brima Kargbo the country's chief medical officer. Dr. Victor Willoughby is the 11th doctor, and a top physician, to succumb to the disease.

Evacuations Since the beginning of the outbreak in Sierra Leone in late May 2014, several people have been evacuated. An increasing lack of hospital beds, medical equipment, and health care personnel makes treatment difficult.

On 24 August William Pooley, a British nurse, was evacuated from Sierra Leone. He was released on September 3, 2014. In October 2014 he announced he would return to Sierra Leone.

On 21 September 2014 Spain evacuated a Catholic priest who had contracted Ebola while working in Sierra Leone with Hospital Order of San Juan de Dios. He died on the 25th September in Madrid. On 6 October 2014 a nurse who treated the priest tested positive for Ebola.

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By 20 October 2014 the nurse seemed to have recovered after many days battling the disease in the hospital, with tests coming back negative.

A doctor from Senegal contracted Ebola while working in Sierra Leone for the WHO, and was evacuated to Germany at the end of August 2014. By 4 October 2014, it was announced he has recovered and returned to Senegal.

In late September, a doctor working for an International Aid organization in Sierra Leone, was evacuated to Switzerland after potentially being exposed. He later tested negative for the disease.

In late September 2014, an American doctor working in Sierra Leone was evacuated to Maryland, USA, after being exposed to Ebola. "Just because someone is exposed to the deadly virus, it doesn’t necessarily mean they are infected‖, said Anthony S. Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases at the NIH. He was evacuated after a needle sticking accident and even developed a fever, but he was determined not to have Ebola and was released the first week in October 2014. After being discharged he remained at home under medical observation, checking his temperature twice a day for 21 days.

In early October, a Ugandan doctor who contracted Ebola while working in Sierra Leone was evacuated for treatment to Frankfurt, Germany. The doctor was working at Lakaa Hospital and flown out from Lungi Airport.

On 6 October 2014, a female Norwegian MSF worker tested positive for Ebola virus and was subsequently evacuated to Norway. Norwegian authorities reported that they had been granted a dose of the experimental biopharmaceutical drug ZMAb, a variant of ZMapp. ZMapp has previously been used on 3 Liberian health workers, of which 2 survived. It was also used on 4 evacuated westerners, of which 3 survived.

A U.N. employee was evacuated to France in early November 2014 after contracting Ebola.

On 12 November 2014 Dr Martin Salia, a permanent resident of the United States, tested positive for Ebola while working as a specialist surgeon at the Connaught Hospital in Freetown. He is the sixth Sierra Leone doctor to have contracted Ebola virus disease. Initially he preferred to be treated at the Hastings Holding Centre by Sierra Leonean medical personnel, however on 15 November 2014 he was evacuated to the Nebraska Medical Center where his condition was reported as "still extremely critical" on Sunday 16 November.[183][184][185] On Monday, 16 November the hospital released a statement that he "passed away as a result of the advanced symptoms of the disease."

On 18 November a Cuban doctor, Felix Baez, tested positive for Ebola and was due to be sent to Geneva for treatment. He later recovered. Baez was one of 165 Cuban doctors and nurses in Sierra Leone helping treat Ebola patients. There are a further 53 Cubans in Liberia and 38 in Guinea, making this the largest single country medical team mobilized during the outbreak.

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Confounding Factors Sierra Leonean Government Intransigence On October 5, the New York Times reported that a shipping container full of protective gowns, gloves, stretchers, mattresses and other medical supplies had been allowed to sit unopened on the docks in Freetown, Sierra Leone, since August 9. The $140,000 worth of equipment included 100 bags and boxes of hospital linens, 100 cases of protective suits, 80 cases of face masks and other items, and were donated by individuals and institutions in the United States.

The shipment was organised by Mr Chernoh Alpha Bah, a Sierra Leonean opposition politician, who comes from Sierra Leonean President Ernest Bai Koroma’s hometown, Makeni. The New York Times reported that political tensions may have contributed to the government delay in clearing the shipping container, to prevent the political opposition from trumpeting the donations.

Government officials stated that the shipping container could not be cleared through customs, as proper procedures had not been followed. The Sierra Leonean government refused to pay the shipping fee of $6,500. New York Times noted that the government had already received well over $40 million in cash from international donors to fight Ebola. The New York Times noted that in the 2 months that the shipping container remained on the docks in Freetown, health workers in Sierra Leone endured severe shortages of protective supplies, with some nurses having to wear street clothes.

David Tam-Baryoh, a radio journalist, was held for 11 days when he and a talk show guest, an opposition party spokesperson, criticised how President Ernest Bai Koroma handled the Ebola outbreak in a live broadcast on 1 November 2014. The weekly show Monologue was taken offair mid-show from the independently run Citizen FM. He was arrested on 3 November and sent to the Pademba Road jail, after an executive order was signed by the president. On 14 November Sierra Leone's Deputy Information Minister Theo Nicol gave a statement that Baryoh had "been put on a ten thousand dollar bail by the Criminal Investigation Department after a statement has been taken from him".

Amid concerns for his health, Tam-Baryoh apparently signed a confession to ensure his release from the prison, engineered by a committee made up of his lawyer, 2 journalists and a peace studies lecturer of the University of Sierra Leone. Rightsway International, an independent human rights group, has condemned President Koroma for allegedly dictating to the committee about obtaining the confession. A statement later released by the group read: "Rightsway is disappointed that Tam Baryoh’s forced confession has been published widely by pro-government media outlets and social networks. The publication of forced confessions is often used to discredit dissident news and information providers. This is a media propaganda tool used by dictatorial regimes, to avoid being exposed, investigated and punished for the grave violations of human rights."

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Local Conspiracy Theories   

“The Ebola outbreak was sparked by a bewitched aircraft that crashed in a remote part of Sierra Leone, casting a spell over three West African countries -- but a heavily alcoholic drink called bitter Kola can cure the virus.”

“Some members of the community thought it was a bad spirit, a devil or poisoning.”

At the beginning of the outbreak, many did not believe that the disease existed. “I thought it was a lie (invented) to collect money because at that moment I hadn´t seen people affected in my community.”

Community Violence On October 21, there was Ebola related violence and rioting in the eastern town of Koidu, with police imposing a curfew. Local youth fired at police with shotguns after a former youth leader refused health authorities permission to take her relative for an Ebola test. Several buildings were attacked and youth gangs roamed the streets shouting "No more Ebola!"

A local leader reported seeing two bodies with gunshot wounds in the aftermath. Police denied that anyone had been killed. Doctors reported two dead. The local district medical officer said he had been forced to abandon the local hospital because of the rioting.

Effects

Travel Restrictions There are various restrictions and quarantines within Sierra Leone, and a state of emergency was declared on July 31, 2014. Countries at higher risk for Ebola in Africa include Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, and Senegal.

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                      

In April Gambia banned air travel from several West African countries including Sierra Leone.

By June 11, 2014 Sierra Leone closed its border with Liberia and Guinea.

In July airlines of Nigeria and Togo cancelled flights to Freetown.

On August 1, 2014 Ghana banned air travel from several Ebola impacted countries including Sierra Leone.

On August 8, 2014 Zambia banned travelers from Sierra Leone and Ebola-affected countries and also banned Zambians from going to those places.

On August 10, 2014 Mauritania blocked entry of citizens of Sierra Leone.

On August 11, 2014 Ivory Coast blocked travel from Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea.

The restriction was lifted on 26 September 2014.

On August 12, 2014 Botswana banned travel of all non-Botswanians from Sierra Leone, Guinea, Liberia, and Nigeria; they also added the D.R. Congo later that month.

On 18 August 2014 Cameroon banned travelers from several countries including Sierra Leone.

On August 21, 2014 South Africa banned travelers from Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea, but its own citizens were allowed to return from these places.

On August 22 a Kenyan airline put temporary restrictions Sierra Leone, saying the Ebola outbreak was underestimated.

On August 22 Senegal blocked air travel to Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea.

On August 22 Rwanda banned travelers who had been to Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Liberia in the previous 22 days.

On September 11, 2014, Nambia banned travelers from 'Ebola affected countries'.

In September 2014 bans on the Sierra Leone hosting federation football (soccer) games continued.

In October 2014 Trinidad and Tobago banned travelers from the Ebola-stricken West African countries, including Sierra Leone.

In October 2014 Jamaica, Colombia, Guyana and Saint Lucia banned travelers from Sierra Leone and other affected West African countries.

In mid October 2014 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines banned Sierra Leone nationals and those from some other West African nations.

In late October Panama banned anyone coming from, or had been in Sierra Leone, Liberia, or Guinea in the previous 21 days.

On 18 October Belize banned travelers from Sierra Leone, and also banned those that had been there or Guinea or Liberia in the previous 21 days.

Suriname banned travelers who had been to Sierra Leone, Guinea, or Liberia in the previous 21 days unless they have a health certificate.

By 21 October the Dominican Republic banned foreigners who had been to Sierra Leone or other Ebola effected nations in the previous 30 days.

On 11 November 2014 Gambia opened its borders again to travelers from Sierra Leone, Liberia, Nigeria and Guinea.

Additional Effects The outbreak was noted for increasing hand washing stations, and reducing the prevalence of physical greetings such as hand-shakes between members of society.

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In June 2014 all schools were closed because of the spread of Ebola.

In August 2014 the S.L. Health Minister was removed from that office. (see Cabinet of Sierra Leone) In October 2014 the Defense Minister was placed in charge of the anti-Ebola efforts.[217] The President at this time was Ernest Bai Koroma.

On October 13, the UN's International Fund for Agricultural Development stated up to 40% of farms had been abandoned in the worst Ebola-hit areas of Sierra Leone.

In October 2014 Sierra Leone launched a school by radio program, that will be transmitted on 41 of the local radio stations as well as on the only local TV station. (See Cultural effects of the Ebola crisis)

September through October is the malaria season, which may complicate efforts to treat Ebola.

For example, one Freetown doctor did not immediately quarantine herself because she thought she had malaria not Ebola. The doctor was eventually diagnosed with Ebola and died in September 2014.

Local Works Derived from the Ebola Crisis 

 





A Sierra Leone DJ, Amara Bangura, shares knowledge about Ebola in his weekly show which is transmitted on 35 stations in Sierra Leone. He takes selected questions from the text messages sent in and gets answers from health experts and government officials.

"White Ebola", a political song by Mr. Monrovia, AG Da Profit and Daddy Cool, centered on the general mistrust of foreigners.

"Ebola in Town", a dance tune by a group of West African rappers, D-12, Shadow and Kuzzy Of 2 Kings warns people of the dangers of the Ebola virus and explaining how to react, became popular in Guinea and Liberia during the first quarter of 2014. A dance was developed in which no body contact was required, a rare occurrence in African dance. Some health care workers from the IFRC had concerns that the Ebola In Town song's warning "don't touch your friend" may worsen the stigma.

In August 2014, George Weah and Ghanaian musician Sidney produced a song to raise awareness about Ebola. All proceeds from the track been donated to the Liberian Health Ministry.

There are a number of Ebola-themed jokes circulating in West Africa to spread awareness.

Mental Health Mental healthcare in Sierra Leone is almost non-existent. Many sufferers try to cure themselves with the help of traditional healers. During the Civil War (1991–2002), many soldiers took part in atrocities and many children were forced to fight. This left them traumatized, with an estimated 400,000 people (by 2009) being mentally ill. Thousands of former child soldiers have fallen into substance abuse as they try to blunt their memories.

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Maternal and Child Health According to 2010 estimates, Sierra Leone has the 5th highest maternal mortality rate in the world. According to a 2013 UNICEF report, 88% of women in Sierra Leone have undergone female genital mutilation. As of 2014, Sierra Leone was estimated as having the 11th highest infant mortality rate in the world.

Drinking Water Supply Water supply in Sierra Leone is characterized by limited access to safe drinking water. Despite efforts by the government and numerous non-governmental organisations, access has not much improved since the end of the Sierra Leone Civil War in 2002, stagnating at about 50% and even declining in rural areas. It is hoped that a new dam in Orugu, for which China committed financing in 2009, will alleviate water scarcity.

According to a national survey carried out in 2006, 84% of the urban population and 32% of the rural population had access to an improved water source. Those with access in rural areas were served almost exclusively by protected wells. The 68% of the rural population without access to an improved water source relied on surface water (50%), unprotected wells (9%) and unprotected springs (9%). Only 20% of the urban population and 1% of the rural population had access to piped drinking water in their home. Compared to the 2000 survey access has increased in urban areas, but has declined in rural areas, possibly because facilities have broken down because of a lack of maintenance.

With a new decentralisation policy, embodied in the Local Government Act of 2004, responsibility for water supply in areas outside the capital was passed from the central government to local councils. In Freetown the Guma Valley Water Company remains in charge of water supply.

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Demographics In 2013 Sierra Leone has an officially projected population of 6,190,280 and a growth rate of 2.216% a year. The country's population is mostly young, with an estimated 41.7% under 15, and rural, with an estimated 62% of people living outside the cities. As a result of migration to cities, the population is becoming more urban with an estimated rate of urbanisation growth of 2.9% a year.

Population density varies greatly within Sierra Leone. The Western Area Urban District, including Freetown, the capital and largest city, has a population density of 1,224 persons per square km. The largest district geographically, Koinadugu, has a much lower density of 21.4 persons per square km.

English is the official language, spoken at schools, government administration and in the media.

Krio (derived from English and several indigenous African languages, and the language of the Sierra Leone Krio people) is the most widely spoken language in virtually all parts of Sierra Leone. As the Krio language is spoken by 90% of the country's population, it unites all the different ethnic groups, especially in their trade and interaction with each other.

According to the World Refugee Survey 2008, published by the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, Sierra Leone had a population of 8,700 refugees and asylum seekers at the end of 2007. Nearly 20,000 Liberian refugees voluntarily returned to Liberia over the course of 2007.

Of the refugees remaining in Sierra Leone, nearly all were Liberian.

Largest cities or towns of Sierra Leone

Freetown

Bo

Government of Sierra Leone 2004 Census Rank Name District Pop. Western Area Urban 1 Freetown 853,651 District 2 Bo Bo District 233,684 3 Kenema Kenema District 182,106 4 Makeni Bombali District 109,125 5 Koidu Town Kono District 92,770 6 Lunsar Port Loko District 24,450 7 Port Loko Port Loko District 23,195 Pandebu8 Kenema District 20,219 Tokpombu 9 Kabala Koinadugu District 19,074 Western Area Urban 10 Waterloo 18,579 District

Kenema

Makeni

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The populations quoted above for the five largest cities are from the 2004 census. Other figures are estimates from the source cited. Different sources give different estimates. Some claim that Magburaka should be included in the above list, but there is considerable difference among sources. One source estimates the population at 14,915, whilst another puts it as high as 85,313.

"Pandebu-Tokpombu" is presumably the extended town of Torgbonbu, which had a population of 10,716 in the 2004 census. "Gbendembu" had a larger population of 12,139 in that census. In the 2004 census, Waterloo had a population of 34,079.

Religion Islam is the largest and predominant religion in Sierra Leone. The Pew Research Center reports the 2004 Sierra Leone government census figure for the Muslim population at 71.3% (4,059,000); Christianity at about 27%; and traditional African religion at 2%. The InterReligious Council of Sierra Leone estimated that 77% of Sierra Leone's population are Muslims; 21% are Christians; and 2% are followers of traditional African religion.. According to a 2009 estimate, 71.3% of Sierra Leone's population is Muslim, 26.8% is Christian and 1.9% of the population is either animist or follows other religious beliefs.

Sierra Leone Religious Sects Religion

Islam Christianity Traditional African religion

Percent

71% 27% 2%

The majority of Sierra Leone's ethnic groups are predominantly Muslim. Muslims and Christians collaborate and interact with each other peacefully in Sierra Leone. Religious violence is very rare in the country. Sierra Leone is officially a secular state; although Islam and Christianity are the two dominant religions in the country. The constitution of Sierra Leone provides for freedom of religion and the government generally protects this right and does not tolerate its abuse. The country is home to the Sierra Leone Inter-Religious Council, which is made up of both Christian and Muslim religious leaders to promote peace and tolerance throughout the country.

The large majority of Sierra Leonean Muslims are adherent to Sunni Islam. Significant portions of Sierra Leonean Muslims are Ahmadis, Non-denominational Muslims; and approximately 3% of Sierra Leonean Muslims are adherent to Shia Islam. Ahmadiyya Islam has one of the largest Islamic institutions across Sierra Leone. Most mosques in Sierra Leone are non-denominational.

The largest mosque in Sierra Leone is the Freetown Central Mosque, located in the capital Freetown. Sitting Sierra Leonean Heads of State, regardless of their religions, have traditionally made occasional visits to the Freetown Central Mosque, especially during Friday jummah prayer.

The chief imam of the Freetown Central Mosque is Sheikh Ahmad Tejan Sillah, a Shia Muslim, who is also the spiritual leader of the United Council of Imams, an Islamic religious organization that is made up of imams across Sierra Leone.

The vast majority of Sierra Leonean Christians are Protestants, of which the largest group are Methodists and Evangelicals.[123][124] Other Christian Protestants denominations in the country include Presbyterian, Baptist, Seventh-day Adventist Anglicans, Lutheran. and Pentecostals.[131] Page 53 of 75

Non-denominational Christians form a significant minority of Sierra Leone's Christian population. Catholics are the largest group of non-Protestant Christians in Sierra Leone, and they form about 9% of the country's population. Jehovah’s Witnesses and Mormons form a small minority of the Christian population in Sierra Leone. A small community of Orthodox Christians resides in the capital Freetown.

Sierra Leone is home to about sixteen ethnic groups, each with its own language.

The largest and most influential are the Temne at about 35%, and the Mende at about 31%. The Temne predominate in the Northern Sierra Leone and the areas around the capital of Sierra Leone. The Mende predominate in South-Eastern Sierra Leone (with the exception of Kono District).

The vast majority of Temne are Muslims; and with a small Christian minority. The Mende are also Muslim majority, though with a large Christian minority. Sierra Leone's national politics centres on the competition between the north-west, dominated by the Temne, and the south-east dominated by the Mende. The vast majority of the Mende support the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP); while the majority of the Temne support the All People's Congress (APC).

The Mende, who are believed to be descendants of the Mane, originally occupied the Liberian hinterland. They began moving into Sierra Leone slowly and peacefully in the eighteenth century. The Temne are thought to have come from Futa Jallon, which is in present-day Guinea.

Sierra Leone's current president Ernest Bai Koroma is the first ethnic Temne to be elected to the office.

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The third-largest ethnic group are the Limba at about 8% of the population. The Limba are native people of Sierra Leone. They have no tradition of origin, and it is believed that they have lived in Sierra Leone since before the European encounter. The Limba are primarily found in Northern Sierra Leone, particularly in Bombali, Kambia and Koinadugu District. The Limba are about equally divided between Muslims and Christians. The Limba are close political allies of the neighbouring Temne.

Since Independence, the Limba have traditionally been very influential in Sierra Leone's politics, along with the Mende. The vast majority of Limba support the All People's Congress (APC) political party. Sierra Leone's first and second presidents, Siaka Stevens and Joseph Saidu Momoh, respectively, were both ethnic Limba. Sierra Leone's current Defense Minister Alfred Paolo Conteh is an ethnic Limba.

The fourth largest ethnic group are the Fula at around 7% of the population. Descendants of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Fulani migrant settlers from the Fouta Djalon region of Guinea, they live primarily in the northeast and the western area of Sierra Leone. The Fula are virtually all Muslims. The Fula are primarily traders, and many live in middle-class homes.

Because of their trading, the Fulas are found in nearly all parts of the country.

The other ethnic groups are the Mandingo (also known as Mandinka). They are descendants of traders from Guinea who migrated to Sierra Leone during the late nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. The Mandika are predominantly found in the east and the northern part of the country.

They predominate in the large towns, most notably Karina, in Bombali District in the north; Kabala and Falaba in Koinadugu District in the north; and Yengema, Kono District in the east of the country. Like the Fula, the Mandinka are virtually all Muslims. Sierra Leone's third president Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, and Sierra Leone's first Vice President Sorie Ibrahim Koroma were both ethnic Mandingo.

Next in proportion are the Kono, who live primarily in Kono District in Eastern Sierra Leone.

The Kono are descendants of migrants from Guinea; today their workers are known primarily as diamond miners. The majority of the Kono ethnic group are Christians, though with an influential Muslim minority. Sierra Leone's current Vice-President Alhaji Samuel Sam-Sumana is an ethnic Kono.

The small but significant Krio people (descendants of freed African American, West Indian and Liberated African slaves who settled in Freetown between 1787 and about 1885) make up about 3% of the population. They primarily occupy the capital city of Freetown and its surrounding Western Area. Krio culture reflects the Western culture and ideals within which many of their Page 55 of 75

ancestors originated - they also had close ties with British officials and colonial administration during years of development.

The Krio have traditionally dominated Sierra Leone's judiciacy and Freetown's elected city council. One of the first ethnic groups to become educated according to Western traditions, they have traditionally been appointed to positions in the civil service, beginning during the colonial years. They continue to be influential in the civil service. The vast majority of Krios are Christians, though with a significant Muslim minority.

Other minority ethnic groups are the Kuranko, who are related to the Mandingo, and are largely Muslims. The Kuranko are believed to have begun arriving in Sierra Leone from Guinea in about 1600 and settled in the north, particularly in Koinadugu District. The Kuranko are primarily farmers; leaders among them have traditionally held several senior positions in the Military.

Sierra Leone current Finance Minister Kaifala Marah is an ethnic Kuranko.

The Loko in the north are native people of Sierra Leone, believed to have lived in Sierra Leone since the time of European encounter. Like the neighbouring Temne, the Loko are Muslim majority. The Susu and their related Yalunka are traders; both groups are primarily found in the far north in Kambia and Koinadugu District close to the border with Guinea. The Susu and Yalunka are both descendants of migrants from Guinea; and they are virtually all Muslims.

The Kissi live further inland in South-Eastern Sierra Leone. They predominate in the large town of Koindu and its surrounding areas in Kailahun District. The vast majority of Kissi are Christians. The much smaller Vai and Kru peoples are primarily found in Kailahun and Pujehun Districts near the border with Liberia. The Kru predominate in the Kroubay neighbourhood in the capital Freetown. The Vai are largely Muslim, while the Kru are largely Christian.

On the coast in Bonthe District in the south are the Sherbro. Native to Sierra Leone, they have occupied Sherbro Island since it was founded. The Sherbro are primarily fisherman and farmers, and they are predominantly found in Bonthe District. The Sherbro are virtually all Christians, and their paramount chiefs had a history of intermarriage with British colonists and traders.

A small number of Sierra Leoneans are of partial or full Lebanese ancestry, descendants of traders who first came to the nation in the 19th century. They are locally known as Sierra Leonean-Lebanese. The Sierra Leonean-Lebanese community are primarily traders and they mostly live in middle-class households in the urban areas, primarily in Freetown, Bo, Kenema, Koidu Town and Makeni.

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The Sierra Leone Economy By the 1990s economic activity was declining and economic infrastructure had become seriously degraded. Over the next decade much of the formal economy was destroyed in the country's civil war. Since the end of hostilities in January 2002, massive infusions of outside assistance have helped Sierra Leone begin to recover.

Much of the recovery will depend on the success of the government's efforts to limit corruption by officials, which many feel was the chief cause for the civil war. A key indicator of success will be the effectiveness of government management of its diamond sector.

There is high unemployment, particularly among the youth and ex-combatants. Authorities have been slow to implement reforms in the civil service, and the pace of the privatisation programme is also slackening and donors have urged its advancement.

The currency is the leone. The central bank is the Bank of Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone operates a floating exchange rate system, and foreign currencies can be exchanged at any of the commercial banks, recognized foreign exchange bureaux and most hotels. Credit card use is limited in Sierra Leone, though they may be used at some hotels and restaurants. There are a few internationally linked automated teller machines that accept Visa cards in Freetown operated by ProCredit Bank.

Agriculture Two-thirds of the population of Sierra Leone are directly involved in subsistence agriculture.

Agriculture accounted for 58 percent national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2007.

Agriculture is the largest employer with 80 percent of the population working in the sector. Rice is the most important staple crop in Sierra Leone with 85 percent of farmers cultivating rice during the rainy season and an annual consumption of 76 kg per person.

Mining Rich in minerals, Sierra Leone has relied on mining, especially diamonds, for its economic base.

The country is among the top ten diamond producing nations. Mineral exports remain the main currency earner. Sierra Leone is a major producer of gem-quality diamonds. Though rich in diamonds, it has historically struggled to manage their exploitation and export.

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Sierra Leone is known for its blood diamonds that were mined and sold to diamond conglomerates during the civil war, to buy the weapons that fuelled its atrocities. In the 1970s and early 1980s, economic growth rate slowed because of a decline in the mining sector and increasing corruption among government officials.

Annual production of Sierra Leone's diamond estimates range between US$250 million– $300 million. Some of that is smuggled, where it is possibly used for money laundering or financing illicit activities. Formal exports have dramatically improved since the civil war, with efforts to improve the management of them having some success. In October 2000, a UNapproved certification system for exporting diamonds from the country was put in place and led to a dramatic increase in legal exports. In 2001, the government created a mining community development fund (DACDF), which returns a portion of diamond export taxes to diamond mining communities. The fund was created to raise local communities' stake in the legal diamond trade.

Sierra Leone has one of the world's largest deposits of rutile, a titanium ore used as paint pigment and welding rod coatings.

Transport Infrastructure There are a number of systems of transport in Sierra Leone, which has a road, air and water infrastructure, including a network of highways and several airports. There are 11,300 kilometres of highways in Sierra Leone, of which 904 km (562 mi) are paved (about 8% of the roads). Sierra Leone highways are linked to Conakry, Guinea, and Monrovia, Liberia.

Sierra Leone has the largest natural harbour on the African continent, allowing international shipping through the Queen Elizabeth II Quay in the Cline Town area of eastern Freetown or through Government Wharf in central Freetown. There are 800 km (497 mi) of waterways in Sierra Leone, of which 600 km (373 mi) are navigable year-round. Major port cities are Bonthe, Freetown, Sherbro Island and Pepel.

There are ten regional airports in Sierra Leone, and one international airport. The Lungi International Airport located in the coastal town of Lungi in Northern Sierra Leone is the primary airport for domestic and international travel to or from Sierra Leone. Passengers cross the river to Aberdeen Heliports in Freetown by hovercraft, ferry or a helicopter. Helicopters are also available from the airport to other major cities in the country. The airport has paved runways longer than 3,047m. The other airports have unpaved runways, and seven have runways 914 to 1,523 metres long; the remaining two have shorter runways.

Sierra Leone appears on the E.U. list of prohibited countries with regard to the certification of airlines. This means that no airline registered in Sierra Leone may operate services of any kind within the European Union. This is due to substandard safety standards.

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As of May, 2014 the country's only international airport had regularly scheduled direct flights to London, Paris, Brussels and most major cities in West Africa.

In September 2014 there were many Districts with travel restrictions including Kailahun, Kenema, Bombali, Tonkolili, and Port Loko because of Ebola.

Percentage of GDP by sector (2007) Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Percentage of GDP Agriculture 58.5 Other services 10.4 Trade and tourism 9.5 Wholesale and retail trade 9.0 Mining and quarrying 4.5 Government Services 4.0 Manufacturing and handicrafts 2.0 Construction 1.7 Electricity and water 0.4 Sector

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Education & Culture Education in Sierra Leone is legally required for all children for six years at primary level (Class P1-P6) and three years in junior secondary education, but a shortage of schools and teachers has made implementation impossible. Two thirds of the adult population of the country are illiterate.

The Sierra Leone Civil War resulted in the destruction of 1,270 primary schools, and in 2001, 67% of all school-age children were out of school. The situation has improved considerably since then with primary school enrolment doubling between 2001 and 2005 and the reconstruction of many schools since the end of the war. Students at primary schools are usually 6 to 12 years old, and in secondary schools 13 to 18. Primary education is free and compulsory in government-sponsored public schools.

The country has three universities: Fourah Bay College, founded in 1827 (the oldest university in West Africa), University of Makeni (established initially in September 2005 as The Fatima Institute, the college was granted university status in August 2009, and assumed the name University of Makeni, or UNIMAK), and Njala University, primarily located in Bo District.

Njala University was established as the Njala Agricultural Experimental Station in 1910 and became a university in 2005. Teacher training colleges and religious seminaries are found in many parts of the country.

Culture Polygamy 37 percent of married women in Sierra Leone were in polygamous marriages in 2008. 29.7% of married girls aged 15-19 reported that their husband had more than one wife.

Food and Customs Rice is the staple food of Sierra Leone and is consumed at virtually every meal daily. The rice is prepared in numerous ways, and topped with a variety of sauces made from some of Sierra Leone's favourite toppings, including potato leaves, cassava leaves, crain crain, okra soup, fried fish and groundnut stew.

Along the streets of towns and cities across Sierra Leone one can find foods consisting of fruit, vegetables and snacks such as fresh mangoes, oranges, pineapple, fried plantains, ginger beer, fried potato, fried cassava with pepper sauce; small bags of popcorn or peanuts, bread, roasted corn, or skewers of grilled meat or shrimp.

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Poyo is a popular Sierra Leonean drink. It is a sweet, lightly fermented palm wine, and is found in bars in towns and villages across the country. Poyo bars are areas of lively informal debate about politics, football, entertainment and other issues.

Media Media in Sierra Leone began with the introduction of the first printing press in Africa at the start of the 19th century. A strong free journalistic tradition developed with the creation of a number of newspapers. In the 1860s, the country became a journalist hub for Africa, with professionals travelling to the country from across the continent. At the end of the 19th century, the industry went into decline, and when radio was introduced in the 1930s, it became the primary communication media in the country.

The Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS) was created by the colonial government in 1934 making it the earliest English language radio broadcaster service in West Africa. The service began broadcasting television in 1963, with coverage extended to all the districts in the country in 1978. In April 2010, the SLBS merged with the United Nations peacekeeping radio station in Sierra Leone to form the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation, the government-owned current national broadcaster in Sierra Leone.

The Sierra Leone constitution guarantees freedom of speech, and freedom of the press; however, the government maintains strong control of media, and at times restricts these rights in practice.

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Some subjects are seen as taboo by society and members of the political elite; imprisonment and violence have been used by the political establishment against journalists.

Under legislation enacted in 1980, all newspapers must register with the Ministry of Information and pay sizeable registration fees. The Criminal Libel Law, including Seditious Libel Law of 1965, is used to control what is published in the media. In 2006, President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah committed to reforming the laws governing the press and media to create a freer system for journalists to work in. As of 2013 Sierra Leone is ranked 61st (up two slots from 63rd in 2012) out of 179 countries on Reporters Without Borders' Press Freedom Index.

Print media is not widely read in Sierra Leone, especially outside Freetown and other major cities, partially due to the low levels of literacy in the country. In 2007 there were 15 daily newspapers in the country, as well as those published weekly. Among newspaper readership, young people are likely to read newspapers weekly and older people daily. The majority of newspapers are privately run and are often critical of the government. The standard of print journalism tends to be low due to lack of training, and people trust the information published in newspapers less than that found on the radio.

Radio is the most-popular and most-trusted media in Sierra Leone, with 85% of people having access to a radio and 72% of people in the country listening to the radio daily. These levels do vary between areas of the country, with the Western Area having the highest levels and Kailahun the lowest. Stations mainly consist of local commercial stations with a limited broadcast range, combined with a few stations with national coverage – Capital Radio Sierra Leone being the largest of the commercial stations.

The United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNIOSIL) ran one of the most popular stations in the country, broadcasting programs in a range of languages. The UN mission were restructured in 2008 and it was decided that the UN Radio would be merged with SLBS to form the new Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). This merger eventually happened in 2011 after the necessary legislation was enacted. SLBC transmits radio on FM and has two television services, one of which is uplinked by satellite for international consumption. FM relays of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America are also broadcast.

Outside the capital Freetown and other major cities, television is not watched by a great many people, although Bo, Kenema and Makeni are served by their own relays of the main SLBC service. There are two national, free terrestrial television stations in Sierra Leone, one run by the government SLBC and the other a private station, AIT (Africa Independent Television) which is linked with the Nigerian station of the same name. In 2007, a pay-per-view service was also introduced by GTV as part of a pan-African television service in addition to the nine-year-old sub-Saharan Digital satellite television service (DStv) originating from Multichoice Africa in South Africa. GTV subsequently went out of business, leaving DStv as the only provider of payper-view television in the country.

Internet access in Sierra Leone has been sparse but is on the increase, especially since the introduction of 3G cellular phone services across the country. There are three main internet service providers (ISPs) operating in the country. Freetown has internet cafes and other Page 64 of 75

businesses offering internet access. Problems experienced with access to the Internet include an intermittent electricity supply and a slow connection speed in the country outside Freetown.

Arts The arts in Sierra Leone are a mixture of tradition and hybrid African and western styles.

Art in Sierra Leone has a long and significant tradition of carving and ceremonial works like masks and cloth for initiation and protection. Although art styles are oftentimes ascribed to a single ethnic group (often the Mende), the styles and processes are spread throughout the country and many artists move between the different ethnic groups in the country.

Art is often practiced by organized societies, whether the traditional Sande and Poro societies or the more recent odelay societies of Freetown, and express a range of spiritual and political meanings. Carving using wood, ivory, and stone has been prominent for many centuries and retains importance today. In addition, since the 1930s, Freetown has had a number of lanterns competitions where different groups construct large, decorative floats.

Artistic Societies and Groups Sande and Poro Societies The Sande (female) and Poro (male) ceremonial societies have a long history of artistic construction in many different ethnic groups of Sierra Leone. Although most often affiliated with the Mende, these societies are exist widely in the ethnic groups of Sierra Leone including in the Temne, the Kono, the Vai, and Bullom languages communities.

The Sande and Poro societies, which are primarily tasked with the initiation ceremonies for women and men to become a part of the community, produce an important range of artwork associated with the ceremony. One of the most prominent artistic forms associated with these societies are the helmet masks (called sowei in Mende and anawu in Temne) involved in the initiation rituals.

Odelay Societies Sierra Leone did not develop a significant artistic tradition of patriotic imagery during the struggle for independence and after. However, after the 1992 Sierra Leonean coup d'ĂŠtat, youth groups (odelay societies) formed and began engaging in high profile art with patriotic themes.

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Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) leaders and symbols (such as Valentine Strasser and Solomon Musa).

Woodworking In general, there are clear regional differences in the wood carving techniques of the forest communities (the Mende, Vai, and Bullom) with smooth edges and intricate details. The savannah style (the Temne Limba, and Loko communities), in contrast, is defined by abstract styles with straight lines and bold contrasts.

Twin figures are prominent in Temne cultural practice and the wood carvings play a key role in the ceremonial life of the community. These figures of no more than a foot tall are created with a twin child passes away, and are used initially as a play partner for the living twin and as a ceremonial site for the mother.

The twin figures are carved into a number of other ceremonial related wood, including staffs for religious initiation and healing. Associated with these figures is the construction of small-scale houses for the twin (called ka-bangka in Temne) which are spread throughout the area. This use of twin figures is associated with wider spiritual powers that twins are claimed to possess in Temne beliefs.

Stone and Ivory Carving Ivory carvings have been produced by many of the ethnic groups in the current area of Sierra Leone and were a primary export to Portuguese traders when they first began the trade networks with the coastal communities. It was not until the 1950s that the stylistic connections between the ivory pieces and the large stone carvings which were discussed significantly by European sources earlier in that century.

The nomoli or pomdo stone carvings of unclear origin have been discovered buried around southern Sierra Leone. The figures were first described by Europeans in 1852 by missionary George Thompson who discovered a group of five of them on the site of a destroyed village. The human figures, carved out of soapstone, are found throughout a large area that was controlled primarily by the Temne until the Mende entered in the 1600s. When asked about the statues by early explorers, the people in the region expressed the belief that they were the work of spiritual beings and that no one in the communities knew how to make such a figure.

The Mende believe the stones are the representations of the people who lived in the region before they came to the area and the Temne people have a ceremony around the stones where they treat them as former chiefs and kings of the region. African art curator Frederick Lamp believes that the stone carvings are a Temne tradition which was lost when the Mende invaded and displaced the communities which had existed there before that.

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Cloth Work Cloth arts are often used in many of the different groups in Sierra Leone to provide special types of protection. The cloth is provided with specific designs for spiritual protection for the wearer.

Lanterns A prominent modern artistic expression involves the design and floating of lanterns down the river in Freetown, the capital of the country. From 1961 until 1991, the Young Men's Muslim Association (YMMA) held competitions where various different civil groups would design large floats, often with lights inside or outside, in celebration of Ramadan. The lanterns are constructed out of wood, bamboo, wire, paper, rice and other materials and represent landmarks, animals, or supernatural beings.

The lantern festival began small in the 1930s when the businessman Daddy Maggay witnessed a Catholic lantern festival in the Gambia. The small processions slowly grew, largely as a result of the reputation for good cooking by Maggay's wife (whose specialty was corn and couscous), and eventually became run by the YMMA. As the competition grew, violence occasionally broke out and the event grew larger and larger.[17] The events and lanterns often have political themes related to the issues in Sierra Leone at the time and are affiliated with various movements. The regular holding of the lantern competition was ended in 1991 by the civil war, but irregular competitions still are held.

Prominent Artists  

Alphonso Lisk-Carew: Early 20th-century photographer in Freetown.

Alusine Bangura: 1990s Freetown muralist.

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Sports Football is by far the most popular sport in Sierra Leone. Children, youth and adult are frequently seen playing street football across Sierra Leone. There are organized youth and adult football tournaments across the country, and there are various primary and secondary schools with football teams across Sierra Leone.

The Sierra Leone national football team, popularly known as the Leone Stars, represents the country in international competitions. It has never qualified for the FIFA World Cup but participated in the 1994 and 1996 African Cup of Nations. When the national football team, the Leone Stars, have a match, Sierra Leoneans across the country come together united in support of the national team and people rush to their local radio and television stations to follow the live match. The country's national television network, The Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) broadcasts the national football team live match, along with many local radio stations across the country.

When the Leone Stars win an important match, many youth across the county rush to the street to celebrate. Many of the Sierra Leone national team footballers play for teams based in Europe although virtually all of them started professional football in the Sierra Leone National Premier League. Many of the national team footballers are celebrities across Sierra Leone and they are often well known by the general population. Some of Sierra Leonean international footballers include Mohamed Kallon, Mohamed Bangura, Rodney Strasser, Kei Kamara, Ibrahim Teteh Bangura, Mustapha Dumbuya, Christian Caulker, Alhassan Bangura, Sheriff Suma, Mohamed Kamara, Umaru Bangura and Julius Gibrilla Woobay .

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The Sierra Leone National Premier League is the top professional football league in Sierra Leone and is controlled by the Sierra Leone Football Association. Fourteen clubs from across the country compete in the Sierra Leone Premier League. The two biggest and most successful football clubs are East End Lions and Mighty Blackpool. East End Lions and Mighty Blackpool have an intense rivalry and when they play each other the national stadium in Freetown is often sold out and supporters of both clubs often clash with each other before and after the game.

There is a huge police presence inside and outside the national stadium during a match between the two great rivals to prevent a clash. Many Sierra Leonean youth follow the local football league.

Many Sierra Leonean youth, children and adults follow the major football leagues in Europe, particularly the English Premier League, Italian Serie A, Spanish La Liga, German Bundesliga and French Ligue 1. The Sierra Leone cricket team represents Sierra Leone in international cricket competitions, and is among the best in West Africa. It became an affiliate member of the International Cricket Council in 2002. It made its international debut at the 2004 African Affiliates Championship, where it finished last of eight teams. But at the equivalent tournament in 2006, Division Three of the African region of the World Cricket League, it finished as runnerup to Mozambique, and just missed a promotion to Division Two. In 2009 the Sierra Leone Under-19 team finished second in the African Under-19 Championship in Zambia, thus qualifying for the Under-19 World Cup qualifying tournament with nine other teams. However, the team was unable to obtain Canadian visas to play in the tournament, which was held in Toronto.

Basketball is not a very popular sport in Sierra Leone. The Sierra Leone national basketball team represents Sierra Leone in international men's basketball competitions and is controlled by the Sierra Leone Basketball Federation.

The National Basketball Association (NBA) is popular among a small portion of the youth population. NBA super stars Lebron James, Kobe Bryant and Kevin Durant are popular among Sierra Leone's youthful population. Former NBA stars, in particular Michael Jordan, Shaquille O'Neal, Allen Iverson and Magic Johnson are popular in the country. Michael Jordan in particular is the most famous basketball player in the country and he is very popular among the general population. Current NBA youngstar Victor Oladipo is of Sierra Leonean descent, as his father is a native of Sierra Leone.

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Attachment A The Sierra Leone Legal System

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Legal Vice Presidency The World Bank

SIERRA LEONE Legal and Judicial Sector Assessment

Minneh Kane Keith Mackiggan Chris Mburu Ibrahim Gassama Emma Morley Christian Eldon May 2004

TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations, Acronyms and Selected Terms .............................................................. 3 Scope of Report ................................................................................................................. 4 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................... 4 Introduction....................................................................................................................... 7 Overview of Key Actors/Institutions............................................................................... 8 Parliament ....................................................................................................................... 9 Executive......................................................................................................................... 9 Office of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice............................................ 10 Formal Courts ............................................................................................................... 10 The Supreme Court ................................................................................................... 11 The Court of Appeal ................................................................................................. 11 The High Court ......................................................................................................... 11 Magistrates Courts .................................................................................................... 11 Customary Legal Systems............................................................................................. 11 Local Courts.............................................................................................................. 12 District Appeal Court................................................................................................ 12 Local Chiefs .............................................................................................................. 12 The Judicial Branch........................................................................................................ 12 Judges and Magistrates ................................................................................................. 13 Main Issues Facing Judiciary.................................................................................... 13 Responses to Current Situation................................................................................. 14 Court Staff..................................................................................................................... 17 Registry Staff ............................................................................................................ 17 Court Stenographers.................................................................................................. 17 Court Bailiffs ............................................................................................................ 17 Court Administration .................................................................................................... 17 Rules of Court Committee ........................................................................................ 19 Alternative Dispute Resolution..................................................................................... 19 Legal Profession .............................................................................................................. 19 Legal Education, Training, Licensing........................................................................... 20 Bar Associations ........................................................................................................... 20 Customary Justice........................................................................................................... 21 Other Organizations ....................................................................................................... 23 National Recovery Committee.................................................................................. 23 The Truth and Reconciliation Commission .............................................................. 23 The Special Court ..................................................................................................... 23 Human Rights Commission ...................................................................................... 25 Law Reform Commission ......................................................................................... 25 Anti-Corruption Commission ................................................................................... 26 1

Office of the Ombudsman......................................................................................... 27 Administrator & Registrar General........................................................................... 27 Sierra Leone Police ................................................................................................... 27 Sierra Leone Prison Service...................................................................................... 29 Review of Relevant Laws and Legal Frameworks....................................................... 29 Legal Framework for the Private Sector................................................................... 30 Bankruptcy Legislation and Commercial Code........................................................ 30 Privatization .............................................................................................................. 31 International Treaties ................................................................................................ 31 Accessibility of the Sector............................................................................................... 31 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 33 Annex I: Sierra Leone Key Dates in History................................................................ 37 Annex II: Current DFID Support To The Sector ........................................................ 40 Annex III: DFID Review of the Law Development Project ........................................ 42 Annex IV: World Bank Support to the Legal and Judicial Sector ............................ 60 Annex V: Other Donor Support to the Legal and Judicial Sector ............................. 63 Annex VI: Psychosocial and Mental Health Services Assessment ............................. 64 Annex VII: List of Documents Consulted..................................................................... 79 Annex VIII: List of people met by World Bank/DFID mission.................................. 82

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Abbreviations, Acronyms and Selected Terms ACC ADR AFRC AG AGO ARG CCSSP DANIDA DPP EU GSL ICRC IDPs I-PRSP JPs LAWCLA LDP MoJ MPs NGO OPR RUF SILSEP SLBS SLP SSAJ TRC UNAMSIL UNDP USAID WNAD

Anti-Corruption Commission Alternative dispute resolution Armed Forces Revolutionary Council Attorney General Attorney General’s Office Administrator and Registrar General’s Office Commonwealth Community Safety and Security Project Danish International Cooperation Agency Director of Public Prosecutions European Union Government of Sierra Leone International Committee of the Red Cross International Development Partners Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Justices of the Peace Lawyers Center for Legal Assistance Law Development Project Minister of Justice Members of Parliament Non Governmental Organization Output to Purpose Review Revolutionary United Front Sierra Leone Security Sector Reform Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service Sierra Leone Police Security, Safety and Access to Justice Truth and Reconciliation Commission United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone United Nations Development Program United States Agency for International Development West and North Africa Department in DFID

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Scope of Report This report was prepared by a joint World Bank/DFID1 team. It provides an overview of Sierra Leone’s legal and judicial sector, defined as the institutions that make up the judiciary, the non-judicial institutions of law making and private sector actors engaged in provision legal services, education and advocacy. As DFID generally engages in work with the police and the prison systems, this report also examines those areas, although they are not areas that the Word Bank has traditionally engaged in. For simplicity of reference, we refer to the legal and judicial sector and the police and prisons collectively as the Justice Sector. We believe that this very comprehensive approach is particularly useful as it is increasing clear that it is not feasible to develop sector wide strategies in the legal and judicial sector without an intimate knowledge of, and cooperation with, the institutions that have overlapping mandates, like the police and the prisons.

Executive Summary Sierra Leone has been devastated by the effects of a decade of civil war, and today is one of the poorest countries in the world. With the end of protracted violence, the Government of Sierra Leone (GSL) and the international community have shifted their focus from combating instability and providing emergency relief to building a sustainable system of democratic governance.

The effect of the conflict on the formal justice system has been particularly acute, leaving much of the sector completely devastated. The war not only destroyed physical infrastructure of the justice system, it undermined the rule of law and the credibility of the institutions of justice.

Currently, the Justice sector serves only a small urban elite. Resources available to the sector are abysmal and the system has become exceedingly expensive for users, as well as for the GSL as the service provider. The working conditions in these agencies make it difficult to attract high quality staff and render it extremely difficult for those recruited to perform their duties effectively. Accountability mechanisms are either absent or weak, and the Judiciary suffers from corruption, inefficiency and lack of accountability. The overall public perception of the judicial system is negative.

In the countryside, where the majority of the population lives, the formal Justice Sector plays only a marginal role. People increasingly resort to customary and informal extra-judicial mechanisms for settling their disputes and arranging their affairs.

In 1991, Sierra Leone adopted the Washington model of parliament, yet many Members of Parliament are unaware of this change and of the added powers that they now have. Currently, the Legislature does not have its own legal department and therefore relies on the Office of the Attorney General for all drafting and other legal assistance. This seriously compromises the Legislature’s independence The President of Sierra Leone is both the chief of state and the head of government.

The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The Ministers of State are appointed by the president with the approval of the House of Representatives.

1.

The United Kingdom’s Department for International Development.

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The 1978 Republican Constitution combined the positions of the Office of Attorney General and Minister of Justice. The Attorney General/Minister of Justice is the principal legal adviser to the Government and the principal State Prosecutor, assisted by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). Although the functions of Minister of Justice are not identified in the Constitution, the Minister is the official link between the Judiciary and Parliament/Cabinet and is responsible for judicial affairs.

The Constitution of Sierra Leone of 1991 established the Judiciary as an independent third organ of government. The Chief Justice is the head of the Judiciary and is responsible for its effective and efficient administration. The working language of the Judiciary is English and local language interpreters are used when necessary. The formal Court System is comprised on the Magistrates Courts, the High Court, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court.

In Sierra Leone, customary law and English common law theoretically operate in tandem, rather than in conflict. Local Courts administer customary law to about 85% of the population living outside the Western Area, regulating matters of marriage, divorce, succession and land tenure. Local Courts do not fall within the administrative jurisdiction of the Judiciary, but are rather overseen by the Ministry of Interior Affairs, part of the executive arm of the government.

The Judicial branch in Sierra Leone suffers from deplorable conditions of service, staff shortages, a lack of adequate training, debilitating infrastructure and logistical problems. The courts are slow, inefficient and generally reputed to be corrupt and incompetent. They are not equipped either in terms of physical infrastructure, systems and processes, personnel, or attitudes, to meet the needs of the majority of the population of Sierra Leone, and specifically of the poor and marginalized.

The current state of the Judicial branch is seen as the major impediment to any improvement in the legal and judicial sector as a whole. Judges and magistrates are among the most poorly paid on the continent, with salaries that can barely support even the most modest of lifestyles. There is a drastic lack of training available to members of the Bench. One result of the poor conditions of service has been an acute shortage of judges and magistrates, and is felt most in the provinces where the workload far exceeds the ability of the existing personnel. This shortage, and the resulting delays and backlogs, have serious repercussions on the due process rights of accused persons, many of who undergo lengthy pre-trial detention periods. People living outside of Freetown rarely bring any civil matters to the courts due to both the delays and expense.

In theory, every court operates a registry but there is currently a lack qualified court registrars. There are also no stenographers in Sierra Leone’s judiciary so that judges have to compile the transcript of each hearing themselves in longhand and their written account becomes the sole record of a trial.

The Judiciary currently lacks authority over its budget and conditions of service, making it difficult to implement reforms. Additionally, court infrastructure was decimated during the ten-year war period and what infrastructure that does exist is generally inadequate and poorly resourced. There are currently no computers or related equipment in the courts to assist in the management of cases.

The Bar in Sierra Leone is relatively small, with about 150 legal practitioners servicing nearly 6 million people, and, as in many other African Commonwealth countries, the legal profession is fused. The Sierra Leone Law School’s transforms law

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graduates into legal practitioners, and less than 20 students qualify every year.

Professional legal practice is regulated by the Legal Practitioners Act of Sierra Leone (2000). Barristers in private practice in Sierra Leone belong to the Sierra Leone Bar Association (SLBA).

While it is clear that a pluralist legal system exists in Sierra Leone, the role of customary justice remains contentious. The relationship between the customary and formal legal systems is seen as further complicated by the fact that they are administered by different government organizations. The Local and District Courts are currently under the Authority of the Ministry of the Interior, and are hence administered by the Local Government under the Executive arm of government.

A number of institutions were created at the end of the civil war to help promote the establishment of peace in Sierra Leone: the National Recovery Committee is responsible for coordinating national recovery efforts; the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was created as a mechanism for achieving national reconciliation and breaking the cycle of violence by providing a forum for both victims and perpetrators; and the Special Court, conceived by a UN Security Council Resolution, is an “independent special court” to prosecute war criminals in Sierra Leone. The Lomé Peace Agreement provided for the establishment of a National Human Rights Commission (HRC), as a permanent institution in a future peaceful Sierra Leone, whereas the TRC was seen as a provisional mechanism for creating that peace. The GSL also established an Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) to counter corruption and specifically focus on payments to government officials and the misappropriation of public and donor funds.

The Office of the Ombudsman, created in 1991 yet only operational in April 2000, is mandated to provide redress for cases of improper administration on the part of officials.

It works closely with the HRC and the ACC, referring cases for investigation and sharing resources. The Ombudsman’s powers are not judicial and do not provide for any kind of formal sanction for wrongdoings.

The police play a key role in the Justice sector, especially since police officers routinely prosecute cases due to lack of staff resources in the Office of the DPP, and assistance with specialized training, both for police prosecutors and for staff of the Office of the DPP, has been specifically requested by the Government. A major effort to reform the police has been under way since 2000, as a result of widespread allegations of indiscipline and corruption. The reform program has emphasized better training and meritorious promotions for officers of the force. The prison system, on which the war exerted a heavy toll, is also important for the Justice sector. Today the remaining prisons are severely overcrowded, conditions are dismal, and staff lack training.

The current legal and regulatory framework of Sierra Leone is not transparent, efficient or reliable, and in many cases remains based on antiquated British laws and procedures. In addition, there is an uneasy relationship between the received or English laws and the traditional or customary laws. There is very little confidence within the business community in legal protections for their transactions. There is virtual unanimity among Sierra Leoneans that building confidence in the justice sector is an essential requirement of economic investment and growth, and hence for reviving opportunities for economic progress for Sierra Leoneans generally. While Sierra Leone had adopted many international conventions, such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, it has failed in many instances to draft implementing legislation. The Law Reform

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Commission was established to review English law imported into the Sierra Leone legal system and adapt it to local circumstances and contemporary legal standards.

A multitude of barriers to access to justice confront the majority of the population of Sierra Leone, including economic and social barriers, geographical distance, cultural differences, language barriers, lack of trust in the justice agencies, and a general lack of knowledge about the law and the legal system. The capacity of the GSL to provide lowcost and physically proximate legal services is practically non-existent, and Civil Society Organizations are the main providers of legal aid. These CSOs are forced to provide multi-disciplinary services and psychological support for clients for which they are often unqualified or lack suitable training.

As priorities shift from addressing the emergency concerns of post-conflict Sierra Leone towards longer-term development objectives, the GSL is focusing its efforts on rehabilitating and developing essential government services and institutions. Any proposed reform effort needs to take into account the interdependency of different aspects of the Justice Sector. The GSL has stated that it is fully committed to reforming the Justice Sector.

Introduction Sierra Leone has been devastated by the effects of a decade of civil war, and today is one of the poorest countries in the world. After more than ten years of instability, the civil war was officially declared over January 2002; the state of emergency was lifted and “free and fair” elections were held.2 While violence in the neighboring countries remains a destabilizing force,3 there is reason to be optimistic that the situation in Sierra Leone will remain peaceful. However, the toll of prolonged conflict and instability is still being felt.

With the end of protracted violence, the Government of Sierra Leone (GSL) and the international community have shifted their focus from combating instability and providing emergency relief to building a sustainable system of democratic governance.4 Developing the rule of law and reestablishing the authority and legitimacy of the justice system, in particular, are seen as critical to the success of the peace process.

The effect of the ten-year conflict on the formal justice system has been particularly acute, leaving much of the sector that had already seen a gradual decline in management and independence- completely devastated. The war not only destroyed the physical infrastructure of the justice system – courts, prisons, police stations  it served to undermine the rule of law and the credibility of the institutions of justice. Many say that the failures of the judiciary contributed to the ongoing conflict, making the need to reestablish credibility much more urgent.

Currently, the Justice Sector serves only a small urban elite. Resources available to the sector are abysmal and the system has become exceedingly expensive for users, as 2.

The elections were considered to be free and fair by most observers.

3.

For example, the fighting across the border between Liberian Government forces and the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) insurgents.

4.

The UN has provided the stability of a peacekeeping force (UNAMSIL) of some 17,500 troops, and has supported the establishment of a Special Court to begin prosecuting war criminals, and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to assist in the nation’s healing process.

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well as for the Government of Sierra Leone (GSL) as the service provider. The working conditions in legal and judicial agencies make it difficult to attract high quality professional staff and render it extremely difficult for recruited staff to perform their duties effectively. Accountability mechanisms are either absent or weak. The Judiciary suffers from corruption, inefficiency and lack of accountability. The overall public perception of the judicial system is negative.

In the countryside, where the majority of the population lives, the formal Justice Sector plays only a marginal role. People increasingly resort to customary and informal extra-judicial mechanisms for settling their disputes and arranging their affairs. The customary system provides a community based mechanism through which the broader population has access to justice. Although opinion is divided on issues relating to customary justice, it is clear that traditional law plays a crucial role in Sierra Leone.

One of the legacies of the violent conflict is the deep psychological trauma exacted on the population. This is especially apparent to the organizations that provide legal services for poor people. Many clients arrive with psychological issues that the legal service organizations are ill prepared to deal with. Arguably, psychological healing is a prerequisite to the social reintegration of Sierra Leone’s population at its most basic community level and to the re-establishment of a climate of rule of law.

The post-conflict situation in Sierra Leone presents numerous risks and challenges, but also definite opportunities for improving the Justice Sector. Any proposed reform effort needs to take into account the interdependency of different aspects of the Justice Sector. Currently, coordination between government agencies is ineffective. This has meant that improvements in individual agencies, such as the reforms made to the Sierra Leone Police (SLP), have highlighted bottlenecks and exacerbated problems elsewhere in the system. Improved effectiveness in individual agencies must be matched by parallel improvements across the system and improved coordination and communication between different agencies.

The GSL has stated that it is fully committed to reforming the Justice Sector. In his address delivered on the Occasion of the State Opening of Parliament on July 12, 2002, the President committed his government to “pursue, as a matter of priority, constitutional and legal reforms including reform of the judiciary with a view to developing a credible, effective and efficient legal and judicial system.” The Chief Justice and the Attorney General and Minister of Justice have also publicly committed to reform, and have emerged as key players proposing the most informed solutions to the problems facing the sector. At the same time, it is clear that the Government faces substantial challenges in rebuilding not only the legal, institutional and physical framework for the sector, but also in regaining the public’s trust and confidence in the justice system.

The GSL needs to develop a comprehensive plan for reform of its legal and judicial sector. It is hoped that this report will be a useful input into the development of this plan.

Overview of Key Actors/Institutions In their efforts towards maintaining peace and stabilizing a devastated country, the GLS is pouring efforts into establishing and improving public sector institutions and the system of democratic governance. Many of the institutions are plagued by inadequate infrastructure and dire conditions of service. Most of the legal and judicial sector is in need of serious reform.

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Reforming the Justice Sector presents the added complication of dealing with a twotiered or pluralist system– made up of the formal legal system or the Common Law, based on the British system, and the customary or traditional legal system. These systems currently function almost completely separately of each other and there is little agreement on how or if such different systems should be merged together.

Parliament Until 1991, the Sierra Leone Parliament was based on the Westminster model, which meant that only the government in power could propose new laws. In 1991, Sierra Leone adopted the Washington model of parliament, under which individual Members of Parliament (MPs) can propose laws and table bills. The system is unicameral, with 124 seats for five-year terms – 112 elected by popular vote and 12 filled by chiefdom chiefs elected in separate elections. It seems, however, that many MPs are unaware that they have been granted these added powers, and they generally still wait for the Government to table bills.

Currently, the Legislature does not have its own legal department and therefore relies on the Office of the Attorney General for all drafting and other legal assistance. This seriously compromises the Legislature’s independence from the Executive Branch. In the past, an induction course was run for new MPs, however currently no such course exists.

The prospect of the Legislature playing a major role in holding the executive accountable over the next five years is limited (due to its current political complexion).

At the same time, there are numerous indications that the Legislature is interested in establishing itself institutionally and building its own capacity (for example, to draft Private Members’ Bills).

Recommendations There is a great need for legislative drafts-persons. A training course for MP’s should be developed to introduce them to the drafting process and to sensitize them to the powers they have under the new legislative model.

It is recommended that a program of assistance capitalize on the Legislature’s interest in establishing itself institutionally and building its own capacity. The Speaker and Clerk of Parliament are potentially useful allies in this regard.

Executive The President of Sierra Leone is both the chief of state and the head of government.

The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The Ministers of State are appointed by the president with the approval of the House of Representatives. The cabinet is accountable to the president.

Among his duties, the President is responsible for all “constitutional matters concerning legislation” and “the execution of treaties, agreements or conventions in the name of Sierra Leone.”5

5.

The Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991, V, Part 1, Article 40 (4) (a) and (d).

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Office of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice The 1978 Republican Constitution combined the positions of the Office of Attorney General and Minister of Justice. The Attorney General/Minister of Justice is the principal legal adviser to the Government and is appointed by the President from amongst persons qualified to hold office as a Justice of the Supreme Court. Although the functions of Minister of Justice are not identified in the Constitution, the Minister is the official link between the Judiciary and Parliament/Cabinet and is responsible for judicial affairs. The Attorney General (AG) is the principal State Prosecutor, assisted by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). All offenses prosecuted in the name of the state must be instigated by the Attorney General or some other person authorized by him. In the exercise of these functions the AG is not subject to the control or direction of any person or authority. Although being a Cabinet Minister, the AG and the DPP are not subject to the doctrine of collective responsibility for actions undertaken or omitted by them while performing their functions as state prosecutors.

The State Law Office, as part of the Office of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, provides legal advice to the government – including ministries and state-owned enterprises – and represents the government in civil and criminal matters. The State Law Office is comprised of four divisions: Drafting and Parliament, Civil and Commercial, Constitutional and International Law, and the Division of the Director of Public Prosecutions, which deals with criminal matters.

The Office of the Attorney General and Minister of Justice suffers from severe personnel and logistical limitations. Further, there were serious concerns raised about the merger of the position of Attorney General and Minister of Justice, specifically that this merger blurs the separation between the exercise of the executive and judicial power. In his capacity as Attorney General, the Minister appears before courts as an interested party, while at the same time, as Minister of Justice, he may be making policy decisions that impact the Judiciary. This situation was seen to pose a substantial threat to judicial independence and these concerns were exacerbated by the fact that the role of the Minister of Justice is not defined in the Constitution.

Recommendations It is recommended that the two offices of Attorney General and Minister of Justice be de-fused and held by separate persons in order to safeguard the separation of judicial and executive power.

Formal Courts The Constitution of Sierra Leone of 1991 established the Judiciary as an independent third organ of government. The Chief Justice is the head of the Judiciary and is responsible for its effective and efficient administration. In making administrative decisions, he acts on the advice of the Judicial and Legal Service Commission, which he chairs. The working language of the Judiciary is English and local language interpreters are used when necessary.

The formal Court System is comprised on the Magistrates Courts, the High Court, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court.

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The Supreme Court The Supreme Court is the final Court of Appeal in Sierra Leone. It exercises supervisory jurisdiction over inferior courts and issues orders and directions to them as it deems necessary. The Court is comprised of the Chief Justice, at least four other Supreme Court Justices, and such judges of the Superior Courts of Sierra Leone, or any other country with similar laws, as the Chief Justice may request to sit.

The Supreme Court has jurisdiction to interpret the Constitution of Sierra Leone, to determine whether Parliament is acting beyond the powers conferred on it, and to decide whether an Act is unconstitutional. Every court in which such matters are raised must stay their proceedings and refer the matter to the Supreme Court. Unlike inferior courts, such as the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court is not bound by its previous decisions.

The Court of Appeal The Court of Appeal has only an appellate function and hears appeals from the High Court. The Court is comprised of the Chief Justice, at least seven Court of Appeal justices and such judges of any of the Superior Courts as the Chief Justice may request to sit. A panel of three judges hears each case brought in front of the Court.

The Court of Appeal is bound by its previous decisions and all inferior courts (High Courts, Magistrates Courts and Local Courts) are bound by its decisions on points of law.

The High Court The High Court has jurisdiction to hear any criminal or civil matter that comes before it for trial at first instance. It also exercises an appellate function for cases from Magistrates Courts and Local Courts. The High Court is comprised of the Chief Justice, at least nine High Court justices and such other justices of the Superior Courts as the Chief Justice may request to sit.

High Court cases are heard in the provinces by Freetown-based judges who travel periodically to the rest of the country on circuit. The Court is also responsible for hearing appeals from the District Courts administering customary justice.

Magistrates Courts The Magistrates Courts are courts of first instance and deal with less serious criminal and civil matters. Although Magistrates Courts do not have jurisdiction over serious criminal offenses such as murder and rape, they hold preliminary investigations in such cases to determine whether there is sufficient evidence to warrant a referral to the High Court. Similarly, Magistrates Courts assess civil cases and refer more serious ones directly to the High Court. Over 80% of cases in Sierra Leone are heard in the Magistrate Courts.

Juvenile Magistrates Courts exist in parallel with the ordinary Magistrates Courts to try and have jurisdiction over cases dealing with children and young persons.

Customary Legal Systems In Sierra Leone, customary law and English common Law theoretically operate in tandem, rather than in conflict. All legal proceedings and judgments must, in principle, conform to the Constitution. In practice, there are many areas in which the two legal

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systems are significantly at odds. Furthermore, customary justice is different depending on the community and local traditions, and has not yet been codified.

Local Courts Local Courts administer customary law, which is defined under the Constitution as “the rules of law which, by custom, are applicable to particular communities in Sierra Leone.”6 Customary law applies to about 85% of the population living outside the Western Area. It regulates matters of marriage, divorce, succession and land tenure in the provinces. There are over 300 Local Courts in the 149 chiefdoms in the provinces.

While some chiefdoms have only one court, the larger ones have up to three or four.

Local Courts are chaired by a Local Court Chairman (the majority being men), selected by the local chief and who sit with three or four other people (usually elders of the chiefdom). Lawyers are not allowed to appear before the Local Courts and cases are presented directly by litigants and witnesses. Court proceedings are open to members of the public within the chiefdom in question.

Local Courts do not fall within the administrative jurisdiction of the Judiciary, but are rather overseen by the Ministry of Interior Affairs, part of the executive arm of the government. At the same time, the Courts are advised and supervised, and their decisions reviewed, by customary law officers in the Attorney General’s Office. The customary law officers also train Local Court personnel.

District Appeal Court The District Appeal Court is responsible for hearing appeals from the Local Courts only. This Court is presided over by a magistrate sitting with two assessors who are experts in customary justice.

Appeals from the District Appeal Court are heard in the Local Appeals Division of the High Court, in which a High Court judge sits with two assessors. Further appeals can be made to the Court of Appeal and to the Supreme Court. Appeals used to be heard by a Group Local Appeals Court before being heard on further appeal by the District Appeal Court, but this system has been abandoned.

Local Chiefs In practice, chiefs form an important part of the legal landscape in Sierra Leone. In parallel with the Local Courts, local chiefs are involved in adjudicating and resolving disputes within their community.

The Judicial Branch The Judicial branch in Sierra Leone suffers from deplorable conditions of service, staff shortages, a lack of adequate training, debilitating infrastructure and logistical problems. The courts are slow, inefficient and generally reputed to be corrupt and incompetent. They are not equipped either in terms of physical infrastructure, systems and processes, personnel, or attitudes, to meet the needs of the majority of the population of Sierra Leone, and specifically of the poor and marginalized.

6.

The Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991, Chapter XII Article 170(3).

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The current state of the Judicial branch is seen as the major impediment to any improvement in the legal and judicial sector as a whole.

Judges and Magistrates For an individual to be appointed a judge of the Superior Courts under the 1991 Constitution, he or she must be qualified to practice as a lawyer in Sierra Leone or in any country having a system of law similar to Sierra Leone.7 Currently, there is one Superior Court Judge who is a non-national serving on contract. Supreme Court judges must have practiced or sat on the Bench for at least twenty years, Court of Appeal judges for fifteen years, and High Court judges for ten years.

Judges are appointed on the recommendation of the Judicial and Legal Services Commission and must be approved by Parliament. The President can, upon the advice of the Judicial and Legal Service Commission, appoint a qualified person to act temporarily as a judge in any of the Superior Courts when a vacancy arises or where exigencies so demand. Such appointees serve on the basis of a contract on temporary terms and conditions.

Judges in office enjoy considerable job security. The Constitution confers wide immunity on judges in order to protect them from undue influence. They are not under the direction of any other person or authority, and are subject only to the law and to the Constitution. A Judge can only be removed if found to be incapable of functioning or guilty of serious misconduct. Such removal can be only authorized by the President of the Republic upon the recommendation of a special tribunal and the subsequent approval of Parliament by a two-thirds majority. Judges can voluntarily retire at 60, but are obliged to do so at 65.

There are three levels of magistrates in Sierra Leone - Principal Magistrates (being the most senior), Senior Magistrates, and Ordinary Magistrates. The technical requirement for a person to be a magistrate was, until recently, two years of post-training experience in legal practice. Due to the shortage of qualified persons in Sierra Leone, this period has recently been reduced to one year. Promotion of magistrates is based on years of experience and merit. In addition to magistrates, Justices of the Peace (usually retired civil servants) may try minor offenses.

Magistrates to do not enjoy the same security of tenure as Superior Court judges.

They can be dismissed, suspended or promoted by the Judicial and Legal Service Commission. Magistrates must retire at the age of 55 although they can be contracted to serve as Temporary Magistrates after retirement. A substantial number of magistrates currently serving are on contract, and were over the official age of retirement.

Main Issues Facing Judiciary Judges and magistrates in Sierra Leone are among the most poorly paid on the continent, with salaries that can barely support even the most modest of lifestyles. As of July 2002, the typical annual salary was: US$900 for magistrates, US$8,000 for High Court Judges and US$ 9,000 for Court of Appeal Judges. Supplemental allowances are provided for accommodation, medical expenses and transport, totaling about US$5 per month, a sum that falls short of meeting actual costs. The cost of living is considerably 7.

The Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991, Chapter VII Part V Article 135(3).

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higher in Sierra Leone than in neighboring West African countries due to the general disruption of trade and transport brought about by the conflict.

There is a drastic lack of training available to members of the Bench. Magistrates and judges have received no substantial training or upgrading in the form of either courses or conferences. The only prior initiative had been a computer skills workshop for judges, which was supported by DFID. At the same time, the conditions within the Judiciary serve to undermine any investment in staff training as it is difficult to retain those whose skills are improved by training.

One result of the poor conditions of service has been an acute shortage of judges and magistrates. This shortage is felt most in the provinces where the workload far exceeds the ability of the existing personnel. For example, in ordinary circumstances, there ought to be two magistrates each in Bo and Kono and one magistrate in each of the other districts. However, Bo has only one resident magistrate who is also responsible for the towns of Moyamba and Pujehun. The Northern capital town of Makeni has no magistrates at all and cases have to be taken to Port Loko to a magistrate responsible for the whole of the northern province. Magistrates in these regions are constantly overwhelmed with work. Similarly, High Court cases and appeals often wait long periods of time for a judge to go on circuit.

The shortage of Judges and Magistrates, and the resulting delays and backlogs, have serious repercussions on the due process rights of accused persons, many of who undergo lengthy pre-trial detention periods both in Freetown and in the provinces. People living outside of Freetown rarely bring any civil matters to the courts due to both the delays and expense.

The deplorable conditions of service and lack of training are perceived to contribute to the lack of prestige and authority judges command in the eyes of the general public. It was also reported that the conditions have resulted in a national “brain drain,” with many of the talented court personnel leaving to work in the private sector or as expatriates with better pay packages in other countries.

Corruption is seen as a large problem within the Judicial branch generally. Indeed, the DFID review of its Law Development Project found that “the tarnished reputation of the judiciary may be as important a factor as the poor conditions of service in preventing applications from successful lawyers (who have made enough money to not be put off by the salaries)”. Again, the conditions of service are seen as a root cause of corruption.

Ineffective management is also seen as contributing to corruption and the perception of corruption.

Responses to Current Situation Various solutions to address the financial constraints of the Justice sector have been suggested. Two solutions that featured most prominently during this Assessment were the creation of a payroll Trust Fund for judges and the recruitment of foreign judges on a contract basis, both paid for by the international community. Both of these ideas have been meet with differing responses.

A payroll Trust Fund would operate by International Development Partners (IDPs) providing a single lump-sum grant that is big enough to allow the interest generated from the fund to be used to top-up judicial salaries. For the 34 judges and magistrates in the Judiciary calculations suggest that the interest generated from a fund of US$ 2.5-3.5

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million8 would be sufficient to double salaries, without using the capital of the fund. One of the only precedents for this Trust Fund idea was found was in Serbia, where the Open Society published a Funding Proposal in May 2001 for a ‘bridge-fund’ of US$ 10 million to be administered by UNDP to top up the salaries of judges and prosecutors. The fund was intended to provide transitional support to Belgrade authorities, who would gradually assume responsibility for the higher salaries as the economy and tax revenues recovered.

The results of this proposal are unknown.

The views of those consulted on this issue vary considerably. The table below outlines the pros and cons as expressed during the consultations.

ARGUMENTS REGARDING PAYROLL TRUST FUND FOR AGAINST • Improves conditions/salaries with • Undermines sense of responsibility of likely improved performance and GSL for providing fundamental legal commitment and judicial services • Sustainable support mechanism • Creates gap within Judiciary between professional and support staff • Cost-effective solution • Strengthens judicial independence • Creates gap between Judiciary and other institutions within and outside • Can be combined with recruitment Justice sector of foreign judges • Can be tested on a pilot basis and • Focuses on center alone – “top-down” approach provided as part of budget support • Undermines principle of democracy in the longer run • Cannot guarantee “additionality”9 • IDPs may not be able to make endowment under terms of governing legislation/mandate The idea to recruit foreign judges to deal with the backlog of cases in the Superior Courts has also been met with mixed responses. On the one hand, the serious weaknesses of the present justice system requires urgent attention. The introduction of foreign judges may reduce corruption in the system, restore some respect for the system, and possibly rebuild the culture of effective adjudication.

On the other hand, employing foreign judges may mask the underlying problems in the system and hence delay the necessary reform process. Focusing on additional judges without addressing problems with the conditions of service and the need for additional court support is insufficient to deal with the core problems in the system. Introducing foreign judges without improving conditions of local judges also has the potential of causing friction between the different types of judges and further undermining the justice system.

A number of other initiatives have been suggested to tackle the backlog of cases in the courts. One suggestion has been to introduce a procedure for fast-track litigation. To 8.

Estimates vary.

9.

That is to say that general funds for expenditure in the sector from the consolidated fund cannot be ring-fenced to ensure that income flowing from the Trust Fund would be additional to a constant or rising level of government expenditure in the sector.

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this end, the Chief Justice has taken the important step of reconvening the Rules of Court Committee. Another cost-effective measure is the establishment of a Court Users Committee to identify bottlenecks. Other ideas, mooted by the Bar Association, include delegating judicial authority to the Registrar for interlocutory hearings, improvements to the functioning of the courts’ registry filing system, and the possibility of paying judges additional fees to sit in the afternoon (when more court space is available).

One way in which the GSL has already attempted to deal with the backlogs and financial constraints is by reintroducing a system that predates the war of appointing Justices of the Peace (JPs) to deal with overload cases in the Magistrates Courts. JPs tend to be retired public servants who are not paid a salary but receive sitting allowances and sit in panels of two to hear less serious cases. The obvious concern is that unless JPs are paid adequately to give them (along with any pension) a living wage, they will be easily corrupted. Another concern is that they are not legally trained. One suggestion presented was to appoint retired police officers or prosecutors as JP’s, so that they would have at least have some basic legal knowledge Recommendations The deplorable conditions of service within the judicial branch need to be tackled if any effective reform of the sector is to occur. Improvements in conditions of services, such as the augmentation of salaries for judicial staff could attract higher caliber of staff to the Judiciary and reduce incentives for corrupt behavior. In the fight against corruption, guidelines for professional conduct should be developed and effective sanctions should be introduced.

Most of the discussion on reducing backlog has focused on the Superior Courts. As over 80% of cases are heard in the Magistrates Courts, it would appear likely that assistance to reduce backlogs and improve access to justice would be more effectively focused on the Magistrates Courts, especially those located in the provinces.

The idea of a Trust Fund mechanism is intriguing and should be discussed more by interested IDPs. Further, while it is unclear at this stage whether any donors would be willing to support increases in recurrent costs associated with increased salaries, the international community should encourage a debate on the wider issue of public sector salaries based on a government-wide needs assessment. Such a discussion would compare public and private sector salaries, and place any recommended improvements in the context of a realistic timeframe.

While recognizing the advantages of recruiting foreign judges to reduce shortages in the system, we would recommend against the reliance on foreign contract judges. The use of foreign judges should only be considered in conjunction with more sustainable reform processes.

We would recommend the further development of local initiatives currently being suggested to tackle backlogs, such as the introduction of a procedure for fast-track litigation and the appointment of retired police officers or prosecutors as JPs.

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Court Staff Registry Staff In theory, every court operates a registry. All documentation– including indictments, processes, and judgments– is supposed to be filed in the registry of the court where the case is initiated. Registry staff are responsible for typing and compiling records for use by appellate courts on appeals.

Currently, a Deputy Assistant Registrar heads the Magistrates Court Registry in the main court building of Freetown. A Master and Registrar, assisted by a Deputy Master and Registrar, heads the High Court Registry in Freetown. Additionally, both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court lack qualified court registrars and are run by assistants supervised by the Master and Registrar of the High Court.

Court Stenographers There are currently no stenographers in Sierra Leone’s judiciary. Even at the Supreme Court level, judges have to compile the transcript of each hearing themselves in longhand. The judge’s written record becomes the sole record of a trial. This system is extremely slow and cumbersome; judges and magistrates essentially take dictation from witnesses and barristers, and statements read into the record are delivered slowly and carefully to avoid mistakes in transcription. Lawyers expressed concerns about the transparency of the system, with some lawyers alleging that there are judges are selective in what they record.

Court Bailiffs The Office of the Registrar General supervises the bailiffs and process servers who serve and execute orders of the courts. There was general discontent with the services provided by bailiffs and process servers. It was reported that they are underpaid and therefore often use their office for illegal gains. Bailiffs and process servers report to the Office of the Under Sheriff and hence the Office of the Registrar General is unable to directly discipline them. The Office of the Under Sheriff rarely acts upon complaints against bailiffs.

Recommendations Building capacity among court staff is an essential requirement of any plan to improve the functioning of the Court.

The current situation of judges recording court proceeding longhand is untenable. In order to reduce delays and enhance accountability and transparency, an official system of recording and publishing court proceedings and court judgments needs to be developed.

We would suggest that the transferal of responsibility for Bailiffs to the Office of the Registrar General would assist in improving current practices.

Court Administration The Judiciary currently lacks authority over its over budget or conditions of service.

This lack of control makes it difficult for the judicial branch to implement reforms to improve the system. In the 1960s and 1970s, the Judiciary operated a “self-accounting 17

system� which was quite successful. Under that system, revenues generated by the Judicial Sub-Treasury from court fees and fines were used to fund the Judiciary. The only reporting mechanisms required were audit reports to the public treasury explaining income and expenditures for a given period. This system was discontinued in the late 1970s as part of the political consolidation of the one-party state and a central accounting system was introduced. Under the new system, revenues generated from the various subtreasuries became payable to a consolidated fund set up for that purpose. The central government now makes a certain budget available to the Judiciary. As seen from the discussion above, this budgetary allocation is grossly inadequate.

Court infrastructure was decimated during the ten-year war period, with many courthouses and judicial living quarters being completely destroyed. In eastern Freetown, over half of the structures were destroyed. Further, in 1999, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) rebels targeted members of the legal profession for retribution. Many judges had their law libraries destroyed in the looting and burning. While many private practitioners seemed to have weathered the violence with their collections intact, or now have access to the resources to rebuild their personal libraries, judges and magistrates were generally not as fortunate. The Government bookshop has also only managed to maintain a very limited stock of legislation from prior to 1999. Judges and magistrates routinely contact private practitioners for legal references when preparing judgments, and many need to resort to requiring that barristers provide photocopies of cases cited in hearings.

Infrastructure that does exist is generally inadequate and poorly resourced. The chambers are generally small and, in many cases, are simply partitioned corners of larger rooms, sometimes of courtrooms themselves. These constraints reduce the ability to hold in camera hearings or take statements from witnesses confidentially. Magistrates and judges usually provide whatever furnishing does exist in both the chambers and the courtrooms, including the paint for the walls. Files are stored in stacks on tables or on the floor. Almost none of the magistrates’ and judges’ chambers have the space or shelving to accommodate even the most modest book collections. Almost all the chambers lack air conditioning. This lack of comfort reportedly directly affects the output of the Judiciary as many judges and magistrates are eager to leave for home directly after hearings in the morning instead of staying to work in their chambers.

There are currently no computers or related equipment in the courts to assist in the management of cases. This also affects the ability of Judges to access legal precedents.

There are an inadequate number of vehicles and judges are routinely forced to rely on public or communal transportation to get to work. Most of the High Court judges in Freetown rely on a single vehicle for transport. This seriously affects the cases they are able to hear each day.

Recommendations There is a need for detailed discussions about ways in which the courts can gain more budgetary and administrative autonomy so that they are able to better develop a reform agenda.

The rehabilitation and enhancement of court infrastructure is a high priority. Any reform agenda need to focus on building the basic infrastructure requirements needed, in order for any other initiative to be successful.

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Rules of Court Committee Section 145 of the Constitution establishes the Rules of Court Committee of the High Court to formulate rules for the effective functioning of the courts and to review existing ones. While there is an acute demand for updated and reformed rules of court, at the time of writing, this committee had not undertaken a meaningful review or produced any updated rules of procedure governing the day-to-day operation of the courts.

Under its revised Law Development Project, DFID aims to re-activate the Rules of Court Committee, add new members, ensure that rules of courts are drawn up, published and disseminated to practitioners.

Alternative Dispute Resolution The scope for ADR is Sierra Leone is large: indeed, as outlined above, many communities use informal ADR to resolve local disputes. In the business world, the commercial class (mostly ethnic Lebanese) reportedly resolve business disputes among themselves and rarely use the formal structures. Foreign investors, on their part, are protected by an agreement that allows for arbitration under the 1965 World Bank Convention and is supported by the Sierra Leone Constitution that states that the GSL foreign policy shall seek “settlement of international disputes by negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or adjudication.”10 Legislation also provides for transfer of interest, dividends, and capital.

The vast majority of ADR mechanisms are found in the traditional justice system, discussed below.

Legal Profession The Bar in Sierra Leone is relatively small. While estimates vary, most sources indicate that there are about 150 legal practitioners throughout Sierra Leone, servicing a population of nearly 6 million. As in many other African Commonwealth countries, the legal profession is fused, and lawyers are called barristers whether or not they are litigating counsel. Barristers give and receive instructions and run legal offices (chambers). They prepare court and legal documents and litigate at all levels.

As outlined above, the Law Officers Department has responsibility for prosecuting and defending on behalf of the state. As in other parts of the pubic sector, conditions of service in the State Law Office are generally poor and unattractive to capable barristers.

In practice, the office of the DPP does not have the resources to undertake prosecutions and these are mainly done by unqualified police officers. When the office of the DPP does undertake prosecutions, they tend to be exceedingly slow. While the Law Officers Department is empowered to prosecute cases at any court level (except in the local courts), in practice it has to hire private practitioners on contract for cases in the superior courts and generally rely on police to prosecute cases in the magistrates’ courts level.

The conditions of service in the private bar are not as dismal as in the public sector, however private practitioners have also suffered from the prolonged conflict and the country’s economic collapse.

10. The Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991, Section 10d.

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Legal Education, Training, Licensing Until the local Law School opened in 1991, only about six barristers qualified each year, almost all from the Inns of Court in London. Now about fifteen to eighteen qualify each year. The Sierra Leone Law School’s core task is to transform law graduates (mostly from the Fourah Bay College Department of Law) into legal practitioners. The School is small, with less than twenty students each year. In addition to training lawyers for Sierra Leone, the School provides training for Gambians, who have no law school in their own country.

The School has indicated that it would like to develop training programs aimed at expanding the scope of legal services available in the country. The suggested program would include providing basic legal training to police prosecutors, training for court clerks and bailiffs, law training for Justices of the Peace to better enable them to dispense justice, training for District Officers who serve as ex-officio magistrates in their districts, induction of local court personnel in “principles of natural justice and equity,” and basic legal training for legal secretaries in law firms. Clearly, the development of these programs would require additional resources that the School does not have at this time.

Professional legal practice in Sierra Leone is regulated by the Legal Practitioners Act of Sierra Leone (2000). This Act establishes a General Legal Council as the governing authority with regard to the conduct of the legal profession. The Council admits and enrolls qualified persons into the Sierra Leone Bar, issues practicing certificates to barristers and disciplines them in line with prescribed standards of professional conduct.

Currently, only those who have passed through the Sierra Leone Law School can practice in Sierra Leone, unless they were in practice before the school became operational in 1991.

Under the Council of Legal Education Act (1989) and the Legal Practitioners Act of Sierra Leone (2000), only persons who have been called to the Sierra Leone Bar and have had either a year’s pupilage with a senior practitioner of ten years’ standing at the Bar, or have served in government legal service for eighteen months, can be enrolled as Barristers. Before enrollment, private pupil barristers can only practice at the level of the Magistrates Court, while pupil state counsel can be heard at all levels, including the Supreme Court. For these reasons, many people out of law school choose to spend their first eighteen months in government service despite the poor conditions of service. If the government were to retain some of the brightest of these new lawyers in the civil service beyond these eighteen months, it would quickly build up a cadre of qualified and professional staff. However, conditions of service in the private sector remain vastly superior to the public sector, and, until this changes, it remains exceedingly difficult to keep lawyers in the public service.

Recommendations Support should be given to the Sierra Leone Law School to develop their training capabilities, due to the fundamental shortage of qualified lawyers currently in Sierra Leone.

Bar Associations Barristers in private practice in Sierra Leone belong to the Sierra Leone Bar Association (SLBA). Despite the difficult circumstances for the legal profession, the 20

SLBA remains an active body that serves as an important pressure group on the government. The SLBA provides legal services to the community and has campaigned on numerous issues relating to human rights. For example, they have raised concerns about issues such as arbitrary decision-making in criminal matters and the use of inexperienced police prosecutors in criminal trials. Recently, the SLBA filed a lawsuit challenging procedures related to the fusion of the roles of Attorney General and Minister of Justice.

Recommendations The SLBA, as a key advocacy and policy body, should be actively involved in any reform discussions and initiatives.

Customary Justice While it is clear that a pluralist legal system exists in Sierra Leone, the role of customary justice remains contentious. Several arguments have been made in support of the abolition of customary justice systems; a key complaint being that it discriminates against women and children. One cannot, however, assume that these deficiencies are irredeemable in all areas. The continuing widespread use of traditional systems suggests that they may contain features that appeal to users. While further diagnostic work is clearly necessary, it is apparent that for many people traditional systems are speedier, cheaper, and both physically and culturally closer to them than the formal courts.

The practice of dispute adjudication and resolution by local chiefs is referred to as “kangaroo courts”, “illegal courts” and “Chiefs’ Courts.” The role of chiefs in resolving disputes is contentious, as it is deemed a criminal offense for any individual or institution- other than a constitutionally established Local Court, magistrate, or judge- to perform adjudicative functions. Further, perceived abuses of power by local chiefs in their dispute resolution role are seen as having played a significant role in sowing the seeds of conflict in Sierra Leone. At the same time, it is recognized that the chiefs’ role in this regard is not limited to adjudication, but extends to mediation, arbitration, conciliation and counseling.

In addition to the vast differences of opinion about the role of customary law per se, there are also differing views on the best way to approach any reform of a traditional system.11 One view holds that reform and modernization of customary justice should be done through a process of codification that will enlighten people in general, and marginalized groups such as women in particular, of their rights.12 Others, however, believe that codification will limit customary law’s ability to adapt to the changing norms in society and thus undermine the conciliatory role of customary justice. Another issue raised in the debate about customary law is the apparent discrepancies between the rules of various ethnic groups. Again there is a divide between those who believe that traditional rules should be unified in order to harmonize different customary systems and those that feel that any attempt at unification or codification will risk causing further conflict between different ethnic groups or between customary justice and the modern legal system.

11. There is not even consensus on the fundamental issue of the correct interpretation of the Constitutional provision on the status of customary justice, viz whether the “repugnancy clause” is still operative.

12. In particular, there has been a focus on the protection of women’s rights in marriage and property disputes, where customary justice is seen as very conservative.

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In 2001, DFID commissioned a study into the reform of the customary justice system.

Areas examined included codification of customary laws and removal of chiefs’ powers in relation to appointment of Local Court Chairmen. A major concern that emerged from the study was the threat of a backlash against any reform of the system that was (or was perceived to be) imposed from outside.

In relation to the differing models of reform, this study expressed concern that codification might hinder social progress and recommended that support be given to whatever measures would facilitate access to justice and minimize discrimination. It noted that public officials in Sierra Leone were not well informed about comparative international experiences with codification or possible alternative measures and had not been exposed to lessons learned from other jurisdictions. The study also found that civil society activists were also often ill-informed.

Other concerns raised in the reform context relate to the current appeals process and the relationship between the customary and formal systems. There have been suggestions that cutting out the District Appeal Courts, and allowing people to appeal local court decisions directly to the high Court could shorten the appeal process. This suggestion is also seen as a way of bringing the formal system into play earlier in more protracted disputes. However, the DIFD study found that the chiefdom and Local Court officials, far from wanting to shorten the appeals process, wanted the Group Local Appeal Courts reinstituted as a step before the District Court Appeal. Local Official and Chiefs saw this reinstatement as a way to force parties to submit their grievances to another broader panel of local experts before such matters are referred and appealed to higher courts that may not apply customary justice.

The relationship between the customary and the formal legal systems is seen as further complicated by the fact that they are administered by different government organizations. The Local and District Courts are currently under the Authority of the Ministry of the Interior, and are hence administered by the Local Government under the Executive arm of government. Transferring administrative responsibility for these Courts to the Ministry of Justice, is seen by some, as a way to strengthen compliance with required standards and to enhance the linkages between the customary and “English law� justice systems. At the same time, others argue that the value of the Local Court systems lies in characteristics such as their informality, conciliatory approach, relative speed and affordability, and that these qualities could be more easily maintained under the Ministry of Local Government.

Recommendations We recommend that any reform of the customary justice system be approached incrementally, on the basis of deep research and wide consultation, and that initiatives be piloted before nationwide implementation. The research undertaken should build on the substantial work already done in this area, including, most recently, the research commissioned by the United Nations Commissioner of Human Rights on behalf of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Knowledge should also be drawn from lessons learned from reforms of customary systems in other countries.

As a priority, assistance should be provided to design and implement pilot projects that facilitate access to justice and minimize discrimination and other abuses before customary justice forums. The design of pilot projects aimed at facilitating access to

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customary justice forums should consider how to engage with the Chiefs’ dispute settlement systems. For example, the used of trained paralegals may enhance the quality of justice in the Chiefs’ systems. Testing the expansion of the Customary Law Officer system might be another obvious early pilot project.

Other Organizations A number of other organization play key roles in the legal sector in Sierra Leone.

These organization may also play crucial role in any reform agenda.

National Recovery Committee To assist in developing and implementing a plan to establish long term peace and democracy in Sierra Leone, the Government established a National Recovery Committee, chaired by the Vice-President, which is responsible for coordinating national recovery efforts. The committee aims to bring together the government and international donors.

Under the Committee’s auspices, a comprehensive national recovery strategy has been developed, which sets out the needs of each district in Sierra Leone. The strategy provides a framework for reviving economic activity, rehabilitating the infrastructure, restoring public services, resettling returning populations and meeting the needs of women and children victims of the conflict.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was created in 2000 following the Lomé Peace Accords as a mechanism for achieving national reconciliation after the decade-old conflict. The TRC’s main goal is to break the cycle of violence by providing a forum for both victims and perpetrators to tell their stories. The forum aims to address human rights violations and abuses committed since the beginning of the conflict in Sierra Leone in 1991.

Although the TRC is a quasi-judicial body, the government has an obligation to “implement any recommendations” of the TRC. This gives the commission the power to actually change laws if it deems it fit to do so. The TRC could be an important tool to develop alternative dispute resolution mechanisms as well as potentially strengthen linkages between the English law system and the customary system. However, The TRC has been off to a slow start: as of January 2003, it had still not held any hearings or even hired its entire permanent staff. It is still under-funded and the fundraising efforts of both the TRC and the OHCHR13 have been blamed for this. At the same time, there is a sense that IDPs are reluctant to put money into the TRC until they see tangible results. In response to these criticisms, the Secretariat has explained that it is difficult to prepare and implement a plan of action without knowing its budget.

The experience of the TRC, by comparison with the Special Court, which was set up much later and appears to have made significant progress, has been less successful.

The Special Court The Special Court was conceived by a United Nations Security Council Resolution in August 2000 as an “independent special court” to prosecute war criminals in Sierra 13. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

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Leone.14 Its mandate is to try those with the greatest responsibility for serious violations of international humanitarian law and Sierra Leonean Law, for events that happened after November 30, 1996, the date of the Abidjan Peace Agreement. The Special Court has jurisdiction over persons in the political and military leadership accused of crimes against humanity, war crimes and other serious breaches of international humanitarian law.

The establishment of the Special Court marked an important shift in the peace process, away from the focus on reconciliation that characterized the 1999 LomĂŠ arrangement. In particular, it addressed the concerns voiced at the time of the LomĂŠ negotiations that the amnesty provisions protecting ex-combatants contravened international law. The victims of the atrocities had agreed to reconciliation despite these concerns in order to end the war and the Special Court provided a way to bring to justice the perpetuators of the worst atrocities of the civil war. The support of the international community for the Special Court was also a welcome sign of greater international engagement in the restoration of the rule of law in Sierra Leone, given that the international community was widely viewed as not playing a constructive role during the negotiations on the LomĂŠ Peace Agreement.

Eight judges and two alternates were appointed in August 2002 to serve on the two chambers of the Special Court. Two of the Court's most important players were the Special Prosecutor, David Crane, and the Chief Investigator, Alan White, both U.S. citizens. They were appointed by the Secretary-General, while the GSL appointed the deputy prosecutor. Robin Vincent of the United Kingdom was chosen as Registrar and other prosecutorial staff and clerks were provided by the UN. Overall, the total of number persons attached to the court was 189, all on the UN scale of salaries paid by UN sources. The Sierra Leone Bar Association and other civil society groups had suggested that the court include a number of Sierra Leonean judges in the interest of longer-term capacity building and for a smooth progression from short-term transitional measures to the establishment of a fully functioning judiciary.15 However, the UN and the GSL opted to use foreign personnel in order to bring a sense of impartiality to the proceedings, and to ensure that resources were not drawn out of the existing judicial structures.

The work of this court will not impact greatly on the operations of the judiciary in Sierra Leone. Its case lists will likely be too small to affect caseloads in the formal courts, and the court and detention facilities themselves will be physically set apart from the existing judicial machinery. At the same time, it will be a visible display to the people of Sierra Leone that the international community is committed to assisting in the promotion of the rule of law. Infrastructure investments in buildings and equipment could make tangible improvement to the resources of the formal judiciary if they are handed over to the Judiciary once the Special Court completes its work.

There are concerns that the TRC and the Special Court are incompatible. For example, the Special Court has said that it will not prosecute people for admissions they make to the TRC, and cynics wonder if those who have committed atrocities will use this as a loophole to avoid being brought to justice. On the other hand, others fear that most people will be reluctant to be forthright with the TRC as they may fear that the Special Court will be unable to keep its commitment to grant them some sort of immunity.

14. UN Security Council Resolution, S/2000/915, 4 October 2000.

15. Letter dated 10th December 2000 to the UN from the Sierra Leone Bar Association, the Campaign for Good Governance and the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists.

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Recommendations The Special Court should establish close links with staff in the domestic justice system in order to promote any opportunities for the Court to have a positive impact on the justice sector in Sierra Leone.

Human Rights Commission The Lomé Peace Agreement provided for the establishment of a National Human Rights Commission (HRC). The proposed HRC was seen as a permanent institution in a future peaceful Sierra Leone, whereas the TRC was seen as a provisional mechanism for creating that peace. For this reason, and because of the badly delayed implementation of the Peace Agreement, the creation of the TRC has taken precedence. The Human Rights Unit of UNAMSIL (UN Mission in Sierra Leone) has been working on the preparatory details for creating the Commission, but lack of funds and concerted support by the GSL and the donor community has delayed its establishment.

Sierra Leone currently has a National Commission for Democracy and Human Rights. First created as the National Commission for Democracy in 1994 by the National Provisional Ruling Council military government, its independence was very limited; it was essentially mandated to educate the public about the constitution and cultivate a “sense of nationalism patriotism and loyalty to the State in every citizen.”16 Following the return to democratic rule in 1996, a human rights component was added to the Commission’s mandate. It has been suggested that the mandate of this institution should be extended so that it may be turned into a fully-fledged independent Human Rights Commission.

Recommendations: Support should be given to establish the HRC as a permanent institution in Sierra Leone. Consideration should be given to the suggestion of transforming the current Commission for Democracy and Human Rights for this purpose.

Law Reform Commission The Law Reform Commission was established by the Law Reform Commission Act (1975) to review English law imported into the Sierra Leone legal system and adapt it to local circumstances and contemporary legal standards. The 1975 law also empowered the Commission to reform local statutes and indigenous customary law that appeared outdated. The Commission was given the mandate to harmonize and codified the laws of Sierra Leone into a single system of laws.

Unfortunately, the Commission has been mostly inactive since 1975. The few law reform drafts that it did prepare soon after its conception were not enacted.

Recommendations Reviving the Law Reform Commission would provide the obvious advantage of supporting an institution whose mandate is to develop and implement reforms.

16. Protectors or Pretenders? Government Human Rights Commissions In Africa, Binaifer Nowrojee

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Anti-Corruption Commission The GSL established an Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) in 2000 with the support of DFID. Its mandate is to counter corruption in Sierra Leone and to pay particular attention to corrupt payments to government officials and the misappropriation of public and donor funds.

The ACC has three departments: Community Relations, Corruption Prevention and Investigations. In addition to three Directors of Departments, there are 30 professional staff, including expatriate officers experienced in various aspects of anti-corruption work.

The Community Relations Department works with local committees and organizations to promote the work of the Commission and educate the public on the evils of corruption. It uses various forums, including radio and television, integrity clubs, seminars and drama presentations. The Corruption Prevention Department undertakes studies of procedures in government departments with an aim to establishing practices and procedures that will reduce or prevent corrupt opportunities.

The Investigation Department receives complaints from the public, and undertakes the appropriate investigations. All cases where evidence of corruption is found are forwarded to the Attorney General/Minister of Justice, who then decides whether or not to prosecute. The effectiveness’ of the ACC in term of bringing corrupt officials to justice is thus dependent on the efficiency of the DPP, the AG and the Judiciary. The DPP is under great pressure to prosecute corruption cases. The Chief Justice has identified one judge17 who will be dedicated to trying corruption cases.

Several prosecutions have been undertaken, including those of a Judge of the High Court and the Acting Commissioner of Taxes. Several other prominent figures are currently under investigation, including a cabinet minister. However, the impact of these activities has been limited and elements within civil society are concerned about the effectiveness and independence of the ACC. There are fears that the ACC cannot be truly independent as long as the consent of the AG/Minister of Justice is required before any prosecution can be instituted under the Anti-Corruption Act, and that the cases are dependent on the efficacy of the Judiciary.

Concerns about the independence and efficacy of the system have lead to calls for the recruitment of foreign investigators, prosecutors and judges to handle corruption cases. It is suggested that the only way to root out corruption is to ensure a clear path– a “sterile corridor” - from investigation through prosecution to conviction (i.e. a path through the ACC, the AGO and the courts). It has been argued that the only way to guarantee the integrity of such a system is to use honest expatriates who would have exclusive jurisdiction to investigate, prosecute and adjudicate these cases. It is also argued that this would also provide much-needed support to the Anti-Corruption Commissioner in his efforts. Another suggestion has been to tap into the senior Sierra Leonean barristers currently in private practice reputed for honesty and integrity to fill such dedicated anticorruption posts. Indeed, the reaction of such known, honest barristers to an offer of employment in an allegedly “clean” channel of integrity would provide instructive perceptions-based evidence of the actual integrity of such a system.

17. Mr Justice Ade Mousu, a Nigerian-born contract judge.

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Recommendations The independence and efficacy of the ACC needs to be enhanced. While the need to recruit foreign professional is understandable, it would be preferable to improve the current processes by recruiting local barristers with reputations for honesty and integrity.

Office of the Ombudsman The Office of the Ombudsman was created by the 1991 Constitution yet the first Ombudsman was only appointed in April 2000. The Office of the Ombudsman is mandated to provide redress for cases of improper administration on the part of officials and to work closely with the HRC and the ACC, referring cases for investigation and sharing resources. In its first six months of ad hoc operation, the office had received many complaints from civil servants about poor conditions of service, wrongful dismissal and promotions that were not transparent. It had also taken a number of statements on police misconduct. Public knowledge of the Ombudsman’s functions is enhanced by his role as chair of a popular radio discussion program called “Security Talks.”

The Ombudsman’s powers are not judicial and do not provide for any kind of formal sanction for wrongdoings. In cases where informal mediation is not effective, the Ombudsman can make an official recommendation to the parties in dispute, and then inform the President of the situation. The President has three months to take action before Parliament needs to be informed. The Ombudsman also liaises with the Public Service Commission, which is responsible for appointing civil servants and determining their conditions of service.

While is seems that the Ombudsman’s Office attempts to deal with the complaints received as effectively as possible, it role is currently extremely limited, mostly due to the scarcity of resources available.

Recommendations Enhancing the capacity of the Ombudsman’s Office would greatly enhance the accountability mechanisms currently in existence in Sierra Leone.

Administrator & Registrar General The Office of Administrator and Registrar General falls under the jurisdiction of the Attorney General. It is a distinct entity established by statute and constitutes a general registry for legal instruments. Among the registers maintained are the company register, the business name register, the leases and mortgages register, the conveyance register and the wills register. Documents produced and certified by the Registrar General are admissible in court. At present, there is only one registry, based in Freetown, though there are plans to establish registries up-country.

Recommendations Efforts should be made to establish regional registries under the Office of Administrator and Registrar General.

Sierra Leone Police The police play a key role in the Justice sector. The Attorney General’s Office and the Judiciary rely on the police to provide evidence in a thorough and timely manner to

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enable the prosecution and conviction of criminals. More specifically, police officers routinely prosecute cases due to lack of staff resources in the Office of the DPP. While police prosecutors have generally taken basic prosecutorial courses at the police training schools, there is a great need for more specialized and comprehensive training. The lack of capacity in the Attorney General’s Office affects the amount of assistance they are able to give police prosecutors. The Government has requested assistance with specialized training, both for police prosecutors and for staff of the Office of the DPP. A major effort to reform the police in Sierra Leone has been under way since 2000, as a result of widespread allegations of indiscipline and corruption. The reform program has emphasized better training and meritorious promotions for officers of the force. As a result, the police has improved its record in investigating crime and bringing suspected criminals to justice, especially in the Western Area. There is reportedly a greater respect by the police for the constitutional rights of pre-trial detainees, such as the presumption of innocence and the right to be arraigned before a court of law in a timely manner. While there seems to be some improvement in attitudes towards police, there is still considerable public uncertainty about the depth of change.

Besides state police, each Chiefdom has between two to fifteen Chiefdom Police.

The extent to which these police are organized, equipped or active varies considerably, as does their roles and their understanding of their roles. Some are simply court messengers, others play a role in community safety and security, and in some rural areas, they are the primary policing body. During the war, people arguably relied more on “private justice,� including local civil defense force militias. It is generally hoped that the end of the conflict will mean that people, even in the most remote areas, will rely more on the SLP and the formal justice system and less on private vigilante justice. At the same time, the SLP has expressed tentative interest in engaging more effectively with the Chiefdom Police, primarily for intelligence gathering purposes.

Reform activities in the police have led to the emergence of key reformers who could be potential allies in reforming the rest of the criminal justice system.18 These allies are advocating wider reform in the justice system, the creation of reciprocal relationships of accountability between the agencies in the system, enhancing working relationship between institutions in the sector and promoting sector-wide training programs.

It is important to note that reform to the SLP has consequently highlighted bottlenecks in the rest of the justice sector, and in some cases has exacerbated problems.

For example, increased logistical resources and training to the SLP has resulted in increased capacity to carry out investigations. However, the capacity of the Law Officers Department to prosecute offences remains limited. In July 2002, 377 out of the 544 prisoners at the main prison in Freetown (Pademba Road Prison) were on remand awaiting trial, most of them over a year. As such, the overcrowding of prisons, discussed below, has been exacerbated.

18. See Annex III, DFID review of the Law Development Project for a fuller discussion of reforms in the police department.

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Recommendations Creating appropriate institutional linkages between the police and other parts of the justice system would allow the others to learn and benefit from the reform experience in the SLP. Further, building better working relationship could lead to a more effective use of resources in areas such as joint training, strategic planning, project design and management, management of change, research, collecting and analyzing data, monitoring and evaluation, personnel and performance management.

Sierra Leone Prison Service The war exerted a heavy toll on the Sierra Leone prison system. Out of the 19 prison institutions in the country, only eight survived intact. In the north, Magburaka Central Prison, with a capacity of 400 inmates, and the Kambia Prison were completely destroyed. In the east, Masanki Prison camp, with a 400 inmate capacity was destroyed, as was New England Prison, with a capacity of 340 inmates. The Prison Officers Training School in Freetown was also heavily damaged and staff quarters in different parts of the country were destroyed. Numerous prison staff were killed and others fled the country.

Today the remaining prisons are severely overcrowded and conditions are dismal.

Staff lack training in prison management, human psychology, counseling, reformation and rehabilitation. The situation is exacerbated by the slow pace of the judicial system, bail conditions that are difficult to meet and an absence of realistic, alternative noncustodial sentences. Even basic services, such as transportation, prison protection and escort duties, tend to be sub-standard, as are medical facilities for both the prisoners and prison staff.

As the SLP becomes more effective, pressure will continue to build on the prison system as well as on other parts of the justice system. However, while reform of the justice system is a government priority, prison reforms have largely been ignored. The substantial penal reforms that are necessary to meet even basic standards are only possible if the GSL and the public at large recognize their importance and necessity.

Recommendations Undertaking both an evaluation of the goals of prison reform and a civic awareness program would assist in raising awareness of and commitment to prison reform. The current situation also offers a unique opportunity to consider what cost-effective alternatives to imprisonment might be used. For example, other sub-Saharan African countries have introduced community service and similar schemes with high levels of public approval.

Review of Relevant Laws and Legal Frameworks The current legal and regulatory framework of Sierra Leone is not transparent, efficient or reliable, and in many cases remains based on antiquated British laws and procedures. In addition, there is an uneasy relationship between the received or English laws and the traditional or customary laws.

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Legal Framework for the Private Sector Three key observations about the relationship between the private sector and the rule of law in Sierra Leone can be made. First, there is very little confidence within the business community in legal protections for their transactions. Second, this lack of confidence has meant that a considerable amount of business activity, perhaps the majority, has simply moved outside the formal sector into the murky arena of the informal sector. Third, there is virtual unanimity among Sierra Leoneans that building confidence in the justice sector is an essential requirement of economic investment and growth, and hence for reviving opportunities for economic progress for Sierra Leoneans generally. This building of confidence is seen as both a short-term and a long-term priority.

The ten-year civil war receives much of the blame for the dissociation of the private sector from the justice sector. However, the situation arguably has deeper roots in many decades of centralized government, and concerted government policies aimed at cultivating the belief that the government should control all aspects of Sierra Leonean life. The bitter and exaggerated political conflicts that have plagued the country since independence from Britain made the attainment of political power the central objective of many of Sierra Leone’s most capable citizens. A high proportion of those who failed in this objective left the country. As a result, over several decades, the government succeeded in suppressing initiative in the private sector and making that sector subject to the dictates of political leaders and corrupt subservient bureaucrats.

One way previous governments managed to suppress private sector initiatives was by implementing overly complex rules and regulations for the conduct of business, making it next to impossible to engage in even the simplest commercial transactions with confidence. This confusing and antiquated regulatory framework, as well as the absence of legislation and relevant documents in many case, means that even experienced business people and lawyers remain unsure of procedures. Most critically, it is clear that without the right political access, no commercial transaction is secure.19 The weaknesses of the Judiciary, which are dealt with at length elsewhere in this paper, also undermine private sector initiative by making justice unpredictable and subject to the influence of the Executive.

Bankruptcy Legislation and Commercial Code There is clearly a gap with respect to the legal framework for the financial sector in Sierra Leone. While Sierra Leone had adopted many international conventions such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade it has failed in many instances to draft implementing legislation to make its domestic laws consistent with international standards. This lack of legislation and delays in compliance have been costly to Sierra Leone. For example, virtually no mortgage loans are available to the vast majority of Sierra Leoneans because lenders, having no legal mechanism for protecting their interests, simply do not lend money to ordinary citizens.

In early 2000, the Bank of Sierra Leone commissioned several pieces of legislation to “reform the legal framework of the financial sector of the economy.” A team composed 19. For example, there is considerable confusion and much disagreement over whether outside investors can obtain land in the provinces for large-scale agricultural or commercial development.

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of several of Sierra Leone’s top private lawyers prepared a draft of the first Bankruptcy Act for the country, which borrowed substantially from existing legislation in England, Nigeria and Belize. A draft Company Law was also completed. The drafts, however, have not yet been adopted as law at the time of writing this report.

Other legislation urgently needed includes laws dealing with copyright and patents, the sale of goods, registration of title to land, regulation of charities, and regulations of partnerships and sole proprietorships.

Privatization The legal framework for privatization was established by decree issued by a previous military regime. While it is a priority of the current Government to get broader privatization legislation passed by Parliament, the minimal legislative drafting capability of the Attorney General’s Office and the lack of human resource capacity at the Ministry of Development and Economic Planning have hindered any real progress in this area. In addition, it appears that the question of privatization is not at the forefront of concerns among Sierra Leoneans in and outside government.

Recommendations In general, the legal and regulatory framework of Sierra Leone need major revisions.

Priority needs to be given to reforming the Private Sector legal framework in order to enhance possibilities of economic growth and investment.

International Treaties Sierra Leone has a dualist system, which means that treaties that are ratified are not self-executing and do not automatically become law.20 In Sierra Leone a domestic law must be passed for the treaties to be binding in the country. This system has advantages in that it provides a buffer for countries that may not always have a significant voice in international forums, giving such countries the opportunity to decide whether they will implement provisions of a particular treaty. The obvious disadvantage of the dualist system is that local laws may continue to be inconsistent with such treaties, even when there is political will in the country to change.

Accessibility of the Sector A multitude of barriers to access to justice confront the majority of the population of Sierra Leone. These include economic and social barriers, geographical distance, cultural differences, language barriers, lack of trust in the justice agencies, and a general lack of knowledge about the law and the legal system.

The capacity of the GSL to provide low-cost and physically proximate legal services is practically non-existent. While Section 28 (5) of the Constitution requires Parliament to make provision for the “rendering of financial assistance to any indigent citizen of Sierra Leone” in capital trials, among other instances, the Government has been unable to provide such aid due to the acute shortage of legal personnel in the Attorney-General’s Office.

20. For example, in Germany, ratified treaties automatically become law.

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A government appointed independent human rights body known as the National Commission for Democracy and Human Rights (NCDHR) did received funds several years ago to establish a national legal aid program. While the program initially functioned modestly, it now only operates in Freetown with very reduced capacity. It currently provides no legal services but refers indigent people to sympathetic lawyers or to one of the few Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) offering legal assistance.

Ultimately it seems that the problem of access to justice has been left to civil society to address. CSOs in the legal and judicial sector have formed strong networks: for example, the National Forum for Human Rights brings together 33 CSOs active in the field. At the same time, these CSOs face severe institutional challenges -- they are small and generally composed of young idealistic lawyers who operate on very limited resources. In addition, most of them operate from Freetown and have virtually no presence in the provinces where the majority of the population lives.

CSOs providing legal aid are forced to provide multi-disciplinary services and psychological support for clients for which they are often unqualified or lack suitable training. Often CSOs do not have the resources or capacity to provide legal assistance themselves, and have instead developed an ad hoc referral system whereby indigent litigants are sent to sympathetic barristers and are represented in court at the expense of the CSOs. Groups like the International Human Rights Law Group are playing a significant role in developing the capacity of domestic CSOs, but much remains to be done.

Lack of knowledge and the dissemination of information is a crucial impediment to access to justice. As mentioned earlier, as it is difficult for even judges and lawyer to access relevant laws and legal information, it is even harder for the general public. Law reporting has been attempted with various limited degrees of success in the past, but the last edited reports produced are from 1972-73. Informal efforts initiated from within the Judiciary to produce law reports collapsed in 1987.

A number of CSOs in the media are engaged in activities that promote reform in the justice sector and access to justice. For example, the Talking Drums Studio and its sister agency, Search for Common Ground, provide a community perspective on good governance and human rights. They produce about 10 hours of programming per week in local languages with wide coverage throughout the country. They have developed a radio program that aims at improving the understanding of the army and police, and improving their relationship with citizens. Another CSO, the Lawyers Centre for Legal Assistance, commenced publishing a newsletter cataloging many cases of human rights violations addressed in the magistrates’ courts.

Other CSOs also play a role in maintaining government accountability. For example, the Chamber of Commerce led a strong advocacy campaign to influence and comment on the drafting of a new investment bill. This role is particularly important in light of the limited and minimal accountability mechanisms currently available to ensure the separation of powers and protect people from abuses of state power. The SLP recently established a Complaints Unit and a Department for Discipline and Internal Investigation, however, both of these have yet to fully be implemented. For example, no efforts are made to let the public know what the need to do in order to file a complaint with these groups.

32

In general, there is room for CSOs to become more strategic and to strengthen both their advocacy and educative roles. Their close involvement with legal services at the grassroots level makes them useful allies in policy dialogue. At the same time, in their current circumstances, it is clear that there are serious constraints on them broadening their current approaches.

Recommendations Ultimately, to have any real affect on access to justice, the capacity of legal aid providers needs to be strengthened. DFID intends to allocate approximately ÂŁ6million to a civil society support strategy. It will be vital that the civil society strategy and the justice program are designed to be complementary and encourage effective coordination.

Civil society organizations outside Freetown should be especially targeted for support in order to enable them to play a critical role in monitoring and encouraging effective administration of and access to justice in the provinces.

An evaluation of the availability of legal services, legal information and advice, and other services- such as psycho-social services- should be undertaken. This evaluation could be used to develop more strategic use of the resources available. For example, certain CSO’s could focus on strategic test cases and even group representation. At the same time, a system of cross referrals could be developed, and implemented.21

Conclusion As priorities shift from addressing the emergency concerns of post-conflict Sierra Leone towards longer-term development objectives, the GSL is focusing its efforts on rehabilitating and developing essential government services and institutions. Within this agenda, high priority is being given to the justice sector. While this demonstration of political will and commitment is an important impetus and foundation for reform, enormous challenges lay ahead.

Initial steps by the new Government should be commended. The establishment of the National Recovery Committee has resulted in a comprehensive approach to the rebuilding and reform process, bringing together relevant Government departments, and international development agencies. Further, the Government has already implemented some important initiatives. For example, between 1998 and 2002, the Government increased the overall budget of the SLP by 334% (including increments in pay).

However, the budgets for other parts of the Justice system have not increased as significantly. The Judiciary received no development funds during the 2002 financial year, and its non-salary operational funds were reduced by 50%. Additionally, the Legislative branch currently lacks the capacity to play a substantial role in reform of the sector. It is clear that reforms and improvements in one part of the Justice system will not be successful unless complementary reforms are made in other inter-dependent parts of the system.

Reform initiatives should reflect and accommodate key relationships and strive to build consensus and harmony while balancing administrative and efficiency goals. The interdependency of the different parts of the Justice Sector needs to inform and reform agenda: rebuilding courthouses must be closely tied to the simultaneous restoration of the 21. See Annex VI: Psychosocial and Mental Health Services Assessment for a deeper discussion of this issue.

33

rule of law in less tangible ways; improvements in conditions of service must be developed in conjunction with enhanced accountability mechanisms; and reforms in the formal sector need to be developed in combination with developments in the traditional system.

However, Sierra Leone is one of the world’s poorest countries and GLS currently relies almost solely on foreign assistance to function. For this reason, the role of international organizations is particularly important. It is hoped that this Assessment will provide an important starting point for the legal and judicial system development efforts in the near- and medium- terms. Developing the rule of law is clearly key to establishing a sustainable system of democracy. While defined in various ways, the rule of law prevails where: • The government itself is bound by the law; •

Every person in society is treated equally under the law;

•

The human dignity of each individual is recognized and protected by law; and

•

Justice is accessible to all.22

The rule of law promotes economic growth and reduces poverty by providing opportunity, empowerment, and security through laws and legal institutions. To accomplish these goals, the rule of law, as defined above, is said to be in effect when a society possesses:23 • Meaningful and enforceable laws: Laws must provide transparent and equitable rules by which society will be governed and provide legal empowerment and security in one’s rights.

• Enforceable contracts: Contracts are private means of empowering oneself to gain rights, to take opportunities in business, commerce and other activities, and to gain security in being able to enforce them.

•

Basic security: Safety in one’s person and property allows one to participate fully in society and the economy.

•

Access to Justice: Laws and rights are meaningless if people cannot realize, enforce, and enjoy them through actual access to justice.

These elements of a well-functioning legal and judicial system allow the state to regulate the economy and empower private individuals to contribute to economic development by confidently engaging in business, investments, and other transactions.

This in turn fosters domestic and foreign investment, the creation of jobs, and the reduction of poverty.

With these goals in mind, the Assessment reviewed the challenges to the effective promotion of the rule of law. Based on this Assessment, a number of recommendations are suggested throughout the text. At this point, it is also important to prioritize and sequence these reforms in a holistic and comprehensive manner. Prioritizing would

22. See Legal and Judicial Reform: Strategic Directions, World Bank, January 2003.

23. See Legal and Judicial Reform: Strategic Directions, World Bank, January 2003.

34

require consideration of short, medium and longer term activities and some of the issues to consider are the following:24 I.

Design a balanced set of projects and activities • • •

II.

Improved legal and judicial sector capacity; Combine reforms of law reform with improved enforcement—reforms in the courts as well as with legal education, lawmaking informed by international standards, and other aspects of legal reform; and Include both the supply side (the courts, lawyers, etc.) with the demand side of legal and judicial reform (access to justice, legal awareness and education for the public).

Advocate multi-tier approach

• • III.

Combined efforts needed between top down and bottom up approaches to reform, no one approach can succeed in isolation; and High levels of support from the top are necessary for project success regardless of whether a top down or a bottom up approach is used.

Assess realistically the potential for success and failure

• • IV.

Do not underestimate project risks and long term nature; and Incorporate the past lessons of experience in legal and judicial reform.

Use of pilot activities as a way to promote initial capacity building to implement the reforms

• • • V.

Design a free-standing project or a component of a larger legal and judicial reform program; Make effective use of grant funds to build capacity with a vision to contribute to a comprehensive strategy; and Utilize pilots, especially for model courts and case management systems, to demonstrate results both positive and negative.

The stakeholders would consider priorities that would most likely contribute to the development goals of poverty reduction and economic growth.

• • •

Identify empirical data needed to evaluate impact of legal reforms.

Develop methodology to evaluate impact of legal reforms on economic growth and poverty reduction.

Carry out analysis and consider results to identify which activities would have the most leveraging effect on the legal and judicial system.

As stated above, the analyses and the reform programs that follow them must give appropriate weight not only to the ‘supply side’ of legal and justice system services but

24. Id. at pp16-20 and pp.55-58,

35

also to the demand for services (including civil society consultations25 and support for legal aid and civil rights groups, and access to justice.)26 The process of developing priorities will allow the GSL to further refine its implementation plan. The expectation is that this Assessment will encourage dialogue among the stakeholders in Sierra Leone about the future of legal and judicial reform. It is suggested that the result of the process should be a widely endorsed, holistic yet focused, action plan for legal and justice system development in the near- and medium-terms.

25. Especially in respect of ‘demand side’ initiatives, it will be important to know, for instance, much more about traditional forms of dispute resolution in Sierra Leone as well as the degree to which rural communities are, or can be, organized to provide (and are seen as capable/interested in providing) input on LJR initiatives.

26. Laws and rights are meaningless if they cannot be realized, enforced and enjoyed through actual access to justice.

36

Annex I

Annex I: Sierra Leone Key Dates in History 1

1787

British establish “Province Of Freedom,” on the peninsula where Freetown was later established, with 400 freed slaves from the U.S., Nova Scotia, and Britain. Descendants called Krios.

2

1808

Freetown becomes a British colony.

3

1827

Fourah Bay College (FBC) is established making Freetown the educational center for English-speaking West Africans.

4

1896

The interior of Sierra Leone declared a British protectorate

5

April 27,1961

April 27, 1961: independence from Britain with Sir Milton Margai, leader of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP), as Prime Minister.

6

April 28,1964

Sir Milton dies and is succeeded by brother, Sir Albert Margai as Prime Minister and head of the SLPP. Internal conflict over succession and policies weaken SLPP.

7

March 1967

8

March 23, 1967

Military Commander Lansana is replaced by group of subordinates who create the National Reformation Council (NRC), with Brig. Andrew T. Juxon-Smith as Chairman.

9

April 17, 1968

NRC overthrown in coup led by non-commissioned officers and supported by Siaka Stevens-led APC.

10 April 26, 1968

Stevens re-appointed Prime Minister in a short-lived coalition government. Stevens takes power and gradual institution of dictatorship begins.

11 March 1971

Government claims unsuccessful attempt on Stevens’ life.

Key opposition leaders arrested and several of those allegedly involved in plot are later executed.

12 April 19-21, 1971

Republican Constitution adopted by APC-dominated Parliament. Stevens becomes first Executive President.

13 July 1974

Government claimed it foiled another coup attempt. Key opposition leaders including once-close associates of Stevens arrested. Eight accused executed after lengthy

17-21, Closely contested elections between the incumbent SLPP and the opposition, All Peoples Congress (APC). Military Commander David Lansana seizes power to forme of APC government under leader Siaka Stevens as Prime Minister.

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Annex I

political trials.

14 February 1977

Nationwide students-led demonstrations leads to general election. Stevens retains power.

15 June 1978

New one party constitution adopted. APC becomes sole legal political party and Stevens gets seven-year term.

16 November 1985

Stevens steps down as head of state and names Military Commander Joseph Momoh as successor.

17 October 1990

Constitutional Review Commission to review 1978 OneParty Constitution is created.

Commission later recommends return to multi-party system of government.

18 March 23, 1991

The Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel movement led by former Army Corporal Foday Sankoh, with critical support from the Liberian government of Charles Taylor, invades from Liberia and gains following in the Eastern province.

19 October 1, 1991

New constitution adopted. Growing rebel activities in the provinces.

20 April 29, 1992

Junior military officers led by Army Captain Valentine Strasser seize power. National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) is established and President Momoh flees into exile in Guinea.

21 April 1996

Bowing to popular demand and international pressure, NPRC allows democratic elections. Ahmed Tejan Kabbah of the SLPP is sworn in as President. SLPP gets plurality in Parliament.

22 November 1996

30, Abidjan Peace Accord is signed between the New Kabbah Government and RUF.

23 May 25, 1997

President Kabbah is overthrown by military officers. New Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) under Major Johnny Paul Koroma invites RUF to join junta.

24 March 1998

President Kabbah reinstated after junta ousted in bloody conflict by Nigerian-led ECOMOG (Monitoring Observer Group of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS) forces. Rebels retain control of many parts of the country. Mounting reports of rebel atrocities.

25 January 6, 1999

Unsuccessful RUF attempt to overthrow Kabbah Government resulted in massive loss of life in Freetown and surrounding areas.

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Annex I

26 July 7, 1999

President Kabbah and RUF Leader Sankoh sign Lome Peace Agreement. Agreement gave amnesty and government positions to Ruf members. Sankoh made a Vice President and head of Mineral Resources Council. Lome provided for a program of Disarmament, Demobilization And Reintegration (DDR), as well as for establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).

27 October 22, 1999

In keeping with Lomé, the United Nations Security Council establishes a peacekeeping mission in Sierra Leone, UNAMSIL. Force later expanded to 17,500 military personnel and UNAMSIL mandate broadened.

28 May 2, 2000

RUF forces violate Lomé by taking more than 500 UN peacekeepers and military observers hostage in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

29 May 8, 2000

Continuing violations of Lomé accord by RUF culminated in killing by RUF personnel of about 20 people demonstrating outside Sankoh’s residence in Freetown.

Sankoh and senior RUF members subsequently arrested and stripped of governmental positions. Hostilities continue and DDR program stalls.

30 June 2000

Sierra Leone government asked UN to help set up a Special Court for Sierra Leone to try those “who bear the greatest responsibility for the commission of crimes against humanity, war crimes and serious violations of international humanitarian law, as well as crimes under relevant Sierra Leonean law within the territory of Sierra Leone since November 30, 1996.”

31 September 2000

10, British forces attacked and destroyed bases of a renegade rebel faction, the West Side Boys, and rescued hostages they were holding.

32 November 2000

10, Government and RUF reach first ceasefire agreement in Abuja.

33 May 2001

Second Abuja accord resulted in reduced hostilities and resumption of DDR.

34 January 17, 2002

DDR process officially declared completed.

35 January 18, 2002

President Kabbah declares end of war.

36 May 14, 2002

Presidential and parliamentary elections resulted in overwhelming vote for President Kabbah and SLPP candidates.

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Annex II

Annex II: Current DFID Support To The Sector DFID’s support to the sector has so far taken the form of a range of project type interventions. Interventions include: the Law Development Project (including work on the customary legal system), Commonwealth Community Safety and Security Project, Security Sector Project, Anti-Corruption Commission Project, and Chiefdom Governance Reform Project. Work is underway to develop a strategy to strengthen civil society’s role in improving governance and access to rights.

Support has so far mainly been of a logistical nature. Support within the LDP has included rehabilitation of the Law Courts building in Freetown, construction and refurbishment of court buildings in Bo and Kenema, provision of stenographic recording system for the High Court, refurbishing of the Administrator and Registrar General’s Office, provision of vehicles for a few members of the judiciary, provision of some computers for the High Court and Law Offices department, and ordering of books for the Law Courts Library as well as training of support staff in the Judiciary, AG’s office and the ARG’s office27.

The LDP has also funded a consultative process to review the Local Courts Act 1963, which has been led by Dr Peter Tucker and has produced a number of recommendations in regard to the application of customary justice, including a draft Local Courts Bill to replace the 1963 Act. Substantial support has been provided to the police through the Commonwealth Community Safety and Security Project. This has included logistical support but has extended to general capacity building through training and technical assistance, and has included organizational development inputs that focus on strategy and policy formulation, establishment of basic systems and reform of the police service internal structure and management. Although there is still a lot to do – corruption remains a key issue and there is resistance to change in some quarters of the SLP, reflected by some public skepticism about the durability of change - the SLP is clearly ahead of other agencies in the justice system in terms of a reform process that tackles some of the underlying causes of poor performance.

Apart from monthly meetings between the project directors and managers (which tend to focus on information exchange), there is no formal system of coordination in place between the various DFID projects. However, there is a general recognition that this system needs to change to allow improved coordination.

DFID support to the sector agencies had not, until very recently, tackled the underlying issue that the agencies themselves are still identifying problems and corresponding solutions from their own institutional perspective rather than a sectorwide perspective, nor has it tackled the element of nostalgia in the sector. “If only we could return to the good old days before the civil war when things worked” seems to be the most common attitude expressed by people in the legal community.

27. No assistance has yet been provided to the prison service, although a self-styled ‘Prison Watch’ program is planned.

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Annex II

The problems in the justice sector are thus associated by most people in the GSL with the breakdown in infrastructure and buildings during the last 10 years, with relatively little consideration given to the gradual decline in integrity, operational independence, management and planning capacities experienced during the last 30 years. Solutions therefore tend to be limited to logistical needs and there is so far only limited attention given to issues such as processes and linkages. Unwittingly, DFID support hitherto may have encouraged the agencies down this path by establishing certain expectations that manifest themselves in shopping-lists of vehicles and other status-conscious tangibles.

The Review Team recognize that there are urgent infrastructure and logistical needs that must be addressed. The system cannot function effectively without basic equipment, rebuilt or renovated buildings and improved working conditions. In focusing in this Report on the other needs of the system, the importance of funding the hardware side is not downplayed. Those other needs are focused upon because they present more challenges, and donor agencies will have a major task, while planning future phases of support, in shaping reform programs that go beyond logistical needs, and strengthening individual institutions’ capacity and logistics, to reforming fundamental attitudes, processes and linkages.

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Annex III

Annex III: DFID Review of the Law Development Project

By David Watson CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. The Context in which Project Implementation is taking place 3. Contribution made, and potential contribution to be made, by the LDP in reestablishing an effective SL legal system A.

LDP Contribution: Progress against Original Project Framework

B.

LDP Potential Contributions: Suggestions for Components of LDP

4. Coordination with other DFID projects 5. Poverty Focus 6. Sustainability 7. Project Directions And Management APPENDIX 1:

Preliminary Swot Analysis

APPENDIX 2:

Itinerary Of OPR Visit: Persons Met

APPENDIX 3:

Draft Revised Project Framework

APPENDIX 4:

DFID Progress Report Proforma

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Annex III

1.

INTRODUCTION

1.1 This is the narrative report on an Output to Purpose Review of the DFIDsupported Law Development Project (LDP) in Sierra Leone. A preliminary version was prepared to feed into the DFID/World Bank Mission assessing needs and prospects for support to the Safety Security and Accessible Justice Sector, which mobilized from June 25.

1.2 The report is structured according to the Terms of Reference. The description below of the political institutional and financial context in which justice is exercised in Sierra Leone is limited to the impressions derived from interviews during the review. There are several comprehensive sources on the subject, most particularly the CHRI/SLBA study of 2001 ‘Justice Denied’ by Niobe Thompson et al.

2.

THE CONTEXT IN WHICH PROJECT IS BEING IMPLEMENTED

2.1 The main characteristics of the context in which the project is being implemented are: •

A deep-seated culture of corruption in the Judiciary, at High Court and especially magisterial levels, widely acknowledged by the public and all related professions, after over thirty years of fundamentally flawed governance, compounded (but not caused by) poor conditions of work; most people cannot remember a time when the Judiciary could be relied upon to deliver fair untainted judgments. In addition to corruptibility, members of the judiciary are inefficient in their use of the time available in the courts: they willingly grant adjournments, and appear under no pressure to conclude cases.

This adds to public frustration with the formal legal system.

•

The tarnished reputation of the Judiciary may be as important a factor as the poor conditions of service preventing applications from successful lawyers (who have made enough money to not be put off by the salaries);

•

Highly imperfect selection procedures – including political influence - in the past have led to patently unsuitable candidates becoming members of the Judiciary;

•

(Except where the LDP has had an impact) Poor infrastructure, housing, transportation, court recording, library, clerical support and training facilities for members of the judiciary. Very few functioning High Courts and even Magistrates Courts out of Freetown, in part because of the impact of the rebellion.

•

The Law Office is understaffed (not significantly better than the position when the LDP was designed in 1998), ill-managed, ill-housed, under-resourced, politically pressured, and in a state of poor morale and productivity.

•

Many laws and court procedures are in urgent need of revision. However, the former Chief Justice was inactive in this regard, and did not convene the bodies which the Constitution lays down in this regard.

•

Notwithstanding constitutional provisions, the conditions of service of the Judiciary and staff of the Parliament are subject to regulation by the Civil Service Commission.

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Annex III

•

The treatment of special categories of offender (women, juveniles, children) leaves much to be desired: there is only one dedicated court in Freetown, to which not all juveniles are directed due to lack of appreciation of their rights and needs;

•

The behavior of members of the legal profession also leaves much to be desired. The practice of repeated adjournment of cases is also due to their motives. Existing mechanisms for professional discipline and for handling public complaints against members of the profession are dysfunctional. They are overwhelmingly geographically concentrated in Freetown. Several commentators mentioned that as a body, they are not a particularly active or reformist group. However, for the first time, the SL Bar Association is going to the Supreme Court to try to overturn the appointment of the new Attorney General (confirmed in post by the President before Parliament had agreed the candidacy).

•

There is a growing community of non-government organizations active in the sector (so many that there is no existing definitive inventory);

•

Public awareness of citizens’ rights is generally low; illiteracy and poverty are major obstacles to expansion of awareness;

•

Excellent capacity to undertake mass awareness campaigns by radio exists in Freetown (Talking Drums Studio).

2.2 It is against this background that the progress of the Law Development Project – and its ambitious goals – should be judged.

3.

CONTRIBUTION MADE, AND POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION TO BE MADE, BY THE LDP IN RE-ESTABLISHING AN EFFECTIVE SL LEGAL SYSTEM A.

Contribution Made: LDP Progress Against Original Project Framework

3.1

Progress against outputs in the original project framework is as follows:

3a Second Floor of Law Courts Building rehabilitated and in use: first floor reequipped Both completed and in operation. Ground floor also rehabilitated and re-equipped by agreement. Furniture for judges’ chambers on the top floor not provided, or yet available. Telephone system installed and operational. High profile opening ceremony took place in April 2002. Vehicle provided to transport judges.

Magistrates Courts Constructed and Functioning in Freetown and Provinces Freetown Courts postponed (by agreement): resources allocated instead to Bo and Kenema. (See below) 3b Higher Courts’ registry and master systems improved and functioning effectively Staff now work in the main HC building (they were in inadequate adjacent premises before). Shortage of space in HC building for court files still impedes access and movement. This will only be solved when Magistrates Courts move out to planned premises in 2003 (assuming this project component is approved). Archives are kept in a project consultant-supported Archives Section in the basement. The consultant has also assisted establishing Supreme Court archives in the Guma Building, the Probate

44

Annex III

Office and the sub-treasury. There are no statistics collated or available concerning the operations of the judicial system.

3c Reintroduced Stenographic Recording System for HC, Appeal and Supreme Courts Recording equipment has now arrived (in store in British Council, ready for installation). One set has been sent to HC for piloting/demonstration. Training of staff in its operation to be undertaken this week. Installation planned in other courts.

Twenty stenographers have received training off-site. However, computer equipment promised by African Development Bank is not yet available, and there is doubt about its eventual availability. The British Council will attempt to clarify the position and make recommendations for action in the event of the proposed provision falling through.

3d Small, up-to-date Law Libraries in Law Courts Building and MoJ Refurbished space available in both locations. Books ordered by BC but not yet arrived. Computers purchased and installed in Law Courts library, AG’s office library and ARG’s office. Subscriptions to Justis Website for judiciary and Law School arranged.

3e Re-established functioning High Courts in Provincial Capitals (Bo, Kenema and Makene) Makene postponed due to insecure situation related to the rebellion (but is currently next in line if resources can be found). A refurbished Kenema Magistrates Court is functioning. A High Court judge uses the Court when he visits. Bo courts (one magistrates, one used as High Court) have been completed in terms of construction but no proper furniture has been provided yet, so only temporary furniture is available. The High Court judge’s house in Bo has been largely refurbished and is nearly ready for use. High Courts sit at Bo and Kenema regularly since November 2001 (the first time since 1992). Magistrates in Bo and Kenema have been provided with two second-hand vehicles. A new four-wheel drive vehicle has been provided to permit the High Court Judge to travel between Bo and Kenema. The Law Office has been provided with a second hand vehicle to permit travel between Bo and Kenema.

3f Local Customary Courts functioning more effectively Study undertaken; consultancy element funded through the project of the functioning of traditional courts. Three Consultative Seminars arranged by LDP project management. Additional Project (Chiefdom Governance Project) will take forward study’s recommendations for decision by GoSL and DFID and action follow up.

3g Modernized Registration and records Systems in Administrator and Registrar General’s Department ARG offices refurbished. Computerization and associated software development deliberately postponed until refurbishment complete. Consultancy for improvement of archives about to start (delayed due to confusion over the outcome of a UNDP project with similar aims). The UNDP project was unsuccessful, thus LDP inputs are still very much required.

3h Attorney General, Solicitor General and Key Officials in MoJ functioning in equipped Offices

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Annex III

Some refurbishment completed. Computers provided. Full-time services of Sierra Leonian prosecutions lawyer provided through project.

3i Updated Legal Code…in accordance with MoJ priorities Project has provided services of expatriate Legal Draftsman. The following acts have been passed by Parliament (all drafted by the Draftsman): National Electoral Commission Act, Electoral Laws Act (and amendment), Political Parties Act, (and amendment) National Security and Central Intelligence Act, Appropriation Act, Special Court Agreement 2002 (Ratification) Act. Others drafted but scheduled for presentation to Parliament’s next session include: National Revenue Authority Bill, Sierra Leone Waste Disposal Authority Bill, the Education Bill, Land Title Registration Bill, Courts (or Amendment) Bill (consolidating the Courts Act, facilitating fast track system for trial of urgent cases), and the Criminal Procedure Bill.

Other Bills to be drafted under the project include: Criminal Procedure, Designs, Patents, Copyrights, Land Title Registration, Avoidance of Discrimination Against Women, Administration of Estates, Registration of Marriages, Insolvency/ Bankruptcy, Arbitration, Criminal Law Codification.

Problems have arisen in several cases due to non-performance of SL legal professionals hired to produce technical briefs for the Draftsman (gender and land registration). In the former case, the contract has been cancelled. Financial losses incurred (25% of contract sum paid on contract signature). Another, more general, problem reported by Legal Draftsman is the lack of awareness of civil servants of their role in providing policy briefs.

Another problem has been the inactivity of the Law Reform Commission under the former Chief Justice. Hence there has been no progress in reviewing old legislation and updating or otherwise improving it.

3j Well-trained legal staff at all levels in key functions Courses have been designed and run for: •

Stenographers (20 x one week, May 2002)

•

Bailiffs and Under-Sheriffs: Manual forthcoming.

•

Administrators in HC Masters office and AG’s office (at Institute of Public Administration and Management) (4 x 3 weeks)

•

Staff in AG’s office, Courts Building, ARG in operation of computers.

•

Overseas training has been undertaken by:

•

one Senior State Counsel in Italy

•

one Senior State Counsel in Malta (to study Marine Law for one year).

There has been no evaluation conducted yet of any of this training.

B. Potential Contribution to be made by LDP to more effective functioning of the courts and legal system: Suggested LDP Components 3.2 The LDP has considerable potential to support further the restoration of the legal system in Sierra Leone. The following are the principal recommended future

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Annex III

priorities. They are in part based on the Project Director (PD)’s suggestions made in his latest report. The OPR review makes others (as indicated below).

Continuation of Material Support to the Fabric of the Legal System 3.3 Priorities include a court at Makene, and two Magistrates Courts in Freetown (PD and BC proposal). It is recommended that costings include furniture (and furniture for Bo courts and judges’ house). This contribution should include completion of all outstanding works, systems installation and related training related to components started but not yet completed. A dual purpose court is planned for Kenema; a Magistrates Court is being considered for Port Loko.

Enhancing the Synergy of the LDP with other DFID-supported Projects in the SSAJ sector 3.4 The PD has suggested a ‘closed door’ meeting for up to three days to permit the police force, Anti-Corruption Commission, Law Officers Department of AG’s Department, and others (OPR recommends the following also attend: members of the judiciary, prisons service). The purpose would be to exchange observations about respective roles, systemic obstacles to processing cases and prosecutions, improved mechanisms for communication and co-ordination between them.

The meeting would require careful preparation and facilitation. Specialised assistance will be required to ensure that these pre-requisites are delivered. A possible Enhancement of the legislative process 3.5 The PD has proposed a Seminar for Parliamentarians on their role in initiating legislation. The Legal Draftsman sees the priority as one of awareness raising, and possibly capacity building, amongst senior civil servants as to their role in providing policy briefs to form the basis of legislation.

3.6 Both ideas have their merits. On the basis of discussions this week, the OPR reviewer recommends that the latter proposal is treated with most urgency. There is little point in preparing MPs to initiate legislation when they lack in parliament any independent legal advice for drafting bills. It is unlikely that the already-overstretched capacities of the Attorney General would be able to accommodate their requests for assistance, especially if there were negative implications for government of the proposed legislation. The civil servants’ orientation should involve an international resource person. The PD and Legal Draftsman should discuss how this idea might be taken forward.

Improving the Planning and Resource Management Capacities of the Judiciary 3.7 The PD has suggested an activity related to the above, involving management surveys within and between related departments, with a view to re-assessing functions and staffing.

3.8 The OPR recommends that this idea is taken forward, but that it also encompasses: •

Assessment of data available, and subsequent compilation and analysis of data on the use of existing and newly-available resources (especially court space, and judges’ and magistrates’ time: including occurrence, reasons for, and duration of adjournment of cases, length of time taken to complete judgments, extent of case backlog, by type, costs incurred in present practices, etc.). This would help produce the basis of a management information system currently

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Annex III

• • • • •

lacking in the judiciary. It would be useful in assessing the impact of the LDP (the existing project framework implies availability of data relating to indicators which is currently unavailable), and would provide a database for future tracking of judicial performance and efficiency. Such information should be put into the public domain, when this information is available.

Provision for a public opinion survey on judicial services, and the services provided by the legal profession (to be conducted by one of the local NGOs active in the legal and access to justice area).

A seminar at which results of the analysis and survey would be presented to members of the judiciary, law officers, the police, the legal profession and civil society.

Measures would be identified at the Seminar to improve resource management practices within existing resource constraints.

Consultations with the Strategic Planning Adviser in the Commonwealth Community Security project as to how to define and scope the exercise.

The mobilization of short-term specialized consulting assistance. It is likely that some of this assistance would need to be sourced outside the country.

A Seminar- or Symposium-Series in Sierra Leone 3.9 The PD has suggested a seminar on the treatment of special categories of persons (rape cases, children and juveniles, human rights violations). The OPR recommends that this be one example of a series of brief (up to three days) seminars or symposia which the LDP should convene, bringing in internationally-recognized experts to stimulate dialogue with the professions and civil society in Sierra Leone.

3.10

There is a range of potentially relevant topics:

•

Treatment of Juvenile Offenders

•

Other countries’ policies for improving the conditions of service of members of the Judiciary and government Law Officers

•

Other countries’ approaches to the separation of powers between executive and judicial functions: the issues raised by fusion.

•

Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms.

•

Disciplinary codes and public complaint systems for lawyers and other legal professionals

•

‘Twenty-First Century Approaches’ to Information technology applications in the judicial process (a discussion of how the formal system of justice could ‘fast track’ reforms to avoid some of the biggest constraints on its effectiveness caused by shortages of trained staff, storage and security of hard copy archives.

Priorities for, and approaches to, raising public awareness of their rights in relation to the law and access to justice.

3.11 Such events would enable Sierra Leone professionals and activists to have dialogue with experts with comparative international experience, thus giving them exposure to alternative approaches and insights into their applications. They would also stimulate debate locally on how to take forward these issues in practical terms.

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They could well help bridge some of the communication gaps between Government, the Judiciary and NGOs, since they would provide a non-threatening forum for discussion.

Colloquia for Judges, and Magistrates 3.12 There are indications from discussions held during the OPR process that members of the Judiciary have had little exposure to cases, judgments and analysis in other jurisdictions or in specialized areas of the law. The project could make an important contribution to developing the critical faculties of members of the Sierra Leone Judiciary by providing such an opportunity. Peers drawn from other jurisdictions could be invited top participate in plenary and small-group sessions. The Commonwealth’s various legal networks could be invited to identify suitable resource persons, for a range of topics, which the Steering Committee for LDP should be asked to specify.

‘Rapid Reaction / Small Projects Fund’ for LDP 3.13 Present project management arrangements provide for appraisal by DFID HQ of proposals emanating from the PD (in the absence hitherto of a functioning Steering Committee). This OPR recommends that a mechanism should be devised to permit the LDP to respond to ideas originating within its core ‘constituency’ (Judiciary, Law Office), civil society and media organizations for small projects supportive of the purpose of the LDP. 28 3.14 Project appraisal should be as follows: the PD in consultation with the British Council has authority to agree to projects below a certain ceiling in cost; above a certain level, the Steering Committee would have to appraise and approve projects; and for larger projects, DFID HQ authority would be required as well as endorsement from the Steering Committee. Some ‘exclusions’ could be agreed beforehand to preclude a succession of requests for vehicles, for example.

3.15 This component would stimulate innovation and ideas connected with improving the functioning of the courts and legal system. This proposal should be seen in the context of planned DFID support to civil society organizations in Sierra Leone. One standard scheme should be devised. There are definite needs in the justice sector, and merits in establishing such a scheme.

Additional Judges or Law Officers 3.16 There are two schools of thought under this category of activity. One is that LDP should provide expatriate judges, or expatriate or Sierra Leonean prosecutors (for example those specialized in corruption cases), as a way of strengthening respective institutions, directly in terms of additional capacity, but also indirectly through demonstration-effect (including to the public), setting good examples and thereby building judicial independence, credibility and capacity. The other school opines that this strategy is fundamentally non-sustainable, erosive of incumbents’ morale, and that resources would be better spent boosting working conditions for existing personnel.

3.17 The issue is to be reviewed by the forthcoming SSAJ joint mission. In the opinion of this OPR Reviewer, provision should be made in the LDP to permit such 28. An illustration is the ‘Prison Watch’ survey proposed by the Lawyer Centre for Legal Assistance to collect data on people held on remand in a selection of prisons.

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personnel to be recruited. The situation in the Judiciary is so serious that the effects of having honest expatriates in post for a while would be salutary, and beneficial. The President is reliably reported to be for the idea, and several senior informants of the OPR were strongly for the idea. In present circumstances, however, it is unlikely that GSL or judicial authorities will seek such personnel through the project without considerable persuasion.

4.

CO-ORDINATION WITH OTHER DFID PROJECTS

4.1 There is some coordination between LDP and other DFID projects at present.

There has been dialogue with the CCSSP (police) project; and more substantive collaboration with the Chiefdom Governance Project (related to Traditional Justice).

Meetings of DFID Project Managers have helped forge these links.

4.2 In future, there appears to be potential for more collaboration in the following fields: With the Police Project: especially in terms of Change Management. There are lessons being learned, and approaches developed, in the police project which could usefully be applied to the administration of the courts. There would be merits in inviting the officer responsible for the Department of Research, Planning and Community/Media Relations to make a presentation to the administrators of the High Court in the first instance in practical approaches to performance management and strategic planning being piloted in the Police service.

4.3 There are also clear synergies in the area of community awareness and sensitisation. There are major implications for more public awareness, involving use of mass media campaigns in the current police reform program, which have parallels in the justice system more broadly. The ‘Talking Drum Studio’ could be approached

by LDP and police management team members (as well as the manager of the Chiefdom Governance Project: see below) to discuss possibilities and dimensions of such a future campaign.

4.4 Given the growing volume of training which the LDP might attempt if the approach recommended in the present OPR is accepted, the experience of the police project in evaluation of training might be useful for the LDP. 4.5 With the Chiefdom Governance Reform Project: There are potential synergies with the LDP in ensuring that the public are aware of the role of Traditional Courts, and the limits on their jurisdiction. These synergies – as in the case of the police project - relate again to the issue of public awareness. In this respect, LDP, CGRP and CSSP should also build on the work being done under the current Media Development Project.

4.6 Regarding the Public Sector Reform Project (under the Governance Reform Secretariat), there would appear to be a need for the Ministry of Justice to be reviewed (in terms of its structure and staffing) as a matter of urgency. However, it is not on the current priority list of reviews to be undertaken by that project. It is probable that the magnitude of the needs which any such review would reveal would mean that the prospective project is more suitable for consideration by the World Bank, than a component of LDP. 5.

POVERTY FOCUS

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5.1 The LDP has not been primarily oriented towards mitigation of poverty to date. Indeed, given its orientation towards the formal system of justice, used by only the minority of people (very few of whom are poor) it is difficult to see how it can – as presently configured - address much more directly the issues surrounding poverty in Sierra Leone. Traditional justice – the ambit of the Chiefdom Governance Project – is most relevant to poor people. However, future concentration on the role and performance of Magistrates Courts by LDP would go some way to catering for a broader constituency than the dominant focus in the first half of the LDP project period on higher levels of the Judiciary and the Law Offices. Levels of corruption in Magistrates Courts are notoriously high: any scrutiny by higher levels of court or civil society, which the LDP could support in future would be effort well-spent.

5.2 The issue of resolution of land disputes may be addressed by the Bill on land registration which is imminent, and being handled by the LDP Legal Draftsman.

Similarly, women’s rights and inheritance are encompassed by the Bill on antidiscrimination against women. Both these have relevance for poor people.

5.3 The PD has been nominated and invited to attend the Poverty Reduction Strategy Steering Committee. It is strongly recommended that he attends these in future, and reports back to the Steering Committee and DFID with ideas for increasing the poverty focus of the LDP. 6.

SUSTAINABILITY OF OUTPUTS AND OUTCOMES

6.1 There are several threats to the sustainability of improvements being made to the judicial system by the LDP: •

•

The proposed Special International Court poses a threat to the already poor supply of qualified court registrar and clerical staff. While some sources dispute that indigenous staff will be sought by the court, 29 others consulted by the OPR indicated that there is a grave risk that existing staff will be attracted to the court.

The other main risk is that recurrent funding for the day-to-day operation of the judicial system will continue to dwindle to levels at which the investments made in the LDP will be severely affected. The Master and Registrar of the High Court indicated that her routine (non-salary) budget had been cut by approximately 50% in 2002, compared to the previous year.

6.2 There is little that can be done through future LDP activity or strategy to mitigate the effects of this magnitude of cutbacks, except: • • •

By ensuring that furniture and basic equipment costs are included in the costing of all physical construction and refurbishments (to avoid new buildings lying idle); By raising the issue of funding for the Judiciary as a special case in discussions in the LDP Symposia Series above, concerning the conditions of service of members of the judiciary and legal services.

By proposing in such a forum or before, that serious consideration is given by government and donors to the idea mooted in the CHRI/SLBA study mentioned above: that of a donor-resourced Trust Fund to finance additional salaries and other resources for the judiciary (pages 61-62).

29. ‘Registrars, clerks prosecutorial staff and others will also in all probability be provided by the UN..’ Justice Delayed (a Report of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and SLBA) 2001 page 48.

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7.

PROJECT DIRECTION AND MANAGEMENT Roles and relationships

7.1 The full-time Project Director (PD) is accountable to DFID HQ (Project Officer advised by Senior Governance Adviser), retained under a contract with the British Council, but in the status of an independent consultant. His offices are in the British Council building in Freetown. His responsibilities include preparing, in conjunction with the British Council, plans and work programs, submitting these for approval to the Steering Committee, and onwards to DFID, advising the British Council on technical (legal) matters pertaining to project implementation, identifying appropriate local professional sources and contacts, and providing substantive direction to the LDP. He is responsible for planning the shape and scope of the LDP, and for reporting on progress bi-annually to DFID through the Steering Committee.

7.2 Project Management is the responsibility of the British Council, which employs a full-time Project Manager to operationalize and deliver the work programs planned by the Project Director, by formulating and managing sub-contracts, commissioning building works, procuring equipment, books and materials, organizing events and training, and accounting to DFID for resources used.

7.3 A Steering Committee was established at the start of the LDP, chaired by the Chief Justice, with the Attorney General/Minister of Justice, Minister of Presidential Affairs, and President of the SL Bar Association as members, and the Administrator and Registrar General as member/secretary.30 Its role for the projects was defined in the Project Memorandum, is to ‘supply overall policy direction and guidance on priorities for LDP as required.’

Budget 7.4 The budget has remained at £2.2 million since the project was designed in 1998. A series of amendments to the British Council’s original project have been drawn up. The original budget provided for nearly £600,000 worth of construction: the latest amendment (still under negotiation) provides for £1,382,000 including over £600,000 on the High Court building alone. Some budget items remain although they were not drawn down in the first phase of the project: temporary judges (£60,000); law reporting (£50,000); training (£100,000); technical input into legal drafting (£50,000); and prosecution counsel for the Anti-Corruption Commission (£50,000).

Commentary 7.5 It is clear that construction-related project components and expenditure have proceeded most rapidly, and absorbed most of the attention of the PD31 and to a lesser extent, project management. Some planned aspects of the work program have been held back by lack of an institutional structure to take them forward (e.g. Law Reporting); lack of will on the part of the client group (temporary judges) or disagreement that this provision would be useful (ACC counsel).32 Other items have 30. The Master and Registrar of the High Court took this role in the last meeting.

31. The PD has defended the large proportion of his time devoted to supervising progress with rehabilitation and reconstruction (especially of the Courts building Freetown) on the grounds that he was asked to solve detailed problems by the Chief Justice, and that the high profile of the project meant that detailed oversight was essential.

32. The ACC Commissioner sees no point in hiring a prosecuting counsel: he sees the AG as responsible for taking forward corruption-related prosecutions, which, given the current backlog of investigated cases in his possession (over 40), which ostensibly should take priority over other cases, he appears to be unwilling to do.

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been held back by lack of capacity to be mobilized (technical advice on drafting), or the activity being ascribed lower priority by project management (training).

7.6 The structure of project management has been more contentious than any other aspect of LDP since the project started. The main issues are: •

The Steering Committee has met only twice since late 2000: once at the inception of the project, and once last month when a new Chief Justice took over as Chair. Therefore, in practice the Project Director has been solely responsible for steering the Project, ostensibly guided by one-to-one meetings with the Chair and members of the Steering Committee.

•

The timeliness and quality of reporting by the Project Director has been the subject of critical comment from DFID, and several former members of the Steering Committee. Despite several requests, no strategic plan has been submitted for the project. The PD’s explanation was that it was not possible to make a concrete plan without adequate clarification on the resource envelope available from DFID, which was never forthcoming.

•

The PD alleges that he has received little substantive feedback from DFID on his suggestions and observations in progress reports.

•

The British Council has been the subject of DFID criticism but defended itself by pointing out that the PD is not an employee of the BC, that it therefore had no sanction over him, and that he was accountable according to his contract directly to DFID and not the British Council.

•

There appears to have been a lack of regular communication between the Project Director and the project management in the British Council. The PD’s work-plans and day-to-day movements are not communicated to or known by the project management.

•

Suggestions for LDP activities in the following six-month period are made as part of the PD’s bi-annual reports. These are eventually responded to (but often with significant delay and after ‘to-ing and fro-ing’ over details) by DFID.

•

Overall capacity and performance of LDP management has been negatively affected by the unusual structure of project management. As the LDP enters its second phase, and non-construction activities predominate, it is highly undesirable that these arrangements continue. Immediate action is needed to improve communication between the main players. A re-appraisal of overall management arrangements will be needed once the future intended pattern of DFID support to the SSAJ sector is agreed upon after the present DFID/IBRD mission.

Recommendations 7.7 In order to permit the BC to pursue those new building contracts which are financially feasible under an imminent Contract Amendment (and which would expire after 31st December 2002), the BC contract with DFID should be extended to end 2003 (i.e effectively the end of the Project).

7.8 The precise form and content of any future contract with the PD and the BC should be reviewed in the light of the outcome of the ongoing SSAJ mission. It is clear that the eventual agreed pattern of DFID support to the sector will impinge on, 53

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and in part be determined by, the LDP and its management structure. The present arrangement with the Project Director should not continue beyond the end of the calendar year 2002. One option for the future is for the Project Director to have a conventional contract with the BC: employed by, and accountable to it. Another option is for him to work on a series of short-term consultancy contracts, to handle discrete components of the agreed future LDP/SSAJ work program, along with other short-term consultants.

7.9 The following measures should be taken immediately to improve communication and co-ordination in the project, up to the end of the calendar year 2002: •

Steering Committee (SC) meetings should be called quarterly (the Chief Justice during this review indicated this was his wish);

•

The CJ should be requested to call the next SC meeting to discuss this OPR Report, and in particular its proposals for future work program elements;

•

The LDP Progress reporting frequency should thereafter be every three months;

•

Progress reports should be structured according to the revised Project Framework (to be an output of this OPR);

•

These reports, along with the PD’s work-plan for the next quarter, and suggestions for new activities for the quarter, (together with appraised, recommended projects submitted under a Small Project Fund if this suggestion is endorsed) should be sent to members of the Steering Committee, and DFID, one week before the SC meeting;

•

The PD should produce and circulate monthly in arrears to the BC and DFID a log of all main meetings attended and contacts made, together with brief minutes of any meetings involving decision-making, noting action agreed.33 These minutes should also be sent to the other parties to the meetings concerned; and

•

DFID should respond substantively to quarterly reports and any project proposals therein within two weeks of receipt.

7.10 If the above communication measures were adopted, much of the ambiguity in roles and relationships, and lack of clarity on project and PD activity would be reduced. Such simple measures as meeting minutes would clarify action implications of meetings held, for the PD, the BC and other stakeholders.

7.11 As the project moves from its current focus on infrastructure towards capacity building and policy-oriented dialogue on legal sector reform, as proposed in Section 3B, it will be more essential than ever to clarify mutual responsibilities for action, and any agreements reached, especially with third parties.

7.12 The budget for the remainder of the project should be finalized as soon as possible, on the basis of this review, the SSAJ review, and BC progress reports (including PD activity proposals) currently under consideration. A consolidated, final

33. The Executive Support and Strategic Planning Adviser of the police project has several examples of brief records of meetings which could be used as models in this regard.

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budget should be available by late August 2002 at the latest, in order to permit all parties to the project to plan for the final phase of LDP.

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ANNEX 3 APPENDIX 1: PRELIMINARY ‘SWOT’ ANALYSIS FOR THE LDP STRENGTHS

WEAKNESSES

Sound reputation amongst the primary professional target groups in Sierra Leone as a ‘project which delivers’. Basic court, office and transport infrastructure was vital.

No re-assessment of needs immediately prior to the much-delayed start of project (i.e it is based on a 1998 design).

The fact that the President opened the newlyrefurbished Courts Building last April is a symbol of their significance, and the high regard in which the project has been held.

Eccentric management arrangements on the insistence of the PD have caused communication gaps between major players, and dissatisfaction on the part of DFID.

No concerted policy direction or functional The LDP has a definite profile as the provider ownership hitherto from its primary S-L stakeholders. of these much-needed assets.

New Chief Justice promises regular Steering Limited progress in non-infrastructural aspects of the project (except Legal Drafting).

Committee meetings.

Planning and reporting perceived as unsatisfactory

by DFID: gave rise to skepticism on the part of DFID regarding propositions emerging from the project.

Project inputs and strategy have not addressed fundamental problems of justice sector: shortage of qualified, competent honest human resources, due to poor pay and conditions.

OPPORTUNITIES

THREATS

Some ‘excuses’ for poor judicial system performance have been removed: hence there is scope for more aggressive approach to capacity building and performance improvement.

Chronic shortages of recurrent finance threaten sustainability of investments and systems.

World Bank, AfDB, OSI all keen to participate in supporting the SL justice sector, bringing significant additional resources on stream.

equipment components and gives inadequate attention to HRD- and system-operational aspects.

Credibility of judicial institutions is unchanged as a result of continued corruption (faced with no significant change in material conditions of work of Open, consultative active approach by new judges or magistrates), and lack of political will to prosecute major cases (especially of alleged Chief Justice (CJ) corruption).

CJ personally on good terms with the PD. Special International Court may attract experienced CJ has called Court Rules Committee, and staff away from court support services. plans to reconvene Law Reform Committee, and Reporting Committee: all vehicles for Lack of basic commitment to change and reform in providing relevant direction to, and demand the judiciary and Law Office. on, the LDP in future.

Project management focuses on construction and

PD takes umbrage at potential changes in contract arrangements, and refuses any further part in project.

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ANNEX 3 APPENDIX 2: PERSONS MET BY DFID IN SIERRA LEONE FOR LDP REVIEW 1.

Rowland S V Wright, LDP Director

2.

Honor Flanagan LDP Project Manager

3.

Dr Joe Lappia & Osho Coker – Governance Reform Project

4.

Chris Leaning

5.

Solomon Berewa –Vice President Former Min. of Justice & Attorney General

6.

Mrs A Showers – Master & Registrar

7.

Justice Dr A B Timbo, Ag Chief Justice

8.

Mr Eke Halloway – Attorney General Former President, SL Bar Association

9.

David Scott

10.

Brendan Gibb-Grey Anti-Corruption Commission

11.

Rajiv Bendre, Director - British Council

12.

Wael Ibrahim, Oxfam

13.

Val Collier – ACC Commissioner

14.

Jacob Aryee – Legal Draftsman

15.

Tunde Cole, Kebbie & Robin Mason

16.

Desmond Luke, Former Chief Justice

17.

Maureen Poole, Executive Support Officer

18.

Justice Tolla-Thompson, A S Fofanah, & David Sheku – Customary justice Review

19.

Melron Nicol-Wilson of Lawyer Centre for Legal Assistance

20.

Olayinka Creighton-Randall, Campaign For Good Governance

21.

Claudius Thomas, Poverty Alleviation Strategy Co-ordinating Office 57

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22.

Mr A J P Lebbie - Director Local Government

23.

Sylvia Fletcher – UNDP Senior Governance Adviser

24.

M P Fofanah - Defence for Children International

25.

Justice Cowan- Speaker of Parliament, J.A. Carpenter, Clerk of Parliament & Ahmed Kemokai Acting Deputy Clerk

26.

Mrs S. Koroma- Administrator & Registrar - General

27.

Mr Yada Williams Secretary, Sierra Leone Bar Association

28.

Mr Sheka Mansaray, Secretary to the President

29.

George Adetuberu UN- In charge of Rule of Law

30.

World Bank Team

31.

Adrian Horn Project Manager DFID CCSSP

32.

Momodu Koroma, former Min for Pres. Affairs

33.

Professor Tubuku-Metzeger Director, Sierra Leone Law School

34.

Ambrose James - Talking Drums Radio Studio

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ANNEX 3 APPENDIX 3: PERSONS MET BY DFID IN LONDON FOR LDP REVIEW 35.

Dr Garth Glentworth, Senior Governance Adviser

36.

Toyo Nwabani, Project Officer

37.

Rebecca Trafford-Roberts, Social Development Adviser

38.

Dr Peter Tucker, Customary justice Review Consultant

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Annex IV

Annex IV: World Bank Support to the Legal and Judicial Sector The Government of Sierra Leone began implementing a structural adjustment program starting in 1989. The broad aim was to stem the prevailing economic decline and to put the economy on a sustainable growth path. The lack of a transparent legal and regulatory framework and operationally functional legal and judicial services constrained the growth of private commercial transactions. In turn, this has reflected the extreme deterioration of the legal and judicial sector, which was once quite highly developed in Sierra Leone.

As part of the objective of improving the enabling environment for private sector development, the Government of Sierra Leone embarked on a capacity building strategy in the legal and judicial sector. On February 21, 1994, the Government of Sierra Leone was granted a Project Preparation Facility (PPF) of US$ 250,000 to help finance the cost of essential project preparatory work in connection with the proposed Judicial and Legal Reform Project.

The PPF funded studies and advance project preparatory work necessary for determining the size of key project components and for ensuring smooth project implementation. These included a workshop on judicial and legal reforms for obtaining consensus and ownership over the sector program, an inventory of legal materials for selected libraries, a study, by a local firm of architects, of office space requirements for the Administrator and Registrar General, an assessment of procedures and automation requirements for the court system, and an assessment of equipment bottlenecks in the office of the Government Printer, preparation of an up-to-date index of all existing legislation, and the cost of establishing a Project Manager's office (including salaries of the Project Manager, office equipment and operating costs such as travel, office supplies and workshop expenses) to coordinate project preparation by various beneficiary agencies.

At the initiative of the Government, a project was proposed consisting of a package of reforms supported by funding for technical assistance, equipment and goods, and civil works.

Specifically, the tasks included support for: •

the creation, staffing, and equipping of the Sierra Leone Law Commission to revive and consolidate law review, revision, and reporting functions;

•

the activities of a Law-Indexing Task-Force, charged with preparing and publishing a definitive Index of the Legislation of Sierra Leone as well as consolidating existing legislation;

•

strengthening capacity within the Law Officers' Department to clear the backlog of pending legislation (including legislation governing the enabling environment for private sector development) and to draft new legislation;

•

printing and dissemination of laws and regulations, including strengthening the Government Printer;

•

rehabilitation and modernization of registry operations within the Office of the Administrator and Registrar General; and 60

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•

productivity improvements in caseload management and courtroom within the Judiciary.34

administration

The World Bank project was originally scheduled for negotiations in December 1995.

However, due to Government preoccupation with rebel activities, the project was officially suspended on October 1995 and it was re-appraised in November 1996. Project preparation was delayed, particularly the activities relating to preparation of building rehabilitation plans for the Law Courts Building, preliminary study of Court procedures and automation requirements and compilation of base-line data relating to services provided by the Administrator and Registrar General.

At this time, discussions with the Government suggested that in view of limited technical capabilities and budget constraints, there was a need to modify some of the project components and start with even more modest project objectives. These relate to the size and composition of the Law Reform Commission and the Council for Law Reporting and automation of courtroom procedures. Other discussions with the Government suggested that consolidation of existing laws based on an up-to-date index of laws was necessary for a comprehensive review and reform of laws under the proposed project, leading to a supplemental PPF. Since the project’s initial conception, several legislations were prepared, including the Fisheries Management and Development Act (1994), the Law Reform Commission Act (1994), the External Telecommunications Decree (1994), the Sales Tax Decree (1995), the Bank of Sierra Leone Act (1996), and the Banking Act (1996).

At re-appraisal, the components relating to the revival of the Law Reform Commission and rehabilitation of Magistrate Court buildings were dropped because the Overseas Development Administration of the United Kingdom (ODA/UK) agreed to consider these components under a parallel project which would complement the assistance proposed under the IDA project. During re-appraisal the Government requested the mission to substitute these components with those that could further assist in enhancing legal and professional skills. In response, the mission increased the amount and scope of support for specialized training and continuing education to staff in the Law Officers' Department and the Judiciary.

Specific indicators for measuring progress in building local capacity were also included in the proposed Project, by designing an in-country training program which incorporated specific indicators relating to the delivery of training in specialized subjects in commercial and business law. The proposed project also would now support the creation of permanent national capacity to design and deliver training and continuing education programs (including drafting and adoption of Codes of Ethics and Conduct) for judicial and non-judicial staff in the Judiciary. A Judicial Education Committee was established and would be supported under the project. Very specific performance indicators relating to development of learning material, teaching aids and training of judges as trainers have been incorporated.

During appraisal and re-appraisal, the training needs in the Law Officers' Department and the Judiciary were discussed extensively. Based on these discussions the training component was 34. Final Executive Project Summary, Sierra Leone: Judicial and Legal Rehabilitation Project, ( 1994).

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increased. The emphasis of the proposed training programs is on re-training existing staff. Also, by conducting the bulk of the training on an in-country basis, the program would enable delivery of training to the greatest number of staff in the LOD and in the Judiciary.

The World Bank prepared a project for the legal and judicial sector in 1997. The project would address the three sets of constraints that have adversely affected the quality, timeliness and cost- effectiveness of judicial and legal services, namely inadequacy of the law, implementation of the law, and court infrastructure.

To address these constraints, the following project components were proposed: (a) a work program for legislative reform for business and commerce: in accordance with an agreed core work program, based on agreed and established criteria, priority laws and regulations governing business and commerce would be updated and revised by the Law Reform Commission, Law Revision Committee and Law Reporting Council, the reactivation of which will be supported by the project; (b) reform and strengthening of judicial and legal institutions: providing for technical assistance and training, streamlined procedures for processing and managing caseflow and caseload in the court system and for conducting day-to-day operations of the judiciary, upgrading of Registries, comprehensive data bases and monitoring and evaluation systems, logistics support (automation, office equipment and mobility) and updated legal and library materials would result in efficiency and cost-effectiveness of the court system and the Department of Judicial Affairs (known as the Law Officers' Department). The Office of the Government Printer responsible for the publication and dissemination of laws and regulations would also be strengthened; and (c) development of a medium term sector strategy that would provide for the continuation of reforms initiated by the project. This strategy would set the stage for building legal skills and strengthening the incentive framework. At present, there is an acute shortage of legal skills and the judicial and legal institutions in the public sector face difficulties in attracting and retaining qualified and experienced professionals; and (d) rehabilitation and strengthening of court infrastructure: the Law Courts Building in Freetown, the High Courts and Magistrates Courts in the Provincial capitals of Bo, Kenema and Makeni, and those in the larger towns of Magburaka and Port Loko, would be rehabilitated. In a few instances, where rehabilitation is either not possible or would not serve the purpose, the construction of simple and cost-effective courts would be constructed.

The project was suspended in 1997 due to the conflict, however it has been restored in the pipeline.

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Annex V: Other Donor Support to the Legal and Judicial Sector A number of other donors are active in the legal and judicial sector, including: •

USAID/US Embassy are funding SLBA to run law clinics on a limited basis for victims of domestic violence or sexual assault.

•

ICRC is providing support to the prison service including reconstruction of the main kitchen within Pademba Road Prison and monitoring of conditions there.

•

UNDP plans to conduct leadership training for 200 senior officials in GoSL, which could include officials from the Ministry of Justice/AGO, judiciary, police, Ministry of Interior and prisons service etc.

•

UNAMSIL Human Rights Section has been involved in training the police and is supporting Lawyers Centre for Legal Assistance (LAWCLA)’s work. Other donors are supporting Fourah Bay College Human Rights Clinic.

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Annex VI: Psychosocial and Mental Health Services Assessment Purpose of the Psychosocial and Mental Health Services Assessment A joint World Bank/DFID mission was made to Sierra Leone from June 18th to July 5th 2002.

The mission was led by Minneh Kane, Lead Counsel, Legal and Judicial Reform, Legal VPU and Keith Mackiggan, Justice Adviser (Team Leader, DFID). The purpose of the mission was to undertake a comprehensive assessment of the legal and judicial sector in Sierra Leone (the Assessment). The objective of the Assessment is to support the Government by providing information and analysis to further develop and implement both short term and long term comprehensive reforms in the Sector.

Florence Baingana, Senior Health Specialist (Mental Health), HDNHE, The World Bank, was requested to provide cross support to the mission. She was not able to travel on the dates above and instead traveled 5th to 17th August 2002. Her TORs were to carry out an assessment of the feasibility of integrating a mental health component into the Legal Aid Clinics, in the Peace and Reconciliation activities and in any other area as may be identified. The organization and capacity of the mental health services and programs available in Sierra Leone and their ability to provide support to and be a referral point for the Legal Aid Clinics was to be evaluated and analyzed.

Activities Meetings were held with various individuals both in the Government and within non governmental sectors. The full list of people met with is attached as Annex II. A field trip was made to Bo and Kenema with Jacob Saffa, Human Development Specialist, World Bank, Sierra Leone. Visits were made to Masiaka PHU as well as to Bo Regional Referral Hospital.

Discussions were held with NGO personnel and civil servants in the provinces.

A sum up meeting was held on 16th August 2002 at the World Bank office. A draft of the report was presented and the participants agreed that it was a true representation of the situation.

Jacob Saffa chaired the meeting, participants included the WHO Representative and a Representative of the Country Program Manager, USAID/Guinea and Sierra Leone. The full list of participants at this meeting is included as Annex III Findings Major findings relate to the NGO sector as opposed to the Government sector and to the mental health services, psycho-social issues, peace education activities, re-integration and others.

A summary of the NGO and Government sectors active in these areas is provided in the table below:

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Annex IV

Table1: NGO and Government Sector Activities

Mental Health Services

Government

NGO/UN/Bilateral

Kissy Mental Hospital

MSF CVT WHO

Psycho-social Services

MOSW

CVT

IRC

MOE

USAID

WHO

DDR

COOPI

CHASL

War Child CCSL (Mending Hearts) Conciliation Resources Education for Peace

NACSA

USAID

FAWE

Peace Building

Ministry of Youth

COOPI

CHASL

Nation Building

Ministry of Education

CCSL

Conflict Resolution

MOSW

World Vision Plan International Conciliation Resources

Integrated package of basic Ministry of Education education

Plan International

Re-integration of Excombatants

DDR

CCSL

ICRC

MOSW

UNICEF

COOPI

CARITAS World Vision Conciliation Resources (Youth in Crisis) Street Children and CSW

MOSW

GOAL

WHO

UNFPA (Women in Crisis Movement, In Depth Survival) Resettlement of IDPs

NACSA

ICRC CARITAS

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Annex IV

Gender Based Violence War Affected Girls

MOSW

IRC

IMC

COOPI

USAID

UNHCR

CVT

FSU of SL Police Praise Foundation WAGA World Vision In Depth Survival Legal Reform/Legal Aid

LAWCLA CGG ICRC UNAMSIL

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Annex VI

Some of the major issues include •

Definitions: psycho-social, peace education, re-integration, mental health, mental disorders, reconciliation activities. A further elaboration of the definitions and the description of the psycho-social versus mental health programming is given in Annex I. This highlights the importance of having different levels of interventions for both areas of work but also the need to have a basic framework in place so cross referral can take place.

•

Scope of work: ex-combatants, sexual violence against women, victims of violence eg amputees, lost generation of youth and widows. There is an indication that although there appear to be a number of interventions in these areas, most are very specific to their target group, some are also not country wide, many being in the Bo and Kenema regions and not yet in the northern province.

•

Linkages between mental health, psycho-social issues and the justice and legal sector: There is a recognition that there is or there should be a linkage between the psychological support given to clients and the outcome of the legal proceedings. IRC’s Gender Based Violence program noted that rape cases can take up to 11 to 15 court sessions before judgment is reached. Very often, clients do not have the courage to persevere through this, especially without support. Since IRC begun providing support, 54 cases have gone to closure and of these, 9 cases were prosecuted. This is quite an achievement. LAWCLA reported that none of their cases of rape had followed through to the end. The girls are intimidated by the court proceedings, the re-telling of the rape re-traumatizes and sometimes the parents may opt for settlement out of court. LAWCLA does not include a counseling support component for the clients.

CGG has just carried out a study of the current situation of the health sector. One of the main barriers that was noted is the lack of policies. Taking mental health as an example, there is no mental health policy so the legislation that guides work in this area is either lacking or very old, or sparse and are not linked to each other so that they are ineffective. At the present time, there is no legal obstacle to the provision of psychological support to people attending Legal Aid Clinics.

There is a recognition that clients attending the Legal Aid Clinics (LAC) or those who may go to the TRC may require some psychological support. There may also be a need to attend a counseling program in order to build up the courage and strength to go to the TRC. In the latter instance, the psycho-social programs would increase utilization of the legal and judicial services that would be established. Cross referral at the present time is made on a needs basis and is not streamlined into the functioning of the Legal Aid Clinics or the TRC. A major barrier is that Legal Aid Clinics are only found in Freetown and are thus not available to the populations in the rural areas.

The work of the DFID-supported Family Support Units of the Sierra Leone Police is well recognized by most people that were spoken to. It did not seem as if there was linkage between the FSU, the LACs and the NGOs providing psycho-social support. This is a possible entry point for integrating psychological support into judicial activities.

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Annex VI

It was also noted that as people return to their communities, some find their property has been taken over, leading to conflicts. CCSL has a program called “Mending Hearts” that trains clergy and laity in counseling, so they are able to listen, support communities and settle minor disputes in their communities. This deals with a big number of the minor problems at that level thus solving conflict, accessing services closer to the communities and also allowing for decongestion of the higher courts by petty issues.

•

Extreme poverty underlies all the discussions. It is often felt that if this were solved, some of the psycho-social problems would resolve spontaneously. It is also felt that with the degree of poverty that is being experienced, it may be that some of the population is taken up with day-to-day survival and have not processed the events that they experienced. It is not clear if with the passing of time and the alleviation of poverty, they will then process the traumatic events and begin to experience the psychological symptoms or if with the passing of time, the distress will resolve.

•

Non recognition of psycho-social issues by the communities and the health personnel.

Mental health programming has not been a part of the health care system in the rural areas. The only service available is for the severely mentally ill. Most problems are resolved in the community either by attending with traditional healers or through other mechanisms. There is very high stigma attached to the concept of mental illness and this seems to have been associated with psycho-social disorders as well. Some of the agencies that begun working exclusively in psycho-social counseling found this to be a major barrier and had to change the approach to these issues to integrate health education, awareness raising and other health issues as an entry point to the psycho social activities.

•

Policy guidance, regulation, standards, guidelines: There is no system for regulation, standards or guidelines for mental health or psycho-social issues. At the present time, interventions in the mental health sector and in the area of psycho-social issues are springing up as and when donor funds become available and do not necessary follow the populations with greatest need nor are they comprehensive in coverage of the country.

This is also a result of the Country just coming out of conflict and beginning the process of taking leadership in the policy and planning of programs. The policy formulation and development of standards and guidelines is a role for the Ministry of Health with collaboration with the Ministry of Social Welfare for the Psycho-social issues. It is possible that this will be taken up by the Ministry of Health, during the development of the Mental Health Policy, if this goes forward, as is anticipated, with the support of WHO.

•

Co-ordination: There are co-ordination mechanisms in place. There is a psycho-social forum, an INGO committee where there is a representative of the local NGOs, a Human Rights Committee and a Child Protection Committee. These committees meet regularly and are led by a Government sector with a lead UN agency. It may be necessary to form a Mental Health Coordinating Committee as well.

•

Multi-sectorality of psycho-social issues: Mental health and psycho-social issues are multi-sectoral and as such cut across education, health and social protection. A multisectoral approach is therefore indicated, that would bring together these different sectors.

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Annex VI

Opportunities •

Health Policy Review and reformulation. The Ministry of Health is undergoing a review and reformulation of the Health Policy. Mental health has been identified as one of the national priority health problems in the current draft of the Policy. This is an indication that the GSL has made a commitment to investing in mental health. It also provides an opportunity for other stakeholders to collaborate with the GSL in defining what the mental health policy and program should be and in contributing to its implementation.

•

WHO Mental Health Policy Project: WHO is planning to support a long term intervention in Mental Health Policy development and support of its implementation.

This program would begin with an assessment that will look at the state of the services as well as carrying out an epidemiological study and WHO will then support the formulation of the Policy. This compliments the Ministry’s over all Health Policy Review process.

WHO is planning a double track approach to the mental health situation of Sierra Leone.

The second track is to support the integration of mental health into primary health care and decentralization of services. This second track will begin with a study tour of Ghana by some of the key mental health workers of Sierra Leone, then support to training of health workers so they are able to recognize and manage common mental health problems. WHO will support the training of psychiatric nurses so they can be TOT as well as supporting an immediate scholarship for someone to train as a psychiatrist.

•

Islamic Development Bank has made a commitment to the Government of Sierra Leone of 2.6 million dollars towards the rehabilitation of the Kissy mental hospital. Some of these funds may go towards the construction/development of regional hospital beds for mental health. This is made on the condition that an investment will be made by other partners in personnel development so that the units/hospital will have adequate personnel.

•

Health Reconstruction and Development Project of the World Bank which is under preparation. This an opportunity for the Ministry of Health to think about the possibility of including some of the components of the mental health program, such as support to training of health workers, developing standards and guidelines and their dissemination, defining an essential mental health drug list for all levels of care and ensuring regular supply of these drugs at all levels and support supervision.

•

Social Action Funds. The World Bank is at the beginning of defining what the components of the Social Action Project are going to be. A number of the issues raised in this Assessment indicate the multi-sectorality of psycho-social issues. It is possible that some of the Social Action Funds can be used for issues raised in this report. These may be psycho-social support for girls affected by the conflict, support to training of social workers in counseling skills, a program that is already on-going with the support of Handicap International and the collaboration of IPAM.

•

Legal Reform. There is a need to provide support to linking the Legal Aid Clinics to psycho-social support systems. It is likely to be cost effective to provide support to strengthening already on-going initiatives with an established system for training and delivering an intervention. These would include IRC, CVT and Handicap International.

69

Annex VI

and they could collaborate to provide training to other agencies in areas that do not have access to this service.

A more comprehensive assessment could be carried out to determine what legal aid and psychosocial resources are available, especially in the provinces and how these resources can be shared.

The feasibility of having joint Legal Aid and psycho-social services in one center needs to be further investigated. This would decrease on the time spent getting cross referrals made but would also ensure better services for the clients.

Challenges •

Policy framework to guide the work in the three areas of mental health, psycho-social services and legal aid services for the indigent populations/areas in order to have a unified mission and vision as well as a coordinated and comprehensive approach to the programming.

•

Lack of mental health services. This is a severe challenge since the mental health service would be the basis for the development of and support to the psycho-social interventions and for some of the Legal Aid Centre clients: mental health workers would be referral points for those with severe psycho-social problems; mental health education could highlight the effect of the conflict on peoples mental well being; and mental health workers could contribute to the training and support supervision of the psycho-social workers.

•

Ministry of Health must actively take on the lead as the Government sector for mental health is well recognized.

Monitoring and evaluation It is difficult to set indicators for psycho-social programs that are tangible and that reflect the inputs of the psycho-social intervention. Most interventions are developed as emergency programs and are often not evaluated, nor are processes and impacts documented.

Recommendations 1. The Legal and Judicial Reform Project should include a small component that streamlines the referral mechanisms and ensures the provision of psycho-social support to victims of violence and those attending the TRC, should they require it.

2. Formation of a mental health coordinating committee to oversee the development of the Mental Health Policy, Strategic Plan and its implementation.

3. Strengthening and mainstreaming the cross support of psycho-social training, including standardizing manuals, regulation, and setting guidelines. This is likely to be a role for the Ministry of Social Welfare with the collaboration of the Ministry of Health and key stakeholders like CVT, IRC, COOPI and UNICEF.

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Annex VI

4. Provide support to NGOs involved in psycho-social work to strengthen their activities.

This should be planned and coordinated through the psycho-social coordinating committee.

5. Mental health has been included as a priority in the Draft Health Policy. It is hoped that this will be endorsed and the Policy translated into a Strategy Document with activities, timeline and a budget.

6. WHO’s support of the development of the Mental Health Policy is highly commended. It is hoped that this will be translated into a strategy document and will stimulate the participation of other partners in its implementation.

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Annex VI

Psychosocial and Mental Health Services Assessment Annex VII Attachment 1 Definitions The definition for mental health is drawn from the definition for health. Mental health is thus defined as a state of complete mental well being including social, spiritual, cognitive and emotional aspects. It is not merely the absence of disease.

Mental illness is a disorder of the cognition or the mood as defined by standard diagnostic systems such as the International Classification of Disorders, 10th Edition (ICD 10) or the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, 4th Edition(DSM IV).

Psycho-social disorders relate to an inter relationship of psychological and social problems which together constitute the disorder. Psychological symptoms are those that have to do with thinking and emotions while social symptoms relate to the relationship of the individual with the family and society. This can be illustrated by the examples of symptoms listed below: Psychological disorders or symptoms

Both

Social symptoms

Anxiety

early sexual activity

Sleeplessness

Promiscuity

Fear

violence in the home

Anger

crime

Aggressiveness

alcohol abuse

rape/sexual violence

Depression

drug abuse

divorce

Flashbacks

suicide

school drop outs

Nightmares

delinquency

Depression PTSD Poor concentration These are only some of the problems that may be encountered and inter-relationships are often important. An example of this inter-relationship can be demonstrated through the effect of stress: stress can lead to anger and easy irritability, which in turn can lead to violence in the home, either from the husband to the wife or vice versa or against the children, which may in turn lead to suicide 72

Annex VI

attempts or drug abuse or delinquency which may be linked to depression. Psycho-social disorders recognize the dynamism of the inter-relationships between the psychological and social disorders.

Violence and its Consequences There are many forms of violence and this is very clearly illustrated by the Sierra Leone situation. There is the direct violence such as the targeted killings, the amputations, rape etc which can lead to physical maiming and psychological effects. Other forms of violence include forced displacements, limitations of movement, limitations to participation in full self governance, limitations to establishing educational programs and so on. Violence has a ripple out effect. It leads to displaced populations and a lack of basic services such as health education, water and sanitation.

This in turn leads to the psycho-social problems listed above. It therefore becomes apparent that there are varying degrees and types of psycho-social consequences to violence.

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Annex VI

Mental Health and Psycho-social Programming Integrating Mental Health into Primary Health Care In thinking about interventions for populations affected by conflict, it is best to begin by thinking about strategies for integrating mental health into PHC. The aim is to try to make services accessible, affordable and of quality for all people who require them. The health care system is thus divided into primary, secondary and tertiary levels with different roles and responsibilities at each of these levels as well as different levels of care and personnel competencies at each of the levels.

Pillars for the effective implementation of the primary health care system include: •

Establishment of standards and guidelines for the delivery of services for each of the levels and for selected priority conditions. It may not be feasible to develop treatment guidelines for all the disorders in the ICD 10 or the DSM IV. This is often the responsibility of the Government.

•

Training. Once the standards are developed, it may necessary to revise curricula so that all cadres of nurses receive some mental health training. An in-service training module may have to be developed for the medical personnel already in service but without the basic mental health care skills and knowledge. Mental health should also be a part of the routine CME system of hospitals and health units.

•

Referral systems have to be strengthened so that patients can receive early diagnosis as close to home as possible. Diagnosis is then made at a higher level of care and a treatment plan established. The patient is then referred back to the primary health care team where the treatment plan is then carried out.

•

Ensuring the availability of essential drugs then becomes important. The standards would have established what kind of drugs should be available at which level. Having these drugs integrated into the essential drug kit makes it easier to have a regular supply of drugs.

•

Support supervision is also an important component of the primary health care system.

Personnel at the lower levels of care have less training in mental health and therefore need regular support from more specialized personnel. A visit can be made once every month or every two months or every quarter, depending on the available resources so that patients that he/she may have had difficulty with are seen together and the case discussed. It also provides an opportunity for the patients to receive more specialized care closer to their homes.

•

Monitoring of the system, data collection and evaluation are essential to the integration of mental health into PHC.

Counseling and Psycho-social interventions for Populations Affected by Conflict There are approximately four levels of counseling: •

Listening and helping. This is often offered by family members, friends, religious leaders or their wives, community leaders or their wives etc. These people are often referred to as the community’s own resource persons (CORPs). They are able to listen and offer advice or 74

Annex VI

help the person with a problem sort it out. Many have not received any kind of training but some have received some form of training especially those in organized religions.

This group of people is often the first point of contact for people with a psycho social problem. If a wife is being abused in the home, she may discuss it with her mother or with the wife of a religious leader. They therefore make up a very important contact point between people with a problem and services. Some NGOs have provided training to the CORPs so that they are better able to listen, offer advice where appropriate or make appropriate referrals. •

Para-professional counselors. They have usually received a more structured training in counseling which can range from 6 weeks to 9 months. Most training is in-service so that they begin working informally as CORPs and then decide to take on counseling a profession but they may not have the basic qualifications to do a University or college training. This group is often trained by NGOs who employ them to provide counseling. They can also supervise the CORPs and are the first entry point into the formal psycho-social services This group of counselors provides services such as are found in school based counseling, community based services such as women and youth groups, in religious groups etc.

•

Professional Counselors are either social workers or psychologists who have a masters degree in counseling. Some have the basic degree but have extensive experience of counseling as well as having received short training courses. They are more often found in NGOs providing care in established facilities. This group also provides support supervision to the lower levels.

•

Psychotherapists can be psychologists or psychiatrists who have undertaken extensive training in psychotherapy. They are very few in the development context and their contribution maybe very limited. They can provide one to one psychotherapy, family therapy of group therapy.

In thinking about counseling, it is thus necessary to be clear about how much training the care provider will have received, how much support they will require post training and therefore how much support they can provide to clients. It may be necessary to develop standards depending on the services available and the training programs being provided. Standards would determine what the essential components of each level of counseling training have to be It also makes it easier to assess outcomes of counseling programs if clear indicators are established for how the intervention will be carried out (process indicators) and what the outcome will be (outcome indicators). A regulatory body would then find it easier to keep track of activities being carried out and what impact those activities have on the population.

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Annex VI

Annex VI Attachment 2 List of People Consulted for Mental Health Assessment

1.

Sylvia Fletcher

Senior Governance Advisor

UNDP

2.

Joaquim Saweka

Representative

WHO

3.

Clifford Kamara

Director of Planning

Ministry of Health

4.

Sahr Ngeyenga

5.

E. A. Nahim

Consultant Psychiatrist

Ministry of Health

6.

Abdul Tejan Cole

Was the Ag. Coordinator

Campaign for Governance (CGG)

7.

Alimamy Koroma

General Secretary

Council of Churches in Sierra Leone (CCSL)

8.

Theresa Flynn

9.

Denise Duran

Plan International

Good

GOAL Deputy Head of Delegation

ICRC

10. Melron Nicol-Wilson

Executive Director

The Lawyer’s Center for Legal Assistance, Sierra Leone (LAWCLA)

11. Mohamed Fofanah

Director Juvenile Jusctice Unit

LAWCLA

12. Hanatu Kabbah

Deputy Executive Director

LAWCLA)

13. Antonio Piccoli

Head of Mission

COOPI (Italian Cooperation)

14. Mano Meserey

In Charge

Masiaka PHU

15. Nancy Bayo

Matron

Bo Regional Hospital

16. Marcos Melaku

Director, Relief Rehabilitation

and CCSL, Bo

17. Harsh Bangura

Praise Foundation, Bo

18.

Conciliation Resources, Bo

19. Patrick Kyamiru

CARITAS Kenema

76

Annex VI

20. Valerie N Bemo

Field Health Manager

Merlin, Kenema

21. Heidi Lehmann

Gender Based coordinator

22. Kirk Jones

Deputy Director

CVT (Community Health)

Mental

23. Angelina Mwau

Mental Health Clinician

CVT (Community Health)

Mental

24. Rolf Appels

Medical Coordinator

MSF Holland

25. Marion Morgan

Executive Director

CHASL

Violence IRC

26. Ashley Sharer

MSF Holland

27. Anita Nesiah

TIP Program Manager

World Vision

28. Julie Koenen-Grant

Country Program Manager

USAID

29. Marina John

Director of Nursing

MOH

30. Adriana Zarelli

Project Officer Health

UNICEF

31. Bintu Magona

Committee for War Affected MOSW Children

32. Eric Duret

Psycho-social coordinator

Handicap International

33. Tendayi Masike

Deputy Country Director

International (IMC

Medical

Corps

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Annex VI

Annex VI Attachment 3 Participants at the Wrap –Up Meeting 16th August 2002

34.

Dr Joaquim Saweka

WHO

saweka@who.sl.org

35.

Dr Valerie N Bemo

MERLIN

merlin@sierratel.sl

36.

Dr E.A. Nahim

Min. of Health

nahim57@yahoo.co.uk

37.

Dr Anita Nesiah

World Vision

anita_nesiah@wvi.org

38.

Heidi Lehmann

IRC

ircgbvsl@sierratel.sl

39.

Edward Benya

USAID

edwardbenya2002@yahoo.com

40.

Charles Ellmaker

CVT

cvt@sierratel.sl

41.

Allan B Halloway

CGG

atejancole@yahoo.com

42.

Gbessay Laitaz

MSF-Holland

231272

43.

Marina John

Min. of Health

076 600761

44.

Jacob Saffa

The World Bank, Sierra Leone

jsaffa@worldbank.org

45.

Florence Baingana

The World Bank,

fbaingana@worldbank.org

Washington, DC

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Annex VIII

Annex VII: List of Documents Consulted I.

PRIMARY LEGAL SOURCES

1.

The Constitution of Sierra Leone (Act No. 6 of 1991).

2.

The Constitution of Sierra Leone,1978 (Act No. 12 of 1978).

3.

The Local Government Act

4.

The Local Courts Act (No. 2 of 1963).

5.

The Income Tax Act, 2000

II.

WORLD BANK/IMF DOCUMENTS

1.

The World Bank, Poverty Reduction and the World Bank: Progress and Challenges in the 1990s (1996).

2.

World Bank, Transitional Support Strategy For the Republic of Sierra Leone (March 3, 2002). Report No. 23758-SL. 3.

World Bank, Discussion Draft Summary of World Bank’s Approach To Legal And Judicial Reform (2002).

4.

IDA and IMF Staff, Sierra Leone: Decision Point Document For The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative (Jan. 2002).

5.

Chris Mburu, Challenges Facing Legal And Judicial Reform in Post-Conflict Environments: Case Study From Rwanda And Sierra Leone (July 2001) III.

DFID DOCUMENTS

1.

DFID, Sierra Leone Law Development Project: Project Memorandum and Framework 2.

DFID, Law Development Project For Sierra Leone, Third Progress Report (January to June 2002).

3.

The Rt. Hon. Clare Short MP, Secretary of State for International Development, , Corruption and Governance (27 Feb. 2002).

4.

DFID, Safety, Security And Access To Justice for All: Putting Policy Into Practice (2001 DRAFT).

5.

Rebecca Trafford-Roberts, Paramount Chiefs Restoration Project: Social Development Assessment (July 2001).

6.

Nigeria: Safety, Security And Access To Justice (Report of visit of A. Gerry, R.Thomas, and L. Piron, September 2000).

7.

Ghana: Safety, Security And Access To Justice-Program Concept Notes.

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Annex VIII 8.

DFID, Justice And Poverty Reduction: Safety, Security and Access To Justice For All (2000).

IV.

SELECTED INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS

1.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

2.

First Optional Protocol to the ICCPR

3.

International Covenant On Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)

4.

CEDAW

5.

CRC

6.

Convention Against Torture

7.

Rome Statute Of The International Criminal Court (ICC)

8.

African Charter on Human and Peoples rights

9.

African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child

V.

OTHER

1.

UNDP, Human Development Report 2001

2.

Niobe Thompson (and Mohamed Pa-Momo Fofanah), Justice Delayed: The Judiciary in Sierra Leone-A Report of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and the Sierra Leone Bar Association (2001).

3.

Team of Senior Lawyers, Draft Promotion of Investment Act (2001).

4.

Team of Senior Lawyers, Draft Bankruptcy Law

5.

Team of Senior Lawyers, Draft Company Law

6.

L. Z. Beardsley and A. Ferrari, Kosovo: Legal And Judicial Assessment Report (Nov. 17, 2000).

7.

Joe A.D. Alie, A New History of Sierra Leone (1990).

8.

National Forum For Human Rights Press Release, Call for An Effective And Independent Judiciary In Sierra Leone (June 29, 2001).

9.

National Forum For Human Rights, Annual Report 2001 Sierra Leone

9.

Valerie Nicol, Promoting Gender Equality Through Legal Reform.

10.

Peter L. Tucker, The Sierra Leone Customary justice Reform Project: Report On Third Visit To Sierra Leone, 16th April to 6th May And 20th to 25th May 2002 (June 2002).

11.

Samuel Levy, Mozambique Legal and Judicial Sector Assessment (Draft June 24, 2002).

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Annex VIII 12.

Report of Committee to Review the Local Courts Act 1963, Hon. Justice H.M. Joko Smart, Chair.

13.

Francis A. Gabbidon, A Constructive And Critical Analysis Of the Machinery of Justice in Sierra Leone.

14.

LAWCLA NEWS, December 2001.

15.

Mohamed Pa-Momo Fofanah, Food for Thought for the Proposed Constitutional Review Committee: “Should the Attorney General Continue to Function As Minister Of Justice?”

16.

National forum For Human rights et al., Access To Justice Project Proposal

17.

Christopher Fyfe, A Short History of Sierra Leone (Longmans,1969).

18.

U.S. Department of State, Background Note: Sierra Leone

19.

Sierra Leone Law Review, Vol. 1 No. 1 (2000).

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Annex VIII

Annex VIII: List of people met by World Bank/DFID mission 1. Mr. Solomon Berewa, Vice President 2. Mr. J.B. Dauda, Minister of Finance 3. Mr. Eke Halloway, Attorney-General and Minister of Justice 4. Mr. Justice A.B. Timbo, Chief Justice 5. Mr. Justice Edmund Cowan, Speaker of Parliament 6. Mr. Tunde Cole, Solicitor-General 7. Mr. Brima Kebbie, Director of Public Prosecutions 8. Mr. Francis Gabbidon, Ombudsman 9. Mr. F.S. Conte, Director of Prisons 10. Mr. Sheka Mansaray, Secretary to the President 11. Mr. Joseph Carpenter, Clerk of Parliament 12. Ms. Salimatu Koroma, Administrator and Registrar General 13. Mr. Justice Adophy, Supreme Court 14. Mr. Justice P.O. Hamilton, High Court (Freetown) 15. Mr. Justice Ademusu, High Court (Circuit -Bo) 16. Mr. Collier, Head of Anti-Corruption Commission 17. Mr. Albert Bockarie, Permanent Secretary, Parliamentary Affairs 18. Mr. Aiah D. Konoyima, Office of Administrator and Registrar General 19. Mrs. ________ Showers, Master and Registrar of the High Court 20. Prof. Tuboku Mertger, Director of Sierra Leone School of Law 21. Ms. Olatunge Campbell, Librarian, Sierra Leone School of Law 22. Mr. Herbert H.I. Davies-Cole, Registrar, Sierra Leone School of Law 23. Mr. Claudius Thomas, Head of Poverty Reduction Program (PRSP) 24. Mr. _________ Moustafa, Under-Sheriff of the High Court 25. Mr. __________, Provincial Secretary, North (Makeni) 26. Mr. Samuel Turay, Local Government Representative, North (Makeni) 27. Mr. Val Bangura, Regional Police Commissioner, North (Makeni) 28. Mr. Manuah, Senior District Officer, Kenema 29. Mr. F. M. Jiba, Senior Assistant Secretary, Kenema 30. Mr. ___________ Margai, Senior Magistrate, Kenema 31. Mr. Alhaji Sesay, Provincial Secretary, South (Bo) 32. Mr. ___________, Senior Magistrate, Bo 82

Annex VIII 33. Mr. Maxwell M. Sesay, Police Commissioner, Bo 34. Regent Chief Kaitibi, Kakua Chiefdom, Bo 35. Ms. ___________, Office of Inspector General of Police, Freetown 36. Mr. ___________ Gbekie, Head of CID, Sierra Leone Police 37. Mr. B.A. Kamara, Head of Change Management Unit, SL Police 38. Ms. Maureen Price, SL Police Advisor 39. Mr. Osho Cocker, Head of Public Service Reform Project 40. Mr. Joe Pemagbi, Director, National Commission for Democracy and Human Rights 41. Mr. George Coleridge-Taylor, Commissioner, National Commission for Democracy and Human Rights 42. Mr. Abdul Tejan-Cole, Private Legal Practitioner and Former Secretary-General of Sierra Leone Bar Association (CGG coordinator) 43. Mr. Martin Michael, Private Legal Practitioner and former Asst. SecretaryGeneral of the Bar Association 44. Mr. Melron Nicol-Wilson, Executive Director, Lawyers’ Center for Legal Aid (LAWCLA) 45. Mr. Pa Momoh Fofanah, Director, LAWCLA 46. Ms. Hanatu Kabbah, Deputy Executive Director, LAWCLA 47. Mr. Sheku Lahai, Executive Secretary, National Forum for Human Rights (NFHR) 48. Mr. James Paul-Allen, Chief Researcher, NFHR 49. Mr. Isaac Lappia, Program Officer, International Human Rights Law Group 50. Ms. Frances Fortune, Director, Search for Common Ground 51. Mr. Berthan Macauley, Private Legal Practitioner 52. Mr. Oliver Nylander, President of Sierra Leone Bar Association 53. Mr. John Brown-Marke, Private Legal Practitioner 54. Mr. Samuel Musa, Regional Director, Action Aid 55. Ms. Sbinty Conteh, Supervisor, Gender-Based Violence Project, International Rescue Committee (IRC), Bo 56. Mr. Sahr Gborie, Director, Conciliation Resources, Bo 57. Mr. John Koroma, Director, Center for Human Rights and Peace Education, Bo 58. Mr. Sylvester Massaquoi, Regional Representative, Forum of Conscience, Bo 59. Ms. Beatrice Kangbai, Women’s Forum, Bo 60. Ms. Josephine Kenneh, Civil Society Movement, Bo 61. Mr. Francis Joe Noni, Sierra Leone Teachers Union, Bo

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Annex VIII 62. Mr. ______________, Network Movement for Justice and Development, Bo 63. Ms. Sylvia Fletcher, Senior Governance Advisor, UNDP 64. Mr. Rodolfo Mattarollo, Chief, Human Rights Section, UNAMSIL 65. Mr. Raphael Abiem, Rule of Law Specialist, UNAMSIL 66. Mr. Jeremy Tunnacliff, European Union Delegate 67. Mr. Peter Cheavas, US Ambassador to Sierra Leone 68. Ms. Jebbeh Forster, UNIFEM 69. Yasmin Jusu-Sheriff, Executive Director, SL Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) 70. Mr. Tom Periello, Yale Fellow, Fourah Bay College Human Rights Clinic 71. Ms. Martina Kroma, Former World Bank Project Focal Point 72. Mr. _______________ Alterman, Harvard Law Intern, National Forum for Human Rights 73. Ms. Sophie _________, Columbia Law Intern, LAWCLA 74. Mr. Ilan Lax, International Advisor, TRC 75. Mr. Osman Fofana, Investigations Consultant, TRC 76. Mr. Ozonnia Ojelo, International Advisor, TRC 77. Mr. David Watson, DFID 78. Mr. Rowland Wright, Director, DFID Law Development Program 79. Ms. Honor Flanagan, Deputy Director, British Council 80. Mr. John Magbinty, DFID Programs Officer 81. Mr. Adrian Horne, Project Manager, DFID/Commonwealth Community Safety and Security Project 82. Mr. B.A. Kamara, Head of Change Management Unit, SL Police Force 83. Mr. Trevor Williams, DFID Security Sector Project 84. Mr. Robert Ashington-Pickett, DFID Security Sector Project 85. Mr. Alastair Wood, DFID Security Sector Project 86. Mr. Emmanuel Gaima, Governance Program Specialist, UNDP 87. Peter Tucker, DFID consultant, London

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