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PROJECT ON THE CITY DES MOINES / CHICAGO / NEW YORK CITY 3 CITIES 8 SCOPES, 48 STUDENTS

Spring 2012 Architecture 461 Urbanism Assistant Professor: David Karle Teaching Assistant: Zack Johnson University of Nebraska-Lincoln College of Architecture

University of Nebraska-Lincoln College of Architecture 232 Architecture Hall Lincoln, NE 68588-0107 (402) 472-7943 http://archweb.unl.edu/ Spring 2012 Arch 461/Larc 461 Urbanism Issues of contemporary urbanism and the processes of urban design.

Experiential nature of cities, role of public policy, ideology, genesis and development of urban form and space.

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PROJECT ON THE CITY DES MOINES / CHICAGO / NEW YORK CITY 3 CITIES 8 SCOPES, 48 STUDENTS

DES MOINES

18

Movement

20

Water

26

Industry

32

Fabric

38

Program

44

Food

50

Region

56

Time

62

CHICAGO

76

Movement

78

Water

84

Industry

90

Fabric

96

Program

102

Food

108

Region

112

NEW YORK CITY 124 Movement

126

Water

132

Industry

138

Fabric

144

Program

150

Food

156

Region

162

PROJECT ON THE CITY

Des Moines, IA; Chicago, IL; New York City, NY

Urbanization is a dynamic and complex process continually altering the center, middle, and edge of a city. Where transportation, ecologies, buildings, evolution, history, and landscape are all in dialogue, mobilizing into a condition or space of the built environment. From logistical operations to forms of survival, urbanism will continue to redefine the role of a city in the 21st century.

The following research investigates how the process of systems-thinking can influence the way one views and interprets the city. The research emerged from a deep understanding of a broader city system — its interactions, conflicts, strengths, and opportunities. The participants engaged in the processes of systems-thinking as a tool to identify current and existing conditions within three cities, Des Moines, Iowa; Chicago, Illinois; and New York City, New York. The research seeks to re-frame the city through analysis to assess the systems on the ground; the region, transportation, politics, players, economics, ecologies, industries, and built fabric to formulate a new perspective.

New York City, New York Population: 8,175,133 (NY: 19,378,102) Persons per square mile: 27,012.5 (NY: 411.2) (2010 US Census)

Lincoln, Nebraska Population: 258,379 (Nebraska: 1,826,341) Persons per square mile: 2,899.4 (NE: 23.8)

(2010 US Census)

Chicago, Illinois Population: 2,695,598 (Illinois: 12,830,632) Persons per square mile: 11,841.8 (Iowa: 231.1) (2010 US Census)

Des Moines, Iowa Population: 40,325 (IA: 3,046,355) Persons per square mile: 96.9 (IA: 54.5) (2010 US Census)

3 hours

8 hours 30 mins.

Students worked in interdiciplinary teams of two to research and identify the urban systems under the following topics: Movement, Water, Industry, Fabric, Program, Food, Region, and Time.

21 hours 49 mins.

4 hours 45 mins. (fly)

DES MOINES TIMELINE 1830-2010 (1 of 2)

DES MOINES TIMELINE 1830-2010 (2 of 2)

CHICAGO TIMELINE 1830-2010 (1 of 2)

CHICAGO TIMELINE 1830-2010 (2 of 2)

NEW YORK CITY TIMELINE 1830-2010 (1 of 2)

NEW YORK CITY TIMELINE 1830-2010 (2 of 2)

DES MOINES DSM 18

Movement Water Industry Fabric Program Food Region Time

DSM 19

Movement

Brad Howe-B.S. Design, Leisha Osterberg-B. Larc

DSM 20

ABSTRACT: The Downtown area experiences a regular influx of 77,000 commuters. Although a diverse set of movement typologies are present in downtown Des Moines and its surrounding neighborhoods and cities, these typologies lack clear connections, interactions, and transitions.

recently invested millions of dollars to re-build parts of Interstate 235 in order to keep up with the demand of vehicular traffic. In addition to the interstate, Des Moines invested in extending Martin Luther King Jr. Parkway, which will allow traffic to bypass the downtown in order to maintain ensure a steady flow.

The downtown area experiences a regular influx of 77,000 commuters. The majority of these commuters rely on the automobile Methods of movement within Des Moines enhance as their primary mode of transportation. In order to facilitate this the vitality of the city. As industry and the city boundary influx of vehicles, the downtown contains a vast amount of surface migrated westward, Des Moines developed a high dependence lots and parking garages. Surface lots account for approximately on transportation systems, particularly the car. The recent 9 million square feet in downtown, roughly equating to 30,000 implementation of the Des Moines Area Regional Transit (DART) parking stalls. When combined with on-street meters and public and revitalized trail networks sparked a greater popularity of and private parking garages, the total amount of downtown parking alternate forms of transportation. Unique transportation methods, reaches 50,000 stalls. Ubiquitous parking and wide, heavily traveled like the 3.2 miles of skywalks downtown, work seamlessly in streets dominate Downtown Des Moines, which follows the Midwest isolation, but lack synergy. The absence of interaction between automobiles, DART buses, trails, and skywalks in the downtown core trend toward automobile priority. Because infrastructure design and surrounding communities makes transitions between movement emphasizes the automobile, other movement typologies (trail and bus) are overshadowed. systems difficult.

RAILS

Along with many other cities, railroads provided a way to transport goods and were an instigator of population growth. As many American cities began to depend less on rails, Des Moines continued its reliance on rail lines for transportation of goods.

Reliance on railroads diminished when Des Moines’s industry shifted to finance and insurance after World War II. The shipment of goods evolved from rails to refrigerated shipping containers and increased road networks and traffic volumes on major highways.

While most rail lines are still in use, the shift in transportation of goods forced some rails to lose their function.

THE AUTOMOBILE Dependence on the car is evident based on hierarchy of the roadways. A major gateway into the city is Interstate 80 while Interstate 35 connects Des Moines to Ames. On a smaller scale, Ingersoll Avenue forms a direct route from West Des Moines into the core of downtown; Grand Avenue facilitates movement from downtown to the east. Ingersoll Avenue and Grand Avenue sustain two of the largest daily traffic volumes within the city. The experience along interstates lack interest and a sense of arrival, but the city

PUBLIC TRANSIT (DART) New and exciting opportunities are being created by the recently implemented Des Moines Area Regional Transit Authority (DART). In October 2006, DART expanded from Des Moines Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) with the goal of expanding public transit to a regional scale. Currently, DART offers local, express and shuttle routes, on-call services, and park and ride. DART services all surrounding communities, with the exception of Waukee and Norwalk. The main transit hub is located in Downtown Des Moines on Walnut Street and between 6th and 7th Streets. A unique characteristic of the hub is the prohibition of vehicular circulation.

The isolation of bus traffic along this stretch of Walnut Street does not promote pedestrian movement along Walnut sidewalks.

A new DART Central Station recently broke ground and is located three blocks south of the existing transportation hub. Unfortunately, the new site for the station does not have skywalk access, but is adjacent to a proposed trail. The station will merge all bus lines into one area where riders can switch lines with less confusion. The proposed site is located two blocks south of Walnut on Cherry Street, Right: Regional Movement Systems

DSM 21

further from other transportation systems downtown. The new site lacks system overlap and does not connect with other transportation networks.

DSM 22

TRAIL NETWORKS Des Moines is taking steps to increase the trail usage for recreation and commuting. Presently, Des Moines connects to surrounding areas through regional trails. Along with regional trails, many trails are found within city limits. Over 300 miles of trails weave through Des Moines connecting parks like Gray’s Lake and PappaJohn’s Sculpture Park. Several proposed trails will extend the trail network through the downtown area. This expansion will form greater connections between Downtown with surrounding parks and open space. In addition to expanding trail network, bicycle rental kiosks, called B-cycle, are located along the Grand Avenue corridor. B-Cycle locations provide rental bicycles for hourly, daily, and monthly rates. The goal of the trail expansion and the B-Cycle is to boost use of the trail system through increased accessibility.

Downtown trails attempt to make connections and provide access to Downtown Des Moines, but the trails are not well defined and do not make clear connections to open space and other downtown amenities. Although the B-cycle and proposed trail systems are present, clear connections between trails do not exist.

SKYWALKS Developed in the 1980’s, the Des Moines skywalks are one of the most unique means of movement in Downtown Des Moines. These elevated walkways are some of the most extensive skywalk networks in the United States. With over 15,000 people moving through the 3.2 miles of skywalks daily, a pedestrian can access much of the downtown without stepping on the ground. The skywalks connect the major business hubs downtown and connects buildings across 33 city blocks. Many professionals and employees of downtown industry move between buildings in the skywalks. People take advantage of the quick and convenient means of movement between buildings for their lunch breaks or noon exercise walks.

Although the skywalks facilitate movement between buildings, they are criticized for harming commerce at the street level. Currently, businesses on the second level of buildings thrive in Downtown Des Moines, while office vacancies at the street level are prevalent. In their current state, the skywalks do not connect the sidewalk and street level movement systems. Only two known marked skywalk entrances exist downtown and are not well defined. Pamela French, office manager at the American Institute of Architecture Iowa Chapter in Downtown Des Moines, explained how she oftentimes has difficulty navigating the skywalks and has trouble finding ways to descend to the street level. The skywalk network continues to alter

CTIVITIES 13.2 M IAL A ILES SOC

RRANDS 5.6 G/E IN Average Household

LES MI

SHO PP

L/DENTAL 7.3 M ICA ILE ED

S

M

K 10.7 MILES WOR

Major Employers Parking Garages Surface Parking Lots

Figure 1. Traffic Volume, Major Employers, and Parking Garages 0

0.125 0.25

0.5

0.75

1 Miles

Downtown Boundary Vehicles per day 0 - 3,000 3,000 - 6,000 6,000 - 9,000 9,000 - 12,000 12,000 - 15,000 15,000 - 18,000 18,000 +

the way people move within the downtown core and reduces the amount of people who travel along the sidewalks downtown.

INTERSECTIONS AND OVERLAPS As an individual utilizes these systems and moves through Des Moines’s downtown core, one may realize the overlap of movement typologies. The skywalks travel over several major corridors and bus lines. Trail systems, both existing and proposed, run adjacent to downtown corridors, and at least one bus line utilizes every downtown street. Although frequent overlaps are present, transitions and interactions between systems are lacking. Each movement typology (rail, automobile, skywalk, bus, and trail) serve their respective purpose well, but make a feeble attempt to make obvious and efficient interactions, connections, and transitions between one another. The lack of transitions between movement systems in Downtown Des Moines cause the systems to overlap, not connect or interact.

Because 77,000 people commute into Downtown daily, the major transition of movement typologies occurs between the automobile and skywalk in the many parking garages in the area. Figure 1 demonstrates different volumes of traffic on major Downtown corridors and adjacencies of major industry and parking Figure 2. Trail and B-cycle location 0.5 0.75 1 structures to these corridors. These adjacencies exhibit how people0 0.125 0.25 B Miles are commuting into Downtown Des Moines and major destinations when the commuters arrive. Commuters park in their designated lots or garages (some being privately owned by corporations, while others require monthly or daily rates) and immediately move into the skywalks. Unfortunately, this practice does not promote travel on the city’s sidewalks. Some connections are attempted by providing stair or elevator access to the skywalk from the sidewalk, but those connections are not well defined or heavily used. Throughout the year, but especially in the winter, pedestrians walk in the skywalks instead of the sidewalks on the street elevation. This phenomenon affects commerce and business at the street level. While the 1 2 skywalks and the second level of buildings are alive with shops, restaurants, and services, the street level contains vacancies and failing businesses. (Figure 3) The Kaleidoscope at The Hub (the only downtown “mall”) is an example of the effect skywalks have on commerce. While the upper floors of the mall are alive with 4 5 food court restaurants, convenience stores, salons and spas, and boutiques, the first floor is dead and filled with vacancies. A greater attempt to connect the skywalk with the sidewalk and street will encourage pedestrians to move between these levels and enrich the Downtown Des Moines experience.

The City of Des Moines and its residents are proud of the 1 Parking Garages trail system in their city. The regional trail network experiences a 2 Pre-Trial Release Program significant amount of use in the spring, summer, and fall months, 3 Polk County Courthouse especially in Gray’s Lake. When the trails reach the threshold of Downtown, however, they fade or terminate. Existing trails are marked by subtle signs and few delineated bicycle lanes, and trails

DART Central Station Adjacencies

DSM 23

B-Cycle Location DART Central Station Heavy Traffic Proposed Trails Existing Trails

3

4

4 Surface Lots 5 DART Central Station

DSM 24

fading or terminating does not promote bicycle traffic within the downtown core. B-cycle kiosks located along the Grand Avenue corridor encourage bicycle traffic through Downtown. (Figure 2) While the goal of the B-cycle is to encourage bicycle travel and alternate forms of transportation, the trail housing these kiosks is not accommodating to bicycle traffic downtown. The trails attempt to make connections between surrounding parks and Downtown, but few connections exist. Integrating trail systems with open spaces and bus access will increase the effectiveness and use of trails in Downtown Des Moines.

The bus makes connections from the surrounding communities into the downtown and between other communities.

DART provides a valuable service to individuals who are in need of alternate forms of transportation. During hours of operation, the Downtown DART hub on Walnut Street experiences heavy use. Several groups of people stand outside the stations and stops waiting for the next bus to arrive. While waiting, the people interact and fill the sidewalks along the Walnut Street corridor, making pedestrian through traffic difficult and oftentimes impossible. This condition establishes a barrier between people who ride DART and

Figure 3. TraďŹƒc Volume, Major Employers, and Parking Garages

other pedestrians downtown. The bus riders do not venture beyond Walnut Street, and unless necessary, downtown pedestrians and workers do not travel on Walnut Street. Because of this barrier, the current bus system does not interact with other movement systems.

The proposal and new construction of the DART Central Station is an attempt to concentrate the major bus hub on Walnut Street into one central station. The current proposal provides one station where riders can wait for the next connecting bus line.

Although the new DART Central Station will lift the burden from Walnut Street, the station will further isolate bus travelers from other movement networks. Vast amounts of Wells Fargo surface parking surround the proposed site, and the lack of interesting features beyond the direct site of the new station will cause riders to stay within the bus station. To effectively integrate and connect other movement systems with the bus network, the station should be receptive to trails and develop skywalk access. Adjacent open space containing different systems is one solution to alleviate an isolation issue.

DSM 25

Elevated Skywalk on 10th and Walnut St.

Downtown gateway on Grand Ave.

Left: Parking Structures on 7th and Cherry St.

Very few connections and transitions between movement typologies within Downtown and surrounding Des Moines exist, and the lack of connections inhibits efficient travel between different movement systems. Critical examination of system inefficiencies and development of innovative solutions will better connect these systems and develop a positive experience for transportation users.

Although each system functions and serves a respective purpose, the lack of interactions, transitions, and connections do not develop a rich and enjoyable experience for travelers using Des Moines automobile, skywalk, bus, and trail systems.

Water

Paul Neukirch-B.S.Design, Matti Roinila-B.S.Design, Shilong Su-B.S.Design

DSM 26

ABSTRACT: Des Moines, Iowa is located adjacent to two rivers with large fluctuations in flood water levels. Frequent flooding presents challenges on the existing built environment and proposed urban growth. Large areas of the city are located within 100 and 500 year floodplains creating moments of conflict when rising water impairs city programs and safety. Current systems of levee and floodable parkland have been successful in protecting select areas of development, however, large populations remain vulnerable. With the frequency of large scale flooding increasing, so will the need for adaptive programing and city planning.

REGION

Des Moines, Iowa is located at the confluence between the Raccoon and Des Moines Rivers. The Raccoon River drains 2.3 million acres in west-central Iowa flowing into the Des Moines River. The two streams are a tributary of the Mississippi River Basin, flowing south towards the Gulf of Mexico. The Des Moines River is approximately 525 miles long making it the largest river flowing across the state of Iowa.

Des Moines and the City of Panora both use surface water from the Raccoon River for their drinking water. Water Works is responsible for treating drinking water for the city and 23 additional central Iowa utilities. The Raccoon River is also considered to be a recreational water supporting swimming, canoeing, and fishing activities. Running parallel to the Raccoon River there is a 3-mile long infiltration gallery that initially supplied the entire water supply for the city of Des Moines. The infiltration gallery is recognized as one of the largest in the United States. What makes Des Moines infiltration gallery truly unique is that it was constructed in the 1920’s and 30’s and still operating today.

The Raccoon and Des Moines Rivers have been influenced by increased levels of nitrogen, phosphorus, sediment, turbidity, and bacteria pollutants. The source of elevated pollutants is primarily from nonpoint source pollution. Nonpoint source pollution comes from many different sources such as fertilizers, agricultural runoff, and vehicular related chemicals. Portions of the Raccoon River have officially been identified as impaired by nitrogen. Water quality assessments have found levels of nitrate that exceed the maximum contaminant level for drinking water. High levels of nitrogen and

phosphorous create large algae blooms resulting from the process of eutrophication. The Raccoon’s elevated level of nitrate-nitrogen is among the highest in the United States earning it a less then desirable reputation.

Corn and soybeans are the most dominant crops occupying approximately 73 percent of the Raccoon watershed. The greater Raccoon Watershed contains 685 confined animal feeding operations and 171 permitted feedlots. A large portion of the agricultural lands found within the watershed utilizes subsurface drainage. Tile-drainage of agricultural fields has led to significant water quality problems and is changing the character of both streams. Instead of allowing runoff from crops to flow through existing woodland and tall grass ecologies it is being directed straight into the river with higher concentrations of pollutants.

In addition to agricultural fields The Raccoon and Des Moines River 500 year floodplain contains multiple landscape typologies and ecologies. A large presence of Riparian woodlands is found throughout the floodplain often interrupted by urban development and flood prevention infrastructure. Numerous lakes ranging in size from small to large are located throughout the floodplain offering opportunities for recreation and increased ecological diversity.

Located southeast of the two rivers confluence is series of lakes forming the remnants of an old oxbow. The oxbow is isolated from the Des Moines River through a series of earth levees.

Fragmented woodlands found along the oxbow offer wildlife habitat and provide opportunities to establish pedestrian greenways that will connect existing neighborhoods. Existing levee infrastructure does not contain the 500 year flood event exposing the surrounding programs to rising flood waters.

In addition to providing pedestrian circulation the existing woodland, water, and open space networks provides an opportunity to store and direct rising flood waters. Utilizing and reinvigorating existing green space networks offers a potential for new strategies in coping with floodplain development that is adaptive. Reconnecting the oxbow with its river through a series of floodable woodland and open space reactivates the network as a working landscape.

During high flooding events the oxbow works to direct and Right: Downtown Des Moines River

DSM 27

collect rising waters channeling it away from vulnerable urban developments.

DSM 28

FLOODPLAIN BUILT ENVIRONMENT The city of Des Moines, Iowa has been developing more rapidly than many Midwest cities of similar population and demographics. This has come from an increase in larger financial corporations locating their head offices or new offices in the downtown area of Des Moines due to the city’s central location, on a national scale. Although this increase in population and job availability has identified Des Moines as the number one place in the United States to establish a business, many of these developments are located within the flood plain.

As the need for development surrounding the downtown area of Des Moines increases the impact of the program within the flood plain will be more apparent. Traditionally the city of Des Moines had relied on a series of levees to protect the programs located along the adjacent rivers. Although the levees have provided protection for large areas of the city, remaining areas exist within the flood plain that are still dramatically affected by seasonal changes in water levels and quality. In order for these areas and future developments to withstand seasonal flooding, the program within must be adaptive and be able to adjust to rising flood waters on an individual basis.

Since the city of Des Moines existence development has continued to be located along the river’s edge. This was essential in early development due to the need for transportation of goods along the Raccoon and Des Moines Rivers. Although this immediate need to develop along the river allowed the city to flourish and expand, this development strategy has also caused a severe amount of damage to the city’s infrastructure and everyday living.

There have been several large floods throughout the city’s history resulting in millions of dollars of damage annually, yet there has been a constant need for development to occur within the 100 year and 500 year flood plain. The areas of Des Moines that are continually affected are the downtown area and the residential neighborhoods south-east of downtown which are mostly comprised of office, industrial and single family residential buildings.

During a span between 1944 and 1954, three major floods occurred which almost immediately halted development within the flood plain for almost forty years until the mid-1990s. Once the city of Des Moines began to increase rapidly in the mid-1990s, the city was forced to continue development within the flood plain surrounding the downtown area to compensate for the increased demand in office and residential developments.

Even after the major floods of 1993 and 2008, which caused more than three-hundred million dollars in damage, the city has continued to develop within the flood plain. This is mainly a direct result in the increase of 37 percent in jobs located within the downtown area, a 45 percent increase in office space located within

Raccoon and Des Moines River Watershed

Program Within 100 Flood Plain

Program Within 500 Flood Plain

Program Within 100 and 500 year Flood Plain 100 Year Flood 500 Year Flood

2%

Industrial - 27 Bldgs Office - 1 Bldg Services - 12 Bldgs Government / Public - 4 Bldgs Single-Family Residential - 5 Bldgs

27% 35% 43% 57% 65% 73% 98% 100%

Educational - 1 Bldg Religious - 5 Bldg Industrial - 74 Bldgs Office - 43 Bldg Services - 22 Bldgs Government / Public - 3 Bldgs Single-Family Residential - 566 Bldgs Multi-Family Residential - 16 Bldgs

2%

2%

27% 35% 43%

27% 35% 43%

57% 65% 73%

57% 65% 73%

98% 100%

98% 100%

Down

strea

Raccoo

n Riv

er

Program Located Within the Floodplain

1993 Flood of Downtown Des Moines

m De

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Rive

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the downtown area, and a 64 percent increase of housing in the downtown area between the years 2000 and 2010.

In order for the city of Des Moines to allow for continued growth and expansion it must readdress this issue and begin to develop in a manner in which constant damage does not occur. This can be done by either relocating these programs, which would not be ideal to the downtown inflation, or begin to develop infrastructure as well as individual buildings that allow for this constant presence of high water levels.

Several sites surrounding the downtown area would suffice and allow for further expansion for the development to occur within close proximity. It became clear which sites would provide the necessary space as well as potential to allow for the amount of future growth.

The site selected borders the lower Des Moines River and is located within the 100 and 500 year flood plains. All of the potential sites for development were located within the 100 and 500 year flood plains, yet the site selected was done so because of its

ability to accommodate for large amounts of program while at the same time reconnecting the surrounding neighborhoods with one another and the unused river front.

The existing condition includes a heavy industrial core, three surrounding residential neighborhoods, a slight service corridor that consist of only three restaurants and 20 car dealers and car repair stores, and several scattered woodland and open spaces with little or no connection between them. In order to develop this community into a performing community in which development would enhance the lifestyles of the surrounding communities, current industrial industries, and future residents within close proximity of the downtown area it is necessary for developments to be thought of in a new manner.

Development within the flood plain is inevitable for the community of downtown Des Moines and with the current increase in jobs and housing being located within the downtown area it does not prove to be sustainable for 77,000 plus residents to commute to downtown on a daily basis. It is necessary to reevaluate the

C

D

B A500

Year Floodplain

DSM 29

development strategies in order to allow for residents to be located within close proximity of downtown while not being in imminent danger of the ever-present fluctuating water levels.

DSM 30

FLOODPLAIN INFRASTRUCTURE Since the two main rivers that are passing by the Des Moines city are frequently flooded, existing infrastructure is playing a very important role in flood protection. There are two major systems that protect Des Moines from flooding. First, at the upstream of the Des Moines River, dam that contributes towards controlling the amount the water which is going to flow through the city, thus when large floods happen, the reservoir can control amount of discharge water from upstream and release a small amount of it reducing risk for flooding downstream.

Second system, which is made up by flood plain and levee, is playing the main role in flood protection. When flooding occurs, the Des Moines River, the dam from up stream will reduce the amount of floodwater in the river and then the flood plan in downstream will store certain amount of the floodwaters before it hit the levee, which will reduce the pressure of the levee from flood and help the levee perform better. At the same time, for the Raccoon River, since its water yield is smaller than the Des Moines River, there is no dam on the upstream but a large area of floodplain that stores excess flood water. In normal day, more than 11 square mile of flood plan is used for public parks and offers a green space to the people in Des Moines In order to have a better understanding that how the second system works, which is made up by levee and pre-design flood plan, by taking a detail looks at these two parts is very necessary.

Looking at the levee condition diagram, it is easy to find out that there are two major types of levee for City of Des Moines.

One is earth Levee and another is concrete Levee. For the earth levee, most of them are located around the Raccoon River and majority part of the Des Moines River except the downtown area.

The advantage of the earth levee is that it has the flexibility to help reduce the flood pressure on the levee as the flood increasing, because the form of the earth levee is ladder-shaped, which offering more space for the river as the depth of water increases. However, the disadvantage of this kind of levee is that it has limited usage for itself. Levee type diagrams show earth levee is only combined with pedestrian path way on top, rather than other usages, and also based on its shape, it takes more land size than the concrete levee too.

Another type of levee which is the concrete levee, mainly located at the downtown of Des Moines, not only need less land compared with earth levee, but also could combine with multiple purpose with it. However, the shortage of this type of levee is since it is perpendicular to the river, concrete levee has a limitation of the flexibility that allows carrying more water when flood happened and also, when a great amount of water pass by, concrete levee will

Existing Levee

Floodplain

Levee Performance

Earth Levee

Concrete Levee

increase the flood speed rather than slow it down.

Another major part of second infrastructure system is the pre-design floodplain. This pre-design floodplain takes 18 square mile around the river for the purpose of storing flood water, and in these 18 square mile flood plan, there are 24 percent of it, which is a 11 square mile, are using as public park when flood is not happen.

However, When 500 years flood happen and the flood water goes over the levee, it still floods 28 more square mile than what it supposes to flood. Last but not least, by taking look at the diagram show that flood plan in different flood stage, it is easy to find out that before the depth of water meet 30 feet, the flood infrastructure are performing very well on keep the flood in the pre-design flood plan and also prevent it go over the levee. However, as the flood stage diagrams show, when the depth of water goes over the 30 feet, all the flood infrastructure will fail.

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Earth Levee

Flood Stage Before 30 Feet

Flood Stage After 30 Feet

DSM 31

Industry

Michael Killeen-B. Larc, Justin Langenfeld-B.S. Design

DSM 32

ABSTRACT: The Industry of Des Moines has become dominated by the financial and investment sector. The dependence and the current trend of suburbanization could lead to holes in the economy and downtown core. The emergence of new tech start-up companies opens the possibility of diversifying Des Moines industry and balancing out the economic dependence.

The industry of Des Moines is largely based around the financial sector. It has grown to this point largely due to its location in respect to the surrounding agricultural landscape. Des Moines’ industry was also shaped by its beginnings as a military settlement which eventually grew into Iowa’s state capital. We will explore how the industry of Des Moines has evolved over time and come to be a financial capital of the Midwest. This study will examine some recent changes within the structure of the downtown financial center impacted by suburbanization of industry. We will also investigate the growth of new companies that could provide a more diverse industrial makeup for the city of Des Moines in the future.

The current dependence of the city’s economy on finance makes it unstable. This instability could be alleviated by investing in up and coming businesses. The history of the city reveals the rise and fall of industries and how the financial companies have emerged as the forerunners of today’s economy.

The city was originally founded as a military fort at the confluence of the rivers Des Moines and Raccoon in 1843. From there growth expanded from the periphery of the fort eventually to the size of the current day city. The river has aided in the expansion of settlement in those early times by providing the first industry to the area. In the same year the fort was founded, coal was found on the banks of the Des Moines River. In 1865 the Des Moines Coal Company was founded and opened the first organized mines in the area. Several more companies were created in the years to follow, opening mines all over the greater Des Moines region.

The growth of the coal mining industry was further aided by the arrival of the railroad in the early 1860’s and the need for coal its westward expansion created in other parts of the country.

This increased coal extraction and the ease of transport the railroad provided increased the development and settlement of Des Moines.

The coal industry provided upwards of 18,000 jobs in more than 400 mines in the entire state of Iowa with 23 of those mines being in the

Des Moines area. By the early 1900’s the mines began to run out of coal and by the end of the Second World War the mining industry in Des Moines was minimal.

Manufacturing and communication companies were being established during this same time period. The Iowa Star, which would later become known as the Des Moines Register, was the first newspaper in Des Moines and is now one of the top employers in the city. Printing and publishing companies also settled in the area and became a major industry for the downtown. One of the largest of these companies, Meredith Corporation, is still located in downtown Des Moines and is one of the city’s top employers.

Manufacturing companies flourished in the area with the arrival of the railroad and produced much needed machinery for the surrounding agricultural community. Prior to the railroad’s arrival, most early Iowa industry consisted of primary manufacturing, which meant that the products produced were not much different than the raw materials used to produce those products. The railroad allowed Iowa factories to receive raw materials from out of state which in turn triggered secondary manufacturing, or the production of more complicated products such as refrigerators and tractor equipment.

The railroad also aided in the distribution of goods out of the state and across the region. Quaker Oats was aided immensely by the railroad in this way. The company was founded in Cedar Rapids, Iowa as National Oats, making cereal. When the railroad was introduced, they were able to send their products to the west and expand into a national company. Of all these early industries, the financial industry was the one to survive into the postwar era and has become Des Moines’ top industry.

After the end of World War II, financial companies began to grow and become the dominant industry in Des Moines. This started back between 1860 and 1890 when small business investment and insurance companies were being founded by families in the area. Equitable Life Insurance and Principal Financial Group are two companies that were founded in this time period in Des Moines and were centered around providing loans and insurance to the surrounding farming community.

These companies started as small businesses but over time they grew very large and several of the companies are now global. Three of the top five employers in Right: Sixth Avenue, Downtown Des Moines looking North

DSM 34

Old Des Moines Industry

Des Moines are financial and insurance companies (Wells Fargo, Principal Financial Group and Nationwide/Allied Insurance) having nearly twice as many employees as the two hospitals in the area combined.

These three companies and the four other large finance/ insurance companies in the downtown are responsible for the majority of the employees in this area each day. This dominance of a single industry could lead to disaster in the future for the economy of Des Moines. With these large companies in the downtown and no other strong industries to balance them out, if one financial company decides to leave the city, they leave behind a huge hole in the economy and the buildings they vacate. In losing the economic income of that company, the city would also lose jobs. Life would be lost from the downtown core as well. This is the danger Des Moines faces by being completely dependent on one industry.

There have been two recent events that show how this could be a problem in the near future if the city does not look for ways to stimulate growth in other sectors of industry. In 2010 and 2011 Aviva USA and Wellmark Inc. each left buildings in the city’s downtown core. Wellmark moved several blocks to the western fringe of the downtown while Aviva relocated to the suburbs of West Des Moines. In both cases, the companies moved to consolidate into a single building. Wellmark had been using space in parts of five different buildings in the downtown while Aviva had employees in two. With just two companies gone from this small area, seven buildings were left almost empty. A trend like this could lead to a complete change in the make-up of the downtown district of Des Moines.

The residents of these companies were also a factor in the movement westward. The growth of the Des Moines metropolitan area has been steadily moving from the river westward in the past few decades. Just west of West Des Moines is where I-80 and I-35 intersect. These two major highways are providing the direction of growth of the Des Moines metro. The suburbanization of the city is what is causing these companies to follow suit. Their employees live in the suburbs so they relocate to the suburbs to be closer to them. Plus the amount of land and open space that is available to the

987

Industry Inventory, Des Moines and Downtown0 Des 0.25 Moines0.5

0.75

1

Miles

company is tenfold what can be afford in the downtown. This pattern of suburbanization of industry could lead to the deterioration of downtown Des Moines.

This danger of corporate suburbanization needs to be addressed soon in order to preserve the strength of the downtown’s central business district. The one-sidedness of the current economy could be evened out if investment was made in start-up businesses to diversify the make-up of Des Moines’ industry. One such industry that has been gaining momentum in the past five years is technology services. Of all the industries in Des Moines, technology services is the only one to see an increase in payroll in the last five years. Even the financial sector has seen a slight downward trend in payroll during this time.

The move of Wellmark and Aviva left a million square feet of office space up for rent. The current number has gone down somewhat but over half a million square feet of office space still remains vacant. In that time a unique event has been taking place.

New start-up businesses have been taking hold in the vacated spaces of these buildings. Nineteen of these start-up businesses all located within three buildings along Sixth Avenue: the Bank of America Building, the Liberty Building, and the Midland Building.

Labeled as ‘Silicon Sixth’ this area is a three block stretch of Sixth Avenue from Grand to Mulberry that provides the close proximity 23%

and collaboration that helps spur innovation and growth of small businesses.

One of the most successful of these companies is Dwolla, an internet based company that deals with software for transferring money. This company located itself within the Midland building and because of its success began to attract other start-up companies to that area. In the past year a true business incubator settled into the Bank of America building providing a central location for all of the start-ups along Sixth Avenue. Start-up City Des Moines is that business incubator, and it has been growing quickly. They house several start-ups and are expecting to grow beyond twenty in the next year. Their goal is to expand to including new manufacturing and laboratory space as well. Foundry Coworking is another space where small business entrepreneurs can rent areas to work. Both of these companies are founded on the idea that innovation is better made through collaboration. They provide open floor plans to allow each of the companies that work there the ability to interact and share ideas.

To help these companies further, the incubators have mentoring programs where specialists in web site and business management help these new companies get off the ground. Dwolla and another larger start-up, Bit Method, both aid in the mentorship program. This is the kind of relationship building and collaboration

37%

47,630,353 sq.ft. total 3%

7% 2% 4 %

9% 7%

hwe st CB D

28%

OFFICE OFFICE

14%

2%

class C

Northeast

OFFICE OFFICE

class A

5,323,100 sq.ft. total

40%

FLEX SPACE

uth

2%

class C

INDUSTRY

defined as property that is flexible enough to accommodate a variety of office, retail, and/or industrial uses.

So

class A

class B

11%

4%

OFFICE OFFICE

FLEX SPACE

class A

3%

Nort

West Suburbs

61%

46%

m

43,597,666 sq.ft. total

FLEX11SPACE %

INDUSTRY

9%

warehouse manufacturing

class C

Wellmark

46%

Wellmark Aviva OFFICE OFFICE

class A

FLEX SPACE

INDUSTRY

warehouse manufacturing

class C

Suburbanization of Industry

DSM 35

Aviva

new

old

Wellmark

new

old

tech

DSM 36

that helps to ensure the success of these new companies.

Investment in similar tech companies is a main focus of Silicon Prairie News, a blogging and reporting start-up based in Omaha. Silicon Prairie News is the local news for tech start-up companies in Des Moines, Omaha and Kansas City. They report on the latest events in the start-up world to ensure that companies see what is happening in other cities and to create connections between ‘tech cities’. Des Moines, Omaha and Kansas City each have had an emergence of web-based start-ups in the past couple years. Because of this increase of start-ups in the three cities, Silicon Prairie News has been putting on events like Big Omaha and Start-Up Iowa to help college students and other tech start-ups find a place to start their business. An interview with Geoff Wood, chief operating officer of Silicon Prairie News in Des Moines explained how the purpose of events like Start-up Iowa and Big Omaha is to try and establish the area between these three cities as the ‘Silicon Prairie’. Branding this region and being recognized nationally would help in further developing the area and ensuring the permanence of these tech companies.

A company like Silicon Prairie News is the type of force that is needed in Des Moines to help relieve the current dependence on the financial industries. With the help of the city, investing in these new companies would provide the stability the downtown needs, and in doing so the city could set up a system by which these companies would never want to leave the downtown. Creating this stable and long lasting economy for Des Moines would help in balancing out the current dependence on financial companies. The pattern of corporate suburbanization and dependence on financial companies leaves the economy of Des Moines in constant trouble.

This current trend of tech based start-up companies offers a ripe opportunity to lessen the burden placed on a single industry and diversify the economy of Des Moines. Creating a balanced economy means a more stable employment rate and downtown environment as well as more flexibility as future changes happen.

References 1. Greater Des Moines Partnership. Accessed January 12, 2012. <http://www.desmoinesmetro.com/regional-economicdevelopment/business-climate/key-industries/> 2. Henry Hinds, The Coal Deposits of Iowa, Annual Report, 1908, Iowa Geological Survey, 1909, pages 121–127, and see map on page 102 3. Iowa Pathways. Iowa Public Television. Accessed January 15, 2012. <http://www.iptv.org> 4. James H. Lees, History of Coal Mining in Iowa, Chapter III of Annual Report, 1908, Iowa Geological Survey, 1909, pages 566–569.

5. Neal R. Peirce (1973), The Great Plains States of America: People, Politics, and Power in the Nine Great Plains States, W. W. Norton & Company, ISBN 0-393-05349-0, page 106

6th Avenue, Downtown Des Moines

I-80

des moines

2 hours omaha

I-29

I-35

3 hours

3.5 hours

kansas city

Silicon Prairie connecting cities of Omaha, Des Moines, and Kansas City

DSM 37 start-up company in Start Up City Des Moines

Bank of America Building

Aviva vacany

Aviva vacany

view of Liberty building from Bank of America

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave

Aviva vacany

stories: 12 3,875 sq. ft.9,521 sq.ft.

9,521 sq.ft.

CBD Silicon Ave buidling size:Sixth 62,496 sq.ft.

Wellmark vacancy

space available: 3,875 sq.ft.

buidling size: 62,496 sq.ft.

space available: 3,875 sq.ft.

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave stories: 12 9,521 sq.ft.

Bank of America Building 317 6th Avenue

Aviva vacany

space available: Liberty Building 418 6th Ave

stories: 12

Wellmark vacany

Wellmark vacancy

Wellmark vacany

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave

Wellmark vacancy

Wellmark vacany

CBD Silicon Sixth Ave

buidling size: 62,496 sq.ft.

space available: 3,875 sq.ft.

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave stories: 12 9,521 sq.ft. buidling size: 62,496 sq.ft.317 6th Ave (Wellmark Bank of America Building space available: stories: 15 3,875 sq.ft.

Wellmark vacancy

Wellmark vacany

CBD Silicon Sixth Ave CBD Silicon Sixth Ave

vacancy)

10,472 sq.ft. buidling size: 157,080 sq.ft.

space available: 44,072 sq.ft.

Bank of America Building 317 6th Ave (Wellmark stories: 15

space available: Bank of America Building 317 6th Ave (Wellmark

vacancy)

stories: 15 44,072 sq. ft.

10,472 sq.ft.

10,472 sq.ft. buidling size: 157,080 sq.ft.

space available: 44,072 sq.ft.

Bank of America Building 317 6th Ave (Wellmark Libertystories: Building 15 418 6th Ave

vacancy)

buidling size: 157,080 sq.ft.

space available: 44,072 sq.ft.

vacancy)

Vacancy by Floor

stories: 12

buidling size: 44,072 86,052 sq.ft. space available: sq.ft. space available: 19,413 sq.ft.

sq.ft.

SYSTEM, STRATEGY, SITE: Des Moines

ARCH / LARC 411 spring 2012

professors David W. Karle & Visiting Hyde Chair Gina Ford

Industry Justin Langenfeld, Michael Killeen

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave

Vacancy by Floor

stories: 12 8,760 sq.ft.

sq.ft.

buidling size: 86,052 sq.ft.

sq.ft.

SYSTEM, STRATEGY, SITE: Des Moines

ARCH / LARC 411 spring 2012

space available: 19,413 sq.ft.

Justin Langenfeld, Michael Killeen

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave stories: 12

sq.ft.

office vacancies sq.ft.

8,760 sq.ft.

sq.ft.

Silicon 6th vacancies sq.ft.

STRATEGY, SITE: Des Moines SYSTEM, SYSTEM, STRATEGY, SITE: Des Moines

sq.ft.

sq.ft.

ARCH / LARC 411 spring 2012

OďŹ&#x192;ce Vacancies in Downtown Des Moines

buidling size: 86,052 sq.ft.

space available: 19,413 sq.ft.

professors David W. Karle & Visiting Hyde Chair Gina Ford

ARCH / LARC 411 spring 2012

professors David W. Karle & Visiting Hyde Chair Gina Ford

Industry

Liberty Building 418 6th Ave

professors David W. Karle & Visiting Hyde Chair Gina Ford

Midland Building 206 6th Avenue

10,472 sq.ft. buidling size: 157,0808,760 sq.ft.sq.ft.

sq.ft.

stories: 12 space available: Vacancy by Floor

8,760 sq.ft.

19,413 sq.86,052 ft. sq.ft. buidling size: Industry

space available: 19,413 sq.ft.

Justin Langenfeld, Michael Killeen

Industry

Justin Langenfeld, Michael Kill

Fabric

Tony Schukei-B. Larc, Danny Zegers-B.S.Design

DSM 38

ABSTRACT: The urban fabric of Des Moines, Iowa consists of many facets. These components are not interdependent or found in isolated areas of the city, but instead woven together. The urban fabric is the physical form, which defines the layout of the city and the efficiency of transportation through the use of infrastructure. Although these components create one fabric, they are not uniformly distributed throughout the city. The distribution of the fabric within the city is contributed to geographical and cultural influences of the area. The downtown Des Moines area encompasses many fabric interactions and transitions such as the skewed grid, which was formed primarily as a result of the natural topography. The downtown area will reveal how the skewed grid creates a substantial disconnect from the surrounding city grid. The streets in this connection area are less efficient and create spaces that become left over or underutilized. The downtown grid threshold has the potential to be reorganized to create more efficient spaces and connections.

The history of Des Moines starts in the mid 1800’s. In 1845 the first settlers settled where the Raccoon River and Des Moines River merge to start a small army camp. They began building double log cabins along the ridge of both rivers but soon left the area and headed to the Mexican War. This established the skewed grid. A year later in 1846 they returned to develop the town, Fort Des Moines. They returned to the sturdy log cabins still in place and continued to grow in the same direction. With the lack of railroads and reliable water transportation, Des Moines failed to grow much in size and population. There was a large growth in population in 1861 after the Civil War and the Rock Island Railroad was completed, connecting Des Moines to Chicago. Des Moines got their first housing boom in the 1880’s and started a small suburb called Brown’s Additions, now called Sherman Hill. This was the first time the grid was changed to the typical city grid, which is the true north south Jeffersonian grid, we see in many cities and towns today. They continued to expand on the new grid and discontinued the skewed grid in downtown Des Moines. This makes for many unique connections between the typical city grid and the skewed grid where this space is underutilized in many cases.

The skewed grid, which was formed along the ridge in 1845 in downtown Des Moines, is the primary location for most of the large corporate businesses. Within this grid is a clear sense of

development with a strong presence of street walls and consistent density. As you move away from the core of downtown the presence of street walls and continuous density start to recede. This is largely noticeable where the skewed city grid and the typical city grid connect, creating underdeveloped spaces and disconnections.

Although this area is still considered downtown, the experience changes immensely when moving throughout downtown crossing from the skewed grid to the typical city grid. Just outside of the downtown core, the building density becomes much different and more uniform. The building masses in this area become more constant in building height. Radiating out from the downtown area, the building density decreases as residential areas become prominent. The population density however is much more diverse.

The initial establishment of residential in Des Moines was northwest of downtown. The area north of downtown began to develop into residential along with the area just east of the Des Moines River and the area south of the Raccoon River. These areas are currently the most heavily populated areas outside of the downtown. With the urban sprawl beginning in the 1980’s newer developments continued to become less dense. This is true when looking at the area to the west of downtown, which is the dominant direction of the city currently. The direction of growth can be attributed to the infrastructure. Interstate-235 is a major form of transportation running between Des Moines and the cities farther north. Once in the city of Des Moines it runs west and extends west. This westward strip of transportation has allowed for sprawl in that direction. The interstate supports the commute to the downtown from west Des Moines and the other growing west suburbs. Once in the downtown the main corridor skewed grid, Grand Avenue, begins to facilitate much of the traffic. Grand Avenue is a well-developed street running the entire length of the downtown core bridging the Des Moines River and located just north of the Raccoon River running Northeast and Southwest.

Grand Avenue is the most successful street in downtown Des Moines. Grand Avenue is a corridor found beyond the downtown extending east west through the entire city. The street is a one way within the downtown, transporting vehicles from east to the west. Grand Avenue consists of five lanes allowing for heavy traffic during the commuting hours of the day. Grand Avenue Right: Grand Avenue

DSM 39

Trails DSM 40

Trails vs. Open Space

Open Space vs. Street Infrastructure

Street Infrastructure vs. Building Footprint

Building Footprint vs. Surface Parking

once outside of downtown becomes two-way and serves as a major transportation corridor spanning the width of the city. Not only is this street successful in its transport, but it also provides users with diverse programmatic spaces within the downtown. Between Grand Avenue and the street directly south, Locust Street, is a strip of open space, Pappa Johns Sculpture Park. This urban park is one of the only forms of green space in the downtown area, which creates a very unique space in the downtown fabric.

The Des Moines Park and Recreation department of is responsible for the management of 72 parks covering 3,225 acres.

There are three primary types of public parks within Des Moines, undeveloped or floodplain parks, residential parks, and the few urban parks that exist. Many of the undeveloped parks are found where there is little population density, this being because most undeveloped parks are located along the rivers in the floodplain.

Within the residential areas parks can also be found. These parks are much smaller and have very different programs than the floodplain parks such as ball fields, playgrounds, and mechanical water features.

Although the residential parks may be more accessible to residents in the neighborhood, the lack of diverse programs leaves them underutilized. The urban parks are the least implemented park type in the city. These spaces tend to not have a large amount of programs, which contrasts that of the residential parks. The urban parks are usually much larger then residential parks and focus on a main program such as a plaza like space or an artistic space.

Opportunities exist with the use of urban parks to help unify the underutilized and vacant spaces in downtown Des Moines.

The floodplain parks on the other hand are visited more often, even with the lack of program. The primary program included in these parks is the multiuse trail system, which both bicyclists and pedestrians use. Grayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Lake Park, located southwest of downtown across the Raccoon River, and is the most used of the parks. Many avid walkers and recreational users visit the park daily. The trails extent far beyond Grayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Lake Park and even into the city grid. Although bicycle lanes and trails exist within the city grid, it is clear that these trails are not bicycle friendly due to the frequent intersection with other forms of traffic. Trails found to be more successful are those located within the floodplain.

These trails do not correspond to the city grid but to the contours of the river, creating a very bicycle friendly area as a result of no interaction with other vehicles. The efficient trail system seems to be a viable option for commuters to the downtown, but is impeded by the lack of connection between the trails along the river and the city grid. As a result there are not many commuters coming to the downtown on bicycles. With appropriate infrastructure and connection between the two systems, cycling could become a viable form of transportation in the downtown. Looking at possible areas to connect and expand to the downtown from the primary existing trails would be the first step. The second thing to think about is how these new trails begin to move through the downtown. There must

DSM 41

Topography. Density. Infrastructure

be strong connections to other primary transportation or major corridors. Once this is done successfully the existing and proposed trails can become system that no longer is impeded by the lack of infrastructure.

After identifying many of these urban fabrics and conditions we made an overall analysis of Des Moines. Mentioned before, the skewed grid creates many opportunities within the downtown core not only through programming but also by connecting infrastructures such as trails and bike lanes to make a more unified city. Currently the city has a very noticeable disconnect between the core of downtown and the surrounding downtown area. The experience within this area is noticed not only from an aerial view of the city but also walking through these spaces.

The Wellmark Blue Cross Blue Shield building and the Principle Financial Group building begin to address the space between the grids.

The Wellmark Blue Cross Blue Shield building is located just north of Pappa Johns Sculpture Park on the west side of the downtown core. The Principle Financial Group building is located on the north central side of the downtown core and resembles a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Zâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; shape. These not only adhere to the irregular connection between both grids but both buildings are also accompanied by large plaza spaces, which are both often occupied by employees and the general public. These spaces start to incorporate more urban parks and trails, which is lacking in downtown Des Moines.

After focusing on the downtown core of Des Moines we located three strong programs that have a great potential to connect to the downtown core that is currently successful through building density and street walls. A strong residential area is just

Wellmark Blue Cross Blue Shield

Principal Financial Group

DSM 42

northwest is Sherman Hill. This neighborhood is not only the oldest in Des Moines, but is also one of the strongest and well-kept neighborhoods. Another location that plays an important part in Des Moines is the Iowa Methodist Medical Center. This is located just north of the downtown core but has no connecting corridor and is its own separate entity to the urban fabric. The third area has great potential for connection to the Wells Fargo Arena. Located northeast of downtown it starts to have a connection through building density but leaves many large areas open to enhance this connection. These are all areas that can bring the city of Des Moines together and have a more welcoming experience when interacting with both grids.

The implementation of downtown trails would not only develop the ability to commute to work by bicycle, but would also reinforce these three identified corridors. The corridors branch from the primary corridor of Grand Avenue, the trails could become a secondary system which could also strengthen the connection of the branching corridors. These two systems are not found within the current city fabric, but potential exists in the fabric for these systems to be successfully implemented.

These three programs create a great potential for downtown Des Moines to expand and connect. These entities play a major role in Des Moines but are far too disconnected from the core.

Many of these connections are located between the skewed grid and the typical city grid, making these connections present opportunities

9th Street

Under Performing Bike Lane (Ingersoll Avenue)

DSM 43

Urban Fabric of Des Moines

for the improvement of the infrastructure through bike lanes and trails that are primarily in the undeveloped parks along the river.

By connecting all these various urban fabrics, Des Moines has a great potential to grow the downtown core and provide sufficient trails and create a unified downtown area for a great Des Moines experience.

References: 1. Bruce Katz and Robert Lang, Redefining Urban and Suburban America: Evidence From Census 2000 (Massachusetts: Brookings Institution Press, 2003) 65-67.

2. “Parks and Park Land.” Park and Recreation. City of Des Moines. http://www.dmgov.org/Departments/Parks/Pages/Parks.aspx 3. “Des Moines History Time Line.” Des Moines Historical Society Museum. http://www.dmhs.org/timeline/history2000.html 4. “Historic Des Moines.” Cowles Library, Drake University. http://www.lib.drake.edu/heritage/odm/article.html

Riverfront Trails

Program

Tonya Carlson-B. Larc, Rachel Plessing-B.S. Design

DSM 44

ABSTRACT: Des Moines contains a large range of program that is best understood by separating it into permanent and temporary categories. Through the analysis of existing programs, deficiencies in both permanent and temporary programs relating to children are identified, and disadvantaged areas are determined as locations for future programmatic improvements.

Permanent programs focus on the everyday uses of spaces. In the broadest scope, permanent program is evidenced by the land use of different areas of the city. For example, the dense commercial downtown permanently hosts Des Moines’s thriving insurance and finance industry. Companies such as Wellmark, Wells Fargo Financial, ING, Principal, and Meredith occupy the high rise buildings of the urban core. In the last decade, a second cluster of financial businesses has immerged in West Des Moines in response to a population shift toward the suburbs. In addition to these two larger commercial nuclei, many smaller commercial corridors provide services and amenities to their surrounding residential neighborhoods.

The residential neighborhoods served by these commercial corridors are often the single-family homes, which compose the majority of the housing stock. Examples of multi-family housing can be found scattered throughout the city in the form of midsized apartment complexes and neighborhoods of duplex housing.

However, primary area for multi-family housing is found in downtown, where high rise apartments and a series of townhouses make up the housing stock.

Over the course of time, certain neighborhoods, including west neighborhoods such Southwestern Hills and Greenwood, have thrived while others have stagnated, and still others such as Capitol East and Capitol Park have degraded and become a derelict collection of houses. The success of these residential areas is determined by a wide array of factors such as the neighborhood’s relationship to other programs, the demographics, and the social shifts. For example, the shift to suburban living following World War II resulted in the neglect of several of the older neighborhoods existing around the downtown core. Today neighborhoods such as Capitol East and the Fairgrounds Neighborhood suffer from low housing values and high foreclosure and vacancy rates. However, not all older neighborhoods have followed this trend. Sherman

Hills, just northwest of downtown, is a neighborhood that after falling into disrepair has been revitalized and now represents an area of high-value housing in close proximity to the businesses of the urban core.1 And although several neighborhoods such as Sherman Hills have begun to draw people back towards the downtown core, the primary shift is toward suburban living which continues to pull people westward toward new developments of higher-value homes.

As previously stated, a neighborhood’s relationship to other programmatic areas also factors into the quality of the living. The “quality” of a neighborhood can be quantified through several means. A few direct ways are to look at the housing values, vacancies, and amount of green space in the neighborhood. Another way is to analyze the test scores of the area schools as a form of determining the neighborhood’s ability to provide an atmosphere for growth and learning. The comparison of two areas in Des Moines emphasizes some of the different aspects affecting the community within each region. The first neighborhood is Greenwood, which is located west of downtown along the Raccoon River. The area boasts some of the highest housing values as well as Des Moines’s top scoring school. One of main characteristics of the neighborhood is its land quantities of developed and undeveloped green spaces.

Parks provide an area for public gathering and interaction, and are therefore an opportunity for strengthening a community. Numerous programs encouraging community interaction exist in the area and include a YMCA, sports and recreational areas, the Des Moines Art Center, a museum, and a playhouse for a local theatrical group.

The second neighborhood of interest in the Fairgrounds Neighborhood located east of the State Capitol. This area suffers from some of the lowest housing values in the city. Unlike Greenwood, which contained ample amounts of park space, the Fairgrounds Neighborhood contains only one park at the edge of the neighborhood. A few undeveloped green spaces occur in the form of vacant lots. The two elementary schools near the neighborhood both scored within the lower third of Des Moines’s schools. The neighborhood lacks any form of communal space for interaction and is isolated from surrounding resources and programs by physical barriers including existing industrial areas and railroads.

The disparity between Greenwood and the Fairgrounds Right: Downtown Des Moines

DSM 45

DSM 46

Examples of residential types: (a) neighborhood in West Des Moines, (b) East Village apartments, (c) single family house near Drake (d) downtown townhouses

Neighborhood shows the range of existing conditions within Des Moines. The quality of areas such as the Fairgrounds Neighborhood and Capitol East can be improved through implementing programs proven successful in neighborhoods like Greenwood. These programs may include parks, libraries, museums, art galleries, theaters, schools, and recreational activities.

However, to determine the necessity of program, existing program must be taken into account. An inventory of museums and art galleries reveals a dense axis running west-east through downtown. The distribution of museums and art galleries leaves larges areas of Des Moines devoid of the cultural programing often responsible for community events.

An inventory of Des Moines’s public libraries indicated similar voids in locations where public libraries could provide an opportunity to enact reading programs and other educational events. Central Library, the city’s largest library, is located next to Pappajohn’s Sculpture Park in downtown Des Moines. Forty-percent of the approximately one million books annually distributed by Des Moines Public Libraries come from Central Library. The downtown location is within walking distance of five schools. However, half of Des Moines’s schools are outside a twenty-minute walking radius of a public library, creating a disconnection between the schools and the opportunities for additional educational experiences provided by libraries. Schools just south of the juncture of the Raccoon and Des Moines River and schools in the area of the fairgrounds are characterized by low test scores and significant distances to surrounding libraries.

These same neighborhoods also proved to be areas of weakness when observing the relationship between green spaces and schools. Green spaces can often provide children with new ways of learning beyond the scope of the classroom. Des Moines parks implement a variety of programs including recreational sports, community gardens, and theatrical performances. Schools located within a five-minute walking radius of green spaces displayed higher test scores, while schools scoring in the bottom third were generally located in lower housing-value areas characterized by a lack of green space. The creation of green space in these locations could provide

= school within 10 min. walk

8% 8% 11% 12% 20% 41%

= school within 10-20 min. walk

North Side Library Forest Avenue Library East Side Library South Side Library Franklin Library Central Library

Schools over 20 min. walk from a public library

Books in Circulation

<10 min.

18% 10-20 min.

26%

> 20 min.

58%

Library Walking Time from Schools

Above: Walking Distances Between Schools and Libraries Right: School Scores vs. Green Space

DSM 47

bike trail 10 minute walking distance school with no green space within 5 minute walking distance developed green space undeveloped green space school scoring in the upper 1/3 school scoring in the middle 1/3 school scoring in the lower 1/3

DSM 48

children with a safer and more interactive area to play, while creating a communal node for neighborhood residents of all ages.

The investigation of different programs identifies areas of the city capable of benefiting from additional programs pertaining to community interaction and education. Permanent programs such as libraries, museums, green space, and recreational areas can enrich the community on a neighborhood or city-wide scale. However, the quality of living throughout the city is not only strengthened through permanent programs. Temporary programs occurring weekly, monthly, or annually enhance areas of the city by drawing large numbers of people to different events.

Downtown Des Moines is the nexus of most of the temporary program in Des Moines. The Iowa Events Center buildings, located at the north end of the downtown and just south of Interstate 235, house a large majority of these downtown events.

However, most of the temporary program within the Events Center occurs in the winter months. The Events Center is home to the NBA Development team, the Iowa Energy, which holds the record for the highest attendance in the NBA D-League.2 The Iowa Cubs, a minor league baseball team and triple A affiliate of the Chicago Cubs, are another large draw for the community. The Iowa Cubs play at Principal Park, located in downtown Des Moines, where the Raccoon River and the Des Moines River converge.

The Downtown Des Moines Farmers’ Market is also one of the most notable temporary programs in the area. It is one of the largest farmers’ markets in the country, averaging 20,000 people every Saturday from the beginning of May until the end of October.

The Farmers’ Market is held on Court Street between 1st and 5th Avenues. The Downtown Des Moines Farmers’ Market was so successful, that a Winter Farmers’ Market was started in downtown Des Moines as well. This occurs four times during November and December at Capital Square and Nollen Plaza of 400 Locust Street.3 Biking and running events draw a large crowd in Des Moines as well. The Hy-Vee Triathlon, is the most noteworthy because of its large participation. The running and biking portions of the race trek through and around downtown, through East Village, and around the Capitol Building. The swimming portion takes place

in the Des Moines River. This event draws more than 2,000 elite and amateur athletes, and around 10,000 spectators. The Hy-Vee triathlon even has a children’s division.4 Several of the other lessattended biking and running events in Des Moines also welcome children participants.

The Civic Center, in the heart of downtown Des Moines, accommodates Ballet Des Moines and StageWest Theatre Company.

Both companies hold performances throughout the year.5 The StageWest productions are mainly for adult viewers and Ballet Des Moines’s audience is largely adult as well. These show a lack of fine arts programs geared toward children.

Temporary program in Des Moines includes festivals of several kinds. These include Oktoberfest, held on Court Street of downtown and Brewfest, held in Principal Park. Des Moines also has several annual music festivals that are very popular. These include the 80/35 Music Festival and Big Country Bash. The 80/35 Music Festival is another event that occurs in the downtown area, but one of the few that happens in the Pappajohns Sculpture Park. Big Country Bash takes place at Water Works Park. All of the aforementioned festivals are only for people age 21 and over.

However, although not specifically for children, other festivals exist in Des Moines which children may attend. These include: Viva L’ Italia, on the Court Street Bridge; U.S. Cellular World Food Festival in East Village; and the Pride Festival also in East Village.5 Many of the other sporting events in Des Moines take place outside the downtown area. Drake Relays, held in Drake Stadium on Drake University Campus, is one of the largest and most important track and field meets in the United States. Des Moines is also the home of Menace Soccer. Menace games and tournaments take place in the spring and summer at James W. Crownie Soccer Park.5 Des Moines Winter Games in February include many out-ofthe-ordinary activities and are scattered at several different venues; one of these being the new ice skating rink along the Des Moines River.6 Also, most high school state tournaments occur in Des Moines, bringing people from all over the state to the city. Although Des Moines supports a wide variety of sporting events, the only one specifically for children or with a youth division is the Menace

Temporary Program: (a) Iowa Event Center, (b) Iowa Cub’s Principal Park, (c) East Village Locust Street

Right: Des Moines Annual Temporary Program

DSM 49

Soccer Program.

The Iowa State Fair is another annual temporary program in Des Moines that not only attracts people from across the state, but from all over the country. The fair is usually held in the middle of August and lasts for eleven days. Attendance averages about 100,000 people each day. The green space east of the fairground remains unoccupied throughout most of the year and provides 2,800 RV parking stalls during the fair. The west edge of the fairgrounds, along East 30th street, is also relatively open and unused. This is because the space is only used during the fair for overflow parking. Iowa State Fairgrounds includes a combination of interior and exterior programmed space. These buildings and outdoor spaces are utilized throughout the year for other temporary program. During the Iowa State Fair, many amenities and activities for children exist. However, throughout the year, only a few events specifically for children occur.7 Downtown Des Moines and East Village, the areas with the highest amount of temporary program, along with the Iowa State Fairgrounds, are lacking in temporary program for children.

Two neighborhoods exist between the downtown urban core, East Village, and the Iowa State Fairgrounds. These are the Capitol East Neighborhood and the Fairgrounds Neighborhood. Both of these neighborhoods are deprived of temporary program. This is due

to physical barriers inhibiting traffic flow and connection, lack of parks and green space, lack of community gathering spaces, poor quality and walkability of streets and sidewalks, and other social and political reasons.

The implementation of temporary as well as permanent program in certain neighborhoods like Capitol East and the Fairgrounds Neighborhood would promote community and educational activity for adults and children. Temporary programs could draw large numbers of people to different spaces, and permanent programs would create stability and constantly enrich the neighborhoods and community.

References 1. http://www.historicshermanhill.com/ 2. http://www.nba.com/dleague/iowa/ 3. http://desmoinesfarmersmarket.com/ 4. http://www.hy-veetriathlon.com/ 5. http://www.seedesmoines.com/calendar/calendar.php 6. http://www.desmoines.metromix.com/events 7. http://www.iowastatefairgrounds.org/

Food

Adam Dailey-B.S.Design, Kade Snyder-B. Larc

DSM 50

ABSTRACT: 80% of the food produced in Iowa is exported out of state creating dependence on outside food sources on both a state and city scale. Can this be reinvested into the state? Into the city of Des Moines?

Food in the city of Des Moines and the State of Iowa was analyzed under several independent studies of land use, distribution, and city data. These studies varied from crop production of local corn, livestock, dairy production, transportation of goods, and soil conditions.

One of the biggest factors driving research was 80% of the edible goods produced in the state are exported out of state creating outside dependence on food sources on both a state and city scale. These facts brought up the question; can a portion of this food be kept and utilized within the state and within the city of Des Moines? Even further, this led to researching different ways in which production could be kept in the city and used and maintained by residents. Restaurants and other producers would be able to contribute and utilize this as well. This policy would significantly reduce the dependence on produce imports for restaurants and benefit the city in many ways.

Land Use individual studies were conducted, and statistics were gathered on the amounts and percentages of certain

Above: A Northern Iowa Hog Farm

agricultural and food products leading the way for Iowa food production. Iowa has over 92,000 farms with an average farm size of about 300 acres. Iowa’s number one crop, corn, is a major export and source of income for the state of Iowa. Iowa is the Nation’s largest producing state for corn yielding about 20% of the total corn grown in the United States. About 24% of the corn grown in state is exported out of state, 24% is used for ethanol production, 40% goes into livestock feed, and the remaining 12% is used for food consumption throughout the nation and the world.

One industry that stands out in terms of food production in Iowa is the pork industry. Iowa leads the nation in terms of number of hogs with over a quarter of the total population in the U.S. More than 39,000 jobs are directly related to raising and caring for hogs in the state of Iowa. There are also about 19 million hogs in Iowa, outnumbering people six to one. Most feed lots are located in the extreme northwestern area of the state, particularly in Lyon and Sioux Counties. In terms of economy, Iowa pork production contributes nearly $5 billion to the state economy as well as several billion generated in pork processing. In 2010, Iowa topped the $1 billion mark in terms of pork exports. Pork production in Iowa is growing and continues to be a very important source of income for the state, as well as for the many hog farmers throughout Iowa.

Another industry of interest in Iowa food production is the dairy industry. The city of Des Moines ranks first in terms of milk consumption among U.S. cities. However, Iowa as a state ranks 16th in number of dairy animals with about 70,000 head. Minnesota and Wisconsin rank 2nd and 6th in terms of dairy products produced (Iowa ranks 12th). One problem here is the need for more dairy operations not only in the state of Iowa, but close to the city of Des Moines. A proposal for an urban dairy farm would alleviate the city’s need to import milk from great distances as it currently does due low state production numbers and great distances from what farms are in state to the city. Dairy farms are also great for the local economy as it is estimated that one dairy cow adds $25,000 to the local economy. With the demand for dairy expected to rise 70% by 2050, it is easy to see how these close proximity farms could be beneficial to the city.

When looking at food distribution, Perishable Distributors Right: Grand Ave, Downtown (Restaurants and Farmers Market Location)

DSM 51

CHI

d i s t a n c e f r o m

DSM 52

0

d e s m o i n e s

15,000

(mi)

head of dairy cattle per county

www.factoryfarmmap.com

Above: Dairy Diagram of Cattle Density and Distribution around Des Moines SYSTEM, STRATEGY, SITE: Des Moines ARCH / LARC 411 spring 2012 of Iowa (PDI) was a key component in finding out how foods are distributed locally in the city as well as within the Midwest region.

PDI is owned and operated by the billion dollar grocery franchise, Hy-Vee, based out of Des Moines. Transporting meats, perishables, and dairy items to the 250 Hy-Vee stores throughout the Midwest, PDI is equipped with a fleet of 85 semi trucks and 140 refrigerated

professors David W. Karle & Visiting Hyde Chair Gina Ford

Above: Hy-Vee Foods in Des Moines

25

50

75

100+

20,000

40,000

60,000

head of dairy cattle Iowa Farms [food]

trailers. A trucking staff of about 150 employees governs the transportation and sees that freight is delivered daily. Within this study, it was found that each truck is equipped with a 200 gallon fuel tank and can run approximately 1000 miles on one tank of diesel fuel. With the current diesel prices in Des Moines being at around $3.65 per gallon, PDI spends about $730 on each tank of fuel.

Adam Dailey , Kade Snyder

DES MOINES

Percent increase in poverty since 1979

MEREDITH LOWER BEAVER HIGHLAND PARK

OAK PARK

DOUGL AS PARK BROOK RUN

FAIRMONT PARK MERLE HAY

SHERIDAN GARDENS

BEAVERDALE UNION PARK MONDAMIN PRESIDENTIAL

WAVELAND WOODS

WAVELAND PARK

WATERBURY

WESTWOOD

DRAKE

INGERSOLL PARK NORTH OF GRAND GREENWOOD

KING IRVING

GRAYS WOODS

RIVER BEND

CHEATOM PARK

EAST VILLAGE CAPITOL PARK HISTORIC EAST VILLAGE

CAPITOL EAST

ACCENT

LAUREL HILL

CAPITOL VIEW SOUTH

DOWNTOWN DES MOINES

DSM 53

FAIRGROUND

SALLSBURY OAKS LINDEN HEIGHTS

INDIANOLA HILLS

GRAYS LAKE

PIONEER PARK

RIVER WOODS

UNDER 10% 10% to 15%

SOUTHWESTERN HILLS WATROUS SOUTH

SOUTH PARK FORT DES MOINES

15% to 20% EASTER LAKE AREA

20% to 40% 40%+

Above: Percent Increase in Poverty, Des Moines Neighborhoods 1979 to 2009

According to a staff member, trucks hauling freight will average about 100,000 miles per year in travel, bringing the fuel cost total to about $6,205,000 for the fleet of 85 semis. Can this number be reduced for the industries and businesses that rely on importing goods?

With a solution implemented, numbers could go down in the prices of transportation, but in the realm of health, numbers may have potential to increase. The City Data portion of the studies illustrated that obesity was also a central focus for the people of Iowa. Iowa was ranked 15th in the Nation for statewide obesity with approximately 28.1% (837,000 people) of its residents falling under the obese category.

Missouri, Iowa’s neighboring state, ranks 5th in the nation with over 34% of its population in the obese category. Within the 28.1%, statistics show that 33% of these people are African American followed by 29.5% Latino, 28.1% White and 9.4% others. The same analysis was done among the counties of Iowa and ranked Polk 21st in population obesity.

Stats for Polk County were 27.1% (81,830 people). The unusually high number of restaurants across the county could be contributing to this percentage. Could a solution be made to aid in decreasing city wide obesity?

Statistics from the food and cost studies show that a solution to aid in all of the listed categories is crucial. Looking at the city of Des

Moines and the state of Iowa as an agricultural hub of the United States, there has been a proposition of Urban Produce. Growing plentiful healthy crops in an urban setting can be beneficial not only to the people of Des Moines but for the city itself. By introducing a form of urban farm to the local neighborhoods the city of Des Moines would: • Allow local schools and students to interact with and learn practices of agriculture o Not only are students able to learn practiced of planting and taking care of crops but also different methods of doing so such as straw mulching, composting, fertilizing, and winterizing the soil. Students also will learn of beneficial insects for pollination and protection of plants and crop rotation.

• Provide residents with areas appropriate for production of foods • Utilize ideal soils fro growing crops that are clear of the floodplain • Supply sufficient amounts of produce to the city farmer’s market and help the neighborhood’s economic value.

• Decrease greenhouse gas emissions from multiple transports of produce

DSM 54

Through investigating different zones of the city based on soil type, soil quality, land use, floodplain, and access, implementing a working produce farm that will benefit the neighborhood and establish function, activity, and economical value to the area is possible. A soil study was conducted of the area looked at for the proposal and a decision was made on whether or not the area soils were suitable for growing multiple crops. The area of choice was found to be nearly level and gently sloping soils (0-5%) prairie derived soils developed in Alluvium, Colo, Zook and Nodaway soils.

Soils on some adjacent upland slopes include Sparta, Dickinson, Chelsea, and Waukee soils. These soils were most definitely rich in necessary nutrients from riverbeds as well as at appropriate elevations for agriculture, making the possible areas of interest ideal in terms of soil quality.

Not only will this help the neighborhood economy, but also can help to boost health rates by providing wholesome produce at a lower price than buying at the local grocer. In addition, the money spent on produce at a local level goes back into the community and boosts local economies rather than to a large corporation outside of Des Moines or even the state. The Des Moines Downtown Farmers Market is a great opportunity to further introduce locally produced foods and boost a few struggling neighborhoods immediately adjacent to downtown Des Moines.

The Downtown Farmerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Market is one of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most visited attractions bringing in an average of 18,000 visitors and 200 vendors each weekend during the summer. Most of the goods sold here are

grown locally, however are transported into the city from outside city limits. With gardeners and farmers transporting in and selling vast amounts of their produce, it is pretty evident there is a local desire for these goods.

For an Urban Produce strategy, there are plenty of underperforming neighborhoods in the Des Moines metro area.

A good example would be the area directly east of downtown and the capitol. This part of town is one of the most poverty-stricken areas of the city of Des Moines, and could benefit from a newer program. There are plenty of old buildings and spaces around the site that could be reworked and revitalized into something beneficial to the residents. Directly adjacent to the site there is a junkyard that could be demolished and could create potential open space for reprogramming and integration back into the community.

The goods produced on site can be easily used throughout the neighborhood families as well as sold in the nearby Downtown Farmers Market. This site has plenty of space available to bring these communities together and is close to the river for easy irrigation access. A big factor in this strategy would be the need for ease of access by the residents maintaining the farm and site. Nearby schools would also benefit by allowing students to walk or ride to the site and experience a new way of thinking about farm and food production in the state of Iowa.

The Capitol East and adjacent East Village and Capitol View South neighborhoods are disconnected currently and have the potential to be merged using the city grid system or even more

Image name

Aboove: The Downtown Farmers Market in the Summer

URBAN FARM: THE STITCHING OF TWO NEIGHBORHOODS

DSM 55

Above: Urban Farming: Capitol East and Capitol View South, The stitching of two neighborhoods

References abstract connections. The Iowa State Capitol as well as a series of rail DES MOINES:framework neighborhoods 1. ”Corn Use Education.” Iowa Corn. N.p., n.d. Web. lines and industrial spaces further disconnects these neighborhoods. [food] 28 Feb. 2012.

SYSTEM, STRATEGY, SITE: Des Moines ARCH / LARC 411 spring 2012 <http://www.iowacorn.org/>.

The introduction of a new interconnected farming project along with affordable housing would stitch the two neighborhoods together at 2. ”Des Moines Farmers Market.” Saturday Market. N.p., n.d. Web. the border, creating a brighter future for the area. Not only would 28 Feb. 2012. <http://desmoinesfarmersmarket.com/our-markets/ saturday-market>. the project add program to the neighborhood, but also aesthetics and 3. ”Factory Farm Map.” Factory Farm Map. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Feb. boost property values. The project would take into account resident 2012. <http://www.factoryfarmmap.org/>. movement and access along major road arteries, and the layout along a strip of underutilized rail land that will bring residents of both 4. ”Iowa Pork Facts.” Iowa Pork Producers Association. N.p., neighborhoods together for a brighter future. n.d. Web. 27 Feb. 2012. <http://www.iowapork.org/Newsroom/ IowaPorkFacts As a whole, the state of Iowa is very driven by agriculture.

Pork and corn production are huge contributors to the state and local economies of the state as well as the Des Moines area. To alleviate stress on this export heavy market, Des Moines has great possibilities when thinking about food production on a city scale. professors David W. Karle & Visiting Hyde Chair Gina Ford

Adam Dailey , Kade Snyder

Region

Antoine Varieras-French Exchange Student, Zach Bridgman-B. Larc

DSM 56

ABSTRACT: The central United States had a fairly consistent set of factors which played a role in how and where cities were originally located. Initially regional centers where either located in close proximity with a water source which could be used as means of transportation or trade, or in a location which allowed the most efficient use of rail lines. Des Moines was influenced by both of these factors. When the first rail line was completed through Iowa in the later half of the 19th century, one of its primary routes crossed through current day Des Moines. This section of rail was a high traffic rail for access to the Central Midwest region. The location where this rail crossed the Des Moines and Raccoon Rivers created a hub for development. This convergence of multiple systems of transportation led to the initial development in the core of Des Moines.

A situation such as the one in Des Moines which two large rivers converging at a major rail line crossing was very unique to the region. Surrounding cities played the role of supporter to often one of these systems but did not experience the success in growth that Des Moines did. This was because the influence of these systems although may have been defining was not at the magnitude that occurred in the central city of Des Moines. The smaller surrounding cities such as Madrid, Cambridge and Huxley did provide critical water fill sites for early locomotives as well as resting points for travelers.

Influence on why Des Moines still remains a regional center for development has changed from the original rail and river drivers to an insurance and banking hot spot and a center for distribution. These two factors now play a key role in current employment in the city as well as how the city affects the Midwest corridor of the United States. Goods are often brought into cities such as Chicago and then transported to Des Moines where they can be distributed to a large surrounding cities1.

Inside the state of Iowa, each city in close proximity to Des Moines plays a different role in terms of what the cities influence on the area is and what defines development in the city. A city which often is combined with Des Moines, despite its forty mile distance from the city, is Ames. Because of its education driven society it provides a high contrast environment from Des Moines while still being is close diving distance. Iowa State University located in Ames provides a region relation between Des Moines and Ames

which has proven to be fruitful. The professionals located in Des Moines support up and coming professionals. University students define Ames as a high contrast from Des Moines simply in regard to average age according to the 2010 census data. This has affected the types of businesses and resources available to the cities inhabitants1.

Cites in Iowa all do have one characteristic in common that has historically heavily influenced how each city develops. They all have surrounding open land readily available for expansion of the cites. This has allowed inhabitants to often occupy their own plot of land at a somewhat low price. This limitless expansion has led to cities such as Des Moines having a low population density and consuming a large land area. Transportation infrastructure has been forced to pick up the slack because many of the cities workers commute from a suburb to the city core on a daily basis1.

This type of sprawl development has revealed weaknesses in the developmental strategies used by the city. The transportation network in the region around Des Moines is being stretched in new ways causing different types of growing pains. These pains became obvious to us as we began to study both the river network Northwest of Des Moines as it entered into the city and the North to South transportation network as it approached Des Moines from the North. Where these two systems met, there was a disconnect in different transportation systems, neighborhoods, program and city to suburb relationships.

To begin understand the specific issues we decided to focus our attention on a corridor which spanned from the downtown Des Moines core, northward to the south edge of Ankeny; all this with a focus on the area in close proximity to the Des Moines river.

Initially we studied at a large scale, then moved down to studying the different developmental strategies of the corridor through a series of sections.

When looking into this corridor as a whole, several factors needed to be taken in and evaluated. An understanding of parks and open spaces, program, river access and how all of these relate was the focus of this analysis. First the public program in relation to the river was studied, this was given criteria to determine whether or not each program was performing or underperforming. These criteria were established by considering how the program supported Right: River Ice Skating Rink

DSM 57

DSM 58

The Des Moines River

the neighborhood in which it existed. Contributing factors to this were: river overlook, sufficient parking, restrooms, opportunity for education, bus route connection and trail connection. After analyzing the program through these criteria, generally program was supporting the neighborhoods with an exception in how the program connect to trail systems and the river. These such program typically were schools and hospitals.

River access was the next observation done, with these sites it was mainly an issue of whether or not they exist were they should and if there was parking available on the access site. The conclusion was that there were sufficient access sites in the city of Des Moines, but North of the city, there was a lack of these sites where the river coincided with other natural systems. This understanding led directly into a study of the parks and open spaces along this corridor.

The parks were evaluated on an ecological, program and access basis. First ecologically how well the space was accepting flood waters, then how the vegetation strategy was functioning in promoting a life enhancing environment. Then program where chosen based on how well they supported a successful park and provided incentive for families to come.

These program were: public restrooms, shelter, river access, picnic areas, parking and trail system access. When all the spaces had been evaluated by these criteria, the “developed parks” being the one which the city has designed contained the majority of these program.

However the “undeveloped parks” which did not have the designed characteristic did not contain much of these program.

These were the parks as one moves Northward out of Des Moines and approaches Ankeny.

When these parks contained the program which was being evaluated, the issue was that consistently these were the spaces

Ankeny

1

2

3

Des Moines

Large Site Analysis

4

not functioning well ecologically. While the undeveloped parks were taking flood waters well and were supporting life ecologically. Lastly access to these spaces was taken into account along with how they connected to surrounding neighborhoods. Many of these parks did not have pedestrian access from neighborhood to park. But simply had a trail limited to the interior of the space. So the park system was not promoting neighborhood connections or vitality.

At this point in the analysis there was a focus on the northern flood plain. At this scale however, proper detail was not achieved. In order to fully understand this area, detailed sections of whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exactly going on in these zones were taken. A scale was chosen to make some sections along the river, they were chosen so as to show all the different typologies of neighborhood present in these zones: A rural zone in the north, above the interstate, completely within the flood zone which at this point is 1.5 miles wide, the section and site investigation showed us an agricultural zone with forests and trails.

A flood-plain zone hosting the North High School of Des

Parks and Flood Plain

Moines, and another hosting an industrial zone both located in the middle of a meander of the river.

These zones are within the floodplain and both of them have a back, residential zone on the heights, out of the floodplain.

The difference between those zones would be that the industrial zone is closer to the riverâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s level than the college zone, and the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s politics about that zone has been to strengthen the levee when in the college zone, they just worked on reforming a tilted riverside but did not really need a levee program. In both of these zones, there is almost no trails and absolutely no riverside sidewalk.

Closest to Downtown, a residential neighborhood, the flood zone at this point is reduced to a thin strip of the land along the river because of the change in topography. Though small, this band of forest along the river reveals some links and connections to the flood zones and to the riverside parks. (sadly too few) Finally, Downtown is a zone where the flood zone has completely disappeared, there is no trace there of any direct link

DSM 59

DSM 60

to the northern zones and trails, the river is left alone in the middle and it looks like not much is to happen with it.

With these sections we were able to take a closer look at the different settlements along the river and how they interact with it, aggressively like in the industrial zone, neutrally like in the rural zone or with indifference like in the residential neighborhoods or Downtown.

Though these differences exist between the zones, you could say that the river is always treated the same, like with a little despise, the people seem to want to make use of the park zones that it brings in but without having to deal with the problems it could bring or bearing the consequences of building into the flood-plain.

References 1. http://www.census.gov/

Bridge and Pedestrian Connection

Flood Plain Bridge

DSM 61

Industrial Zone Plan and Section

Botanical Garden Near Des Moines River

Time

Kristen Bender-B.S.Design, Jonathon Culp-B.S.Design

DSM 62

ABSTRACT: The introduction of new systems and corridors to Des Moines inner city communities will encourage great potential for neighborhood rejuvenation, reuse, and expanded growth.

The city of Des Moines began with the building of Fort Des Moines in 1843, at the convergence of the Raccoon and Des Moines rivers, as a military fort to protect the rights of the Sake and Fox tribes. The Iowa River Valley opened to new white settlers in 1845 when the treaty had with the Native Americans had expired. A year later, Iowa became a state with the population of Des Moines reaching 127 people. Land sales began at $1.25 per acre, and the city became Iowa’s state capital. The future growth of Des Moines was guaranteed.

With the westward expansion and the pioneering attitude of the time, immigrants from many countries began their journey into Iowa in the mid 1850’s. A lack of available land along the Easter seaboard also caused them to move further west, and in 1855, they settled along the Raccoon River. Many German immigrants also settled, purchasing 26,000 acres of land and forming seven major villages made up of churches, shops, and living quarters. Many of these communities, along with new racial and ethnic groups are prominent and still very relevant today in the city.

In 1861, the Des Moines Valley Railroad is the first rail system to reach Des Moines. This new form of transportation brings not only economic growth, but also another wave of immigrants.

More specifically, some Mormon religious groups, and large communities of Italians. By the 1870’s Des Moines was booming, and their State Capital in East Village was under construction. The building was completed in 1886 at a cost of $2,873,295.

Like many other cities, throughout both world wars Des Moines had their losses, but fared better than many other cities. Expansion slowed but as they moved through the depressed federally funded projected slowly brought the city above water. By the end of the World Wars, Des Moines began to pick up the pieces and concentrate on improving the quality of life Many businesses flourished in the post war climate, and it soon emerged as a major insurance center. Other businesses located in Des Moines also prospered and moved through the next three decades with a healthy economy.

Today more than 200,000 people live in Des Moines, and the city is recognized as a center for government, education, business, culture, and the arts. Des Moines also has gained national recognition as a the third largest insurance center in the world, with nearly 60 life, health, and casualty companies. At the dawn of the 21st century, residents are currently enjoying a changing landscape in the downtown Des Moines as new buildings are being built. More than 77,000 people are commuting into this downtown core daily, making the urban enter and it’s surrounding neighborhoods and communities extremely important.

Given the scope of time, research was done on how Des Moines urban population and fabric were formed, settled, and are currently situated today, and how this can inform a new neighborhood plan for the surrounding areas around the downtown core.

The population within the downtown Des Moines inner neighborhoods is very diverse with the communities of African American, Italian American, and Hispanic ethnicities. Some of these area neighborhoods include: Capital East, East Village, Capital Park, Indianola Hills, River Park, and River Bend. These neighborhoods show evidence of extremely lower house values, low income, which correlates with higher crime and poverty rates. A lack of overall park systems, schools, and working housing for multi-families are also important issues. A disconnect happens between the business and industrial corridors with the residential units. Additionally, the largest residing race in Des Moines is white, but is proportioned more towards the outsides of the downtown neighborhoods heading further west towards the suburbs. These areas are also leading in house values, lower crime, and higher education levels.

Also many cities exist within the U.S. that relate to Des Moines when dealing with lower income and lower housing value historical neighborhoods surrounding the downtown urban area. Cities like Detroit, and their communities within are now starting to collaborate through architecture, planning, and landscape architecture to be able to bring growth back into these neighborhoods. Whether development happens in the people’s own hands, or they are researching and finding ways to rejuvenate these communities through design, the residents are pushing for a renewal Right: Decrepit house in the Capital East Neighborhood

DSM 63

CHI

DSM 64

of their city.

Specifically, the Historical East Village has many of the issues described above. The circulation within the neighborhood is not well distributed. With a central linear corridor from the downtown through the Capitol, and then down from the fairgrounds, no other circulation is within the residential parts. The bus, trail, and future Dartlines follow this same path, none going into the neighborhoods. This leads to many walking great distances for any type of public transportation, if a vehicle is not readily available.

The open space and parks are few and far between, to count currently only 4, leaving East Village residents of business, industry, and residential to not interact with the others.

Des Moines had a large economic boom, and is now currently still a very active and rich in it’s insurance industry.

Because of this, the housing market has slowly made its way out of the downtown neighborhoods and into the western suburbs.

The majority of economically stable individuals commute back and forth from their workplace in the downtown area to the stereotypical “American Dream” homes in the suburbs. The large yard, the friendly neighbors, and an active community association provide ideal living conditions. The western neighborhoods of Des Moines provide the ideal location for a large portion of Des Moines residents because the home values are easily affordable for a middle class worker. The quality is also higher. The transportation system provides an efficient mode of travel enabling the population to work in the city and move quickly home after work. Driving between the two areas provides a false story of what really makes up the entire city population. All they see is well-kept homes, businesses thriving, and good standing schools. What they do not see is the poverty stricken, neglected communities within the downtown, and the ineptly performing schools within.

Poverty in Des Moines falls into these leftover areas mainly into the intersection of the western neighborhoods like Beaverdale or Grand Park. Lack of adequate income also cuts north and south through the entire city. The poverty ring around the city is intriguing because the location provides quick access to the downtown but the housing stock and density does not draw people when they are searching for houses. The State Capital is located next to a campus of government buildings with the Capital East and East Village neighborhoods that could possibly bring in a certain demographic. Several open spaces look down onto the river and downtown Des Moines, but 14th street lays right at the eastern edge of the government grounds. The road provides a physical boundary dissecting the government from the impoverished and the decrepit neighborhoods of Capital East and East Village of Des Moines. The Capital East neighborhood, located east of the Capital, provides the gateway to the under performing neighborhoods within. Going through these two neighborhoods, many dilapidated buildings from the early part of the 1900’s dominate the area, while new lower cost houses are dispersed in between. Vacant lots also plague the

Poverty Percentages Per Neighborhood of Des Moines

Racial Diversity of Des Moines

communities with the city of Des Moines purchasing the houses in the worst conditions with the plan to demolish them and return the plot into a lawn.

To understand the socioeconomic landscape of Des Moines even further, unpacking the neighborhoods in the different classes was essential. Looking at a high class neighborhood, Linden Heights, a middle class neighborhood, Beaverdale; and a poverty ridden area already introduced, Capital East provided an insight into the makeup of different economic neighborhoods. Linden Heights provided a case study of a wealthy neighborhood with large plots of land in which a house dominates the land. The typical demographic was well established families with children. The area is surrounded on the west and south by a park and thus provides a great amenity of the people who live within Linden Heights. Beaverdale, on the other hand, provided a well established middle class neighborhood. It has a community association that provides plenty of opportunities for community involvement. The community has decorating competitions, youth events, and other yearly highlights that keep

The Ring of Poverty in Between the Downtown and Exterior Suburbs

community members entertained. Capital East in contrast, has a minor association which does not provides any events that members could look forward to participating in. The housing stock is in decline and in dire need of rejuvenation, with no sustainable commercial district that could provide a point for economic gain.

Looking into more case studies more specifically in and around the lower income neighborhoods were neighborhoods like Riverpoint West, Indianolla Hills, and the Historic East Village.

All had similar physical and social problems which involved lack of parks, recreation, civic centers, and affordable housing.

Specifically in East Village, all lack of amenities are happening along with also being a lack of cohesion between the different zoning areas and the lack of public transit.

Rejuvenating these two areas and bringing about new and revitalized neighborhoods, the question needs to be asked of what could be proposed within as successful strategies to bring forth this growth. The question one really has to ask is why are

DSM 65

DSM 66

these neighborhoods being neglected, and where do you go from here?

A major framework plan needs to be implemented within these two historical neighborhoods to restart these areas and provide amenities and to draw those 77,000 people working in the downtown to live in these areas, while also keeping the residents already living there with better affordable living.

The strategy or plan begins with unpacking the neighborhoods and discovering what areas really are in dire need and what can be done to renew them. The corridors that run east to west through the State Capitol area, or more specifically Grand Ave are the strong points within this entire area. The corridors that run north and south through the neighborhoods are a real problem. These corridors that connect the neighborhoods have a disconnect socially and physically with the prime streetscapes and also within because of lack of public transit. The zoning within these two neighborhoods needs to be reworked to make it more cohesive. Many of the areas around the highway systems or older industrial areas are not being utilized. Many are just not working at all and vacant. Large portions of the older housing is either vacant, foreclosed, or bought up by the city of Des Moines.

How these areas could potentially be rejuvenated would be through a series of phases to enact within the neighborhoods.

Remixing of land use and adaptation of corridors is the theme of the framework plan. Relocate the older industrial that isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t working and move to a new collaborative eco-industrial green park in the now vacant space south of the capital. Also, add an incubator, or mixed use area in the older industrial area now vacant with remaining historical buildings for adaptive reuse. Affordable housing could also be developed within the vacant or demolished areas where decrepit housing had previously been and also be renovated in the areas that are still working. Because of these new developments, there would need to be additional roads, trails, and paths built.

The five points of design would really be first to add green space to bring in activities and interactions for the communities, schools, and even businesses along the river edge and within in new park systems. Secondly, and adaptive area in the older historical neighborhood keeping the buildings that were still in working condition and renew this working industrial business area with some mixed and adaptive reuse. The third phase would entire renewing the commercial corridors already existing and proposing to strengthen those by bringing in new ones for instance along the new proposed MLK highway. From there, look at how affordable housing could be implemented. Finally, look at how the industry could be moved to this new eco-industrial park that allows a space for residents to move around in while also compacting this industrial park into one linear space.

Plot Values for Capitol East

Decrepit House Mixed into the Streetscape of Capitol East

Remnants of a home that was demolished in Capitol East

DSM 67

Capital Area Neighborhood Framework Plan

With the implementation of these phases, along with interaction and help from the communities about what they really want in their neighborhoods, a master plan could be successfully laid out to bring about renewal and revitalization to these older historic neighborhoods.

References 1. Barbara Beving Long, Des Moines and Polk County: Flag on the Prarie, 1988.

2. “Des Moines: History”, accessed January 5, 2012, http://www.citydata.com/us-cities/The-Midwest/Des-Moines-History.html 3. “Des Moines Historical Society”, accessed on January 5, 2012, http://www.dmhs.org/ 4. Howard J. Nelson, The Livelihood Structure of Des Moines, Iowa, Chicago: 1949.

5. John M. Levy, Contemporary Urban Planning, 2005 6. Robert R. Denny, First 150 Years, Des Moines

Des Moines: INDUSTRY and MOVEMENT

Brad Howe-B.S.Design; Michael Killeen-B. Larc; Justin Langenfeld-B.S.Design; Leisha Osterberg-B. Larc

DSM 68

I. INTRODUCTION The residents of the Greater Des Moines area fuel the industry of Downtown Des Moines. Approximately 77,000 professionals and employees commute from surrounding areas into Downtown Des Moines to work. Because of this major influx of people, a complex network of transportation and movement systems connect the industrial hubs of the city. Downtown Des Moines’s industries and movement systems are interrelated, and the close connections work together to create an efficient model for the city’s professionals and employees. With the increase in technology startups along Sixth Avenue, these movement systems will be influential in providing connections between new businesses.

II. COMMUTING PROFESSIONALS / EMPLOYEES The Greater Des Moines area is a sprawling metropolis.

The majority of employees and professionals employed within the downtown core commute from surrounding suburbs. These commuters primarily travel alone, and only ten percent of commuters use alternative modes of transportation. This influx of people traveling by car indicates the road system is heavily traveled, and the downtown financial industries provide private parking structures to accommodate employees’ automobiles. Although the financial industry comprises the core of the downtown, the new implementation of technology start-ups along Sixth Avenue is developing another typology of industrial hub in Downtown Des Moines. The majority of employees in both the financial and technology industries commute from the suburbs, but city developers are attempting to coax more people downtown with the growing number of available residential units. The increase in residential units supports future movement systems of increased bus routes and reduced parking stalls on the central business district fringe. Establishing a pedestrian-friendly downtown is favorable for the residents living within walking distance of work.

III. INDUSTRY CONNECTIONS Road networks, sidewalks, bike trails, and skywalks connect the major industries in Downtown Des Moines. Grand Avenue and Seventh Street are the most frequently traveled roads, and parking garages and major industry maintain a close proximity to these major arteries. Grand Avenue connects the east and west

sides of the river, and north/south Seventh Street connects the downtown to the interstate system. Currently, bike trails connect parks and open spaces but lack necessary business connections.

B-cycle stations allow users to rent a bicycle hourly, daily, or monthly, but without designated areas to ride downtown, some riders opt to use other forms of transportation. Des Moines Area Regional Authority (DART) is currently moving their downtown bus station to an alternate location along Cherry Street. DART provides many different services throughout the greater Des Moines Area including regular and express bus lines, free shuttles, and on call vans. Most of the bus lines are concentrated in the downtown with the current bus stop next to the heavily traveled Seventh Street. Bus lines also extend across the Des Moines River to connect the capitol and civic buildings to the downtown industries.

Upon entering the central business district, the employees of the local industries, including those from the financial and technology sectors, utilize the skywalk system to navigate the buildings.

Skywalks are typically on the second floor of the buildings they connect, and this circulation system affects street level activity. Many companies, like Principal Financial, own several buildings connected by skywalks. Employees are able to attend meetings in different buildings and avoid leaving the comfort of climate controlled environments. Employees of the smaller-scale startup companies on Sixth Avenue may also travel between the Bank of America Building and the Liberty Building. These connections via skywalk boost collaboration and promote the creativity and interaction necessary for the technological companies. In addition to traversing industrial buildings through skywalk, the majority of the downtown workforce is able to walk to several restaurants for lunch.

IV. SYSTEM SYNERGIES The pattern of movement of large companies from the downtown to the suburbs creates an immediate change in the patterns of movement within the city and metro region. The insurance giant, Aviva, moved to the western end of West Des Moines and is closer to its employees. The change in location lifts some of the burden of commuting between employees’ homes and work. If this migration trend continues, the daily movement patterns

DSM 69

I-235

re St

2nd Avenue

et

V. CONCLUSION Industry and movement systems have a large impact on one another. The industry of Des Moines has major regional influence and pulls employees from many surrounding suburban areas. Daily travel on the roadways and inner downtown movement systems places strain on the road networks leading to and from the downtown area. Large amounts of parking is necessary in the downtown to accommodate such movement practices, and because of the interaction and overlap of these two lenses, a change within one sparks a shift in the other. The impact of industrial suburbanization is prevalent, and shifts in industry will establish the need for increased changes in movement systems of Des Moines.

6th Avenue

h

Applying the model of industrial suburbanization to centralization of living and industry will increase the use of alternate transportation. If more people live and work in Downtown Des Moines, the demand for increased bus routes, more accessible bike trails and B-Cycle locations, and pedestrian promenades will rise.

Large employers are major affectors of infrastructure. The addition of major industry to an area oftentimes is the beginning of largescale infrastructural interventions. Eased and seamless movement between an individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s home and work is significant in the decision making process of choosing a place to live, and effective connections between industry and movement plays an important role in the function of city dwelling.

7th Street

8t

of mass volumes of people in and out of Downtown Des Moines will diminish drastically. If the proposal to increase downtown housing accompanies the increase in tech start-up companies, the downtown may experience a change in its movement patterns. An increase in downtown living and working reduces the need for people to commute from surrounding suburbs, and this increase will expedite the replacement of the current movement pattern to readily available bus lines, bike trails, and sidewalks. This change in movement patterns will establish a need for redeveloped infrastructural elements.

e

nu d Ave Gran et st Stre Locu

employees of major industry comprise 46.5% of daily commuters MLK

Pkwy

OTHER: 53.5% MAJOR INDUSTRY: 46.5%

77,000 COMMUTERS

major industry major industrial area roads (thickness denotes travel volume) *assumes all employees commute from suburbs

Effects of Suburbanization of Industry on Movement Trends Number of daily commuters into Downtown Des Moines = 77,000 (number obtained from Living Downtown Des Moines)

=500 commuters

If financial industry giant Wells-Fargo relocated to outer Des Moines, 15% of the total commuting population would be affected, drastically affecting movement into Downtown Des Moines.

Des Moines: TIME and PROGRAM

Kristen Bender-B.S.Design; Tonya Carlson-B. Larc; Jonathan Culp-B.S.Design; Rachel Plessing-B.S.Design

DSM 70

The city of Des Moines is currently the third largest insurance center in the world hosting nearly 60 large corporate companies such as Wellmark, Wells Fargo Financial, ING, Principal, and Meredith. Many of these financial businesses and establishments are centralized in the urban core while others have moved further west in location because of expansion needs for bigger facilities and foot prints. This has caused many families and white collar workers in these companies to settle in the western suburb regions of Des Moines, while 77,000 others commute to the downtown to work at these successful financial institutions still in place. This decentralization of the Des Moines urban core has also lead to the neglect and abandonment of the neighborhoods surrounding the downtown area. The housing stock and infrastructure surrounding the Des Moines downtown core within these communities becomes dilapidated, which leads to an even greater lack of amenities to the neighborhoods including schools, green space, libraries, housing, culture and civic centers, and commercial corridors.

Because of the population shift to West Des Moines, a reduction in the significance of these older existing commercial corridors within these historical older neighborhoods has occurred.

The decline in development and the lack of emphasis on any further development is a problem within these communities. The lack of amenities and services do not allow any stimulus or growth in the area because the economy is not thriving in these neighborhoods. A lack of any civic or cultural program also avoids any interaction or growth in the community.

No areas of interest exist in these older neighborhoods which could attract new families wanting to live near work or the downtownâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;especially younger generations that would want their children to have access to parks, green space, or any riverfront activities. A lack of infrastructural systems, like transportation, also correlates to an absence of a thriving commercial district or exciting activity area.

The transportation systems within these areas are severely poor, lacking connectivity and even paved surface in some places.

There are no trail, bike, or bus systems within the neighborhood even though the need is desperate. The income of the people living in these areas is slightly lower and would benefit from having public transportation more accessible within their areas. The poor quality

of sidewalks and roads reduces that ability for individuals to even walk within the neighborhoods or to and from places of work.

Because of this lack of connection on multiple levels, little community involvement and few associations exist in these neighborhoods. The people living these areas have no interest in being active within a neighborhood that does not have public amenities or services that could benefit them. The people residing in these neighborhoods also lack political power to gain financial support for new programs. In addition, many people are working, sometimes multiple jobs, and often have little time to be actively involved in city council or community meetings. If more of an initiative was adopted by the city to better the neighborhoods, perhaps the community would become more aware and take more action to revive these forgotten neighborhoods. The lack of money to support improvements could be addressed at a local, state, or federal level to gain support to rejuvenate these neighborhoods, similar to what Detroit and many cities in the Rust Belt are doing today.

An example of the lack of strong commercial corridors could be found in the Capital East neighborhood to the east of the Des Moines downtown. Because of its close proximity to the downtown, it should be a prime real estate area for businesses and companies. Grand Avenue is a actively functioning commercial corridor that is a direct connection from the downtown through Capital East and into the Fairgrounds neighborhood. Aside from Grand Avenue, the Capitol East neighborhood is hurting and only one minor community association exists that does not provide any events or activities for the community. A large disconnect occurs where there could possibly be a new sustainable business district. Another area in dire need of revival is the Fairgrounds neighborhood. The commercial area along East 30th Street is low density but has the potential of being prosperous because of the high amounts of traffic and the Iowa State Fair that occurs annually and draws hundreds of thousands of people.

Along with Capital East and the Fairgrounds neighborhood the Historic East Village neighborhood exists even closer to the downtown, directly across the river, and has the ability to be a great art district and live/work area for the 77,000 individuals coming into the downtown every day for work. This neighborhood is the oldest area of the entire city of Des Moines. The Historic

East Village originated as a fort to later become an industrial and commercial area. Many of the industries have expanded and relocated, others are just abandoned, and many of the buildings or residential areas running along the north and south boundaries are in poor shape and need to be removed. The older zoning codes also did not allow certain things to be built within each of these land use areas, producing a huge disconnect between the residents living in the neighborhood and the residing businesses. A small effort has been made to revive the area around the State Capitol Building and along Grand Avenue, but resulting growth is minimal.

Population shifts to West Des Moines also resulted in a social shift in the area surrounding the urban core within the city.

These neighborhoods experience a higher poverty rate because the residents are working lower paying jobs, or cannot find work. Many of the jobs that they are working are service or factory employment that allows lower education levels. The recession has affected these individuals and families, making it difficult to pay for mortgages and house payments, leading many of these houses and buildings to be foreclosed or become vacant.

A greater ethnic diversity also exists in these areas.

Studies have shown that higher poverty rates in downtown city neighborhoods along with diverse races may also correlate with higher crime. Many immigrant populations will work at factories because of minimum standards on language or education levels, leading to the formation of small niche communities within these areas. Language barriers may also be a reason that these neighborhoods do not have more overall community involvement.

The smaller areas form instead of assimilating to create a larger active neighborhood environment.

Capital East, East Village, and the Fairgrounds neighborhood also have lower graduation rates and test scores at elementary and middle schools. A connection exists between lack of public amenities like parks, libraries, and museums and poverty rates, higher crime, and lower education rates. Because these are lower income families, parents are working long hours, which sometimes leads to lack of in-home nurturing and education and in some cases even causes children to get into more trouble.

Lack of after school programs, associations, and activities may also be causing higher crime, lower graduation, and lower test score statistics.

Social and economic issues such as these in the downtown Des Moines could be resolved by the revitalization of existing working systems and the implementation of new commercial, industrial, housing, and other amenities to benefit the aforementioned communities. Strengthening the commercial corridors already existing while also infilling new growth would bring about the economic growth needed to restart these areas.

Not only corridors or nodes of business but also a greater quality of housing stock by taking out the vacant or decrepit buildings, maintaining the historic buildings, and adding new affordable

housing to allow for individuals and families to live closer to work or the downtown area. Those two implementation strategies along with new civic, cultural, and recreational facilities and programs will create a safer and healthier community, and hopefully address the many problems and hardships that the neighborhoods are currently facing. These strategies could be brought forth in a phasing plan to implement over time which will revitalize and renew the program and systems of the city of Des Moines.

DSM 71

32%

bike

10 m

scho

devel

undev

schoo

schoo

schoo

bike trail 10 minute walking distance school with no green space developed green space undeveloped green space school scoring in the upper 1/3 school scoring in the middle 1/3 school scoring in the lower 1/3

Des Moines: FABRIC and REGION

Zach Bridgman-B. Larc; Antoine Varieras-French Exchange Student; Tony Schukei-B. Larc; Danny Zegers, B.S.Design

DSM 72

The city fabric is quite clear in the downtown core which extends into the region surrounding Des Moines. Density within the region can be described in three ways; population, building, and infrastructure. Following the Des Moines River from the downtown to the north, these varying density types can be exposed. Four zones with unique density can be classified as downtown, residential, industrial and underdeveloped. Within these varying zones opportunities for growth or redevelopment can be found to allow the space to become utilized at a higher level. In the downtown, on the northeastern corner west of the Des Moines River, the density begins to change from the rest of the downtown. This area can be defined as a civic space, which contains the HyVee Hall convention center and the Wells Fargo Arena. The variation in the density is seen primarily in the population and infrastructure.

The civic area of downtown Des Moines consists of large amounts of surface parking. Beyond the parking, residential building types are not present, which leaves the space with less population than the rest of the downtown. The parking areas are not the only contributors of the pavement surrounding the civic space. 2nd Avenue and 3rd Street run north south through the downtown core connecting to Interstate 235 north of the civic area. The building sizes in the area are consistent with the rest of the downtown, but the density begins to diminish. The reason for the drop in building density is in part due to the large amount of surface parking surrounding the arena and convention center.

The strategy in the downtown zone, which is directly adjacent to the Des Moines River, is not to drastically alter the current densities, but to work within them to create connections to the surroundings, and more specifically the dense downtown. With the addition of program to the civic space and the creation of access to the riverfront this connection is possible. Although the area is not being transformed directly by density, the area is being connected by the use of the civic space and building fabric. As you move farther up the Des Moines River you run into the residential zone.

Located a few miles north of the downtown zone is the residential zone. The density of buildings is generally higher and stretches quite close to the riverside, depending on how steep riverside is.

The residential density is primarily high in the areas of population and infrastructure. Because of these two areas being so dense in residential zones, the space is utilized in such a way where rugged

terrain can be navigated.

The residential area is protected from the flood zone by a steep bluff like wooded area. This wooded riverside area consists almost entirely of undeveloped parkland. The undeveloped area, at one point, extends to the south connecting to an existing boardwalk.

The residential area lacks parks and open fields for people to enjoy.

This area also lacks infrastructure which would allow pedestrians to access the area next to the Des Moines River having much potential for the adjacent residential neighborhood.

In the residential zone, the opportunity for projects is low though crucial to give the neighborhood a feeling of vivacity and dynamism. Most of the free sites with the ability to host new program are located along the riverside, which makes a perfect opportunity to create a link between the neighborhood and parks. This kind of settlement gives the opportunity for the riverside floodplains to turn into a corridor linking together different parts of the residential neighborhoods alongside the river because this remains the only undeveloped portion of these urban neighborhoods.

Directly north of the residential area is the industrial area.

The industrial area is within the 100 year flood zone, but is protected by a levee. One of the biggest concerns for this area is the type of buildings located within the floodplain. These buildings can become an impediment for floods.

The industrial area, like the residential area, lacks pedestrian connection between the neighborhoods. Even more problematic is the obsolete pedestrian connection to the downtown, even though the downtown is only a little over a mile away. Potential for pedestrian connections exist and could be easily achieved if the trail systems were fully utilized within the floodplain.

The final area is the underdeveloped area. The underdeveloped area is located in the corridor between Des Moines and Ankeny. This area exposes a space with a lack of typical urban density. This location maintains an urban density when thinking about the surrounding urban region, but in this corridor a lack of substantial development exists. Currently this corridor is defined by the Des Moines River which transects the section and agricultural land surrounding the current floodplain. The floodplain portion of this site is significantly larger than the previous studied sites.

The floodplain is larger because of two main contributing factors:

land use and topography. No pressure from surrounding typologies has emerged other than agriculture to develop the area. Also the topography is relatively flat, lending itself to an extensive floodplain.

This underdeveloped area does have potential however to gain a density from introducing new typologies into the area. This area contains potential to gain programs such as a new park system as well as civic buildings which would promote river eco-tourism and events. All this introduced program could potentially thrive as they flood and change.

When you look at this region around the Des Moines River and the fabric of the corresponding densities you can start to see a direct relationship. As you move to the north, the dense urban zones become limited in terms of expansion because of the severe floodplain. Although these zones remain dense where they are located, the floodplain creates a low dense region surrounding the river. The farther north from downtown one travels, the more low dense areas exist because of the floodplain. This provides vast opportunities for the utilization of these spaces for recreational and educational needs which the surrounding neighborhoods lack.

DSM 73 Ankeny

Underdeveloped

Industrial

Residential

Downtown

Des Moines

Des Moines: FOOD and WATER

Adam Dailey-B.S.Design; Paul Neukirch-B. Larc; Matti Roinila-B.S.Design; Kade Snyder-B. Larc; Shilong Su-B.S.Design

DSM 74

1. WATER QUALITY The Raccoon and Des Moines Rivers have been influenced by increased levels of nitrogen, phosphorus, sediment, turbidity, and bacteria pollutants. The source of the elevated pollutants is primarily from nonpoint source pollution. This particular source of pollution comes from many different sources such as fertilizers, agricultural runoff, and vehicular related chemicals. Portions of the Raccoon River have officially been identified as “impaired by nitrogen” and water quality assessments have found levels of nitrate exceeding the maximum contaminant level for drinking water. When mixed with the drinking water, high levels of nitrogen and phosphorous create large algae blooms resulting from the process of eutrophication. The Raccoon’s elevated level of nitrate-nitrogen is among the highest in the United States earning it a less then desirable reputation.

2. AGRICULTURE AFFECTS Corn and soybeans are the most dominant crops occupying approximately almost 73 percent of the Raccoon watershed. The Greater Raccoon Watershed contains 685 confined animal feeding operations and 171 permitted feedlots. A large portion of the agricultural lands found within the Greater Raccoon watershed utilize subsurface drainage. Such drainage systems have a perforated conduit, such as a tile, pipe, or tubing, installed below the ground surface to intercept, collect, and/or convey drainage water.

Tile-drainage of agricultural fields has led to significant water quality problems and is changing the character of both streams. Instead of allowing runoff from crops to flow through existing woodland and tall grass ecologies it is being directed through pipelines straight into the river with higher concentrations of pollutants.

3. FLOODING INFRASTRUCTURE CONDITIONS Based on the previous test, there are two major types of levees for the city of Des Moines, earth levees and concrete levees. However, one has a stronger relationship with food and agriculture and that is the earth levee. Most earth levees are located within proximity of the Raccoon and the Des Moines Rivers with the exception of the downtown area, in which concrete levees are used. Based on the location and advantages of the earth levee, the major land type, which lies behind the levee, is agricultural land.

These agricultural lands are located on the east side of the Des

Moines River’s upstream as well as the north side of Raccoon River’s upstream.

There are two main reasons for people to put farm land behind the earth levee. First, it is very easy to use water from the river to irrigate the farm land, and it will reduce the cost of irrigation.

Second, when flooding occurs, if water levels rise past the levee, based on the great size of farm land and its location between the levee and neighborhood, it could reduce the flood speed, store more flood water and reduce the risk of flood damage to civic property.

However, since the Raccoon River and the Des Moines River are both flowing though the core of Des Moines; although the size of the farm lands is larger than the surrounding neighborhood, they still have a large limitation on serving enough food for the people of Des Moines rather than performing as buffer zones for the flood water before it touches the surrounding neighborhood. At the same time, during winter, when the farm land is not in use, it will bring some negative influence to the city environment too.

B. PROPOSED CONDITIONS 1. STORMWATER MANAGEMENT To ensure water quality is not impacted from urban farming practices, the elimination of subsurface drainage is important. Incorporating a series of agricultural BMP’s (Best Management Practices) will ensure that surface runoff will not contribute towards declining water quality and stream nutrient loading. Diverting agricultural runoff away from subsurface drainage and conveying it through vegetative systems will effectively reduce proposed agricultural impacts on water quality. Reduced till practices along with the utilization of cover crops between production cycles will also be beneficial in managing water quality.

Utilizing currant woodlands on the site and reinforcing them with perennial vegetation will help to buffer existing water systems found adjacent to proposed urban agriculture site locations.

2. AGRICULTURE CULTIVATION Agriculture of the area is very sparse when it comes to Urban Agriculture. Using planting beds on the area of the existing salvage yard will allow for production of goods in an urban setting

whilst not having to worry about contaminants from the soils of the location. The proposed area for the urban agriculture project is not within the 100 year floodplain, but is, however, within the 500 year floodplain. The site, itself proposed to house the planting beds is surrounded by an existing earth levee with the intention to block the public eye from seeing the salvage yard. This levee, however, has the potential to play a large role in preventing flooding of the site used for plantings and directing water around the site, toward the river. This is an ideal characteristic of the levee because there will be permanent program implemented on the site as well as buildings to store equipment and greenhouses to grow crops from seed. Different programs and strategies for planting on the site include opportunities for education, individual community plots for residents to use and grow their own crops, and areas for larger commercial produce. The intention of the larger commercial crops is to be used by local eateries and the farmers market. Crops can be grown on site from seed and planted to yield once mature enough and be safe from contamination due to flood waters.

DSM 75

Flood Water Flow Urban Farming Cropland

CHICAGO CHI 76

Movement Water Industry Fabric Program Food Region

CHI 77

Movement

Shane Labenz-B.S. Design, Andrew Portis-B.S. Design, Christopher Rokahr-B.S. Design

CHI 78

ABSTRACT: Chicago is a city in perpetual motion. As the historic vascular center for domestic and international commercial transport in the US, Chicago has developed its livelihood about transportation systems. Heavily stitched into its fabric is a menagerie of transportation alternatives, each contributing to the eclectic nature and complexity of the city. The following paragraphs outline the three most prominent modes utilized within the city - water, rail, and auto.

WATER

Chicago is a city conceived in water. Originally nothing more than a vegetated swamp and military outpost, Chicago, with the catalyst of the Erie Canal, would soon develop into the vascular shipping center of the west. Inspired by the potential success of the Erie Canal, city officials and urban strategists laid the framework for a water highway between the Great Lakes and the Illinois River.1 Though the original notion was conceived nearly 150 years prior to service French fur traders, the new canal would become an economic vein and catalyst for city expansion. In 1848, slightly more than a decade after the start of the project, the Illinois and Michigan Canal was completed, acting as the second aquatic thoroughfare for the city. The new canal, painstakingly dug by Irish immigrant hands, allowed for aquatic passage from the Great Lakes to the Illinois River and ultimately down the Mississippi River to the Gulf of Mexico.2 With the four cardinal directions of travel established, Chicago quickly blossomed into a dense economic hub centered on transportation. In less than a decade, said transit established Chicago as the primary US export for grain and hardwood lumber.

Rapid growth and economic prosperity soon brought new industries to the region, placing a new set of demands on the Chicago shipping system. Starting in 1869, efforts were made to develop the industrial potential of Lake Calumet, a glacial lake just south of the city.2 Nearly two million square feet of the lake were dredged from a depth of three feet to twenty six feet in order to allow the harboring of large trading vessels from the St. Lawrence Seaway.

As a result, the lake developed into a lucrative trade route between the US and Canada establishing Lake Calumet as an international port of national importance. In 1911, construction on the CalumetSag Channel (commonly referred to as the Cal-Sag Channel) began in order to connect the hub to the greater Chicago shipping system.2 This new route would serve a dual purpose, relieving

waste from Lake Michigan and permitting barge travel from the International Port to the Illinois and Michigan Canal. The initial channel, completed in 1922, was only sixty feet wide, restricting barge traffic to one lane. In 1933, additional soil was dredged from the channel expanding its width to 225 feet and a depth of nine feet.1 These new efforts solidified Lake Calumet as the heart of Chicago Heavy Industry, supplying the city with raw materials necessary for expansion and economic growth.

The last major waterway expansion in Chicago focused on the shipping congestion in the south bend of the Chicago River. As the window from the Great Lakes to the Illinois and Michigan Canal, the south bend played a major role in Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s transportation network. In 1928, the city of Chicago chose to straighten the imperfection in the system streamlining barge traffic past the Loop.2 When completed in 1930, the straightened river system not only exponentially increased barge efficiency but also combined the rail and water transportation networks of the city. The new train depot created from the dirt infill would prove vital for the continued success and use of both systems. However, despite their symbiotic relationship, the increased efficiency of the new train hub shifted distribution efforts to emphasize rail traffic, effectively minimizing the aquatic role in Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s transportation network.

RAIL

In 1836, Chicago constructed its first railroad.3 Though this track was modest in size and carried only one service, it began a new shipping trend in the region that would dominate commercial distribution throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Track lines of the time generally converged in the downtown district of the city, carrying freight to and from the harbor area. However, as time passed and new technological services withdrew emphasis on downtown shipping distribution, commercial rail lines sought a new terminal home. The redistribution of the hub to the infill site of the south bend in 1930 created new potential for economic expansion within the city. 3 The new hub, converging nearly 50 rail lines, created a new industrial district within the city, essentially shifting the economic core of the city south.

Today the south hub continues to play a vital role in the Right: Chicago Water Taxi depot just west of Navy Pier.

CHI 79

CHI

CHI 80 The “L” Train above the nighttime street.

Chicago rail industry, connecting the city to regional hubs like Detroit, Cleveland, Cincinnati, New Orleans, St. Louis, Kansas City, Omaha and St. Paul. Though it is no longer used for the distribution of lightweight goods, the south bend hub continues to function as the primary rail nucleus for heavy material transport in the United States. As such, the rail system nearly overlooks the scope of Chicago as it is only a node in the larger field of national rail distribution. Perhaps more important to the city proper and the day to day distribution of pedestrian traffic is Chicago’s “L.”

As a primary method for pedestrian transport, the “L” has adapted to meet the trends of inner city migrations. Early lines include the South Side “L”, The Lake Street “L” The Metropolitan “L” The Union Loop, and the Northwestern “L”, all of which were owned and operated by four different companies. 3 In 1924, Samuel Insull realized that for the sake of the “L”’s continued longevity, all rails would need to be consolidated into one single transportation company. 3 Understanding the collective stake at risk, the four companies consolidated into the Chicago Elevated Railways Collateral Trust (CER), creating a monopoly on pedestrian rail transport.

In addition to the “L”, Chicago had been developing plans to instate a subway system; however the financial burden of doing so remained too daunting. It was not until President Franklin Delano Roosevelt made federal money available for such public works, that the project was able to ensue. In 1937, Chicago’s applications for said federal funds were approved. Initially when ground was broken in 1938, two tubes were to be built. 3 These rails were never intended to replace the Loop, but rather to supplement it. Though their efforts to reduce “L” congestion helped, inner city traffic demands continued to increase.

In 1943, it became apparent that privately owned mass transit in Chicago was no longer a viable solution. Low profits, increased congestion, and deteriorating rails would soon disintegrate the CER, posing an ideal opportunity for municipal buyout and ownership. Until now, the possibility of a municipal pedestrian rail had merely been discussed, but never executed. In 1945, a public transit authority was authorized for the city of Chicago (the Chicago

Chicago Water Taxi depot just west of Navy Pier.

RADIAL ORTHAGONAL POLITICAL Cross-Organizational grids of Chicago.



Transit Authority), placing the “L” and all other subsequent forms of pedestrian travel under its jurisdiction. 3

Due to the actions of the CTA, the “L” has been vastly expanded, adding many additional lines to the subway and elevated systems. In light of these alterations, the Loop’s relevance and overall utility has greatly increased. In 1969, the creation of two new lines for the “L” were completed, further expanding the “L”’s influence into the suburbs. 3 These efforts were intended to attract middle class individuals to mass transit. Unfortunately, negative social connotations and racial prejudice prevented extensive success of these lines. Today, the suburban branches of the “L” have gained greater popularity, offering a counter solution to the increasing automotive congestion on Chicago’s highways.

Though some of the old stereotypes still exist, improved political relations efforts by the CTA have helped shine mass transit in a positive light. Despite its gaining popularity, the “L” still remains subsidiary to automotive traffic, and likely will continue as such without external stimuli.





South Lakeshore Drive and Metro amidst Millennium Park.

CHI 81

CHI 82

AUTO

As is the case with most other American cities, automotive traffic in Chicago plays the primary role in personal transportation.

Though the current configurations of highway systems are increasingly complex, major roadways today still draw influence from the natural paths of the Native Americans.4 These paths, based on geographic characteristics of the area, chose to avoid obstacles such as land forms and natural water features, both prominent in the Chicago area. Although the paths have changed slightly, their lingering influence led to the shaping of the expressway system throughout the Chicago area today.

Improvements made to the road system in Chicago were first documented in the 1840’s, where attempts by local government to improve the roadway system were based on the muddy conditions created by the flooding of Lake Michigan.5 This effectively led to covering some streets with planks. Initial efforts were comprised of wood, but quick deterioration of the wood’s surface forced the city officials to find alternate methods. Fifteen years later in 1855, the city of Chicago began raising buildings and streets along the Chicago River and Lake Michigan between four to seven feet, allowing the introduction of sewage and proper draining into Lake Michigan. 5 The next major movement in Chicago’s road system was brought on by protests by bicyclists, farmers and eventually motorists to produce paved surface roads for both recreation and commercial purposes.

Shortly after the turn of the century, the Chicago Planning Commission was created and began focusing its efforts on creating a system of avenues and thoroughfares in Chicago, most of which were originally proposed as part of Burnham and Bennett’s plan for Chicago. Around the same time, completion of construction on Michigan Avenue created the first two-level street in Chicago.

5 The relative success of the new double layered road sparked a half-century’s worth of work to improve the roads. The model first employed for Michigan Avenue was soon expanded with the Illinois Center development, modifying most streets within Chicago’s Loop to serve up to three levels of traffic.

After the end of World War I, automobile registration rates in Chicago were increasing by 32,000 vehicles a year, prompting local government to place a tax on gasoline. 5 Though the new tax would temporarily abate traffic congestion, a permanent solution was in need. In 1931, city officials, who would eventually become the CTA, began drafting plans for a highway system intended on alleviating congestion by providing rural and suburban areas an expressway into the city. 5 After 18 years of development and sufficient funds from the gasoline tax, plans for construction were ready to commence. More than a half decade into construction, the Interstate Highway Act of 1956 was passed through Congress.

Although Chicago was well under way constructing it’s own expressway system, grants from the federal government offered additional financial support, allowing the city to expand its already

ambitious road building projects.

The extended road efforts of the 1940’s and 1950’s spawned a new trend in vehicular traffic to arise. In 1952, the CTA created a series of bus routes to reduce traffic congestion and offer cheap transportation throughout the city and suburbs.6 Despite their efforts, bus transport failed in its early stages due to a lack of routes and public support. However, by the 1960’s and 1970’s commuter bus routes began to take hold as new routes were added and additional buses were placed en route.6 Though their popularity was on the rise, alternative transportation methods were continually

State Street looking from Millennium Park.

Lake Shore Drive bridge underpass.



CHI 83 Transportation Systems throughout Chicago.

METRO

RICH DISTRICT

POOR DISTRICT

BUS

BIKE

Transportation Nodal Map 2 SYSTEMS

.5

1

References 1. Pacyga, Dominic A., “Chicago: A Biography” (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2009).

2. Solzman, David M., “The Chicago River: An Illustrated History and Guide to the River and its Waterways” (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1998).

3. Borzo, Greg, “The Chicago ‘L’” (Chicago: Arcadia Publishing, 2007).

4. Grant, H. Roger, “Transportation.” Encyclopedia of Chicago.

Cited Feb. 15, 2012. http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/ pages/1269.html 5. Young, David M., “Streets and Highways.” Encyclopedia of Chicago. Cited Feb. 15, 2012. http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory. org/pages/1209.html 6. Zolkiewiez, Kevin. “Brief History of Chicago Surface Lines.”

Chicago Bus. Cited Feb. 15, 2012. http://chicagobus.org/history

PLANE

MILES 0 .25 .5

1

3 SYSTEMS

1

2

# OF OCCURRENCES

N

  

L

.25

 

 

  

 

MILES 0

undermined by their lack of outreach and appeal to suburban communities.

By the 1990’s, Chicago’s metropolitan area had 54,600 miles of streets and roads, including 2,500 miles of expressways, 17,300 miles of highways and arterial streets, and 34,800 miles of local streets.5 Said figures directly correlate with estimates showing that up to 80 percent of commuting within Chicago is done by automobile. Given such high figures, the future of Chicago’s transportation network is and will likely be contingent upon technological and or social adaptations to the automotive system. New improvements to automotive standards would likely create the largest influence, effectively increasing efficiency and reducing congestion. Additionally, new social approaches to promoting suburban commuter rail hubs may help perpetuate the peripheral use of Chicago’s rail system, lessening the demand for personal automotive transport.

Despite the shortcomings of the Chicago transportation network, it remains one of the finest examples of multifaceted transportation in American urban fabrics.

MAP OF CHICAGO TRANSPORTATION NODES / CITY OF CHICAGO, 2012 CHRISTOPHER C ROKAHR / ARCH 411

Water

Evan Lamprecht-B.S. Design, Chris Nienhueser-B.S. Design

CHI 84

ABSTRACT: The rapid development of Chicago as a city is closely related to the development of the surrounding water. Chicago’s surrounding waters have aided in the rapid growth the city has seen over the years and consequently lead to the need for change in the water’s development. The problems created from the rapid growth of the city have called for many solutions to solve these various problems.

These solutions have led to the development of one of the largest and most coherent city water systems seen today.

Chicago’s geographical location connecting the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River System attracted the attention of a large number of speculators in the early nineteenth century.1 These speculators saw the extraordinary opportunity to use the settlement as a portal to the West. Word soon spread throughout the country of the settlement and the possible riches in the area. People from all over the country began to settle in Chicago.

The settlement of Chicago maintains a very low natural elevation in relation to the neighboring Lake Michigan. The area had a swamp-like condition creating many obvious flooding complications for the original settlers.2 Before rapid expansion of the city could continue the existing water had to be pumped out of the city. The use of pumps would be essential to change the natural condition of the land into an entirely different urban condition with the capacity to accommodate an immense proliferation in population. This would be the first of many water development projects Chicago would use to help adapt to growth of the city.

Chicago River

Above: City Elevation Change

In 1822, the United States Congress gave authorization to the State of Illinois to build the Illinois-Michigan Canal.3 This canal would link the Great Lakes to the Mississippi River allowing for trade between the two regions. Due to financial problems the project had to be put on hold a number of times. It was not until 1848 the project would be officially complete. The canal was over one hundred miles long, sixty feet wide and six feet deep.4 With the completion of the canal St. Louis would become a major trading partner with Chicago. No longer would trade be limited to a northsouth passageway along the Mississippi River in the Midwest. Trade could now also be conducted along a west-east passageway into Chicago and the Great Lake Region. The increased mobility in trade allowed Chicago to become the major trading port of the west.

As the city developed in the mid 1800’s there became an increasing problem with city drainage. At the time the city was just five feet above Lake Michigan. This low level of the city did not allow for adequate drainage out of the city. In the 1850’s it was decided the city would be raised five to eight feet above the existing elevation. The change in elevation would eventually solve the drainage problem allowing water to easily drain into nearby waterways.

While the change in the elevation adequately addressed the city’s drainage problem, it also added to the city’s waste problem.

The elevated city now pushed human waste and factory pollutants into the Chicago River at an alarming rate. These wastes and pollutants would then flow from the Chicago River into the city’s

After 1850 Before 1850

Lake Michigan

CHI 85

Side water supply of LakeNorth Michigan.

In some years, the waterborne Channel diseases from Lake Michigan would kill more than five percent of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population.5

Ellis a Boston engineerLakeproposed reversing NorthChesbrough, Branch Michigan the flow of the Chicago River. Reversing the flow of the river would no longer bring waste and pollutants into the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s water supply.

Due to the size and complications associated with the project there was much debate over whether or not to reverse the flow of the river.

Then on August 2, 1885 a strong rainstorm hit Chicago. The city was hit with over six inches of rain. The result was a massive backup in the Chicago River. Waterborne disease created from the storm CHI 86 would kill approximately twelve percent of the population. Public South Branch panic finally led the city to create the Sanitary District of Chicago in 1889.

Des Plaines River

The Sanitary District of Chicago soon developed a plan Chicago Sanitary and Ship Canal similar to proposal made by Ellis Chesbrough. However, this plan incorporated a canal large enough to not only reverse the flow of the Chicago River, but also allow for ships to move within it. Known as the Sanitary and Ship Canal, the project was approved by an overwhelming 70,958 votes to 242 votes.6 The canal would become the largest municipal project the country had seen upon completion in 1900. The canal was 28 miles in length, 160 feet wide and 21 feet deep. Construction required more rock, soil, and clay removed than the material removed to make the Panama Canal.7 Calumet River

The majority of Chicago viewed the Sanitary and Ship (Straigtened 1928)

(1900)

International Port of Chicago

Cal-Sag Channel

(Formerly Lake Calumet)

(1911)

Calumet

Little Calumet

Sanitary and Ship Canal During Construction

Completed Sanitary and Ship Canal

LAKE SOURCE RIVER SOURCE GROUNDWATER SOURCE POPULATION

Water Source to Population

Canal as a hide success. However, other communities in the area disagreed with the opening of the canal. These communities down river believed the reversal of the river would send diluted waste water down river into other water supply systems. These communities argued the canal did not purify all water systems, but instead just redirected the pollutants from one water supply to another. Many lawsuits were filed in opposition to the project.

However, none of the lawsuits would prevent the creation of the Sanitary and Ship Canal. The project would be the largest water development project the city had ever taken on and would allow rapid growth to continue to propel Chicago into the 20th century.

Increased industrialization in Chicago and surrounding cities also increased pollution entering the river systems in Illinois.

To combat the negative effects these pollutants were having on the environment the Calumet-Sag Channel (Cal-Sag) was developed between the Little Calumet River and the Chicago Sanitary Ship Canal to remove pollutants from Lake Michigan into the Illinois River. Begun in 1911 and finished in 1922 it was 16 miles in length.

The canal served barge traffic in the active zone of heavy industry.

At 9 feet deep and 60 feet wide it limited traffic to one direction but in 1946 the Rivers and Harbor Act allowed for the expansion to 225 feet wide when it was seen as a profitable trade route. This

North Side Channel

North Branch

Lake Michigan

Past Shoreline

CHI 87

Past Waterways Present Waterways City Limit

South Branch

(Straigtened 1928)

Des Plaines River

Chicago Sanitary and Ship Canal (1900)

Calumet River International Port of Chicago

Cal-Sag Channel

(Formerly Lake Calumet)

(1911)

Calumet

Little Calumet

CHI 88

expansion allowed for two-way traffic and increased the channel’s effectiveness. The widening of the canal was completed in 1965 and led to the International Port of Chicago, formerly known as Lake Calumet which allowed for large lake ships to dock.8

The highly manipulated Chicago River faced one last change in 1928. It was decided that the path of the river would be changed to allow for barge traffic to maneuver with more ease and the creation of land for the very successful railroad industry. The area of manipulation was located on the South Branch where the river curved to the east; this area is where Roosevelt Street resides currently. By filling this area in and straightening the river, land in this part of the city increased in value dramatically. The Chicago River seen today is in a location a quarter mile from its original location, this manipulation was deemed highly successful for the industries of the city.

A consequence for not implementing pollution standards early in development, Chicago has been continuously plagued with issues regarding the sanitary conditions found in its main water sources. In 1975 the Tunnel and Reservoir Plan (TARP) commonly known as the Deep Tunnel Project was implemented to contest the many issues with Chicago’s water sources.9 The main objective for this plan is to reduce flooding in the metropolitan Chicago area, and to reduce the harmful effects of flushing raw sewage into Lake Michigan. This is accomplished by diverting storm water and sewage into temporary holding reservoirs. An extensive pipe system sits bellow Chicago at some points nearly 300 feet below the surface; some of the pipes reach diameters of nearly 27 feet, the entire system of pipes can hold nearly 2.3 billion gallons of water. Though the project is not yet competed many of the reservoirs are now active, Completion of the system is not anticipated until 2029.10

The changing of the Chicago River’s direction proved to be an impressive industrial accomplishment but manipulating nature in this fashion comes with many consequences. Now the issue isn’t waterborne disease, but invasive species. Unwelcome organisms, plants and microbes are the price of connecting two waterways that had always been separate, the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River.

One of the main concerns is Asian carp. “The establishment of Asian carps could cause great economic impact to the Great Lakes’ commercial, tribal, and sport fisheries, today valued at more than $7 billion annually.”11 Bighead and silver carp are voracious eaters.

They have the potential to strip the food web of the key source of food for small and big fish. The diet of Asian carp overlaps with the diet of native fishes in the Mississippi and Illinois Rivers meaning the carp compete directly with native fish for food. Though it is a substantial problem for these fish to have been caught in the Great Lakes, human manipulation creating a pathway to the Mississippi River is not an option. The conversation has begun considering the re-reversal of the Chicago River back into Lake Michigan.12

Chicago’s proximity to Lake Michigan has been shown to be a huge asset and a huge liability. Countless projects have been

Chicago’s Water Purification System

View from 10th story of the Spertus Center on Michigan Ave.

CHI 89 Chicago river, Lake Michigan Shoreline, Manipulated Lake Edge

implemented since the cities existence to avoid flooding, sickness, and pollution. Chicago constantly looks for solutions that combat the negative side effects that have been caused by the cities elevation and constant industrial pollution.

References 1. Solzman, David. The Chicago River: An Illustrated History and Guide to the River and Its Waterways. Chicago: Wild Onion Books. 1998.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Ibid.

9. LYDERSEN, KARI. “Pressure to Improve Water Quality in Chicago River.” New York Times (May 20, 2011): 19B. 10. Trimbath, Karen. “Chicago’s Deep Tunnel Project Reaches Milestone.” Civil Engineering (08857024) 76, no. 5 (May 2006): 36–37.

11. “Injurious Wildlife Species; Silver Carp (Hypophthalmichthys Molitrix) and Largescale Silver Carp (Hypophthalmichthys

Harmandi)”, n.d. http://www.epa.gov/EPA-IMPACT/2007/ July/Day-10/i13371.htm.

12. “The Invaders.” Economist 394, no. 8663 (January 2, 2010): 22–23.

View from the Chicago Riverwalk towards Lake Michigan

Industry

Nolan Ediger B.S. Design, Nicholas Tiwald B.S. Design, and Amanda Wesely B.S. Design

CHI 90

ABSTRACT: A look at the environmental and geographical conditions affecting the growth of Chicago’s industries and the resulting beneficial and negative consequences. Starting with the fur and lumber trade and concluding with the aeronautical and electronics industries; Chicago’s entrepreneurial efforts brought it an abundance of population and wealth, but also subsequent crime and poverty.

Chicago’s time of development and geographical location set it up to be the gateway to the evolution of the Midwest. In effect Chicago intrinsically completed a cyclical route of trade and manufacturing using the rivers and lakes to transport goods from the Midwest to a successive global economy.

Beginning on the East coast and moving west, the urbanization of America began as canals and lakes transporting trade goods. The birth of Chicago was a result of this phenomenon and became a central trading hub for the entirety of the Midwest.

Initiated with the fur and lumber trade, Chicago became a nucleus for contemporary industry. This morphing of pivotal economic functions drove the development of the city’s essence both negatively and positively which will be hereafter. Industry changes how the city grows from its humble beginnings to its intricate maturity but also affects societal relationships. Density then affects the development of pollution. The past industries spurred the population of Chicago that made it into a thriving business epicenter.

The fur, lumber, and grain industry was the catalyst for the future development of the city; without these activities the city would have never come into existence. These industries were attracted to this particular location as the Great Lakes and surrounding tributaries allowed these goods to be transported to the more heavily populated eastern seaboard. Chicago entered into international trade upon completion of the Saint Lawrence Seaway.

Which connected the Great Lakes to the Atlantic Ocean. As these industries flourished and the population began to rise discoveries of new resources occurred, thus sparking the growth of manufacturing industries. These contemporary trades continued to be an attracting force that continued the steady flow of migrants to the Chicago metropolitan area. Hidden within this massive workforce were gems of entrepreneurial genius. These individuals continued to envision more grand capital ventures that would catapult Chicago beyond simple manufacturing and food production to prevailing aviation

and electronics enterprises. The location of Chicago made these young industries possible; for example the steel industry of Chicago thrived due to the easily acquirable iron ore, coke, and limestone.

This allowed Union Steel Company to be founded in 1880; it soon became one of the leading steel companies in the nation. By 1901, it became U.S. Steel South Works, which occupied about 576 acres of lake front property and became the largest steel mill in the nation. In 1917, United States steel production reached 45 million tons, which U.S. Steel South Works greatly contributed to. At their peak they employed nearly 20,000 workers in Chicago.

Another prominent early industry of this time was the meat packing industry. Chicago’s Midwest location provided open flat lands for stockyards, rivers and The Great Lakes allowed for easy exportation; these factors boosted this industries performance.

These industries expanded rapidly and began to occupy exceedingly more land on the lakefront. The largest of these companies was the Union Stock Yards founded in 1865. This company consisted of a 475-acre market by the time it shut down in 1971 it handled more than one billion animals. The Midwest’s many stockyards fueled the exceedingly increasing demand for meat. Chicago, again, due to its location on the lakes and in between rivers gave it the necessary ingredients to exceed. These two less sophisticated industries provided Chicago with the necessary materials and workforce required for more complex businesses. The largest of these industries was Western Electric, which was founded in 1869. By the time the company was ten years old it was already netting one million dollars of sales in yearly. Thirty years later the company employed 25,000 workers and annual sales reached $300 million a year.

In order for these fledgling industries to prosper they required a means to distribute their goods; this meant there needed to be an adequate relationship to the waterfront. Thus the industries of Chicago dispersed themselves along the lake edge, this is where they still remain to this present day. Originally the more natural waterways of the Great Lakes and feeding rivers provided a backdrop for an efficient distribution network. Eventually human innovation interjected and to allow for even more increased efficiency. As far back as 1871 locks on the waterways to the Atlantic Ocean allowed for transit of vessels 186 feet. Currently, increased demand forced Right: Railroad Network in Chicago

CHI 91

CHI

1837

WATER ROUTE

SOO LOCKS

1837

SOO LOCKS GREEN BAY

CHICAGO RIVER

RAILROAD 1961 1862 1847 1820

1954

LAKE HURON

SAINT LAWRENCE SEAWAY

BAY CITY

CHI 92

LAKE ONTARIO

MILWAUKEE TORONTO

1833

LAKE MICHIGAN MISSISSIPPI RIVER

CHICAGO

ILLINIOS RIVER

WELLAND CANAL DETROIT

LAKE ERIE CLEVELAND

Influential trade routes

waterways to expand to allow for ships as large as 740 feet long could traverse the seaway to Chicago, which further bolstered distribution to and from Chicago. The railroad was a huge component to distribution as well. It started in 1848 from the center of Chicago to its hinterlands in attempt claim lead ore. Later on the railroads were useful to connect the city to the wheat fields of northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin. Later still Chicago connected with major metropolitan cities of the Midwest and eastern seaboard. Currently Chicago is one of the most important railroad foci in North America; more railroad track eminent from Chicago than any other city. Without this vast distribution network the city would not have been able to encourage the developed of its most important trades.

Industry location spurred subdivisions of residential and commercial developments that fashioned a symbiotic relationship between the three land uses. This process occurred time and time again along the waterfront giving Chicago its distinctive outline. Industry began to sprawl due to the ever-expanding railroad system, this created new hubs for distribution of goods throughout the Midwest. Certain industries located themselves away from the heavily polluted areas of Chicago in order to take advantage of the clean and more attractive work environment. Urban structure of Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s skyline was heavily dependent on the stressed importance of industry as the main catalyst for the creation of Chicago. The original business consisted of warehouses for the goods that created Chicago, as the city moved Light Pollution in Chicago

BUFFALO

past this type of economy so did the building type. As the warehouses lost their functionality, they were redeveloped through time into the lofty structures that profile the skyline of Chicago today. What can be concluded is the cultural and industrial importance of the downtown core of Chicago. In addition it is directly correlated to the dispersal of industries throughout time.

Industrialization that occurred in the United States during the late 19th and 20th century transformed modern society. Due to this process Chicago in turn was forever changed due to its large amounts of heavy industry. The top leading industries included iron and steel manufacturing; other pertinent industries include garment production, agricultural, aviation, and electrical machinery manufacturing, commercial printing, and meatpacking. These industries required such an immense workforce that three quarters of Chicagoans were first generation immigrants in the late 19th century. The positions held by these individuals were grimy and underpaid, as there was little regulation. In the early 20th century over half of the populous of Chicago was employed by these immense businesses. This large

workforce banded together in order to survive the dismal work environment that was provided. In fact the circumstances were so bad that in 1906 Upton Sinclair authored “The Jungle”. This novel explored the conditions of meatpacking plants and questioned the industries treatment of vital employees. This ultimately enacted the Pure Food and Drug Act and Meat Inspection Act, which placed much needed regulations upon meatpacking. To aid in the improvement of worker conditions labor unions were formed. As regulations changed and the quality of life improved, ghettoization began to disband. This significantly changed the density dynamics and residential placement in the city. These industries impacted other aspects of society as well. For example the aviation market started in the 1920s for airmail and cargo, this was again due to the location of the city. These early airline industries were mostly possible due to federal infrastructure programs, which created O’Hare International and Midway Airports. These airports paved the way for a large and influential aviation industry in Chicago.

By 1932 Midway handled 32 arrivals and an equal number of

CHI 93

1993 LEAD LEVELS

1993 VIOLENT CRIMES PER NEIGHBORHOOD

PER NEIGHBORHOOD

500 BC DISCOVERED SYMPTOM OF LEAD POISONING IS VIOLENT BEHAVIOR 1800

INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION CAUSES LEAD POISONING TO BE COMMON

1920 LEADED GASOLINE INDUSTRIES BECOME LARGEST LEAD SIR POLLUTERS 1978

LEAD HOUSE PAINT IS BANNED AFTER DANGERS BEGAN TO REVEAL

1980 LEADED GASOLINE BEGANS TO BE PHASED OUT

0

15% PERCEN

1985 LEAD BLOOD LEVELS ARE DANGEROUSLY HIGH FOR AMERICANS PER 100,000 RESIDENTS

0003000 4

0003

2000

0002

01000 001

0 0

INDUSTRY POLLUTION’S AFFECTS ON HUMAN BEHAVIOR 0

2000

4000

1000

3000

4000

6000

2000

0

0005

1990 CHILDREN FROM THE 1970’S LEADED GASOLINE PERIOD BECOME ADULTS, AND THE VIOLENT CRIME RATE HITS A PEAK POINT 5% 0

0

5

5 5%

10

10%

10 10%

15 15

15%

5000

2000 LEAD ORGANIZATIONS HAS A THEORY THAT CHILDHOOD LEAD EXPOSURE LEADS TO VIOLENT ADULT CRIMES

15%

2008 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING CLAIMS VIOLENT BEHAVIOR IN ADULTS 2011 EPA CLAIMS CHICAGO HAS TOO MUCH LEAD AIR POLLUTION 2011 1 MILLION AMERICAN CHILDREN UNDER THE AGE OF 5 HAVE HIGH LEAD BLOOD LEVELS 2012 AVIATION AND METAL INDUSTRIES LEAD CHICAGO IN LEAD POLLUTION

2010 VIOLENT CRIMES PER NEIGHBORHOOD

Industry Pollution’s Affects on Human Behavior

20 20

2010 LEAD LEVELS

PER NEIGHBORHOOD

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departures. At this time the airport handled passengers, cargo, and mail and was the busiest airport on the planet and employed 1,100 people. Moving forward to 1950, this industry in Chicago employed more than 5,000 people. Soon after Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Hare International Airport was designed to handle larger jet aircraft and international flights. In the early 1960s Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Hare, handled more than eight million passengers a year and employed around 12,000 people. By the turn of the century the two airports combined passed 80 million passengers and 1.5 million tons of cargo a year making this area one of the busiest air trafficking areas still to this day. Beyond mere aviation jobs, this industry created 340,000 jobs in the metropolitan area. Although these industries proved to advance society into the high technology age, they also wrecked havoc on the environment, creating pollution wherever present and historically as the shear amount of industry increased so did the pollution.

The pollutants in Chicago consist of air, water, noise, and land. They exist throughout the city limits, however they occur in a wide variety of locations and combinations. These pollutants affect the entirety of Chicago on a macro scale and then down to every individual. For example lead pollution created by the vast aviation industry of Chicago can be correlated to increased amounts of violence in certain portions of the city. Comparing the years of 1993 and 2010 an apparent increase in violent crimes in Chicago has been seen. In 1993 there were around 3,000 violent crimes per 100,000 of the population in Chicago, which correlated to 5% of the population being affected by lead poisoning. Fast-forward to 2010 where 6,000 violent crimes per 100,000 of the population to a lead poisoning rate of 15% lead poisoning rate. These statistics are directly correlated to the rise in prominence of both the aviation and the steel industry.

LANDMARK The other forms of pollutants affect the city as well. Noise and water ZOMBIE BOARDED pollution greatly affect land value and in turn forecast the presence Landmark, Zombie, and Boarded Buildings of Chicago of industry in the area. That being said another pollutant, namely light pollution may affect the city in a positive way; citizens in areas with a large amount of light get an increased sense of safety, thusly reducing crime. Therefore the industries in Chicago have greatly affected the people there. Among these effects are ever-changing land values, health issues, crime variances, and overall quality of life.

Today, The Chicago Climate Action Plan is beginning to redefine the actions of the government to design a healthier city.

This plan is the reinvention of human interactions with not only nature but with the built environment. This plan is outlined in five sub-strategies; which include energy efficient buildings, clean and renewable energy sources, improved transportation options, reduced waste and industrial pollution, and adaptation. As this plan unfolds and continues to evolve, every facet of the city will morph to coincide, creating a city of longevity. As the city has in the past, this new initiative will again stimulate the minds of the creative genius in Chicago, thus a new wave of industrial innovation will occur. These innovative tactics consist of more efficient use of gathering materials and increased efficiency of manufacturing necessary products.

Pollution Chicago River

creative intelligence brainstormed new ways to move the city forward into the 21st century. Industry pushed the city into a continuously changing state of being. Without the industries of Chicago it would be hardly a shadow of itself. Industry changed the organized density of the city and thusly had a direct impact on cultivating the culture of the region.

Young - Old Pollution High - Low

High-Tech Industry VS Pollution Over Time

These industries will need to rethink their developmental policies in order to sustain and increase their viability. As the Chicago plan advances through its many phases the benefits will be innumerable. However, the true advantage lies in increased efficiency, which will once again bring competitiveness back to the manufacturing of the United States. This competitiveness will bring an advantage back to the United States’ as a more efficient industry is increasingly more sustainable.

In conclusion the morphing of Chicago from a tiny fur and lumber port to the sprawling metropolis it is today can be directly attributed to the industries that grew out of the city. There is an inherent circularity to the development of Chicago in that the industries attracted the population, while the population’s

References 1. Bensmen, David and Mark Wilson. “Iron and Steel.”

Encyclopedia of Chicago, 2005. http://encyclopedia. chicagohistory.org/pages/653.html (accessed February 12, 2012).

2. Cannon, Phillippa. EPA: Chicago’s Pilsen Neighborhood. June 15, 2011. http://yosemite.epa.gov/opa/admpress.nsf/d0cf6618525a 9efb85257359003fb69d/74d56b52ef4e678c852578b0006cbe9c!Op enDocument (accessed February 2012).

3. Chan, Maemie. The Chicago River: Sources and Pollution. http://www.ucls.uchicago.edu/students/projects/ChicagoWater/ sources.html (accessed February 2012).

4. Orenic, Liesl. “Airlines.” Encyclopedia of Chicago, 2005, http:// encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/33.html (accessed February 12, 2012).

5. Pacyga, Dominic. “Union Stock Yard.” Encyclopedia of Chicago, 2005. http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/2218.html (accessed February 12, 2012).

6. Wilson Mark, “Western Electric Co.” Encyclopedia of Chicago, 2005. http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/2900.html (accessed February 12, 2012).

7. Conzen, Michael and Christopher Thale. “Chicago Area Iron and Steel.” Encyclopedia of Chicago, 2005. http://encyclopedia. chicagohistory.org/pages/1759.html (accessed February 12, 2012).

8. Brief History of the Chicago River. http://www.chicagoriver.org/ upload/Chicago%20River%20History.pdf (accessed February 12, 2012).

9. “History of The St. Lawrence Seaway.” Infrastructure Canada. http://web.archive.org/web/20080625044719/http://www. infrastructure.gc.ca/research-recherche/result/alt_formats/pdf/ hm05_e.pdf (accessed February 12, 2012).

10. “U.S. Steel.” Chicago’s Southeast Side. http://www.neiu. edu/~reseller/setourp16.htm (accessed February 12, 2012).

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Fabric

Vanessa Hostick-B.S.Design, Emilie Kopp-B.S.Design, and Rex Sandquist-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: The complex urban fabric of Chicago can only be understood through a multi-dimensional analysis of qualities found in both section and plan. Following the completion of the Erie Canal, the small trading outpost on Lake Michigan transformed into the city that became the gateway to the west, allowing for massive growth in density and land area simultaneously. Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development was spurred by feats of engineering and adaptation which have led to the city we see today. The city is not just a sprawling mass, but a complicated system of layered spaces.

were implemented for public safety following the devastation, and new technologies such as fire proofing were explored. The changes allowed easier movement through the fabric as well as encouraging light and air to move through the new spaces. A revolutionary new building technique of steel framed buildings allowed for buildings of unprecedented size. The birth of the modern city and the skyscraper were a direct result of the new steel frames. The intent was to construct buildings out of materials that did not burn as quickly or easily as wood. The result was a stronger structure that could go higher. The debris cleared away after the fire was dumped into the lake to create a new shoreline. Grant Park and the Art Institute are

The Chicago city fabric not only extends over 2,122.8 built on top of a completely man made shoreline from the debris square miles of land but also rises to extraordinary heights and that totals 319 acres. The new shoreline was an act of convenience depths. The extensive reaches of the fabric of Chicago reflects the and an assertion by the city to adapt the site to its own needs. (Map: historic growth of the city. In 1830 Chicago transitioned from a The Changing Shoreline) Following the shoreline debris expansion, trading post to a city recognized by the newly formed United States the land became a plastic man made edge that can be changed and government. The completion of the Erie Canal found Chicago as adapted as the city grows and changes. one of the few cities on the coast of Lake Michigan ready to trade, Chicago began to grow out in distance as well as up in which resulted in a massive population boom. The population boom height following the fire. Implementation of the cable car allowed presented a need to create housing and offices close the bustling activity of the shoreline. In 1885 Peter Brooks designed and oversaw for greater outward expansion. The annexation of multiple outlying the construction of the first skyscraper. The skyscraper served as the areas caused Chicago to triple in size. (Map: Accretion of the City) solution to the growing density issue. Tall buildings began to appear Public transit changed the density and movement of the city. The city began to sprawl away from the concentrated downtown and up and down the shoreline. industrial areas, and a larger number of the population began

In the 1850s the city raised the entire datum line of the commuting to work every day. city five feet so that a new network of sewage and water lines could

The population and construction booms of the early be installed under the streets to service the growing density of the 1800s caused more than fire hazards; sanitation of the river became population. This datum level lasted only a few years before further raising was required - in the 1860s the city had to be raised again for an issue. The river was stagnate and diseased in the concentrated the installation of storm drains. This was the beginning of a complex downtown near the lake. In order to keep the river constantly moving, and therefore fresh, in 1892 the Army Corp. of Engineers system of layers in the urban fabric that breached both height and reversed the direction of the river. The act of changing the direction depth as well as distance (Map: Fabric of Chicago). of the river was yet another act by the city of Chicago to adapt the

In 1871, Chicago experienced the greatest disaster in the land to its own needs. New paths were carved, ultimately changing cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history. The Great Chicago Fire of 1871 annihilated much of the layout of the land around the river. (Map: The Changing the built fabric along the shoreline and over 300 people died and 100,000 were left homeless after the fire. The fire destroyed an area 4 Shoreline)(For more information on the reversal of the river please miles long and 3/4 mile wide. More than 73 miles of road, 120 miles reference Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s River Chapter.)

In 1899 a major strike stopped traffic downtown and the of sidewalk, 2,000 lampposts, 17,500 buildings and $222 million in transport of goods for weeks. To prevent such a strike from adversely property were lost. The fire signaled the end of the beginning. The city did not succumb to disaster, but instead used the fire to make radical changes to the city fabric. Zoning and building distances Right: Chicago Fabric at Night.

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pedway 1951

lake-dearborn subway built 1937-52

wacker drive built 1926; rebuilt 2002

abandoned freight tunnel built 1899 abandoned 1959

CHI 98 lake street ‘L’ line built 1894 chicago fire 1871 datum line raised 1860s

Fabric of Chicago

datum line raised 1850s chicago founded 1830

impacting traffic and profits again, an underground tunnel system was created. This system was a pre-cursor to the ‘L’ or elevated transit line. The dirt dug out for the tunnel system was piled on the shoreline, again changing the shape and range of the Chicago shore (Map: The Changing Shoreline). By this point the fabric has experienced radical changes: foundations had been raised twice allowing for multiple street levels, the river had been reversed, skyscrapers were challenging the sky, the city had grown far out beyond its original boundary, and now the only place left to grow was underground. In 1909 Daniel Burnham proposed a new plan for Chicago with greater thorough fair and radial symmetry. Not everything in the plan was implemented, but the general idea was supported by the city government and the public alike. The grid was rationalized and names attached to continuous streets, regularizing the city into a cohesive element. Not only was the grid regularized, but it was also challenged by a series of radial streets and the run of the river. Suddenly the fabric had two organized systems. (Map: The Grid of Chicago) The radial streets and river divided the fabric into pieces, but the grid served as a cohesive element that really held the fabric and neighborhoods of the city together.

Directly before Burnham’s new city plan came out, the World’s Columbian Exposition in 1893 was a test ground for many of the principles Burnham wanted to instill in the Chicago fabric. Twenty-two years after the fire, the temporary world’s fair was designed and implemented by Daniel Burnham and Frederick Olmsted. It was comprised of Neoclassical architecture, large clean thorough fairs, and an industrial show of the country’s progress. The ultimate goal of the movement was to clean up the city and make it more pleasant to experience. The exposition successfully attracted a number of people to Chicago.

The creation of the rapid rail transit lines (L) in the early 1900s changed the way people experienced the fabric of the city. The L Transit moves above and below ground expanding the depth of the city and providing a range of experiences. (Photo: Downtown Elevated Rail) Access to the city was easier and faster than it had ever grant/millenium park 2008

chicago’s metropolitan extends 40 miles from downtown in all directions 1990

grant park rail line 1981

deindustrialization causes subrubs to shrink 1960s

shoreline 1955

monroe surface parking 1951

flee to the suburbs 1950s

burnham’s plan for chicago 1908

the chicago area tripled with the annexation of lake view, jefferson, and hyde park 1889

Looking Back Downtown

debris from the fire extends the shoreline into lake michigan creating new ground that would become the art institute and grant park 1871

chicago fire 1871

population boom 1850s

lakefront 1830

map of the fabric city of chicago, 2012 emilie kopp vanessa hostick arch411

been. The amount of time to travel into the Loop from the suburbs diminished to no more than few minutes. This made living away from the city core and commuting to work a relatively small issue.

The ease of movement with short travel times helped to mobilize the entire city on a daily basis. The fabric began to respond to the higher tempo of life in the city. Changes in the fabric began to reflect the speed and ease that traffic and pedestrians wished to achieve in their constant movement throughout the day and night. Owl services to the rail operated all night, more buses and stops were added to the system, and express commuter lines to far outer regions on the Metra became common place.

The 1950s saw a major decentralization of the city and a movement toward the suburbs. This movement was in part influenced by the pursuit of the American dream. Families could have a house, a yard, and a dog for a relatively small amount of

Accretion of the City

The Changing Shoreline

money. Suburbs were depicted as a safer and healthier place to raise a family outside of the dense city center. The suburb quickly became a defining characteristic of the Chicago region. (Photo: Oak Park, the Outer Sprawl of Chicago) Another influence of the movement toward the suburbs was de-industrialization and the shift to a more service oriented industry. The downtown building emphasis shifted from residential to office. The new service oriented industries created a need for a new building type. The skyline of Chicago was constantly changing to accommodate the shift in population and industry. More people began to commute into the city for work, using personal cars and the mass transit systems. The unoccupied city center saw a decline in civil engagement and an increase in crime and dilapidation which is an issue still being dealt with today.

Contemporary Chicago still grows in every direction, just as it has throughout history. The Chicago boundaries are not

1900

1955

2000

1900

1950

1920

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set. The edges are a fluctuating plastic man-made element of the city. The ever growing and changing shoreline is a testament to the plasticity of the Lake edge. (Map: The Changing Shoreline) The fabric addresses needs that range from movement to public safety, even energy. Technology has influenced the emergence of many of these new layers in the fabric. The recently implemented (2005) anti-terrorist technological network connects high-tech cameras and biochemical sensors across the city gathering the fabric for the protection of the population.8 Energy based layers are also continuously added to the city. Natural gas is piped to a number of residences and buildings adding another layer piping to the complex city infrastructure that had already moved vertically twice to accommodate water, sewage, and storm drains. The gas is used to power heating and cooling systems in Chicago residences.

Power lines exist in their own underground network and transport electricity to homes, businesses, and rail lines. Now “green” or “clean” energy sources are connecting the electric grid of Chicago.

These sources use renewable energies like wind to generate electricity for the city in a more environmentally responsible way.

As the information age dawned, Chicago added fiber optic lines to tap into the new information resource, the internet. Each new development in technology results in a new layer in the fabric. The lines are often installed under the streets in the grid. This enforces the feeling that the grid of Chicago literally holds the city together, neighborhood to neighborhood, energy source to home. (Map: The Grid of Chicago)

The undulating nature of the city adapting land and resources for its needs has defined the way the city is experienced and changed the ecology of region permanently.

Recent construction has been implemented to offset some of the environmental damage that results from adapting nature to the uses of Chicago. A large green roof movement began in the city and spread across the nation. The roof top gardens and parks create a new organic breathing level to the fabric. It allows for public green space in a dense urban setting without tearing down a valuable building to create an open lot. The skyline has morphed into a steel and glass setting accented by the soft greens of trees and grass 60 floors above the multi-level streets and elevated rail lines. (Photo: Green Roof)

The city still grows in every direction imaginable. The skyline has soared, sprawl has slowed in the last few years, though miles and miles of single family homes still surround Chicago. The only major move left is to grow out into the lake. A new framework plan by Studio Gang Architects in Chicago has proposed to do just that. The proposal asserts to build small islands and reefs off the shoreline consistent with the un-implemented Burnham 1909 plan.

If successfully completed, the fabric will add yet another layer of man-made elements to its plastic edge.

The fabric of Chicago is not simply a system of open spaces. Historic events (or the reaction to events) have created an

Downtown Elevated Rail

The Grid of Chicago

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immense depth and distance to the fabric that defines the movement city and the way its inhabitants occupy it. There is variety in scale and density that makes the relational aspects of spaces an interesting system. From the dense core to the sprawling suburb, Chicago’s undulating fabric is unique in every dimension.

Grant Park

Oak Park, the Outer Sprawl of Chicago

References 1. U.S. Census Bureau, “2010 Census Briefs: Population Distribution and Change” (Washington: Government Printing Office, 2010).

2. Miles L. Berger, They Built Chicago: Entrepreneurs Who Shaped a Great City’s Architecture (Chicago: Bonus Books, Inc., 1992), 37.

3. Robin Einhorn, “Street Grade, Raising,” Sanitation Strategy for a Lakefront Metropolis: The Case of Chicago as found in Chicago Historical Society, Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): accessed February 2012, http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1202. html.

4. Conzen, Michael P., “Progress of the Chicago Fire of 1871,” Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): Accessed February 2012, http:// encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/3710.html.

5. A New Look at the Causes of the Great Chicago Fire, “Causes of the Great Chicago Fire”; Last modified May 12, 2004, http://www. thechicagofire.com/ Accessed February 27, 2012.

6. Chicago Park District, “Grant Park,” Chicago Park District, http:// www.chicagoparkdistrict.com/parks/grant-park/ (accessed February 2012).

7. Miles L. Berger, They Built Chicago: Entrepreneurs Who Shaped a Great City’s Architecture (Chicago: Bonus Books, Inc., 1992), 202.

8. Gretchen Ruethling, “National Briefing / Midwest: Illinois: HighTech Security System for Chicago,” New York Times (February 11, 2005) accessed March 4, 2012, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/ fullpage.html?res=9C05E2D8173AF932A25751C0A9639C8B63

Program

Stephanie Morales-B.S.Design, Sarah Pankow-B.S.Design

CHI 102

ABSTRACT: In order to understand what defines the city of Chicago, it is essential to study the program. By doing so the many layers can be understood as they come together to create functioning systems within the city. To effectively study how the systems interact with the program, GIS maps of specific building types such as civic buildings and public spaces were overlaid with those which outlined population density and race. This analysis shows the population of downtown Chicago is less residential even though most civic, public and entertainment occurs in the downtown districts. The cause of this can easily be related to the separating of home and work life knowing many city workers live in the nearby suburbs. By relating the current systems of today and the way they interact within the programmatic layers of the city, one can see certain historic events in the city helped to uniquely change the overall urban context.

The development of Chicago can be highly credited to its location between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River basin.

Due to ease of access to the water the new city quickly grew with industry, new transportation, and population. The construction of the Erie Canal through New York City and the centralized railroads in Chicago made the city a transportation hub for the United States.

With the new changes, immigrants and workers quickly came looking for good work and a chance at a better life. Over the past two centuries Chicago has grown rapidly and gained nearly 3 million residents of all ethnicities. With the great amount of diversity the city encompasses, the programs within it have also adapted to fit the needs of the growing population. Today Chicago is the third largest city in the United States and one of the leading hubs in transportation.

When the city was first established in 1837 the population was roughly 200. This didn’t last long as people were finding out Chicago was a great transportation hub in the United States which controlled access from the Great Lakes to provide trade throughout the rest of the country. Since this was now the only city controlling access into the Mississippi River, Chicago officially start growing as a city. With the construction of the Erie Canal beginning to move west, workers and immigrants also came and by 1840 Chicago had reached over 4,000 people. This was a huge defining way in which Chicago came about, and without the Erie Canal the City would not be the same today.

With the construction of the railroad in the 1850’s, Chicago would see another population spike. Railroads coming from the East would end in Chicago and railroads going west began in Chicago. This allowed Chicago to become the nation’s intersecting point. Now that Chicago was controlling trade on land and water it was necessary for people to migrate in order to trade easily and inexpensively. This would again bring new immigrants such as Germans, Irish, Swedes, English and Dutch.1 In the case of the Irish, the great famine was a catalyst in their reasons for migrating while others were mostly unskilled workers who saw great opportunity in the newly developed railroad and canal.

The Civil War was another leading factor in the development of the city. By this time, the railroad was allowing for substantial transportation and gave the United States Army a way of transporting troops and supplies. With all of the money coming in, the war brought stable banking to Chicago. Over $30 million dollars was put into the Chicago banking system, which gave a huge push in industrial expansion. As a result, Chicago had three times as many factories, allowing the population to triple. This proves not all bad things can hurt a city. Chicago benefited tremendously from the war and was able to establish itself again for transportation and industry.

Once the war was over, it became apparent the city had grown too fast. Sufficient housing was not properly developed due to the rapid population growth of the city. The outcome was a city filled with tenement housing, disheveled streets, and highly polluted air.

The living conditions were crowded and often didn’t have running water or sewage. Since many of the main jobs were on the shore in stockyards and railroads, many families had no choice but to live in these tenements due to the locations of the working industries available. There were no efficient means of public transportation during these years and the suburbs had yet to develop. Such living conditions became unsafe to live in and called for a change in the way the city was being developed.

These conditions made Chicago rethink its city on a much larger scale, which started with proper functioning water and sewage systems.2 Not only was this apparent from the poor living conditions, but when cholera returned to the city in 1867 the city was in need of major changes. In the 1950’s the health department Right: Figure 1. Michigan Ave

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Figure 2. Integrated City by Sarah Pankow

had been discontinued, but with this epidemic it was immediately put back into place. The improvements to the water system, which allowed clean drinking water for the city was brought in through an underground tunnel.3 Ultimately this led to the change of flow in the Chicago River. The change in the river was significant because it allowed Chicago to improve the quality and health of life its residents could live. Ever since the city was able to get rid of the diseases and infections, which haunted it for decades, they have taken the issue of health seriously to this day. As a way of keeping streets cleaner, an underground trash system was developed so when trash is collected it does not come in contact with pedestrians. By keeping debris off of sidewalks and roads the residents have a more pleasant experience walking around the city on a daily basis. Another move the city has made to keep the air clean is requiring all new buildings to have a green roof. Introducing vibrant plant life to the roofs improves the air quality in the downtown area while adding another layer of outdoor garden space to the city.

As a result of the rapid growth from the war and industries, buildings were being quickly built and often followed no safety or fire codes. Most were built of wood and were too close together. When the Great Fire demolished much of the city in 1871, it had the opportunity to start over and completely rebuild in a way that would support the demands of the growing population. This turned out to be beneficial to Chicago because it allowed for the city to rebuild on a much larger plan. Not only was Chicago able to redevelop its boundaries, but also improve communities in more specific areas. The fire not only changed the buildings of the city, but the demographics as well. Many people were too poor to rebuild and eventually the income classes started segregating. This played a major role in Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s first demographic shift.

Having such profound events occur in the city during a relatively short amount of time led to the up rise of many organizations. The Chicago Public Library was officially established in 1872. As a result of the Great Fire the library had lost many of its books and artifacts. With a generous donation of 8,000 books from the British, the library was able to re-establish itself relatively quickly.4 Shortly after, the Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Club was founded in 1876. The

Population Total Per Neighborhood 0-19,999k 20,000-39,999k 40,000-59-999k 60,000-79,999k 80k + Population Density Per Square Mile 0-5k 5-10k 10-15k 15-20k 20-25k 25k + Figure 3. Density in Chicago

club primarily focused on social improvements and established children’s kindergarten classes. Numerous women’s clubs began to form around the city and although they were highly segregated by race and class, they all shared an interest in enhancing their communities.5 These clubs were originally intended to improve the social quality of communities, but eventually led to furthering women’s rights and changing the program of the city. They increased the amount of jobs that were available to women and the hobbies that could be undertaken with an additional source of income.

As the population of Chicago continued to grow, the need for an established society also became apparent. The

court houses

hospitals

police stations

Figure 4. Civic and Public Buildings in Chicago

fire stations

jails

difference in classes could easily be seen and the luxuries enjoyed by them also varied. By the 1880’s tickets to the opera had come down in price and the middle class was able to enjoy this classy form of entertainment alongside the elite, a first since its debut in the city during the 1850’s. The opera proved to be a viable pursuit of leisure time for many years after its peak success. Such entertainment events were a clear sign the city was settled and beginning to develop its own distinct culture.

In the early years of the 1900’s Chicago seemed to be in its prime. Businesses were booming and the railroad was proving to be a success. In 1909 Daniel Burnham unveiled his plan for Chicago,

public schools

private schools

colleges

libraries

museums

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which would create a “beautiful, orderly and unified city.”6 The plan allowed for the city to do just that, the shoreline was rebuilt from rail lines and industry to a landscape the residents could enjoy. New street grids were adopted and allowed for efficient travel through the city by car and pedestrian walks. This, in combination with the city beautiful movement added many parks to the city. Having open-air parks allowed residents to enjoy the outdoors without taking long expensive trips away from the city. Today Chicago has 552 parks with over 7,300 acres. These open spaces would lead to cleaner air and eventually a healthier city. By 1937 Chicago had a thoroughly developed hospital system and had opened the first blood bank in the world at Cook County Hospital. This seemed to be a natural step since the city’s first hospital was built in 1843 on the northern border of town, in order to keep contagious disease away from the city. With these health precautions being taken into consideration alongside the new public open spaces the city was on course to becoming a healthy living environment for its large population.

At the same time the city was experiencing many updates and was also seeing a dramatic shift in the demographics of its population. In twenty years the black population increased from 44,103 to 233,903 people. From 1915-1970 over six million blacks had left the south for big northern cities including Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Detroit.7 In comparison to the south, these cities promised a new way of life with a steady source of income.¬ By 1950 the population was a total of 3.6 million residents, which was the largest it ever got.8 Since then Chicago’s population has dropped to nearly 2.6 million.

Of all the tragic experiences Chicago has faced, the city has made positive outcomes of them. Many organizations were established while others were further developed within the community. The overall program within the city has been able to develop on a much larger scale then ever imagined habiting over 16 different races and drawing in $532 billion dollars in tourism alone.

Chicago remains a major transportation hub in the United States and is currently the third largest distribution port in the world. As the third largest city in the United States, Chicago will continue to grow and make changes dealing with the program as more economic shifts continue to change.

Figure 5. Grant Park by Sarah Pankow

white black hispanic asian other Figure 6. Chicago Demographics

Population Total Per Neighborhood

CHI 107 Figure 7. Multiple Layers by Sarah Pankow

Figure 8. Corridor to the City by Sarah Pankow

Figure 9. Transportation by Stephanie Morales

References 1. Chicago’s Immigrants Break Old Patterns,” accessed 12 February 2012, http://www.Migration-information.org.

2. “ US Population History from 1850,” accessed 13 February 2012, http://www.demographia.com/db-uscity1850.

3. “Public Health Encyclopedia,” Encyclopedia of Chicago, accessed 13 February 2012, http:www.chicagohistory.org.

4. “Library,” Encyclopedia of Chicago, accessed 12 February 2012, http://www.chicagohistory.org.

5. “Women’s Clubs,” Encyclopedia of Chicago, accessed 13 February 2012, http://www.chicagohistory.org.

6. “Without Bounds or Limits: An Online Exhibition of the plan of Chicago,” Art Institute of Chicago, accessed 15 February 2012, http://www.artic.edu/aic/libraries/research/specialcollections/ planofchicago/introduction.html.

7. “Chicago’s Great Migration: Blacks Leaving Historic Neighborhoods to Return South,” accessed 15 February 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/16/blacks-southreturn_n_1014381.html.

8. “Hospitals,” Encyclopedia of Chicago, accessed 13 February 2012, http://www.chicagohistory.org.

Asian Sex Offenders African American Sex Offenders Hispanic Sex Offenders White Sex Offenders 1/2 mile radius from Police Stations Figure 10. Sex Offenders and Elementary Schools

Population Total Per Neighborhood

Food

Michael Kemp-B.S. Design, Madi Sorrick-B.S. Design

CHI 108

ABSTRACT: Chicago has a rich history and one of the most important parts of its history is that role that was played by food. The cities beginnings are based on food and its production.

In the 1830’s, the rich farmlands of northern Illinois attracted many settlers. There were thousands of pioneer families traveling a few main trails with their wagons each year. These settlers opened the surrounding farmlands to trade, by building roads which crossed the Des Plaines River and Plainfield and ran from Chicago to current day Rockford and Galena. These roads enabled wagons of produce to reach the newly constructed grain elevators and docks. These trade goods were then loaded onto ships headed to New York via the Great Lakes and the Erie Canal.

During the industrial revolution one of the most influential inventions related to Chicago’s food history was the mechanical reaper. The mechanical reaper is a horse drawn mechanical machine used for harvesting grain or other small crops. It was designed to cut down wheat much more quickly and more efficiently than even the most able man could. The original mechanical reaper was designed

by Robert McCormick. His son, Cyrus, was the man who actually constructed the horse-drawn harvesting machine in 1831. Later, he began the mass production in a Chicago factory. This mass production ended tedious hand work and encouraged the invention and manufacturing of other less labor intensive farm machinery across the nation.

Here’s how to reaper operates: it starts by taking grains from small crops (such as corn, wheat and other grains) and sweeps them on to a platform which they were then raked off into piles in the field. The new reaper was capably of harvesting more grain than five men using the previous extracting device. After the model the Cyrus invented came another generation which was a self-raking reaper which was constructed using an endless conveyer belt that would bring the harvested grain to workers to bundle it. The next generation of reapers came with a self-bundler which was produced by the International Harvest Company. The International Harvest Company was founded by McCormick right before he left Virginia and officially moved to Chicago. The reaper is known as one of the most significant contributions to the prosperity of the United States, especially during the years of 1849, 1850, and 1851 which, when looked at collectively, strengthened Chicago’s importance agricultur-

ally to the business world.

During the 1850’s and 1860’s, Chicago’s agriculture had spread to the west, reaching areas of Pennsylvania to Ohio. It also reached its peak production in Illinois in this time. The perfect climate and fertile soil played major roles as well. By the end of 1860, Illinois was the leading producer in wheat and corn.

Once the railroads came into Chicago in 1848, the next food markets that helped grow Chicago to what it is today, started to take hold.

These markets were the Stockyards and Meat Packing Markets.

Before the 1865 construction of the Union Stock Yard & Transit Co., the local tavern owners provided pastures and cared for cattle herds, waiting to be sold around the city, along the various railroad lines. The Union Stock Yard was then built, to consolidate the large influx of both livestock and meat packing, on a 320-acre swamp on the southwest side of Chicago. These stockyards were then connected to the city’s main rail system and grew to a total of 375-acres with 2300 livestock pens. “The Yards” processed two million animals yearly by 1870 and nine million by 1890. By 1900, 400 million livestock animals were sent through and butchered at “The Yards”.

The Stock yards growth helped in many other advancements related to food and industry. One of these advancements was the Refrigerated Rail Car, invented by Gustavus Swift, the owner of Swift Meat Packers, which made it possible to ship processed meat instead of live animals to eastern markets. Also the mechanized processes of the kill line conveyor system which led to the inspiration of the assembly line.

By 1900, the Stock Yards employed 25,000 people and produced 82 percent of the United States domestic meat consumption.

In 1921 the Stock Yards employed over 40,000 people and had grown to 475-acres and had 50 miles of roadway and 131 miles of rail lines along its perimeter. At one point “The yards” covered one square mile and ran from Halstead Street to Ashland Avenue and from 39th to 47th Street.

The new technologies, which helped build the Chicago stockyards and packinghouses, eventually led to their demise. With the rapid growth of the federal highway system and the development of the refrigerated truck allowed packinghouses to move out of the expensive urban areas they had depended upon for railroad access.

As well as, competition in the meatpacking business led to the building of sophisticated, mechanized plants in less expensive Right: Figure 1. Cornfield outside of Chicago

CHI 109

CHI 110

Figure 2. Stock yards

rural areas. Additionally, meatpackers began conducting business directly with farmers, thus bypassing the need for the stockyards.

Finally, urban growth, with its increase in land value, property taxes, and anti-pollution laws, led to the stockyards’ decline.

In 1955, the major meatpacking companies ceased operations in Chicago and on July 31, 1971, Chicago’s Union Stock Yards officially closed. The area has since become an industrial park, home to various small factories, none of which are involved in the meatpacking industry. Virtually no structures remain of this once predominant Chicago industry except for the giant limestone arch, erected in 1879, which marked the entrance to the stockyards.

Because of this lack of industry in Chicago there became a large influx of people living in poverty due to the closings of these industries and shortage of jobs in the city. Thus there became a shortage of food for the people living there. However its realization was brought to the forefront in the 1960’s. Through efforts such as the CBS documentary “Hunger in America” and Michael Harrington’s book “The Other America,” the nation became aware of the broad scope and severity of hunger in this most prosperous of countries. In 1967, John Van Hengel founded the first food bank, a warehouse which received donated food and distributed it to soup kitchens in Phoenix.

In 1978, Tom O’Connell collaborated with Robert W. Strube, Sr., Father Philip Marquard, Gertrude Snodgrass, Ann Connors and Ed Sunshine to set up a food bank similar to the Phoenix model, called the Greater Chicago Food Depository. The City of Chicago provided a start-up grant, and Strube Celery and Vegetable Company donated warehouse space. The Food Depository distributed 471,000 pounds of food from 22 food donors to 85 agencies in its first year of operation.

The food bank’s supply grew when Illinois legislators passed a Good Samaritan law in 1981. The legislation protected food contributors from legal liabilities (Congress passed national legislation in 1996).

Within a year food donors increased to 111, distribution to 6.1 mil-

lion pounds and agencies to 375, and the Food Depository leased a more spacious warehouse. The growing food bank settled in a 91,000 square foot facility at 4501 South Tripp Avenue in 1984.

In 1986, the Food Depository established a Perishable Food Program, now known as Food Rescue, with a grant from Chicago Community Trust. The program ferried unused food from restaurants and caterers to soup kitchens. The Food Depository further broadened its distribution in 1993. The Produce People Share Program addressed the need for fresh fruits and vegetables in the community, and the first Kids Cafe® began serving after-school hot meals for low-income children.

By 1998, the Food Depository’s distribution topped 25 million pounds. In that same year, the food bank founded Chicago’s Community Kitchens, a free, 12-week culinary training program for unemployed and underemployed adults. In 2001, the first Producemobile, a farmers’ market on wheels, began distributing fresh produce to low-income communities.

The Food Depository culminated a $30 million capital campaign with the opening of a new 268,000 square foot warehouse and training center in 2004. The building brought all of the food bank’s programs under one roof and became an international model

Farmland

CHI 111 Chicago: 2,695,5998 people 288 sq mi 4.56 farmable acres .4 % of Illinois

for food banks. The state-of-the-art facility enhanced efficiency while offering increased capacity to respond to a rising need.

Today, the Food Depository distributes 69 million pounds of food, including more than 18 million pounds of produce, to 650 pantries, soup kitchens and shelters in Cook County. Nearly 142,000 men, women and children turn to the Food Depository’s network each week, and nearly 678,000 people turn to the network annually.

Taking an external look at Chicago, focusing solely on Chicago itself and its potential to be self sustaining, there are many possibilities and answers. With the invention of agricultural products and the development

Taking an external look at Chicago, focusing solely on Chicago itself and its potential to be self sustaining, there are many possibilities and answers. With the invention of agricultural products and the development of the stockyards within the area, Chicago was well on its way to being a leader in the nation. With the rapid population expansions and the actual growth of the city, Chicago was once capable of sustaining its citizens without any outside help.

The graph on the right is Chicago with more than 95% of land being used for agricultural purposes. This much of the land would not provide enough food for the population of Chicago. The city would have to be 13 times the size it is now to be capable of such things.

This should put into perspective how much the region has changed and grown, mainly in the industry category.

Program expansion continued during the early years of the new warehouse and training center. Pantry University, a training program for staff and volunteers from member agencies, opened its doors in 2004, and a second Producemobile began operation in 2005. A second program for children, Nourish for Knowledge, started in 2006, and a Senior Program launched in 2006. Responding to the need on nights and weekends, the Mobile Pantry Program began operating in 2007.

Chicago [Inverted and proportionate to Illinois]

288 sq mi 283.44 farmable acres

Revenue from exports

Totalling $1,470,784 [in addition to Illinoisís $13.4 billion]

References 1. “Agricultural Machinery Industry.” Encyclopedia of Chicago. Web. 01 May 2012. <http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/29. html>.

2. “Super Structures.” Providing Food for Hungry People While Striving to End Hunger in Our Community. Web. 01 May 2012. <http://www.chicagosfoodbank.org/site/PageServer>.

3. “History Files - The Stockyards.” Chicago History Museum |. Web. 01 May 2012. <http://www.chicagohs.org/history/stock.html>.

Region

Lenora Allen-B.S. Art, Elizabeth Goll-B.S. Design

CHI 112

ABSTRACT: Regional influences are the conditions and circumstances existing beyond municipal borders that affect the physical, social and economic characteristics of municipality. Regional influences can be naturally occurring and include conditions such as shared land characteristics or natural features that may affect land use. They may be man-made as well as include highways, public facilities or institutions which impact development patterns. By coordinating planning and land use policies, municipalities can better manage the impact of regional influences.1 Observing Chicago in Macro and Micro scales, made apparent how regions surrounding the city have all made impact on the growth of the city.

Chicago was developed at the base of Lake Michigan. Even from early Native American archaeological evidence, Chicago was a crossroads for trade spawning growth and development in the region throughout the decades. Before the civil war Chicago concurrently became highly successful with the opening of the Illinois and Michigan canal. The canal provided a direct water link between a great lakes in the Mississippi river. Along with further development of the railroad starting in 1848 the Chicago area became the heart of the Great Lakes Region due to location. Either great lakes regional city such as Detroit, Montreal, Minneapolis, Saint Louis, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Kansas City, and Indianapolis soon became only a train ride away. The other major regional city’s connection and movement into Chicago directly affected the growth of Chicago and its industries.

Of all the other cities in the region Chicago has developed into the prominent heart of the Great Lakes Region.

Chicago’s location at the base of Lake Michigan allowed expansion along the waterways. The lakeshore lands attracted heavy industry from across the country and the railways allowed easy trans-shipment between cities. Many industries thrived because of Chicago’s location and access to transportation. The Union Stock Yard for example opened in 1865 and remained open until 1971.

Easy exportation of goods due to innovation in transportation attracted major meat packers to Chicago and built the Union Stock Yard into the city’s most successful industrial park. Chicago’s major influxes in population simultaneously correlate to the influx of industry from throughout the region.

DEVELOPMENT OF MICRO AND MACRO REGIONS MICRO REGIONS

Merriam-Webster dictionary defines micro-region is a geographic region of a size between that of a community and that of a district. But the scale at which this reading will cover stretches beyond a community to encompass districts that extend beyond the borders of a town or city. Various regions influence the population, notoriety, and industrial growth of Chicago.

Following are three city’s the aided in defining Chicago’s micro region: Calumet, Riverside and Blue Island. Each one is unique and offered different industrial advantages to the city of Chicago.

Although the Calumet region has no stationary boundaries, most Chicagoans understand it to be the part of the metropolitan area surrounding Lake Calumet and the Calumet river system. By 1880, heavy industry began to dominate the region as well as define it. The region2 supplied 95 percent of the metropolitan area’s jobs in primary metal industries, 72 percent in petroleum and coal products, 30 percent in chemicals, stone, clay, and glass products, and 21 percent in transportation equipment.

Railroads tracked from the core of Chicago into Calumet’s growing district. Settlements developed around stops along these rail lines for farmers, industries, commuters, and various other institutions.3 Real estate speculators who hoped to attract commuters to new subdivisions offered amenities such as paved streets and a community water supply. Riverside was among the first and most famous of these speculative commuter enclaves. Potential residents were offered “the conveniences peculiar to the finest modern cities, with the domestic advantages of the most charming country, in a degree never before realized.”4

Riverside is on the Des Plaines River, in Cook County, 10 miles west of the Loop and was designed in 1868 by Frederick Law Olmsted. The Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad was built in 1863 through Riverside, and five years later a group of local investors decided to take advantage of both the railroad and the uniquely attractive site where it crossed the Des Plaines River.5 The investors formed the Riverside Improvement Company, purchased a 1,600-acre tract of land along the river and hired Olmsted to design Right: Night Aerial of Chicago Region

CHI 113

CHI 114 Union Stock Yard

Chicago Sub-Division

an elite suburban community. By the fall of 1871 a number of large, expensive houses were occupied or under construction and an elegant hotel had opened. The population grew to 7,935 by 1940 and comprised primarily small proprietors, managers, and professionals who were predominantly of Anglo-American and German American background. The remaining residential areas were developed during the post–World War II boom and by 1960 no space was left.

Blue Island stands on the southern end of an ancient glacial ridge five miles long, extending northward along Western Avenue and Vincennes Road from 131st Street to 87th Street. 6 Excavation of a Calumet–Blue Island feeder canal in the 1840s diverted water from the Little Calumet River to the Illinois & Michigan Canal near Lemont. Transplanted New Yorkers established the village as an agricultural market center, later German agricultural laborers arrived and by the 1890s had seized political and economic power from the New Yorkers.

Small-scale factories, brickyards, breweries, and cigar shops arose after 1880. Railroads bolstered employment until the 1950s. The Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railroad arrived in 1852; its 1868 brick depot at Vermont Street remains in use today.

Between 1888 and 1893 several belt railroads crossed the southern and western parts of town, while the Rock Island line constructed an expansive freight yard, shops, and roundhouse. Population plateaued at 16,000 to 21,000 between 1930 and 1990.

MACRO REGIONS/MEGA REGIONS Many define macro Regions as a geopolitical subdivision that encompasses several traditionally or politically defined regions.

The meaning may vary, with the common denominator being cultural, economical, historical or social similarity within a macro region. Similar and interchangeable is the term Mega-region; The Regional Plan Association, through the America2050 initiative, has defined mega-regions as ‘large networks of metropolitan regions that are linked by environmental systems and geography, infrastructure systems, economic linkages, settlement patterns, and shared culture and history.’ The Regional Plan Association goes on to state that the U.S. mega-regions will account for 50% of the nation’s

Post-WWII Residential Housing

-1.5%

SCHAUMBURG Ikea late 1990’s

Best Buy

+0.3%

+0.9%

EVANSTON Target Best Buy

NILES Walmart

-0.1%

NORRIDGE Walmart Target +3.7% NORTH LAKE Walmart

-9.4%

-9.7% FOREST PARK Walmart

-6.9%

OAK BROOK Best Buy

CHICAGO RIVERSIDE

+10.5% NAPERVILLE Target

HODGKINS Walmart

BEDFORD PARK Walmart Target

+30.3%

-4.7%

EVERGREEN PARK Walmart

BOLINGBROOK Ikea 2006 BLUE ISLAND CALUMET

Cook County Population 1990 2010

-1.5%

SCHAUMBURG Ikea late Best Buy 1990’s

+0.3%

+0.9% Micro Scale: Big Box Companies vs Population, 1990-2010EVANSTON

NILES Walmart

-0.1%

Target Best Buy

5,105,067 5,194,675

population growth and 66% of its economic growth over the next 45 years. Given those projections, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s clear that considerable investment will pour into these regions.

Great Lakes Mega-region is situated in the Midwest, The Midwest, includes parts of Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Kentucky, and Pennsylvania. Its principal cities include: Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Minneapolis, St. Louis, Indianapolis, Kansas City, and Cincinnati. The Great Lakes mega-region is exploring ways to grow its economy in face of the shrinking role of the manufacturing sector. They are combating this through connectivity, allocation and transportation between the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and their assets, which include: the environmental resources and amenities of the Great Lakes and a strong research and cultural tradition tied to its leading public universities. The Great Lakes Mega-region situates itself avant-garde

in population, and area among the four additional developing regions in the United States.

With the exception of Chicago, Midwestern cities tend to have lower transit connectivity than either the major urban centers in the Northeast with heavy rail system or southern and western cities that are building and expanding new light rail networks.

Comparing the following five cities of Great Lakes Region; those have rail transit systems, Chicago has the most extensive system.

With 30 percent of its population and nearly 40 percent of its jobs within a 25-mile zone area that has transit accessibility. The next is Minneapolis, with only 4 percent of the population and 12 percent of the employment are transit accessible, the final three cities are, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, and Cleveland, which have small light rail systems that add some limited connectivity value to an intercity passenger rail network. Chicago is also the only city in the Mega-region that

GREAT LAKES MEGAREGION 205,452 sq mi.

38 counties 2000 Population: 53,768,125 2000 Density per sq. mi: 262 Population 2025/percent growth: 62,894,147/17%

NORTHEAST MEGAREGION 61,942

sq mi.

142 counties 2000 Population: 49,563,296 2000 Density per sq. mi: 800 Population 2025/percent growth: 58,124, 740/ 17%

GULF COAST MEGAREGION 59,519 sq mi.

75 counties 2000 Population: 11,747,587 2000 Density per sq. mi: 197 Population 2025/percent growth: 15,832,117/ 35%

PIEDMONT ATLANTIC MEGAREGION 59,525

sq mi.

121 counties 2000 Population: 21,162,581 2000 Density per sq. mi: 356 Population 2025/percent growth: 30,351,698 /38%

FLORIDA MEGAREGION 38,356

sq mi.

42 counties 2000 Population: 14,686,285 2000 Density per sq. mi: 383 Population 2025/percent growth: 21,358,829/ 45%

Mega Region Statistics

CHI 115

Minnesota

CHI 116

has commuter rail network. It carries 70 million passengers annually, second only to New York.

Beyond the major cities, the Great Lakes Mega-region has dozens of population centers within 400 miles of Chicago. This geography is well suited to make connections between the classic passenger rail network and strategic investments in Core Express service. However, unlike fast growing regions in the South and West, most of the cities in this region are projecting stagnant or slow growth. To the extent the Great Lakes regions are growing, most of the growth is taking place beyond the 10-mile city center. A notable exception is Minneapolis, which is projecting 15 percent population growth in its ten-mile zone and 33 percent in its 25-mile zone over the next 30 years.

PLAN FOR THE FUTURE Transportation, population growth, and employment are three avenues that will be affected by the development of the Texas Great Lakes Mega-region. The MDOT (Michigan Department of Transportation) article ‘The Economic Impacts of High Speed Rail: Transforming the Midwest,’ sponsored by the Midwest High-Speed Rail Association and Siemens, outlines the potential benefits of a high-speed rail system in the Midwest Mega-region with it’s $2.6 trillion economy, the fifth largest in the world, behind only the U.S., China, Japan, and Germany. The study found that a network of bullet trains reaching speeds of 220 mph extending out from Chicago along four main corridors to the Twin Cities, St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Cleveland, would generate tremendous economic benefits for the mega-region. Finally the study estimates that 43 million annual passengers would use the system, generating $2.2 billion in annual revenue.

Based on historical examples like Calumet, a fair prediction would contemplate an increase in population along rail lines. The need to live inner city will become somewhat nullified to the care-free component of transportation making easier the choice to live in a low air polluted, lower tax rate, perhaps lower crime infested areas along the rail and work in more dense urban fabric of the cities.

An expansion of the major regional cities not directly in the line of fire of the rail lines should be expected. Cities like Schaumburg Il., which houses businesses like Ikea and Motorola, people will gravitate to these lower economic pressured areas in exchange for a better lifestyle. The vision for the year 2020 forecasts the region’s population swelling to 9 million and assumes that the area will continue to grow along the same sprawling path--farther and farther away from Chicago. The numerical views for this estimation are as follows: Pop 2010: 55,525,296 Percent of U.S. Pop: 18% Population 2020: 60,678,100 Population 2050: 71,263,185 Projected Growth (2010-2050): 28.3% (15,737,889).

Wisconsin

South Dakota

1880 New York

1930

Vermont

New Hampshire

1840 1830

Iowa

1960

1850

1920

1900

Massachu

setts

2000

1870

1840

1940

1850

1890

Pennsylva

1850

1880

nia

Connect

icut

New Jersey

1850 Kansas

1860 Illinois

1860

1980

1850

1840 1850

Delaware

West Virginia

Missouri

Maryland

Virginia

Kentuck

y

Oklahom

Tennesse

a

North Ca rolina

e

Arkansas

South Carolina

Mississipp

i

150,000 - 1 million 1- 3 million 3- 6 million 6 million +

Georgia

Louisian a Alabama

2050 Metro Area Population 1850

4000000 Interstate 260 opens

Florida MDOT Railway agreement

3500000

3000000

2500000

Major dairy companies relocated to Chicago

2000000

1500000

Motorola splits and Edge cities moves out appear of Chicago along the interstate Prohibition moves people to suburbs

Deindustrialization causes people to move out of the city

Chicago rebuilds after Great Fire Annexation of RR tracks to surrounding villages furthers Chicago Cincinnati, growth Cleveland,

1000000 Detroit, New Influx of religious

migrants Orleans, St. Paul, and Omaha Civil War bring Illinois/ major industry Wheat flour manufacture to Chicago shifted to Minneapolis Michigan canal First RR to completed Wisconsin

500000

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910

1840

1920 1930

1940

1950 1960 1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

Chicago’s Growth Index in Correlation to Regional Industrial Movements

Chicago “El” Train Station

2050

CHI 117 Chicago Skyline and Urban Region from the Hancock Center

Minneapolis

Milwaukee

Detroit Cleveland

Chicago

Indianapolis Pittsburgh

Cincinnati Kansas City St. Louis

Employment

Population

2 mi.

10 mi.

140,000 70,000 110,000 50,000 20,000 70,000 60,000 40,000 100,000 50,000

2 mi. radius 10 mi. radius 25 mi. radius

25 mi.

2,680,000 1,340,000, 1,200,000 820,000 860,000 900,000 820,000 760,000 920,000 760,000

5,800,000 3,600,000 2,700,000 2,200,000 1,900,000 1,800,000 1,800,000 1,700,000 1,600,000 1,500,000

Chicago Milwaukee Minneapolis Pittsburgh Saint Louis Kansas City Cleveland Indianapolis Cincinnati Detroit

2 mi.

10 mi.

550,000 240,000 190,000 150,000 110,000 100,000 90,000 90,000 70,000 50,000

25 mi.

1,220,000 840,000 1,000,000 570,000 450,000 430,000 500,000 440,000 440,000 440,000

3,000,000 1,300,000 1,700,000 1,000,000 1,100,000 1,000,000 1,300,000 900,000 900,000 2,100,000

Duluth

MN St. Paul Minneapolis

2:45

WI

MI Lansing

Madison

1:05

Waterloo

IA NE

Omaha Lincoln

0:40 Milwaukee

Detroit

2:15

Iowa City

IL

Des Moines Ottumwa

1:55 Cleveland

Chicago Gary

Ft. Wayne

OH Columbus

Peoria Indianapolis Springfield

Kansas City

1:10

IN St. Louis

MO

Cincinnati

1:55

1:55 E. St. Louis

Routes Studied Springfield

Proposed/Alternative Routes Estimated travel time from Chiago

Projected Mega Region High Speed Rail-Way vs Population vs Employment

Lastly, the population growth will reflect the changes in the employment industry. The Bureau of Labor Statistics released a study of employment projections form 2010-2020, the results are based on five criteria; Labor force and macro economy, Industry employment, Occupational employment, Education and training, and Replacement needs. In summary it speaks to the age range that will make up the working class, the percentage of Hispanic workers entering into the market, the amount of new jobs, and job types as well as post secondary education projections. In all there are various factors that will influence the employment field, which will make it harder to predict.

Over time, the urban fabric of Chicago has changed significantly, and indeed the entire country has changed with it. The connections between Chicago, its micro and mega regions as well as the region’s relationship to the rest of the country will continue to flourish and further impact the world, putting an end to any preconceived notions ser ving as outlines for the country’s development.

References 1. www.westpikeland.com/pdf_files/Comprehensive%20Plan/ Comprehensive%20Plan%20-%20Chapter2.pdf 2. N.p., Calumet Region, Encyclopedia of Chicago, n.d. Web. 18 Jan. 2012. <http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1059.html> 3. A.P., The Calumet Area—Here’s How City Defines It, South End Reporter, April 21, 1957 4. A.P., The Calumet Area—Here’s How City Defines It v. Bassman, Herbert J., ed. Riverside Then and Now: A History of Riverside, Illinois. 1936 5. Volp, John H. The First Hundred Years, 1835–1935: Historical Review of Blue Island, Illinois. 1938.

6. Regional Plan Association, America 2050 A National Strategy For Global Competitiveness Concept Paper, June 2005, New York

Chicago: WATER and MOVEMENT

Evan Lamprecht-B.S. Design; Shane Labenz-B.S. Design; Chris Nienhueser-B.S. Design; Andrew Portis-B.S. Design; Christopher Rokahr-B.S. Design

CHI 118

Chicago is a city begot of water. As the primary catalyst and medium through which all facets of the city were developed, water has drastically impacted the human condition in Chicago.

From its origin, Chicago has been influenced by the natural condition of regional aquatic mediums. Radiating from these nodal bodies, the urban fabric has thrived and expanded in accordance to its every curve. However, as time progressed, various urban movements began to project their influence on local aquatic bodies, in time altering their appearance and very function. Three primary factors have been responsible for the symbiotic ebb and flow relationship between city and water, those being the influx of people, the transportation of goods, and the need for sanitation.

The following paragraphs will briefly outline the importance of said factors and the role they may play in the future development of both urban and aquatic fabrics.

I. PEOPLE

For years before the settlement of Chicago, the area located within the modern city’s limits served as pathways for Natives living around Lake Michigan. Due to its geographical location, little topographical change and proximity to water, this spot garnered a significant amount of traffic via fur trading. Additionally, Chicago’s centralized location between the thriving East Coast and the prime hunting lands to the West amplified its importance, allowing it to serve as the trading post for the entire Midwestern region in America. With the foundational basis of high volume fur trading routes, Chicago began to attract developers from the East Coast, who realized the potential for growth and wealth latent in the area. Capitalizing on city’s central location and numerous transportation networks, developers harnessed Chicago’s waterways into America’s most lucrative industrial hub. As additional industries lay foundations in Chicago, many chose the eastern shore creating a building boom close to the mouth of the Chicago River. Said development provoked further work to be done to the Chicago River, connecting the Great Lakes to the Mississippi River and in doing so expanding the east-west trade south. With the onset of the industrial revolution and new technologies, water capital became of greater importance. The increased demand on waterfront property promoted further manipulation of the local waterfront. The vast expansions and new factories demanded an increased workforce,

drawing in large populations of immigrant workers. Possessing the power of industry and transportation at the hands of the working class, Chicago opened the national potential on the methods of goods transportation throughout the United States – primarily via water.

II. GOODS

As the aquatic turnpike from East to West, Chicago has long been the focal point of goods transportation in the United States. Trade routes founded originally for transportation of local hardwoods and animal pelts, developed into the primary aquatic thoroughfares for the industrial city. Due to its tangent connection to the Erie Canal and a plethora of regional tributaries, Chicago easily transitioned its economic focus toward agricultural means, becoming the primary hub of grain and cattle transport in the Midwest. Said industries soon became the number one export of the region, causing rapid growth and expansion amongst the cities core districts. As the economic expansion of the new industries outreached the natural capacity of the region’s natural tributaries, city officials began looking toward manmade aquatic highways.

Completed in 1848 after a decade of construction, the Illinois and Michigan Canal resolved river traffic congestion by connecting the Great Lakes and the Illinois River systems. The creation of the new aquatic highway spawned further economic growth and development, increasing profit margins and expanding the scope of future city development. In light of new regional prosperity, additional industries including the mining and refining mineral ore began developing. These new heavy industries, located on the shores of the Great Lakes complex, offered drastic expansion potential as the newly onset industrial revolution demanded their products.

As their markets expanded, the need of a more extensive regional port became necessary. Luckily, the potential answer lay nearby in Lake Calumet. In the early 1900’s, Lake Calumet was dredged nearly twenty feet, transforming the small glacial harbor into an International Port servicing seafaring vessels. The alterations made allowed Chicago to become the primary international hub between the United States and Canada, creating a precedent for future international relations.

III. SANITATION

Over the past few hundred years Chicago has been forced to address various sanitation concerns involving water, most of which required serious manipulation of the aquatic front. The most notable of the manipulations involves the Chicago water sanitation.

This project included a drastic raise in the city’s elevation and the creation of the Sanitation and Ship Canal involving the reversal of the Chicago River. In the mid 1800’s Chicago faced a serious drainage problem. Originally the city was just 5 feet above Lake Michigan. This low elevation in relation to Lake Michigan did not allow for adequate drainage. The city addressed this problem by raising the entire city 5 to 8 feet. Once the elevation change took place water could easily drain from the city to nearby waterways.

While the change in the elevation adequately addressed the city’s drainage problem, it also added to the city’s waste problem. The elevated city now drained harmful human and factory pollutants waste into the city’s primary water supply of Lake Michigan.

On August 2, 1885 a storm hit Chicago causing a major backup in the Chicago River. The backup of water caused a serious sanitation catastrophe in the city’s water system. Over 12 percent of the population would die due to complications involving the contaminated water supply. In order to avoid similar issues in the future, Chicago officials decided to create the Sanitary and Ship Canal. This project successfully reversed the flow of the Chicago River, stopping the drainage of harmful pollutants into Lake Michigan. While the river reversal in many ways solved the issue of pollutants being sent into Lake Michigan, it also created the issue of sending these pollutants downstream. Many communities affected by the river reversal have been against the project from the start and continue to protest the creation of the canal.

IV. FUTURE CONCERNS

Converting the swamp like conditions of the “Wild Onion” into the industrial city that can be found today involved many strategies that in their time were marveled over, but, as with any substantial manipulation of the natural environment there were repercussions for future generations. The largest of these short sided manipulations was reversing the flow of the Chicago River. With an outbreak of Cholera killing many Chicago citizens, the reversal of the river was deemed a necessity. Though it did solve the transfer

of sewage to the lake, modern ecologists have noticed many issues.

The first is the constant removal of water from Lake Michigan; without any replacement, water levels continue to drop and will continue to do so until the river is reversed back to its natural state.

The second issue is flushing pollutants downstream affecting cities South of Chicago. Not only are citizens ingesting these pollutants but cities are forced to deal with additional unwarranted sanitization loads. Engineered canals are also affecting the ecosystems. The construction of the Cal-Sag canal, which made it possible for large ships to travel up the Mississippi river and enter the Great Lakes, is causing drastic ecological impacts. The new canal has made it possible for species of fish that could be detrimental to the Great Lake ecosystems to infiltrate it. Many precautions have been taken to counteract this migration but the closing of this engineered canal has yet to be executed. Though many of the water alterations made were pertinent at the time of their completion, the longterm ramifications far outweigh the short-term gains. As Chicago continues into the twenty-first century, it will be mandatory for both current and future generations to carefully consider how new solutions can reverse or alter poorly designed aquatic passages, allowing site conditions to once again find ecological balance.

Above: Chicago water manipulation map.

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Chicago: FABRIC and PROGRAM

Vanessa Hostick-B.S.Design; Emilie Kopp-B.S.Design; Stephanie MoralesB.S.Design; Sarah Pankow-B.S.Design; Rex Sandquist-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: Chicago is more than a collection of tall buildings.

Instead, the city is a complex urban fabric comprised of a diversity of people and program. Social issues and programmatic organization give a unique character in determining the Chicago Fabric. From immigration to race riots and housing developments to the towers of downtown, understanding Chicago requires an education in history, demographics, and politics.

Completion of the Erie Canal found Chicago as one of the few cities on the coast of Lake Michigan ready to trade. The result was explosive growth as Chicago became the gateway to the West.

By the late 1800s, Chicago had a diverse immigrated population.

Due to the trade boom, many of the original Caucasian settlers became very rich, establishing a division by class defined by wealth and race. Major white business moguls from the East Coast also moved in to set up business, enforcing the beginning of racial and class divisions. Following the end of the Civil War in 1865, Chicago experienced a large influx of African-American population.

Immigration created a diversified fabric. Each ethnic group established its own neighborhood, filling the development with grocery stores, restaurants, and stores that reflected their unique background. Chicago became a classic example of the early American melting pot where people of multiple races worked together in industrial 9-5 jobs. But, Chicago’s population did not melt together so readily. Though no true demarcations existed in the city fabric, races carefully segregated into districts, creating racial tensions between parts of the fabric. In 1919 a riot began when an African-American teenager crossed one of the imaginary lines in the segregated fabric. The riot quickly escalated to one of the worst race riots in history. From the 27th of July to the 3rd of August, the racially segregated districts of Chicago warred leaving over 500 injured (over half of whom were African American), 23 AfricanAmericans and 15 Caucasians dead. 1

The ruling Caucasian class did not welcome immigrants.

Many attempts by the city’s public housing authority to integrate public housing developments in the North were thwarted by bomb threats, attempted arson, and riots of Caucasian residents.2 The South and West were forced to become centers for the lower class and colored. These districts experienced overcrowding, run-down and unkempt public housing, and were often subject to unjust law

enforcement. The Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) was founded in 1937 to aid low income families and elderly. Racial segregation was embodied into the developments from the beginning. The occupants of the developments had to be of the same race and the development had to match the race of the surrounding area.3 Schools were also segregated, creating a cycle of poverty and poor education. Without proper education, the cycle cannot be broken.

In spite of race integration, this issue continues to plague the city today. Historic divisions in the city fabric based on class, race, and wealth still have an effect on the test scores of the children. Most schools considered substandard exist in the South and West nonwhite sections of the city. These areas also have high crime levels.

(Image 1) Other programmatic elements such as hospitals, postoffices, etc. were also affected by the segregation of the city. What began as a comfortable, self-enforced division in ethnicities became a politically re-enforced problem.

The imaginary lines in the fabric became real as crossing from one district to another became obvious in the state of the streets, buildings, and feel of the neighborhood itself. An area known as the “Black Belt” emerged. It was located on Chicago’s South side from 22nd to 33rd Streets along State Street and eventually stretched from 39th – 95th and from the Dan Ryan Expressway to Lake Michigan. The Northern district was marked by 12th Street. The West remained ambiguous due to Chicago’s ever expanding boundary.4 These boundaries can still be seen in the fabric today. The South side of Chicago has remained a classically low income slum in tension to the wealthy neighborhoods of the North.

In 1949, the government provided funds for public housing. However, the local government ruled new housing could only be constructed in black areas or adjacent to existing housing developments.5 This led to what we see today as the dense low income population in the Southern and Western parts of the city.

Tensions only increased as the government tried to address the housing issue and national politics boiled over. The assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968 triggered a massive riot fueled by the existing tensions in the fabric. No riot in the history of the US before or since the 1968 riot in Chicago has had its magnitude.

Partial blame must be taken by the Fabric of the City which so carefully divided the population and encouraged racial tensions.

In the following years, Urban Renewal movements eliminated some substandard housing in Chicago. Unfortunately the replacement housing held far less than the original, removing many tenants and leaving them without homes. In some cases residents of Chicago rebelled against the housing authority, fighting to keep the only home they had ever known – no matter its state of decay. After losing its authority in 1996 to the United States Department of Housing due to poor management, the CHA gained its leadership once again in 2000 under the agreement to follow the Plan for Transportation. In doing so the organization’s goal is to build mixed income developments in order to successfully mix low income families into the economic fabric of the city. In spite of these goals demarcations in the fabric they still exist, though not as apparent as they once were.

Today, the South side of Chicago still struggles to overcome poverty and racial differences. The North side still belongs to the ruling wealthy and politically dominant class. Riots tend to per neighborhood crimes per neighborhood happen in times of post-war or economic downfall. Thoughcrimes the <350 <350 351-750 351-750 city is nowhere near the state it was in during the early 1900s and >751 >751 1960s, an integration of the Chicago fabric never happened. Our white white current economic and warring situation has again created moments black black hispanic of tension. As long as a border divides the city, tensions willhispanic remain, asian asian leaving Chicago in a perpetual state of turbulence.

students ‘meeting expectations’ students ‘meeting expectations’ [ CPS 2007]: [ CPS 2007]: 0-40% 0-40% 41-75% 41-75% 76-100% 76-100%

References 1. Steven Essig, “Race Riots,” Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): Accessed March 13, 2012, http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/ pages/1032.html 2. Dominic A. Pacyga, “South Side,” Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): Accessed March 14, 2012, http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory. org/pages/1177.html 3. Harvey M. Choldin, “Chicago Housing Authority,” Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): Accessed March 20, 2012, http://www.thecha.org/ pages/about_cha/18.php 4. Wallace Best, “Black Belt,” Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): Accessed March 13, 2012, http://www.uic.edu/orgs/kbc/ganghistory/ Industrial%20Era/Riotbegins.html 5. Harvey M. Choldin, “Chicago Housing Authority,” Encyclopedia of Chicago (2005): Accessed March 20, 2012, http://www.thecha.org/ pages/about_cha/18.php 0 0.5 1

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Chicago: REGION, INDUSTRY and FOOD

Amanda Wesely-B.S.Design; Nick Tiwald-B.S.Design; Nolan Edigar-B.S.Design; Madi Sorrick-B.S.Design; Mike Kemp-B.S.Design; Eli, Goll-B.S.Design; and Lenora Allen-B.S.Art

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Industry and food are directly attached to the region of Chicago as a whole. Not only are food, industry, and region all dependent on one another, they all were formed due to various intertwining circumstances. The interlacing nature of these variables can move past the simple region of Chicago, but can extend throughout the rest of the United States and the globe as a whole.

These variables are not only good for the economies of varying regions, but in essence sustain the population of a growing climate of globalization, and because of this the area of Chicago has become a viable and responsible use of land and resources. For instance the original industries of the area such as wheat, meat, and logging helped create a prosperous region, and fashioned the city from a trading post. The industries themselves made the area a possible destination of growth, and once they were formed the city itself was allowed to grow which made not only more industry grow, but furthered the entire area around the city. Basically Chicago was formed due to food and industry, and those were only formed because of the natural resources of the geography of the surrounding area, and those factors coming together created the greater region of Chicago.

Chicago’s food distribution connects to the Great Lakes region, with food imported and exported. This vast import and export was provided by the fact Chicago is geographically surrounded by water and early industrialists created canals which would further the transportation ability of this water. Over time this method of shipping needed to be improved, therefore early railroad moguls rushed to the area shortly after the invention of the steam locomotive. These industrialist systems of shipping created thriving region, which interlocked and developed many cities around the Great Lakes including; Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Cincinnati, and Flint. The agricultural area surrounding Chicago cultivates for the most part corn, wheat, and soy products. The soil fertility and climate allows for a prolonged and lush growing season which yields are large annual crop. The greater region around Chicago contains even more diverse soil types which allows for a plethora of staple and cash crops to be yielded. The region of the Great Lakes consists of many different states each with their own identity and specialized food product. Wisconsin is the leading producer of cheese, milk, cranberries, and beans. Minnesota is the leading producer of sweet corn, peas, and oats. Michigan is the leading producer of cherries

and cucumbers. The distribution and sharing of these foods in the US and around the world will become a model for the type of sharing that will come about within mega regions themselves.

Even though many municipalities in the conurbation thrived off of trade from the east and the manufacturing of the area, Chicago still became the leader of trade and production for the Midwest.

This started with the fur and lumber industry and pushed into steel and meat and is currently based in electronics and aviation. These industries, comparable to the food distribution network around Chicago were originally created and maintained due to the water and railroad system of the region. As the railroads and waterways developed in the Great Lakes region, pop up towns developed around industries such as metal, petroleum, coal products, brick yards, stone, clay, glass products, and agricultural machinery. The railroads provided an industry of its own, providing an industry of its own reinforcing employment until the 1950s. The Great Lakes region was greatly influenced by its western neighbor The Great Plains. This was due to the sparse population of the area which caused a lack of a central trade hub. Thus, the meatpacking and agriculture industry of the plains furthered Chicago as a major trade point of the Midwest. Because of this formation of a major trading hub, people from around the globe flocked to this area, as the population continued to increase, major businesses sought to take advantage of this exploding workforce. One of the largest companies on the planet, Motorola was founded in this region due to Chicago’s establishment as a major population base of the country. Both Motorola and Ikea both have major headquarters in Schaumburg which is part of the micro region of Chicago. Industries like these attract more population to them due to the opportunities that come along with major employers.

Projecting toward the future Chicago will continue to serve as a principle city of the Great Lakes mega region. According to the American 2050 Initiative, mega regions such as this will account for 50 percent of the nation’s population growth. This means that both economic and population growth will be fundamentally found in these US areas. In fact The American 2050 Initiative states 66 percent of Chicago’s growth will occur over the next 45 years.

As a way to continue this trend The Great Lakes mega region is exploring new ways to link and share its resources and amenities.

To accomplish this, a high speed railway is being sought after within

the region as a way to grow. This new railway would allow the large population centers beyond Chicago to share their populations and their collective intelligence. With the new high speed train system, a continuation of sprawl can be predicted. This is in essence different from what we have been experiencing over the past decade. This new model of regional sprawl will allow areas along the rail-lines to thrive within being a detriment to the environment. This same occurrence can be scaled down to the city of Chicago as near 40 percent of its jobs are within a 25 mile radius of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s core. The United States faces many difficult conundrums in the future, mega regions are a core asset in resolving these issues. Extending this notion of interconnectivity with The Great Lakes region at the helm, a culture of learning has developed, in which regions are gaining from each other.

Industry and food for the Great Lakes region however, have always been tied hand in hand. In the beginning meat packing was one of the largest employers of the region and engaged over forty thousand Chicagoans. As this industry became more technologically sound the efficiency rose, and thus less people were needed in that sector. However as the efficiency rose food prices lowered and more industries thrived. These industries increased the population of the region considerably and made food demand skyrocket, which made the food industry require more workers, which in turn created more demand. This circle of demand and supply caused a need of mass food production and increased support industry. An example of this support industry would be in the railcar which was heavily manufactured in the Great Lakes region, and in particular the development of the refrigerated railcar became the key. This spectacular invention allowed the further development of the meat packing industry in the area and allowed for exportation to the east and west coast of the United States which made Chicago even more important as an industrial trade hub. Present day agriculture is ever changing as fertile farmland is reduced due to the increase of space being taken by population and Chicagoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s food base has switched from merely outlying sectors to the center of the city due to the innovative practices of green roof farming. The present day farming industry deals with more than just food however, for instance almost sixteen percent of the corn grown in the Illinois area is turned into ethanol which greatly limits the amount of food exportation is possible, but creates a new prosperous industry for the Chicago

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region. Research and development of farm based bi-products has become a major industry in the region as petroleum develops into a larger issue for the globe, and thus the industry of food becomes an entity of constant evolution, and this in turn directly affects the mega region of the Great Lakes.

The Chicago region has industry and food directly ingrained into it. The geographic location of Chicago being in the center of the United States set it up to be a major focal point for economic viability of the country. However many factors had to come into play for this inevitable outcome to come true; such as a climate being able to support a wealth of farmland and cattle yards, as well as the beginnings of heavy industry based out of large old growth forestry, mining, and fisheries of the Great Lake region. As those industries and agricultural prospects furthered themselves the Chicago area became filled with prosperous people creating new inventive industries. These industries such as aviation equipment and high tech electronics continued the connection economically and physically between the two coasts of the United States which created a bridge for more unified regions throughout the country.

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Movement Water Industry Fabric Program Food Region

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Movement

Juan Gomez Carbajal-B.S.Design, Christopher Paulsen-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: New York City can be considered the pioneer of the United States in terms of new transportation systems. Centuries later the city encompasses some of the largest, most used transit networks in the world. The preceding report explores these events and analyzes what happens when the systems overlap and why it occurs where it occurs.

Throughout the years New York, New York has been a city of expansion and development. In the scope of movement, what lies at the core of this expansion is a vast network of roads and rails. Transportation in the city, specifically public movement alone, occurs with so much complexity built-up since the beginning. A resident or visitor could possibly use no less than six means to travel about the metropolitan area. The main six types of transportation, which occupy both the streets and underground of the five boroughs in New York City, include bus, taxi, bicycle, vehicle, subway, train, and the usual sidewalk. Most of these instances offer a precedent to the United States and in some cases, to the World. Much of the pioneers in transportation have begun their initial ideas in the city. Gasoline taxi services began in Paris around 1903 eventually importing vehicles to New York City in 1909, essentially fueling the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s hired transportation need. Other instances emerged including the forerunners of underground rails, or subways. Subterranean rail transportation occurred early on in 1863 London, ultimately leading to the 1904 opening of the first segment under Broadway. Many more types proved useful like the elevated rail, commuter rail, trolley car, airplane, and the personal vehicle. The Manhattan road map grows from a point, sporadically until an important decision in 1811 gridded the landscape.

The streets of New York City are a congested, diverse system of canyons cutting a grid into the mountains of brick, steel and concrete. The paved grid is a crucial underlying component to the metropolitan area, enabling delivery of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life support day and night. In a city block, the diversity could consist of nothing but taxis and buses, or delivery trucks, taxis, and buses. Occasionally a street intersection could contain nothing but taxis lined up at a red light, each with a different destination. Since the 1909 date, the small roads have been crowded with well over 13,000 registered cabs. Quite often the congestion of this public transit overwhelms city streets making a simple ten-block commute complicated and

time consuming with a personal vehicle. New York Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population reached around 8.1 million in 2010 with 1.3 million living on the island of Manhattan. Daytime population of Manhattan can reach well over three million workers and visitors. Unfortunately the aboveground transit potential on the island is well under any comfortable peak load.

Transporting people is only half the percentage of the usage contributing to the overall movement systems of New York City. On the same streets people commute to work exists a major industry of product delivery and distribution. During the evening hours loading and unloading trucks block entire street circulation as trailers perpendicular to the street squeeze into loading and unloading docks. Being the one and only way to import and export goods on Manhattan island, truck routes are an important roll in how the city resupplies, builds, and sends-off daily products. Little consideration has been given to the resolution of delivery traffic.

This is happening to the extent where trucks are double-parking and unloading, resulting in traffic congestion and transit delays.

Multiple roads, trains, and airports service the metropolitan area adding thousands of people each workday.

These service systems include the Metro Transit Authority (MTA) North Railroad, the Long Island Rail Road, PATH transit rail, and the New Jersey Transit rail for daily commuters from New Jersey, Connecticut, Long Island and upstate New York. Despite the advances in car and air travel, the city is still highly dependent on the commuter rail as a source of distribution of people and goods.

Several private companies and government run agencies regulate the multiple complex systems around the metropolitan area effectively still transporting thousands of people into the city. The La Guardia Airport and the John F Kennedy Airport became the next big commercial transport to the city. These two airports single handedly experience the highest amount of traffic above any other American airport. Inevitably, the passenger use of the airports was also gaining access to the nearby rail and road taxi transit. Figure 1 shows a view of the five New York City boroughs and the expansive transit system extending outward to pick up daily commuters. The map shows only the first few miles of a greater system, reaching people hundreds of miles away. Hundreds of thousands of people travel these systems, almost tripling the daytime population of the city.

As most of the transit systems grew, the possibility of any

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AIRPORT PATH TRAIN MTA NORTH RAIL LONG ISLAND RAIL NEW JERSEY TRANSIT RAIL

Metropolitan Service Networks

new development to the road system was extremely held back in the mid 1980â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s due to expenses and lack of room. The miles of paved roads fill the five burrows with bumper-to-bumper curb parking, one-way routes, and high-speed expressways. Figure 2 represents an exploded axonometric of the major transit systems in the city limits.

This includes the commuter rail lines, the dedicated bike lane paths, the bus routes, paved road system, and the underground subway routes. The city itself includes well over 63,000 miles of paved streets and highways, which offer structure for the 10,000 buses, 13,000 taxicabs, and 1.8 million registered cars in New York City. Figure 2 focuses on expanding the densities of the systems to see the variety in coverage. The dense road network acts as a base for the other systems, essentially the most compact part. The beauty of the road system is the fact a city can layer multiple networks on the paved surface, and even greatly influencing what is built underground as well. On the New York City streets lays an excellent multi-use network giving room for new bicycle lanes. These new bike lanes occur from decommissioning a city street lane to allow safe cycling off to the side. An impressive strategy puts the bike rider in between the flow of pedestrians and a row of parked cars, which just on the other side flows the usual traffic.

COMMUTER RAIL

BIKE LANES

BUS ROUTES

STREETS

NYC BOROUGHS

SUBWAY ROUTES

Exploded diagram of city transit networks

Bicycle Lane separated by a lane of parked cars on 10th Avenue

MTA Long Island Railroad exit, staging from the Manhattan Penn Station

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Within the New York City limits alone, exists a complex diversity of public transportation systems including the bus, subway, bike, ferry, and taxi, all of which cross the Hudson and East Rivers numerous times. Specifically the island of Manhattan is unique due to the Hudson and East rivers isolating itself from the main land.

Everything on the island has to be transported over or under the two rivers. On the boarder of the island there are four tunnels, sixteen bridges and six ferries servicing the commuters and services. Along with the road traffic, the island includes multiple aboveground rail connections, ten subway tunnels, and a pedestrian-specific bridge. The island connections resulted from basic need to handle the growing traffic volume to and from the surrounding boroughs.

Present in Figure 3, the connections represent a glimpse at the high population areas contained on the island, specifically a concentration around Midtown Manhattan and Downtown Manhattan. These two areas receive the heaviest traffic load and public transit commuter load during the peak hours of a workday. Furthering the analysis of island connections, Figure 3 includes the public parking facilities by the MTA. The parking can be seen as an outlying feature in the island, surrounding the populous regions. The connections enter the island and along those entrances occur these parking facilities on the outlying edge of the two major districts. An experienced visitor is going to use these parking lots to occupy for the day, using the public transit for commuting to and from the location.

TUNNEL

Parking facility located west of Midtown Manhattan

BRIDGE FERRy

Right: Manhattan Transit Connections

PARKING

The island of Manhattan is well covered with every kind of transportation; fortunately the transit becomes dense enough to cause multiple network overlaps. The way to get around on Manhattan is a complex setting at first. The island alone has the six main types of transportation offered, but the system in which a user engages the transit is setup with the public in mind. A system developed by the city incorporates the buses and subway lines together by advising commuters to travel north and south underground in the subway lines and to travel east and west with the bus system. New York City recently incorporated much needed bicycle lanes and pedestrian walkways around the midtown and downtown areas. Parts of Midtown streets are closed off to strictly foot and bike traffic. Throughout the island a visitor is likely to find at least one of the three prominent networks; Subway stations, bus stations, and bike lanes. The city grid is well distributed with these networks and numerous times on the island will all three systems intersect, creating an efficient, diverse commute to a travelers destination. Figure 4 represents an analysis of these network overlaps and intersections. Multiple times a visitor will be able to find all three systems on a city street corner. These interconnected links offered by the city transit authority let the rider get off and on at bus stops and subway stations without charging extra fare for the network transfers. Bike lanes allow the commuter to travel the island independently of the transit networks or arrive at a stop, which incorporates a bike rack to store the device while then riding the public transportation vehicles.

References 1. Adler, Phoebe, Tom Howells, and Duncan McCorquodale. c2009.

Mapping new york / [edited by phoebe adler, tom howells and duncan McCorquodale]. London : Black Dog,.

2. Bressi, Todd W. 1993. Planning and zoning new york city :Yesterday, today and tomorrow. New Brunswick, N.J.: Center for Urban Policy Research.

3. Jackson, Kenneth T. 1995. The encyclopedia of new york city / edited by kenneth T. jackson. New Haven, Ct. : Yale University Press,.

4. Jones, Pamela. c1978. Under the city streets / pamela jones. 1st ed ed. New York : Holt, Rinehart, and Winston,.

OVERLAP OF THREE SYSTEMS OVERLAP OF TWO SYSTEMS SINGLE SYSTEM

Left: Manhattan Internal Transit Networks

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Water

Ryan Ferguson-B.S. Design, Trenton Hinze-B.S. Design

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ABSTRACT: Throughout history, water has been a requisite that every civilization has dealt with. Water is a driving force behind massive infrastructural builds as well as the destruction of cities. Today, Manhattan Island and the surrounding boroughs continue to invest in infrastructure transporting potable water throughout the densely populated region as well as researching preventative measures for rising sea levels. As witnessed throughout New York City’s history, attention to water is continuously invested because without water, urbanism would cease to be discovered.

HISTORY OF WATER SUPPLY

New York City water demand corresponds to the growing trends of the dense population. Initially, New York City satisfied the demand by building the Croton aqueduct in 1842. A growing metropolis called for the construction of a second Croton aqueduct in 1883. After 40 years, water shortages were on the rise and the Catskill Reservoir System met the City’s need a third time. Today three water supply systems feed New York City’s water demands by utilizing three primary watersheds located in upstate New York.1 NYC’s current agenda not only includes the provision of new water ways, but repairs on existing infrastructure. Under the third tunnel plan, proposed to be completed in 2020, stage one of three has already been complete allowing needed repairs to be addressed.2 The third tunnel also allowed the city to decommission the central park reservoir as growing concerns for contamination were present.3 New York City’s water supply is continuously addressed with plans for adding additional tunnels in the future. Now that an extensive water supply system is in place for New York, a sustainable system should be next on the city’s agenda. With an average rainfall of approximately forty inches per year, the city could simultaneously address the need for clean drinking water and decreased flooding with an extensive rain water collection system. With severe drought as a concern for the future, NYC needs to ease their dependence off water traveled from long distances. The current system in place carries water approximately 120 miles via gravity to New York City.

With the water source being so far away, the risk for contamination as well the mere cost to build infrastructure to transport is less than ideal.

WASTE WATER MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION

In addition to the city’s complex water supply network, New York City utilizes a highly sophisticated sanitary waste system to dispose of wastewater and sewage. As New York City became a more industrialized city in the early 19th century, the need for sanitary waste disposal became more urgent. This demand was brought to the forefront during an outbreak of cholera in the 1840’s.

The outbreak prompted the city to implement its first sewer system, which deposited waste directly into the waterways. Today, New York City utilizes fourteen wastewater treatment facilities throughout the city that process approximately 1.1 billion gallons of sanitary waste per day.4 While the city’s treatment plants are capable of handling 100% of the city’s liquid waste on a dry day, the collection system is unable to accommodate the surplus of waste generated from a heavy rain. To account for these instances of excess wastewater, the city uses backup valves know as combined sewer overflows, or CSO’s, that allow wastewater to bypass the treatment facilities and flow directly into the city’s waterways. In order to offset the pollution generated from these CSO’s, the city is expanding the sewer network and incentivizing “green” infrastructure projects to mitigate storm water runoff. Additionally, the city is upgrading its existing treatment facilities to achieve higher treatment standards and reduce the amounts of nitrogen discharged into waterways. These measures will greatly improve the quality of the city’s waterfronts and help recover natural ecosystems.5

In addition to improving the quality of the wastewater system, the city has drafted initiatives to optimize water conservation and protect natural resources. These steps include the installation of automated water meters and leak detection devices. Also, the city has created incentives for residential and mixed-use buildings to take advantage of water reuse systems that recycle grey or black water back into potable drinking water.

WATER QUALITY

New York City officials concern themselves with two types of water quality. First quality of water used for human consumption and second, the contents of waste water. Waste water is of growing concern for New York made evident by Mayor Bloomberg and his Central Park Reservoir and Gatehouse

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administration allocating approximately 6 billion dollars to the renovation of the city’s fourteen waste water treatment plants.6 With New York City’s densely populated environment, water quality must be a primary concern as such an environment can become contaminated at an alarming rate. Figure 5 indicates water quality surrounding Manhattan Island. The water ranges from high quality to highly polluted. Cross referenced with the water quality is the number of offences facilities have committed against the clean water act of 1972. The source comes from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the California State Water Resource Control Board.7 The diagram speaks to the impact humans can make on the environment. Some of the most polluted areas are regions of water that penetrate into the landmass. In all cases around Manhattan Island, waters are not fit for direct human interaction. Though water quality around New York City is problematic, recent efforts to limit pollution in the waters have made significant progress. Another way of gauging water quality is by the amount of recreation pursued along the waterfront. The recreational activity is seeing a rapid increase human powered boating throughout various New York City waterfront regions. In the past ten years, twenty new paddling clubs have been created.8 Along with the concerns for human interaction, it is clear that animal species and their native habitats have been affected in a negative way. According to city officials, only 14 of 86 square miles of natural tidal wetlands continue to exist.9 An active approach must be taken on New York City’s waste management.

Among the most pressing of New York City’s infrastructural issues is the concern for changing sea levels caused by global climate change. An estimated 200,000 New York residents live within the 100-year flood zone and nearly 500,000 live in the 500-year flood zone.10 Additionally, New York’s 520-mile coastline is largely defenseless against potential storm surges and hurricanes, which have become more frequent in recent years. In acknowledgment of these risks, local agencies have prepared a series of initiatives, both preemptive and adaptive, to help prepare the city for a potential disaster. One measure taken by the city is to increase construction standards and codes to bolster atrisk buildings’ resilience to flooding. These renovations include structural reinforcement and improving site drainage. The city has also partnered with the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to revise flood insurance rate maps to further enforce floodproofing measures. In addition to city-led efforts, many privately initiated proposals have offered strategies for dealing with the issue.

In March 2010, the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) presented

“Rising Tides: Projects for New York’s Waterfront”, an exhibit of speculative projects from five multidisciplinary design teams. The projects range from short-term solutions such as installing overflow pipes beneath sidewalks and streets, to more ambitious land and transit restructuring strategies. The adjacent map (Figure 2) indicates areas that are most vulnerable to hurricanes and tropical storm surges.11

WATER CONSUMPTION

As New York City spends billions of dollars in transporting water, the featured diagram (Figure 4) quantifies New York City water demand compared to Lincoln, Nebraska’s water demand. The comparison also contrasts a typical New Yorker’s water consumption rates to a Lincolnite’s consumption rates. Of course New York City must accommodate a large population compared to Lincoln, but the per capita efficiency between the two regions could be equal.

The water usage diagram speaks to the efficiency of the typical New Yorker lifestyle. Living in a densely populated region can beneficial with regards to water usage and water efficiency. The adjacent diagram (Figure 3) indicates, in millions of gallons per day, the water consumption on Manhattan island. The map reveals Midtown as the

Delaware System Catskill System Croton System 100 Year Flood Plain Aqueducts Tunnels Figure 1: NYC Watershed and Aqueduct System

highest consuming district, using approximately 25.3 millions of gallons per day. New Yorkers have different ideas about efficiency than other regions. In a region with property value regarded as one of the highest in the nation, space is viewed as an amenity and not as a resource. This type of thinking contributes to an elevated overall efficiency which densely populated regions offer. The phenomenon in part could be explained by smaller appliances which use less water, to the high cost of water in the region causing people to waste less water. Small factors like these could be in part, one of the reasons why densely populated regions use less water, but the primary cause for efficiency is the mindset individuals are in when living in a heavily populated location.

Numerous factors in the densely populated regions have allowed for an individual to consume less water than in a more rural region like Lincoln.

FUTURE PLANS As previously established, New Yorkers waters have gone

through various transformations with respect to their drinking water as well as their water front. As individuals realize the vast impact human activity has on a site, guidelines and regulations become essential to maintain the same experience for future generations. NYCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s department of city planning understands the issues at hand and has established a plan called Vision 2020. In the plan, city officials outline broad goals to pursue. The city plans to maximize public access to the waterfront regions as well as support economic development along the shorelines. These two goals will enliven the area as well as promote an active attitude toward the continued purification of the NYCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s waterfront. The city also wants to restore natural and protect wet land regions.

This approach will also promote better water quality for natural habitats as well as human recreation. Vision 2020 also speaks to the resilience the city must have for rising sea levels.12 Future goals for the city are feasible and will promote a rich environment for the next generations.

Millions of Gallons Per Day

LOW Risk Areas

Figure 2: Hurricane Risk Areas

Figure 3: Water Consumption In Manhattan by Neighborhood.

25.3

14.05

13.3

10-12

8-10

6-8

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<1

HIGH Risk Areas

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New York City

Lincoln

1250

750

77 GPD

New Yorker

250

123 GPD

500

Lincolnite

Millions of Gallons Distributed

NYC 136

70 50 30

MAY 2010 Figure 4: Water Usage in NYC and Lincoln

SEPT 2010

10 Water Usage in Lincoln (Enlarged)

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Rooftop water cistern

Drinking Water Sampling Station

Discharge Quality Violations

New York State Classifications

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Figure 5: Water Quality Zones and Discharge Quality Violations

20

References 1.Greenberg, Stanley, and Thomas H. Garver. Invisible New York: the hidden infrastructure of the city. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.

2.Royte, Elizabeth (2008). Bottlemania: How Water Went on Sale and Why We Bought It. New York: Bloomsbury USA. p. 132.

3.Roberts, Sam (1993-08-28). 131-Year-Old Reservoir Is Deemed Obsolete. The New York Times. Retrieved 2-20-12 4.Department of City Planning, PlanNYC (New York State Department of State, 2011), 64.

5.Ibid.

6.Ibid.

7.The New York Times. “Find Polluted Waters Near You.”’ Toxic Waters. http://projects.nytimes.com/toxic-waters/polluters/newyork/new-york-city (accessed February 20, 2012).

8. Department of City Planning, New York City Comprehensive Waterfront Plan (New York State Department of State, 2011), 16.

9. Ibid,7.

10. Department of City Planning, PlanNYC (New York State Department of State, 2011), 155.

11. “Hurricane Evacuation Zones.” nyc.gov/hurricanezones (accessed February 27, 2012).

12. Department of City Planning, New York City Comprehensive Waterfront Plan (New York State Department of State, 2011), 9.

Industry

Grayson Bailey-B.S.Design , Christopher Lander-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: The industrial identity of New York City is a major contributor in the historic, contemporary, and projective development of the city - the presence of industry in the city will be investigated comprehensively through four complimentary venues of analysis: Ideology, Caste, Refinement, and Syzygy.

The modern urban landscape surrounding the Hudson River Estuaries began with the consignment of [then] New Amsterdam, based principally in the geographical characteristics which aligned the area with the networking agendas of the fur trade along the Eastern Seaboard. In essence, New York was born in and with industry, removed from the direct survivalism and militant refrainment at the foundations of the European metropolis, instead christened as the umbilical port of a continent as utterly distant and irrelevant as it was potentially exploitable. Contrasted against the terms in which precursing civilizations had begun, New York was a child of an epoch defined by an evolved identity to which its parent cultures had spent millennia progressing toward.

From this foreign impetus the trajectory of New York was initially determined, though its development has proceeded in a model intrinsically removed from the influence of forerunners, retaining the spirit of industry as its quintessence. Through this tangential development, the very identity of New York has been sculpted by the metamorphoses of industry’s role as the harbinger of opportunistic ideology, conveyer of cultural movement, mandator of caste, and platform for networked complexity. Each of these roles has experienced dominance and subordination; held alternating symbiotic and parasitic associations with its counterparts - no one role irrefutable, each fundamentally essential.

INDUSTRY AS IDEOLOGY:

The industrial identity of New York was founded at an ideological scale, an item of colonial resource networking, and began its development with an intent that recited the trade-and-territory driven excitement of European international conquest. The urban conditions first met by New Amsterdam were requisite to trade and involved themselves with a social outgrowth that considered the industrial connotations of the township foremost; the martial considerations, evidenced by the creation of the battery, were

unconditionally secondary. This imbalance of habitual priority is proven in the ceding of the Dutch New Netherlands into the hands of the English, a bloodless secession then equated to the Dutchgained island of Rhun (another colonial-age property of exclusively commercial interest). The value of New York was proved to be less than the hassle of defending a trade-post, until the discovery of its renewed importance as the central point of trade proliferation connecting the entirety of the North American resource potential with whoever procured the rights to exploit.

The character of industry in New York has shifted as violently as the social ideologies that championed each era, resolving the industrial interest of New York in the global eye from extension (in form of Euro-centric colonialism) into possibility of solution (the promise of a life more worth living). This transition began with expectations that were assumed of democratic government, in both its methods exposed prior to American independence in the triumph of the free press during the Zenger Trial, and in the economic potential that has remained essential to the identity of North America - distilled in the projected image of New York as the seminal figure of American ideology. New York became the personification of the American industrial value with the rise of the harbor’s dominance of trade across the Eastern Seaboard, the construction of the Eerie Canal only multiplying the importance of the port-saturated Hudson Valley. Through industry New York adopted an international stance as the medium between Europe and the Americas in continental transportation and commerce, and most importantly yielding the first manufactured product of foreign spectacle. Through New York’s ideological mediation of industry between Europe and the North Americas it became a site of interest exclusive to its projected identity, designating itself as a destination alongside its role as mediator (Mayne, 370).

The history of New York tourism is coupled with the creation of the artificial on an industrial scale, beginning in the establishment of Coney Island attractions. With the creation of the industry of spectacle in the latter half of the 19th century, the pull of the surreal and impossible became just as essential to New York as the garment and meat-packing industry had been during the entirety of the city’s life. Luna Park on Coney Island was the first exposition Right: The Ideology of New York through the Empire State Building

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of the modern American city to many of the nation’s populace, and was as ideologically impressing on a generational level, however essentially counterfeit and illusory its lessons remained.

In this way ideology transitioned from a contributor in the sculpting of industry in New York to the very essence of industrial practice, and has remained as such even in the ways that the financial district has positioned itself as intrinsic to the New York cityscape. Just as the Bowling Green Bull was created as the symbol of the “strength and power of the American people”, New York has born an industry in its representation of American culture. The clutches of ideology are inherent in the most global aspects of New York’s industries and in the essentially local. New York was born from the ideology of an era, but rests now as an ideological object - with 1.6 million transportation / trade / utility employees, and 600 thousand leisure / hospitality employees in the city, New York’s modern industry is New York itself (Wallace, 53).

INDUSTRY AS CASTE:

Far from satisfying the aforementioned ideological claims which inspired immigration and settlement within the city, the industry expressed in New York has also taken the role as mandator of caste - prescribing in one way or another the social strata that citizens have been expected to adhere to. Since the industrial revolution began a set order to socio-economic conditions permeated the city, shrouding generations of New Yorkers in stringent social classes. Immigrants flooded the city with the impression that America offered unabridged opportunity, but many soon found themselves trapped in a social hierarchy which bound their advancement.

Between 1815 and 1915, over 33 million immigrants arrived in New York, through the gates of Castle Garden and the eventual Ellis Island after the Federal Government relinquished the States’ authority to process immigrants. Class divisions were made evident from the moment of their arrival, as first and second class passengers were allowed into New York without inspection, the Office of Immigration assuming their well-intent. Steerage passengers, the industrial laborers too poor to purchase class tickets, were required to endure hours of inspection processes, only illustrating the weight of prior caste appropriations - appropriations which were supposed to have been thrown off in the United States.

Famine striking Ireland drove the remaining Irish population to seek a new life, and many made the transatlantic voyage. By 1855, 200,000 Irish lived in New York City, their poverty preventing them from diffusing to the country’s interior. Trapped in the city, they were forced to live in squalor, their large presence caused less demand for labor and a subsequent reduction in wages.

Even now the image of the Irish steelworker, Longshoreman, or beatwalking cop is the one jumping to the minds of many Americans in respect to the Irish in New York.

The founding of the American Federation of Labor in

Columbus during the late nineteenth century led to multiple labor unions within New York, which brought new dynamic of caste within the industrial infrastructure of the city. From a system in which the worker held a subservient role, labor unions created a proletariat-driven method of agreement between laborers and employers - a system which fundamentally led to the complex interconnections of union-run monopolies.

Currently, industry still plays its role as mandator caste, though with a considerably softer touch - though even ‘soft’ might be replaced by ‘subtle’. Reviewing Eric Fischer’s racial density maps of New York (overlayed in the diagram beside), considerable racial divisions within the city become clear, which correspond with the industries housed in the neighborhoods of question. Beyond this concrete denomination of location and demographic, industry casts its social nets in much broader terms as well. ‘Bridge and Tunnel’ folk are essentially resented because of their isolation from the city and the are coined due to the means by which they travel to work - even the ability to suburbanize the personal life has economic connotations that are traditionally exclusive to certain types of industries.

INDUSTRY AS REFINEMENT:

New York, in the middle of the nineteenth century, had been built to be the location where “North American barbarism was to give place to European refinement”, says Koolhaas in the beginning pages of Delirious New York (Koolhaas, 13). The newly cosmopolitan city on the Hudson acquired supreme cultural distinction and inspired worldwide awe, beginning in the mid1800s. New York continues to irradiate its predominance today in the cultural market, drawing in artists from around the globe with the reserved promise of absolute fame. New York is a premier center for music, literature, theater, dance, and visual art in the United States. The Big Apple has stimulated many national and global cultural movements, whether the manifestation be within the realm of physical art (dadaism), literary works (beat generation), or instrumental movements (bebop, post-punk revival).

Most poignantly, the Harlem Renaissance established the African-American literary canon within the United States. The era’s leading writers and intellectuals, including Langston Hughes, Alain Locke, and W.E.B. Dubois, propelled the movement to impossible heights, giving breath to a new cultural identity that bore tremendous soical implications.

New York has been a hotbed for innovative musicians experimenting with an array of genres. Although jazz first originated in the southern US in the early 20th century, subsequent mutations had their roots in New York City in the 1940s and 50s when Greenwich Village came alive with the sounds of Bebop and the calmer Cool Jazz style pioneered by Miles Davis. Tin Pan Alley was a collection of New York based publishers that helped shape popular music throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, feeding

Manhattan Socio-Economic Breakdown by District district

I

population

34,420

white

black

hispanic

asian

XII

33

$104,116

II

93,119

III

164,407

IV

% minority

average income per capita

25

$104,116

NYC 141 72

$36,994 87,479

40

IX

$79,138 44,028

V

$79,138

VI

$101,018

28

136,152

VII

207,699

VIII

217,063

IX

111,724 $37,028

X

$31,197

24

XI 34

VII

$96,276 18

$105,760

107,109

117,743

XI

$33,212

XII

$36,345

208,414

X

VIII

83

98

IV 93

V

VI

87

II III I

Manhattan Socio-Economic Breakdown, overlay courtesy of Eric Fischer

overlay courtesy of eric fische

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tunes into Broadway musicals that redefined the pinnacle of the theatre industry.

Literary publishing, New York’s oldest cultural industry, has been intwined with the city for centuries, beginning in full as the repercussions of the Zenger Trial brought publishing candidates from around the world. In modern New York these publishing houses are of the most prominent in the world, but in the popular view are shadowed by the most prominent national form of entertainment - the television. Most major networks are headquartered in Manhattan, and the Rockefeller center stands as one of the most identifiable connections to national television in the entire United States. Though described briefly, each of the cultural fields that has taken part in New York’s history has left an imprint on the city that still marks the five boroughs as the primary artistic and entertainment-related focal point in North America.

INDUSTRY AS SYZYGY:

The industrial role of New York began as a nodal value to an expansive colonial trade network, but now lies in its evolved ability to allow inter-relational networking and system operations which further the capacity of modern efficiency - syzygial (relational) characteristics essential for the next century. The fields into which New York’s newtork industries have evolved into are digital - projective analysis of physical systems, and the development of burgeoning virtual networking models created within the ‘Silicon Alley’ - but the history of industry in the city concerned itself from the beginning with the operational, social, and economic values of distribution.

Before our current era of information and data interest, New York began as the crucial distribution port in alternating directions of colonial trade, which essentially endured in the importance of the city’s loci until the 1950’s brought containerization and transferred the brunt of the commercial transportation lanes onto the shores of New Jersey. Through this crisis Lower Manhattan transitioned, however painfully, from physical distribution to capital distribution as its primary importance - the modern Financial District was born from the port exodus of the late twentieth century, peaking in 1987 before the recession of the late eighties. The financial services of New York tied the city inherently to the economies of the world, replacing physical distribution as the tether from the Hudson Valley to every metropolis of importance around the globe.

Currently the direction of the city is partially detached from the traditional importance of Lower Manhattan and the financial services of the city, both itself and the nation having lost a magnitude of respect and trust for the economic presence that it represented. In reaction to the Silicon Valley of Middle California, a technological presence has appeared in Manhattan, nick-named Silicon Alley. This information service (ThinkNear, etc.), social networking (Tumblr, etc.) , and E-commerce (Etsy, etc.) presence has changed the economic landscape with far-reaching implications past

the effects of the dot-com bubble in the 1990’s.

Michael Sorkin describes the potential social developments in response to the network industry in Starting from Zero, “such a ‘village’ structure - the origin of the great city of variegated neighborhoods - is again made possible by the technology behind the ephemeral and flexible nets and flows of the 21st [century]” (Sorkin, 35). The projective value of these digital networking techniques (be it micro-blogging platforms, social-based reviewing applications, or the transition of traditionally location based services into less definitively physical boundaries) lies in the information service industry’s ability in quantitative and successively qualitative analysis. While information infrastructure is built, the value of New York exposes itself both as a virtual and physical testing ground for modern network theories.

The density of New York allows for the viability of research- based analytics that require mass members, such as the experiments of deliverable grocery lists and limited-location review applications that have proven successful in New York, but failed in their execution in smaller densities. This research has its most exciting potential in technologies that have the ability to revolutionize and raise the efficiency of necessary infrastructural models; the industry of research is beginning to break into prominence in the modern era, working from the assumption of efficacy in infrastructure (virtual and physical) and implied inherent connections to the economic and ecological repercussions of any city. New York is a metropolis of a size which inherently requires its infrastructure to competitively efficient, relegating the research of methods in which to alleviate frictions within infrastructure as an increasingly important industrial region.

The syzygial nature of New York, beginning in colonial trade networks and culminating in informational networks, has remained a distinct and inherent industrial practice of the city, and as such has helped to define the trajectory of New York in balance with the demographic, cultural, and ideological characteristics apparent in the urban Hudson Valley.

References 1. Koolhaas, Rem. Delirious New York. New York: The Monticelli Press, 1994.

2. Sorkin, Michael. Starting From Zero: Reconstructing Downtown New York. New York: Routledge, 2003.

3. Wallace, Mike. A New Deal For New York. New York: Bell & Weiland Publishers, 2002.

4. Mayne, Thom. Combinatory Urbanism: The Complex Behavior of Collective Form. Culver City, CA: Stray Dog Cafe, 2011.

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Highest Grossing, Highest Employed, Tech-Start Up Businesses in New York

Fabric

Felipe Colin Jr.-B.S.Design, Ann Marcum-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: The borough of Manhattan has been a prime location for development since its first settlement in the 1600s, attracting people from around the world of all walks of life. With a population of over 1.6 million, Manhattan has become home to clear demonstrations of successful design, planning, and policy of urban invention and practice. Only by analyzing the layers of essential networks and urban strategies as individual components can the depth of their history and future trajectories be viewed in a prevailing theme that is unique to Manhattan. The superimposition of the natural environment with infrastructural elements was crucial to informing the development of the city’s urban fabric for its past, present, and future. The Commissioners Plan (1811) was one of the first designs that envisioned the inception of a modern New York. This plan, which is still used today, embedded goals for expansion that overlaid a gridded street system with its cartographic terrain, and was the first in a series of changes that overcame major physical and environmental limitations.

The origin of Manhattan Island is known to be part of a recent geological time. Approximately 18,000 years ago the last of a great ice sheet moved its way southward burying Manhattan Island under a wall of solid ice that reached forward onto Staten Island. So much water was locked into this vast ice formation that the ocean level at Manhattan was 330 feet (100m) lower than it is today. As this vast wall began to melt, water retreated northward which carved the bed of what is known as the Hudson River. The ocean rose to its present level and thus New York’s great natural harbor was formed.

This effect caused the earth’s outer-solid continuous crust to lie just below or in certain areas above the surface of Manhattan Island in two distinct locations: the downtown tip and midtown. It is primarily this reason that Manhattan’s skyscrapers are found within these two distinct locations.

After the Indian and Dutch settlements, New York began to grow slowly under the English: from 1,500 people in 1665 to nearly 25,000 in 1775. Prior to this expansion, New York had lived through both the French and Indian Wars, epidemics of small pox and yellow fever, lack of adequate pure water, appalling sanitary conditions, occupation by military forces, and the American Revolution of 1776-83 (The Building of Manhattan, 14). As areas prospered and expanded certain areas began to be associated with specific activities, an earlier form of zoning. Certain areas

were labeled as shipping and waterfront areas, a business district, warehouses, and manufacturing areas. Residential areas began to be divided according to wealth and social position. All sorts of trade and animal slaughtering were kept on the outer edges of the ever-growing city. Travel became slow and difficult, triggering the northward expansion of the city. However, during the American Revolution, Manhattan went through a lot of devastation. After the victory in 1783, the population of Manhattan was half of what it was 7 years prior and there were signs of shortage of housing and of buildings of any sort. New York was faced with the task of recovery.

As a seaport city, Manhattan attracted people of many nationalities to show their worth in commerce, the professions, and as craftsman.

New York City had become the city of opportunity. It had become the city of trade, business and commerce. New York City was now the largest city in the nation, over taking Boston and Philadelphia as the busiest shipping port. New York City had begun to expand in size and population once again, reaching of about 60,515 by 1800.

Six years later, 1806, the City Council realized that the city of New York was growing drastically and plan for future growth needed to be top priority. The industry realm was taking more and more space in lower Manhattan, causing residential area to grow in the nearest open land available. Manhattan island was become over developed very quick and without order; a commission was therefore appointed to solve this problem.

In 1811, the commissioners presented their first “plan for growth”. Manhattan Island was now planned as a rectangular grid with wide avenues running north-south, and all streets above 14th Street running east-west from river to river and perpendicular to the avenues (The building of Manhattan, 20). The plan had no consideration to existing conditions; however Broadway remained this main transportation alley running diagonal cutting across the grid. If the city was to increase in size and become successful, it meant that the city had to figure out ways to have reliable sources of pure water, safe sewage systems, and quick means of transportation across the island. By 1840 the population mark had passed 300,000 New Yorkers. It wasn’t until 1835, that the Great Fire destroyed over 670 buildings in lower Manhattan; then again ten years later in the fire of 1845 that it swept through lower Manhattan again destroying Right: Residential apartments at 29th St. and 8th Ave.

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CHI

NYC 146

Panoramic from top of Empire State Building

more than 300 buildings and cost of millions of dollars in damages.

Population numbers were still skyrocketing in 1850 with 212,796 new immigrants that year. New York was indeed of a change once again; this time with the way in which buildings were built with regards in size and height and their aesthetic nature.

New York City quickly experienced their building boom; which was caused by new design and construction methods. The cast-iron frame allowed building heights to exceed what many thought was impossible; later as a gradual process the iron-skeleton construction method was created. This iron-skeleton would allow for higher building and longer spans and with the creation of the elevator in 1854 it allowed for ever-higher buildings. Architects quickly adopted this method of construction: the metal-frame. The value of city land rose greatly. Not only was it plausible to build taller and larger, it was also economically plausible to do so thanks to THE EXPANDING MANHATTAN COASTLINE new inventions in new machines and processes. New York city was “now growing vertically, and beginning to give to the world a new Landfill Diagram vision of a great city-Manhattan, city of skyscrapers” (The building of Manhattan, 35).

Jane Jacobs introduces her thoughts on the order of the urban setting by explaining that “there is a basic esthetic limitation on what can be done with cities: A city cannot be a work of art” (Jacobs: 372). There is a balance that must be maintained when dealing with the most complex and intense form of life. Manhattan has proved itself to be a within the realm of dynamism that fuels discovery and invention, hosting numerous methodologies when it comes to the study of the city’s urban fabric. Since urban design can be considered a form of animated inquiry, it is only fitting to define urban studies as an investigation of how society negotiates with the built environment. Michele Bertomen of the New York Institute of Technology introduces how “urban fabric has an analogous relationship to the social fabric of a city, influencing the interactions of its inhabitants as it is shaped and reshaped by those same interactions” (Bertomen: 272). Similar to how John Randel, Jr. developed his planning technique through coupling the manmade grid with topographic studies, the urban fabric of modern Manhattan is not void of similar integral, complex layers and Manhattan Eidedic Image

City Hall

World Trade Center

South St. Seaport

Customs House present 1834 1803 1766 1660

Battery Park

“Urban fabric engages people in initiatives to strengthen and improve the social, ecological, and economic well-being of their communities and, by extension, the city as a whole.”

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systems. The strategies of urban development focus on connecting a series of essential networks that occur in our modern-day cities, these include: a social fabric, ecological systems, economy, and the built environment. It is the responsibility of these individual components, through their interaction, to drive and support the dynamic urban fabric that exists today. By identifying parts of the urban systems that constitutes Manhattan, it reveals a delicate liaison between the urban and social fabric. The interaction of the built environment and the people inhabiting that space is an organization of woven connections and relationships.

The first part of what makes up the urban fabric is the social fabric. It is the composite demographics of a defined area in terms of its social geography which consists of: ethnicity, wealth, class, education, employment, and regional values. Only by considering all of the factors that compose the life of an individual can the whys and wherefores of the environment be understood. Author Roberte Mestdagh explains that “the city as a structure created by man reflects the thought pattern of a society, its notions of space and time. There is a constant interaction between a place and its inhabitants” (Mestdagh: 7). A driving force of the social fabric’s influence on the modern urban fabric is the cultural diversity that exists in Manhattan. While immigration generated such diversity and density, historically the city’s growth negated social equity. However, with new developments such as low-income housing and accessible public spaces, future plans help to ensure a diverse society that engages intergenerational populations with opportunity and equality. With socioeconomic growth, the achievement of a stable economy becomes viable, reflecting its benefits back to the community and forward into the future development and maintenance of the city. Southern Manhattan acts as a commercial and industrial hub for New York City. The business districts formulate the densest areas and are home to the tallest buildings around. Despite effects of the recession on the nation’s economy, the urban context continues to grow with redevelopment and planning techniques that attract local businesses and tourism. Examples of this are James Corner Field Operations and Diller Scofidio + Renfro’s High Line and the Hudson Yards redevelopment project, which is considered Manhattan’s last frontier. The trend with such projects is the prominence of public

Empire State Building

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green space and the careful development of ecological systems into dense urban areas. The importance of these systems is the creation of connected healthy and natural systems. Going back to rudimentary architecture, human comfort plays a distinct role in design, and because Manhattan has so little natural scenery, cultural movements have gradually increased the popularity of these practices throughout New York history. The 18th century expansion of New York pushed all agricultural industries to Manhattan’s surrounding boroughs, and when the City Beautiful Movement began to take shape in the mid-19th century, designs for parks, green spaces, reservoirs, and fountains were strategically implemented into the gridiron; the most renowned being Central Park. Other prevalent green spaces were the New York victory gardens that surfaced during WWI and WWII. These gardens were planted at private residences and public parks to relieve the pressure of public food supply during times of war. Similar roof garden and community garden spaces are becoming popular in Manhattan, too. The most recent examples of seeking relief from the density and hazards of the urban environment are the Environmental Movement and the “Green” Movement. One of the largest activist demonstrations for the Environmental Movement took place in New York in 1979, and since then the community has been responsive to incorporating natural systems into the urban grain and built environment in the growing modern Manhattan.

The future of Manhattan is unlimited in its possibilities. As proven before in history, the physical limitation of the water’s edge has not stopped expansion before. With new design speculations for Manhattan, such as “The Unfinished Grid” competition on display at the Museum of the City of New York, there is an evolving creation of future designs regarding Manhattan’s urban fabric, from proposals of a second vertical grid to connecting the southern tip of Manhattan to Staten Island. So even after generations of planners, builders, and advocates, future architects and developers see nothing but potential to adapt, extend, and transform the future of the city and its urban environment.

GREEN MARKETS GREEN ROOFS

UNION SQUARE

Commercially registered green roofs and markets

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High Line weaving through urban fabric 1874

1837

1717 1667 1642

Land value study with history of city growth overlay

References: 1. Baudrillard, Jean. Radical cartography. 2011 [cited 2/20 2012].

Available from www.radicalcartography.net.

2. Bertomen, Michele. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Figure / fabric: process / production.â&#x20AC;?

Journal Of Architectural Education 54, no. 4 (May 2001): 272-278.

Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals, EBSCOhost (accessed February 28, 2012).

3. Jacobs, Jane. 1961. The death and life of great american cities.

[New York]: Random House.

4. Johnston, Norman Bruce, Kenneth Finkel, Jeffrey A. Cohen, Preservation Coalition of Greater Philadelphia, and Philadelphia Museum of Art. 1994. Eastern state penitentiary :Crucible of good intentions. Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art for the Eastern State Penitenciary Task Force of the Preservation Coalition of Greater Philadelphia.

5. MacKay, Donald A. 1987. The building of manhattan. 1st ed ed.

New York : Harper & Row. 6. Mestdagh, Roberte. 1982. Manhattan, people and their space.

New York, N.Y. : Thames and Hudson,.

7. Okamoto, Rai Y. 1969. Urban design manhattan,. New York,,: Viking Press.

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The history of New York program is heavily influenced from the immigrants who made up the majority of the population while the city was first being settled. Because of the extremely diverse cultures and ethnic backgrounds in conjunction with the many different languages all coming together in one place, divides between different ethnicities throughout the city came about. This was seen in the formation of ethnic communities whose identity was influenced by the countries to which their inhabitants originated from. In the early development of New York City, these pockets of cultures became the newly forming neighborhoods and districts.

Newly forming neighborhoods separated individuals into their respective cultural backgrounds. One of the reasons these neighborhoods formed during the early development of the city was due to the lack of education many of the new immigrants had coming over into the United States. Many of the newly arriving settlers did not speak English, communication was made very difficult. In turn, the lack of communication made difficult for immigrants to easily function in areas other than these newly forming neighborhoods. As the time grew on the neighborhoods took on the characteristics of these cultures and started forming ethnic pockets where the populations consisted almost entirely of one nationality.

By the 1800â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s the city of New York was expanding at an alarming rate and Manhattan was no exception. Between 1821 and 1855 the city nearly quadrupled in size and due to this huge influx of people, Manhattan was becoming extremely dense with housing, shops, and other buildings to sustain the population. To combat the harsh realities of the urban development, the city proposed a new park in the middle of Manhattan to which we now know as Central Park.

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ABSTRACT: New York has a strong and rich history in program starting from the immigration settlers who came from european countries, up to the new improvements the city is taking on today. These programs have defined New York as a city and are a source of pride to the population of Manhattan. The city of New York must continue to push the ideas of program at both a micro and macro scale if the city wishes to continue as a thriving metropolis.

DDISISTTRINANC ARK RIICCTT IAL

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YEAMSIDTOW CEN E WES T NU T MO TRA P P H RN L E SID R E PA E AST RK H EIGHINGS TS IDE EA A

Ryan Conat-B.S.Design, Matthew Jorn-B.S. Design

Neighborhoods of Manhattan

Right: Central Park

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Destination Neighborhood Other Privately Owned Public Space

WHITE BLACK ASIAN HISPANIC

Demographics of Manhattan

In 1844 Andrew Jackson Downing and William Cullen Bryant publicized the need for public parks and green spaces in the Evening Post (now known as the New York Post). Downing was known as being the first American landscape architect and proposed the idea of creating a centralized park through the island of Manhattan similar to parks in European cities such as London and Paris. Through the poetics of Bryant, as an editor of the Evening Post, the pair captured the attention of the public. In 1853 the city agreed upon a plan for a 700 acre park from 59th street to 106th street. The total cost was to be $5 million just for the land without any modifications which were sure to be necessary.

A design competition was held for the final design of the park to which Frederick Law Olmsted won with their Greensward Plan. The winning design proposed an additional 143 acres of land from the original proposal pushing the area to a staggering 843 acres which dwarfed any other design proposal in the city to date.

Battling legislation and the clearing of some of the citizens who took up residence in the area, the park was finally completed in 1873 with over 1,500 species of plants and upwards of four million trees.

One World Trade Center

The Central Park plan had other unforeseen effects on the New York City. The park has become a defining characteristic of the city where patrons from all over Manhattan can congregate, socialize, run, or join in any number of activities. Central park has broken down the cultural borders which were formed with the neighborhood divisions and become an area of great importance to all of the residents of Manhattan and the surrounding Burroughs. The park now houses a variety of art, design, nature, and numerous other events which the city is more than happy to let take place within Central Park.

From the success of Central park the city implemented a number of other parks and recreation spaces throughout the city.

Areas to the north and south of Manhattan were improved with these new green spaces. One of these spaces was to be Battery Park which was given its name from the artillery batteries which lined the park as the southern defense of the island. The park which was once a strategic military position took up a new role as park where ferries would allow passengers to travel to and from Ellis Island. As with the implementation of Central Park, Battery Park became a staple of the southern tip of Manhattan and directly influenced the urban fabric of

Wall Street and the Financial District.

Today there are a number of current projects which are being implemented for the greater good of the city. Projects such as the 9/11 memorials and One World Trade Center (the name given to the new tower on the WTC site) are greatly boosting moral in the city and are becoming a cultural symbol for New York City. A number of additional projects are being started such as the High Line which are repurposing old abandoned parts of the city and revitalizing them creating a new program out of seemingly useless places. These two models for revitalizing New York program seem to be enhancing a city in new strikingly profound ways.

After the attack on the World Trade Center there has been much debate as to what should happen at the site of the leveled city block where the former buildings once stood.

There was a design competition held in 2003. One June 28th, 2005 the final design was unveiled to the public. The new â&#x20AC;&#x153;One World Trade Centerâ&#x20AC;? dominated the skyline at a height of 1,776ft atop the antenna spire which proposed a large number of security problems. A 187ft concrete base was added to the design as a safety measure with a number of additional security measures. The design for the Trade Center block also includes two memorials which sit at the base of each of the former towers and include the names of all the men and women who died in the attacks.

Since its proposal, the new Trade Center complex has been embraced by the city of New York from the memorials to all of the safety measures which have been put into place to protect the large structure. These aspects have become a source of pride for New York and show the strength and resilience of the city.

The new security measures which have been put in place ensures the tower will be protected from any sort of threats which might present themselves in the future and guarantee the longevity of this new structure.

Not all new projects on the island of Manhattan are new construction. The idea of renovating existing buildings and structures has been a common theme in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s construction.

Restorations save money on construction costs and continue to promote the recycling of old materials. No project better represents this idea than the High Line Renovation on the west side of Manhattan along the Hudson River. The High Line renovation is a prime example of the city taking new ownership of old, existing, out of use infrastructure and giving new life and repurposing structure to a much more valuable asset to the city.

The High Line was proposed over the site of the raised railway which found use during the meatpacking industry boom in the early 1900s. The railway allowed raw meet to be distributed across the various meat packing companies and factories. This sped up the process of packing the meat for distribution and allowed the industry to become what the business was in its

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prime. Over the years as more packing plants were established and the plants on the west side of Manhattan became too pricey to keep running they closed down and the High Line became useless to its prior existence. The problem then became the existing structure of the High Line was still standing, abandoned and run down over years of being unused.

In 1999 a group formed by some of the residents of the neighborhood where the High Line ran through. This group advocated for the renovation of the High Line rather than its complete removal. The High Line had a history unique to these neighborhoods surrounding the location and in the end, this would be lost if the High Line was to be completely removed. The architectural firm Diller Scofidio + Renfro along with the landscape architecture firm Field Operations designed a superlative renovation of the existing line. The design would include a walking path highlighted by trees, plants, and other greenery. The site also allows for highlighting specific areas of the surrounding neighborhoods.

The path could be accessed by the pedestrians on street level and would bypass most of the hustle and bustle of the city streets below.

The new High Line elevates the perspective of its users and shows a side of the city which could not be seen otherwise.

The revitalization of the High Line has given the neighborhoods around the site a new life and has significantly increased desire to live in the area. Along with this increased desire also spurred a group of Art galleries and has given a new found interest in the art world on the west side of Manhattan. These benefits were all made possible by the High Line renovation. The population and land value in the neighborhoods has skyrocketed as a result of the new design and the residents of the area could not be happier with the results. The High Line draws in people from around Manhattan and created a number of jobs for restaurants and shops in the surrounding area. Although the original plan was only to renovate the first third of the existing railway, gaining such a positive reputation a second third was completed and plans to finish the final third are being discussed. To say the High Line redevelopment was a success would be an understatement. The project took a dwindling neighborhood and brought life to now one of the most desirable

Privately Owned Public Spaces

High Line Redevelopment

locations in Manhattan.

As New York City grows as does the need for improving the state of the city and new proposals for programmatic spaces is the perfect fit for meeting these needs. One can see the significant cultural and social benefits from these projects which have been in place since the start of the city and are being currently implemented today. In these projects New York gains identity and becomes united as a single city rather than a collection of separated neighborhoods and regions.

If New York wishes to continue its success the city needs to put value in these new programmatic additions to the city. Whether it’s the new addition of buildings which become cultural centers and symbols of the strength of New York such as the new One World Trade Center or whether it’s the repurposing of old infrastructure and structures which have lost their original purpose in the modern city, these new projects speak to a new generation of New Yorkers. The new generation is not separated by cultural or ethnic divides but coexist in the city as a whole.

There is a serious demand for new projects like these in the city of New York and they would be doing a disservice to not continue supporting these developments. These new designs help bring New York together and can continue to do so in the future.

Open Green Spaces High Line Path Walking/Running Paths Proposed Connections Proposed Bike Paths

Pathways/Green Space in Manhattan

References 1. Bloch, Matthew, Shan Carter, and Alan McLean. “Mapping America: Every City, Every Block.” New York Times. projects. nytimes.com/census/2010/explorer (accessed March 6, 2012).

2. Chan, Sewell (June 25, 2008). “High Line Designs Are Unveiled”. The New York Times.

3. Kayden, Jerold . “Privately Owned Public Space.” NYC.GOV. www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/priv/mndist1.shtml (accessed March 6, 2012).

4. Miller, Sara Cedar. Central Park, An American Masterpiece: A Comprehensive History of the Nation’s First Urban Park. New York: Abrams, 2003.

5. Sternbergh, Adam (April 29, 2007). “The High Line: It Brings Good Things to Life”. New York. (accessed August 11, 2011).

6. Swerdlow, Joel L. Central Park - Oasis in the city. National Geographic Magazine May 1993 7. Taylor, Dorceta E. The Environment and the People in American 8. “The Melting Pot”, The First Measured Century, Public Broadcasting Service. (accessed April 25, 2007).

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Food

Kevin Goltz-B.S.Design, Scott Sommer-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: Food of New York City, the system is quite complex, but allows millions of people the ability to get their food in a productive manner. These are the facts, issues and possible solutions of New York’s food network.

New York City has one of the most complicated and exciting food network systems in the country. It plays many major roles, not only is it a billion dollar industry, but it also supplies eighty percent of New York City with food. Although the city is vast, the surrounding areas are great for farmlands. Most of the food industry comes from these farms crops and their livestock. However, another great factor is the coast and all of New York City’s ports; anything that isn’t already supplied can be imported from an outlying region.

In the past, New York City used its many ports to import goods from Europe and other countries across the Atlantic Ocean. Nowadays, ports have diminished while other shipping sources have become more readily available. Although the city has great food production, it is not without its problems; these issues include poverty and food instability. New York City has a very large population, and an even bigger daytime population, when millions of people commute into the city to work, many as far as Pennsylvania.

However, it had been noticed that several of New York City’s largest food factories have shut down over the last couple of years. Strangely though, food makers have been one of the few sources of growth recently in the city’s industrial sector. The overall employment in manufacturing has shrunk by almost two-thirds since 1990, but the number of jobs in food making businesses rose by almost six percent last year. Rather than conceding what is left of the food making trade, the city is arranging for making new spaces for kitchens and processing plants for small companies. They are also securing private financing to help established food makers grow.

Many areas of New York City are also made up of underserved neighborhoods. A group called FRESH or Food Retail Expansion to Support Health, was created. Their goals include targeting high need neighborhoods identified in the Supermarket Need Index and to reach out to facilitate connection between supermarket industry and developers. There are many other organizations working to better the food industry in New York City.

One of these is Food Banks. Each morning, trucks get filled with food and produce, leave their farms and travel to the city, and once

here, more trucks deliver that food to a thousand food pantries, soup kitchens, and other community organizations across the five boroughs. These groups serve 400,000 free meals to hungry New Yorkers every day.

The typical New Yorker doesn’t ever think about where their food is coming from, but in reality, it’s a long process. For example, one meal might be involving a food grown on a farm in Orange County, shipped through a distribution center in Hunts Point, and processed at a factory in Jamaica, Queens. Not only is it a long process, but it also involves many decisions at every point of the trip. Farmers have to decide what fertilizers and pesticides to use, restaurants have to decide where to buy ingredients and how to dispose of food scraps, city government makes choices every day about what type of food it buys and from where, and it makes choices about infrastructure and investments in the food economy.

All of these choices are very important because they each have the potential to improve people’s health, economy, and environment. In fact, if these decisions aren’t made carefully, then the city will run into many problems. For example, agricultural production is energy intensive, greatly contributes to greenhouse gas emissions, and it is not economically viable for many farmers. Food processing and distribution require large non-renewable energy inputs and further impact our environment. For the time being, New York City’s food market consists of over eight million residents, thirty billion dollars in food spending and a budget for institutional meals second only to the US military. A new report shows that the city currently has 24,000 restaurants, 5,445 supermarkets, grocery stores, and convenience stores, 1,730 food wholesalers, 1,500 public schools, 1,000 emergency feeding programs, 1,000 food and beverage manufacturers, 445 green carts, 120 farmers markets, and 100 community supported agricultures.

In the maps on the figures on the next page accurately detail the amount and consistency of both, food retailers and restaurants. The density of Manhattan’s food retail and restaurants directly correlates to the amount of people needed to be served, as stated before, the population of New York City grows dramatically during the weekday due to the influx of workers. These retailers are there to adequately feed the people who are there to work.

Right: The Chelsea Market

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Despite the many food issues, there are also many solutions. One is to strengthen the regional supply chain which in turn, would defend our food system against other economic threats.

Lately, the food supply and prices become more vulnerable to energy prices, global trade demands, and conversion of cropland to energy uses. Agricultural products are one of America’s fastest growing exports, especially corn, soy, rice, and oils. As other countries continue to develop and demand more of these US products, the domestic supply will be subject to increased prices.

The plans to help protect our food economy start by using all available green space in New York City whether this means farms, community gardens, or across roof tops. To meet the needs of the growing population, everyone must support their regional farmers.

The plan for New York City is to facilitate urban-rural linkages to help farmers bring their food to city markets. There is also a need to build a permanent wholesale farmers market to help mid-sized farmers sell to restaurants, government institutions, and grocers.

New York’s agriculture itself is a multi-billion dollar business; six of its products are in the top ten national ranking. As of 2009, cabbage raised $67,300,000, apples raised $185,000,000, corn silage raised $227,000,000, milk raised $1,910,000,000, sweet corn raised $699,000,000, onions raised $49,000,000, grain raised $117,000,000, hay raised $282,000,000, poultry raised $54,800,000, and meat raised $190,000,000.

New York City’s food culture has also grown greatly over the years since its creation. This includes a variety of world cuisines influenced by the city’s immigrant history. Eastern European and Italian immigrants have made the city famous for bagels, cheesecake, and New York style pizza. There are around 4,000 mobile food vendors licensed by the city, many of them immigrant-owned, that have made Middle Eastern foods such as falafels and kebabs standbys of modern New York street food.

Although the food industry in this city is extravagantly growing and becoming more well known, it is facing another problem. As the city keeps growing in size and population, it’s becoming easier to notice the people who are going homeless and hungry. As hunger issues increase, so does the demand for soup kitchens and food banks. It appears that the districts with higher numbers of hungry and poverty stricken residents also have increased quantities of these food banks. Right now, the food pantries and soup kitchens help feed 1.4 million people in New York City; this mainly consists of women, children, seniors, the working poor, and people with disabilities. There are approximately 2.9 million New Yorkers experiencing this difficulty in affording food which is a sixty percent increase since 2003.

Records show that the poverty is caused by financial pressures such as unemployment, health issues, health insurance issues, and low wages. Low-income New Yorkers often have an ultimatum of either choosing providing enough food for themselves or their families and paying the month’s rent or utility bills. Middle-

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Left: Food retailers of Manhattan, Right: Restaurants of Manhattan

income residents have also been reported as feeling the pressure. The crisis level has been reached for New Yorkers as the food prices keep on steadily rising. Another negative aspect of this situation is that when people can’t afford to choose healthy foods, then it leads to a high " concentration of diet-related conditions such as diabetes, obesity, and ! ! even hypertension. !

Unfortunately all five districts of New York City are suffering ! ! ! ! from food poverty. It seems as though the areas of the districts that are ! ! ! more residential have lower numbers of hungry residents while the ! ! ! business areas have higher. This is most likely due to the fact that the ! " people that can afford to live farther from the businesses and travel ! ! "! ! farther into the city for work can also afford food. With the number of ! ! ! "!!! ! ! " hungry people rising, there usually aren’t enough food banks to quite ! ! !! ! ! ! ! keep up one hundred percent. One of the foreseeable goals for New ! ! " ! ! ! ! ! !

York City is to be careful in implementing more food banks; if one ! ! ! ! " ! ! district obtains more food banks than another district, then the poverty " ! ! ! ! ! stricken people will move towards that district and this will in turn, " ! ! ! " " ! ! ! ! upset the food poverty between districts. ! !! ! ! ! ! ! " ! !

The map to the left depicts poverty level in the color and ! !! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! " deepness of the pink along with the WIC centers of the area. The goal !! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! " ! ! ! ! !! ! ! !" " was to see if in fact there was a correlation between them, and there !! ! ! ! ! ! !!! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! " ! is. The area of white or lighter pinks, seems to have only a few if any ! ! ! ! " !

WIC centers available for the less fortunate. When the areas become " " ! ! less fortunate, they in turn receive more WIC centers, and are able to " ! supply and supplement their foods.

Food banks and soup kitchens don’t seem to be the only ! " " ! aspect of New York City that is built according to location and " environment. Food retailers and restaurants also seem to have a ! method to creating urban forms. Along the major transportation " ! ! routes, people will notice that there are many restaurants that serve as ! ! ! " common stops for people traveling through the city. It is also noticeable " " that restaurants seem to cluster in the downtown feeling areas of the " city which is a result of so many people walking everywhere. The amount decreases as one gets farther from downtown districts and " closer to suburban areas. "

The map on the left side details the locations of the urban ! ! " ! ! ! ! " farms of manhattan in green, and the locations of farmers markets in ! ! ! " ! !! red. This type of correlation suggests that farming most likely takes ! !! " ! ! " " ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! place in areas of higher amounts of light, and markets find themselves a ! ! ! ! ! ! !!! ! ! !! ! ! ! ! !! few blocks down the street where open area can be found, and residents ! ! ! " ! of the area are willing to buy. The outdoor open area markets are ! ! ! " " ! ! only open and available during the summer, although there are some " ! ! markets that have buildings, allowing Manhattan people to get locally ! grown fresh goods throughout the year. The garden’s sun spots happen ! " ! to be on the lower east side and largely in the upper Manhattan areas. ! ! ! ! ! ! "

Food retailers and distribution centers are another aspect ! that seems to spring up in coordinated locations. As someone drives into the city, they will notice the great amount of distribution centers on the edge of the city. This is due to the ease of access this gives to Left; Farmer’s Markets and Urban Farming suppliers such as farmers. They are able to harvest their crops and Right; Poverty by Census Track and WIC Centers " "

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deliver them by truck to the outskirts of the city where a distribution center will take over and then distribute the food throughout the rest of New York City. Because the locations of food distribution centers directly correspond to the location of shipping paths, the location of food retailers such as grocery stores typically depend upon all of these. Usually the grocery stores want to find a general location for residents to easily come and shop, but they also wish for a close distance to the distribution centers because this cuts down their shipping costs and times.

The photo in the upper right shows a standard distribution truck of New York, this is especially local to the smaller and more confined streets of Manhattan. These shorter straight-line trucks are easier to maneuver through the streets, and make deliveries possible.

The photo in the upper right, shows an even shorter Pilot Freight truck and the Hamptons Market Place. The Market inside is similar to that of the Grand Central Market shown to the right. It is in these types of places that New Yorkers come to buy their fresh produce, meats and anything else you can get at a standard grocery market.

Chelsea Market is one of the most popular and most visited markets in Manhattan. The next page shows images of the facility, the upper picture shows a model located just inside the entrance of the marketplace. The lower image shows a listing of the available markets within the building, anything from seafood, to desserts can be found within this one building

The ports share the same qualities as distribution centers except are slightly different in determining the location of corresponding retailers. This is a direct result to the fact that piers and ports are unable to choose their location within the city itself. After the ports were developed, the city kept expanding westward. In the early years, using boats was the most common way of transporting food and goods. This is why the city revolved around the ports and grew accordingly. In the past, this was a

Left; Distribution Truck Outside New York Times Building Right; Pilot Freight and Hamptons Market Place Below; Grand Central Market

large contributor to urbanization. It used to be that one place did multiple jobs; for example, the ports used to have buildings that served as distributors and even shops. Nowadays, they are typically separated into three different buildings and are usually spread out across the cityscape. The location of each of these changes the way urbanization takes form.

References

Above: Model of Chelsea Market.

Above: Chelsea Market Signboard Showing all the Shops.

1. Hayes, Lashawn Richburg. Are prices higher for the poor in New York City? Princeton, New Jersey: Industrial Relations Section, Princeton University, 1999.

2. Lomonaco, Michael. Gastropolis: food and New York City. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

3. McLaughlin, Edward W. State of the New York Food Industry. Ithaca, New York: Dept. of Agricultural Economics, New York State College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, Cornell University, 1992.

4. Nestle, Marion. Food Politics: How the Food Industry Influences Nutrition, and Health, Revised and Expanded Edition. University of California Press, 2007.

5. New York Industrial Retention Network. Food from New York City: An Analysis of New York Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Food Manufacturing Industry. Brooklyn, New York: New York Industrial Retention Network, 1999.

6. New York State Dept. of Agriculture and Markets, Division of Marketing. New York State agricultural export directory. Albany, New York: New York State Dept. of Agriculture and Markets, Division of Marketing, 1987.

7. New York State Dept. of Agriculture and Markets. New York State Agriculture: Farm Fresh Produce: 1986 Directory. Albany, New York: NYS Dept. of Agriculture and Markets, 1986.

8. New York State Dept. of Agriculture and Markets. The Fruit Industry in New York State. New York: Nabu Press, 2010.

9. New York State Dept. of Agriculture and Markets. The New York State food industry: economic development opportunities for the future: an interagency study. Albany, New York: New York State Dept. of Agriculture and Markets, 1984.

10. Segal, Martin. Wages in the metropolis: their influence on the location of industries in the New York region. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960.

11. Simon, Michele. Appetite for Profit: How the Food Industry Undermines our Health and How to Fight Back. First Trade Paper, 2006.

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Region

Ben Eisenmenn-B.S.Design, Matt Goeser-B.S.Design

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ABSTRACT: New York City’s intense concentration of people and diverse demographics create a microcosm that cannot be found anywhere else in the United States. Its unique birth and development have created five separate boroughs that have distinct characteristics within the micro-region that is New York City. The consolidation of the city in 1827 further united the city into one cohesive entity. Each borough has its own role within the greater city of New York that ultimately serves Manhattan as the hub of the micro-region.

The idea to consolidate New York City arose as early as 1827 in an effort to place New York Harbor territories under the honest and efficient control of one municipal administration. Initial proposals only concerned Manhattan and Brooklyn, which were the major municipalities of the New York Harbor region. However, these proposals never gained traction due to the high amount of distrust and rivalry between the two municipalities.

By the 1880’s, consolidation proposals were revived by Andrew Haswell Green, a reformation Democrat who had played a significant role in the creation of Central Park. Green sought to combine all of the port authorities of New York—the engine that drove the economy of the whole region—including Brooklyn, Staten Island, all of present-day Bronx, and all of present-day Queens into his consolidated plan. However, being framed only in economic and social terms, Green’s plan was thwarted by Brooklyn nativists and Manhattanites who did not want to share their tax wealth with the underdeveloped municipalities of the outer boroughs. This stalemate was to be broken once the idea turned political by the mid 1890’s, with New York State Republicans uniting in favor of Green’s proposal under the view that consolidation would dilute the Democratic Party’s power (the outer boroughs were largely Republican).

OTHER REASONS FOR CONSOLIDATION

Brooklyn, which was still digesting its own annexations of Kings County by 1898, was $72 million in debt. With its high property taxes and narrow revenue base (much of Brooklyn’s economic activity took place on the wrong side of the East River), consolidation was heavily endorsed as its saving grace. Brooklyn was also running out of water, whereas New York’s Croton system had a gushing superabundance. Despite these issues, Brooklyn’s

legislation to consolidate only passed by a margin of 277 votes.

Money was an issue for residents living in the Bronx as well, but for different reasons. The Bronx, known as the ‘Annexed District’ at this point, had already been consolidated with New York City by 1895 and did not want to share Manhattan’s huge tax revenue with the annexation of three new territories. Larger issues, such as street congestion, the need to build a unified public transportation network, the need to consolidate public health and safety services, and the need to create cheap housing stock for immigrants, eventually outweighed these concerns and the Bronx officially gained ‘borough’ status in 1898.

Staten Island, then known as Richmond County, was mostly farmland prior to annexation, but the territory was included in the legislation to accommodate future growth of the city. While only being tied to Manhattan by ferryboat and not by law, the city was something foreign to the Islanders at this time. Many Islanders argued that a consolidated city would mean improved ferry service and rail transportation, while others argued that the Island’s open land would be disgraced by dirty streets, factories, and gin mills. In 1894, Richmond County voters went along with consolidation by a vote of 5,531 to 1,505.

It took intense pressure by Republicans and upstate followers to drive the plan through the New York State legislature system, despite numerous objections from the Democrats and elitist Manhattanites, who feared the creation of a “monster-metropolis” downstate. The Greater New York Bill made legislation by a margin of two votes in 1896, and was effective by January 1st, 1898.

STATEN ISLAND

Staten Island is a borough of New York City, New York. It is located in the southwest part of the city. It is the least populated of the five boroughs, but is the third largest in area at 59 sq mi. It is overall the most suburban of the five boroughs. The borough is accessible to Brooklyn via the Verrazano-Narrows Bridge and to New Jersey via the Outerbridge Crossing, Goethals Bridge, and Bayonne Bridge. The island’s was first settled by American Indians around 5000 years ago. The first recorded European contact with the island was in 1524 by Italian explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano.

Right: Figure 1. Manhattan and surrounding boroughs

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In 1609, Henry Hudson, an English explorer sailing under the sponsorship of Holland, names the island Staaten Eyelandt in honor of the Dutch Parliament. In 1639, Captain David Pietersen De Vries establishes the first European colony on the island, but by1641, this colony is abandoned due to conflicts with the Native Americans (The Pig War). The second colony, which was established in 1642, is also abandoned in 1643 due to similar reasons (The Whiskey War).

The towns and villages of Staten Island were dissolved in 1898 with the consolidation of the City of Greater New York, with Richmond as one of its five boroughs. The construction of the Verrazano Bridge, along with the other three major Staten Island bridges, created a new way for commuters and tourists to travel from New Jersey to Brooklyn, Manhattan, and areas farther east on Long Island. The network of highways running between the bridges has effectively carved up many of Staten Island’s old neighborhoods. The Verrazano had another effect, opening up many areas of the borough to residential and commercial development, especially in the central and southern parts of the borough, which had previously been largely undeveloped. Staten Island’s population doubled from about 221,000 in 1960 to about 443,000 in 2000.

BROOKLYN

Brooklyn is the most populous of New York City’s five boroughs, with approximately 2.5 million residents, and the second largest in area. Brooklyn was an independent city until it

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NYC EXPANSION

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was annexed by New York City in 1898. It continues to maintain a distinct culture. Many Brooklyn neighborhoods are ethnic enclaves where particular ethnic groups and cultures predominate. The Dutch were the first Europeans to settle in the area on the western end of Long Island, also inhabited by a Native American people, the Lenape. The Village of Breuckelen, named for Breukelen in the province of Utrecht in the Netherlands, was authorized by the Dutch West India Company in 1646; it became the first municipality in what is now New York State. The Dutch lost Breuckelen in the British conquest of New Netherland in 1664. In 1683, the British reorganized the Province of New York into twelve counties, each of which was sub-divided into towns. Over time, the name evolved from Breuckelen, to Brockland, to Brocklin, to Brookline, to Brookland and eventually, to Brooklyn.

MANHATTAN

The development of New York City’s outer boroughs stemmed from the growth of what most people consider the heart of city: Manhattan. The most programmatically diverse and central of the boroughs was the actual point on origin for the city itself.

European settlement began on what is present day Manhattan in 1609 where the city grew from the southern coast with no concept of the grid that would eventually control its rapid growth. The grid would not come around until the 1820s and would drastically shape the development of Manhattan itself. However, the grid could not

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handle the massive growth that the city was experiencing. The four other boroughs that made up greater New York would field most of the growth as they were not limited by the Hudson or East River.

In 1898 the five boroughs consolidated to create what everyone is familiar with as modern day New York City.

Manhattan quickly became the center for commerce, finance, and culture of not only New York City but the United States.

Its connections to the surrounding boroughs allowed it to not only serve the surrounding areas but be served by in ways that were distinct to each surrounding area. The Brooklyn Bridge served as a major link between Manhattan and the boroughs on the other side of the East River including Queens which contained most of New York’s importing abilities.

the mid 1900’s both the La Guardia and JFK Airports opened and became two of the busiest airports in the United States. Their contribution to importing people and goods into Manhattan played a significant role in the development and sustained growth of the greater New York area.

Queens’ economy became the second largest of all of the five boroughs, second to Manhattan. Its economy grew due to not only New York’s dependence on imports but also Queens’ ability to export. The borough’s economy was among one of the most diverse as much of it revolved around transportation, manufacturing, and business services that flourished from the east of exportation through the rails and airports.

QUEENS

Queens would consist of the western part of Queens County. Even though it was included with the consolidation, it would not see a large amount of its own development until after World War II. With the return of veterans and the influx of immigrants, the borough of Queens saw a large increase in residential districts. The increase in immigrants moving to New York made Queens the most ethnically diverse of the five boroughs.

Between the Queensboro Bridge and the Steinway Tunnel the various ethnic communities in Queens had easy access to the Manhattan which had further become the hub of New York. In

Figure 4. View of New Jersey from Manhattan

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Manhattan: New York Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Core For various reasons, but especially the historic development of New York City, Manhattan has long been the heart of the greater city area. The boroughs developed around Manhattan as the city grew but the powerhouse of the city never shifted. Although each borough contributes in a unique way to the greater New York City, they all physically, economically, and socially revolved around Manhattan as a pivot point. Manhattan contributes a large amount of the income that is flowing back into the other boroughs but it is not to say that they depend on it or vise versa. New York exists because of this distinct balance between the boroughs. Although it may seem that Manhattan is bringing in more money, tourists, and development into the city than any of the other boroughs, it still depends greatly on the surrounding areas. The premium on space in Manhattan is greater than any of the surrounding boroughs which forces Manhattan to have a large dependency on imports and exports. The green markets of Manhattan are fueled by the surrounding counties; it exports all of its solid waste to New Jersey; it businesses are run by the residents of the surrounding four boroughs. Although New York City plays a significant role within the Northeastern Mega-region, there are still many intricacies within the city itself. This micro system has finally come close to equilibrium through its historical shaping and the current factors that are still in play today but still trend towards Manhattan as the core of New York City.

MANHATTAN A MICRO-REGION AGRICULTURAL HUB

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References 1. Ballon, Hilary. The greatest grid: the master plan of Manhattan, 1811-2011. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.

2. Burnstein, Daniel Eli. Next to godliness: confronting dirt and despair in Progressive Era New York City. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 2006.

3. Cooke, Lynne, Douglas Crimp, and Kristin Poor. Mixed use, Manhattan: photography and related practices, 1970s to the present.

Madrid: Museo Nacional Centro de Arte 2010.

4. Mushabac, Jane, and Angela Wigan. A short and remarkable history of New York City. New York: Fordham University Press, 1999.

5. New York City guide; a comprehensive guide to the five boroughs of the metropolis--Manhattan, Brooklyn, the Bronx, Queens, and Richmond.. New York City, NY: Octagon Books

MANHATTAN A MICRO-REGION ECONOMIC HUB

38.5% 41.1% 20.4%

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New York City: INDUSTRY and REGION

Grayson Baily-B.S.Design; Ben Eisenmann-B.S.Design; Matt Goeser-B.S.Design and Chris Lander-B.S.Design

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New York began as the representative city of colonization on the Eastern Seaboard, beginning then to evolve into the iconic figure of an entire continent. When the city took shape as a Dutch trading post, the entire commercial production of the hitherto unnamed region siphoned into New York for port transportation. Due to this influx of corporate interest after Henry Hudsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s first declaration of the land in title for the Dutch East India Company, New York sets itself as one of the first truly urban areas of the Americas, drawing a resultant immigration from the initial immigrants of the continent from their smaller agricultural townships â&#x20AC;&#x201C; men and women who had waited for the dawn of civilization in the Americas through generations. Active in both the cultural and industrial identities of the Northeast, New York was the flash point for frictions and political activism felt in the upstarting United States â&#x20AC;&#x201C; ranging from the John Zenger trial over the freedom of the press to the more recent September 11th attacks, in which the corporate headquarters of the World Trade Center buildings in Lower Manhattan were to globally represent the perceived identity of America fully.

The construction of the Eerie Canal during the first quarter of the 19th century connected New York to the farthest western extents of developed America through the Great Lakes.

This new relationship via water allowed the acceleration of cities along the lake, like Chicago and Detroit, but also reversely used these urban developments along the passageway to raise the regional and national importance of New York as the premier coastal city of the continent. Industrial ports proliferated along both Manhattan and Long Island, reaching peak utilization during the international industrial revolution when the importation of burgeoning technologies was a major focus of the young government.

Transitioning into the twentieth century, New York remained the commercial port city of the United States in exportation as well, playing a major distributional role in both World Wars, as well as the commercial interchange between America and Europe until the invention of containerization that transitioned the brunt of shipping traffic onto the shores of New Jersey.

Among the five boroughs of New York City, each has played separate shifting roles industrially and socially. While the city as a unit transformed its port and heavy industrial identity into a finance and insurance market due to the waning push of exportation

in America during the second half of the twenty-first century, each of the five boroughs has had an evolving role that was contributive to the whole. While Manhattan has most traditionally been the cultural and iconic head of New York, Queens and Brooklyn have both taken on more industrial productive roles, and The Bronx has oscillated with the negotiation between the core of New York City and the pastoral land that lies to the North. In this same breakdown, the social strata that have ruled the micro-regions of the five boroughs have shifted as well. One of the best examples can be found in contemporary Brooklyn, where DUMBO (Down Under the Manhattan Bridge Overpass) and Williamsburg have broken away from traditionally low-class heritages and come to represent a new high-design class within the city. Even through this positive diversification, Harlem and Queens still remains heavily populated with minorities and lower-income residents, whereas the Lower East Side has become less diverse since its culturally rich peak in the 1930s.

The resident population differs considerably from the working population because many who choose to work in Manhattan commute from the immediately surrounding region of the Northeast, arriving by train from New Jersey, Upstate New York, and Connecticut. The city also is surrounded by multiple international airports, two in the city (La Guardia, JFK) and one subsidiary across the Hudson River in New Jersey (Newark), which are heavily used due to the tourist industry in New York City as well as the amount of national conferences and business symposiums that take place within its borders.

In the role of cultural indicator, more and more New York City has renovated its diminishing neighborhoods like Chelsea by the immigration of both American and international artists, writers, and intellectuals into low-cost districts which, like DUMBO and Williamsburg, follow a method used by New York to rejuvenate its dying neighborhoods. Apart from the iconic appeal of the modern day city on a population who are heavily foreign from the area, the industries of literary publishing and musical production have a long history in New York and have contributed greatly to the contributive artistic nature of the city. These industries inspire locals and immigrants to view New York as the pinnacle location for a chance at success in many fields, also recognizing its proximal qualities to major cities on the Eastern Seaboard, like Washington D.C., Boston,

NORTHEAST MEGAREGIONAL INDUSTRY REGIONAL HUBS AND INDUSTRIAL CONNECTIONS

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.75 trillion

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and Philadelphia.

Beyond these forms of aspirational immigration, New York City began as and currently remains to some the first and last stop in moving from a foreign country to the United States. This is partially because the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s historically industrial identity was a large employer of immigrants escaping their original homelands for the democratic and capitalistic promises of the United States. The city has developed an extreme diverse population, even if their social lines are still firm as previously mentioned. This immigration culture has come to found New York, as well as Boston, as premier locations for Irish, Italian, Eastern European, Middle-Eastern, and Indian populations, who have positioned themselves in sometimes exclusive social roles, such as the Irish in the police department.

New Yorkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial identity has undeniably been its continued ability to act as voice for the regional and national cultural and economic values in the United States. New York has changed as the world moved away from certain typological modes of capitalism and technology, but always has been able to reposition itself in a new progressive light. The Northeastern region and New York maintain an oddly symbiotic relationship in which the highest density of opportunity is in the city, while the highest density of production is surrounding it, and so each has become absolutely dependent on the other.

New York City: WATER and MOVEMENT

Ryan Ferguson-B.S.Design; Juan Gomez-B.S.Design; Trenton Hinze-B.S.Design; and Christopher Paulsen, B.S.Design;

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Analysis of the connecting nodes to New York City’s’ own Manhattan Island show possible problems with structural integrity of underwater structures. The development of the island from numerous projects occurring on the coastline are altering the river flow and causing unforeseen results. The infrastructure spurring island development may be in danger.

New York City, specifically Manhattan Island, is a settlement formed by water, expressively constraining the particular systems to overcome the waterway barrier imposed by the Hudson River, the Harlem River, and the East River. The city’s expansion is greatly influenced by the means of connection to the island, ultimately 99% occurring by direct interaction with the surrounding water typology. The city thrives on its’ connection with the water: by means of personal vehicle commuting, public transportation commuting, shipping truck routes, shipping barge docks, utility vehicles, ferry docks, recreation, construction material transport, and pedestrian travel. Manhattan has swelled beyond its own waterfront several times, pressured by the force flowing in from adjacent communities seeking various desires in New York City.

This force is the reaction of growing infrastructure connecting the region with bridges, tunnels, and ferries. Each new bridge or tunnel is a catalyst in terms of urban infrastructure and community development.

Manhattan Island must concern itself with how the exterior transfers to the interior, how these links result in becoming vitally important. Analyzing the bridges and tunnels, a foreseeable pattern emerges at the infrastructural move: a parametric node, changing the island network and reworking the movement indefinitely. 1883 marked the opening of the famed Brooklyn Bridge, which connected Manhattan Island with Brooklyn, bringing 124,000 daily commuters. This gateway to the island imposed a large stream of new traffic into the area starting the island network which traffics people and cargos daily by the millions. Midtown Manhattan and Downtown Manhattan clutch the two densest commercial districts in America, therefor requiring massive transport capacities. Over the next few decades several new bridges spanned the three rivers including the 1903 Williamsburg Bridge, the 1909 Manhattan and

Queensboro Bridges, and the 1931 George Washington Bridge. The city tackled the water issue with not only expansive bridges, but also a major approach was to tunnel under the rivers.

Deemed the first vehicular tunnel under the Hudson River, the 1927 Holland Tunnel brings 93,000 daily travelers into Manhattan.

Through the array of infrastructure mentioned, Manhattan receives the majority of its commuters from New Jersey. 540,000 people will move from Jersey into Manhattan each day. Following New Jersey is Queens and Brooklyn with 339,000 and 333,000 people traveling into the city daily. With large amounts of traffic moving into the city from New Jersey, Queens, and Brooklyn, the infrastructural layout begins to show a high level of planning with the majority of bridge and tunnels existing on the sides adjacent to commuting regions. Not only do these adjacencies correlate, but a direct rapport with Downtown and Midtown also emerge at the multiple termini stemming with intense density. These bridges and tunnels ease the trek to and from the island, making New York City an enormous precedent for movement infrastructure.

In order to sustain such a system, an area must first supply the demand for one. City population offers this demand and the system must eco such capacities or experience populace climax. In early New York City, travel included a trip on a boat whether in a car or on foot. Ferryboats operated the majority of island connections but were limited by acceptable weather and lack of large capacities.

If the city was to expand and flourish, the water barrier needed to be triumphed another way. With Manhattan Island, a justifiable demand for a stable connection comes around in the 1870’s when engineers finally comprehend a need for one and for the first time, realize an expansive suspension bridge is achievable. As the Brooklyn Bridge began operation, the census track experienced pronounced growth. This graph cross-references the population of Manhattan Island and the construction of the major bridges and tunnels feeding the system. Two evident time periods in the burrows’ development see a demand for construction. As the population spikes to 2.3 million in 1910, not only are subway tunnels being developed, but three major bridges are opened to relieve the daily influx. The population of the island dropped off after 1910 potentially because the island was now easier to get to with little effort. The next few decades dropped the population drastically in response to the Great Depression where the next set of construction projects occur in the falling end of recovery. Where the first few water crossings were possibly established from population demand, the next pocket of construction seemingly preceded the islands’ second population

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increase almost predicting the rise in influx. After the 1950 Brooklyn Battery Tunnel, the lack of new construction continues today, but with the population on the rise for the third time, only a matter of time before the traffic demands another nexus. When the city is strained with so much influential traffic, the shoreline erupts with development and impacts the surrounding river environment.

This impact continues to be witnessed throughout New York City. More specifically, Manhattan Islands’ shape and density is directly correlated to value associated with the property. Successful attempts to reshape the island have molded the coastline into what is known as Manhattan Island of 2012. Notable expansions include the East River Drive and Battery Park City. Battery Park City added 23.5 acres to Manhattan’s southwestern tip mostly from the footprint dug for the pre-2001 World Trade Center. Other than roadways and major soil transplant, many different characteristics of the coastline are taking shape. Built up marina docks for personal watercrafts and other utility docks line nearly compose the entire island coastline. Major shipping routes transverse throughout the five burrow region docking at extravagant facilities protruding into the rivers. The expanded coastline has narrowed the water channels of both the East and Hudson Rivers. With a narrowed pathway, the water’s movement has increased significantly causing concern towards the erosion of the riverbed. This erosion could compromise the structural integrity of underlying infrastructure if the water’s current cuts deep enough into the riverbed. Such infrastructure at high risk is the Lincoln and Holland Tunnels connecting New Jersey to Manhattan Island. If changing river sediment uncovers and erodes the tunnels enough to shutdown travel, the same element feeding the coastline development will alter itself. Erosion risks are not only limited to tunnels but also structures located in the water like bridges. Currently there are four tunnels and sixteen bridges connecting Manhattan Island to its surrounding regions. Any one failure could lead to possible disruptions for future development in New York City.

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New York City: FOOD and WATER Kevin Goltz-B.S.Design, and Scott Sommer-B.S.Design

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The correlation of food and water in New York City goes beyond the simplicity that water is needed for plants to grow. The city needs both of these resources and it needs them in ever-growing quantities. The population is always growing in this large city and so are the difficulties of supply. Among other issues, one of the greatest is the need to meet that demand in food and water supply. The city works to lessen the amount of these insecurities in order to become a more stable civilization. Urban farming and the new tunnel no.3 are among some of the ways that New York City is trying to work for more secure and reliable resources for its residents.

In the past, New York City was known as a port city; Manhattan being a very popular location for importing the items that the country needed, mostly from countries in Europe. The southern tip of Manhattan and up along the west shore was lined with piers to receive and ship goods. Today, most of the ports of Manhattan have diminished and the country is able to either produce its own goods or food is imported through other means, such as by air. Water has been quite the opposite; water was first moved locally, using the Hudson River or reservoirs nearby. As the demand increased so did New Yorkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s complexity of their solution.

New York uses hundreds of miles of aqueducts and pipelines to transport water to feed its large population, and there are more than a dozen man made reservoirs that feed the city today. The methods of transporting these resources have little correlation, most likely to decrease possible contamination of the water supply by pesticides that are commonly used to grow plants.

New York City faces some of the most powerful food and water insecurities of its day. The city works to fight these issues by enforcing some of the largest scale industrial solutions in the world.

New York is currently working to complete one of the largest water pipes in the world. This pipeline, termed tunnel number 3, has been in development and construction for many years, and is set to be complete in 2020. Tunnel 3 will stem from the Hill View Reservoir,

which is a stopping point for two thirds of the water movement, and will run into already existing infrastructure in the city. The new water pipeline is broken into 4 stages, the first is complete and operational, and the second stage has been tunneled and is awaiting activation in 2013, with the final stages to be complete by 2020. The pipe line will be used to move the amount of water needed to supply the entirety of New York City, and allow for repair of pipes 1 and 2, which were built in the early part of the 20th century. Movement towards the use of aqueducts and tunnels stemmed from the growth in population, and the likely contamination of the local water supply.

Today, the Hudson River does little service to the city of New York in the way of drinking and potable water. The city is also working toward urban and local farming in order to subsidize the already insecure food supply, and many of todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s green markets are supplied by local growers within 100 miles of the cities center.

Although New York City may have some of the most complex problems of food and water, it is also on the forefront of the world when it comes to large scale, industrial solutions. They strive to make the residents and their resources more reliable and secure. New York City is the most populated city of the country and therefore, has some of the largest problems to overcome in the United States. Presently, New Yorkers are working to create solutions, in tunnels and urban farming, to solve some of these major problems.

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New York City: FABRIC and PROGRAM

Felipe Colin Jr.-B.S.Design; Ryan Conat-B.S.Design; Matthew Jorn-B.S. Design and Ann Marcum-B.S.Design

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In Manhattan, New York City, program and urban fabric are extremely interrelated. The urbanized coupling creates a quasiphysical programmatic fabric which is categorized into three main systems: Social Fabric, Economical Fabric, and Ecological Systems.

These systems help shape the urban environment by sorting programmatic types existing in Manhattan, all of which have unique characteristics measurable through size, scale, and urban density. By implementing an analysis through these lenses, new relationships and possibilities between the physical and programmatic systems can be revealed. This method of theoretical coupling can identify existing moments of unique and diverse spaces or locate places of opportunity in the city to aid in future planning, growth, and development.

The first, Social Fabric, is the composite demographic of a defined area in terms of its social geography and its effect on urban growth and development in distinct neighborhoods or districts.

Such demographics include: ethnicity, wealth, class, education, employment and religious values. Social Fabric concerns itself with the human factor, which include people’s natural tendencies to gather in public spaces or generate patterns of movement and residence. Such trends can be related to local residences as well as public gathering spaces which help define an area of the city. These aspects tie in directly with program allowing each developing neighborhood to take on characteristics of its residents over time, influenced by history. The timeline of interactions between a place and its inhabitants help shape the urban environment, promoting the dynamic that perpetuates the positive influence of cultural diversity that is imperative to Manhattan and its inhabitants.

The Economical Fabric is driven mainly by one characteristic: economic growth. In Manhattan, areas that host the money-driven program is the Financial District, located in the southern most part of Manhattan and within areas that are driven primarily by retail such as Time Square or Fifth Avenue. The Economical Fabric is interested in sustainability of the economy creating jobs and promoting the exchange of money throughout the city. One interesting aspect of the Economical Fabric of Manhattan is its context and scale, both nationally and globally.

Manhattan’s economy is much more than a local system; it is part of a globalized system, categorizing it as one of North America’s economic powerhouses. In all urban sites it is important to have a

stable foundation supporting socio-economic growth. Manhattan has accomplished this by generating sources of income for the community that is not limited by its physical boundaries. This is what makes Manhattan such a unique economic precedent.

Ecological Systems in Manhattan include green spaces which are mostly, but not limited to public gathering spaces, and the development of ecological systems in dense urban areas. These systems are an integral part of the urban fabric contributing to a much needed green space in relationship with the built environment.

The natural characteristics of an Ecological System properly juxtapose the mostly man-made environment which dominates New York City. The creation of Ecological Systems create the unique opportunity to expand the number of activities and introduce additional program to the city which otherwise would not have existed.

In addition to Social Fabric, Economical, and Ecological Systems, existing as individual components of urban fabric and programmatic types, there is opportunity in the coupling and strategic combination of the three systems throughout the city.

The merging of these systems creates multi-functional programs that form hybridized spaces. These hybridized spaces merge the lines between the characteristics of each and create new dynamic that benefit the sites in methods more efficient than their monofunctional counterparts. Often times these spaces occur when there is a cohesive relationship between private and public spaces, or a fluid transition from one program to the next. Public spaces traditionally are owned by the city but in some cases a private company or group of people create spaces for the public, often times in the form of a lobby or exterior courtyard.

Examples of theoretical coupling of the systems can work in three types of pairs: Social Fabric and Ecological Systems; Ecological Systems and Economy; and Economy with Social Fabric.

Social Fabric, being a type of human geography, concerns itself with the development of urban fabric’s reaction and organization to cultural and physical patterns over time. When coupled with Ecological Systems, a public realm that supports sustainable natural elements is engineered. Manhattan is home to precedents such as the redeveloped High Line. The different phases of the High Line’s construction seeks to balance its high-rise contexts and networks with an expanse of greenery, incorporating a level of infrastructural

complexity to host alternative programmatic uses that benefit human health and comfort while promoting natural systems.

Similar to the coupling of the Ecological Systems and the Social Fabric, the coupling of Ecological Systems with Economy takes on the challenge of the dichotomy between the natural space of the Ecological Systems and the built environment of the Economical Fabric. Areas in particular which juxtapose these two systems occur in the public/private spaces of many of the buildings in the financial district. Because of their dissimilarities they each become unique when placed next to each other. In a city dominated by large structures such as New York it is often desirable to include these Ecological Systems in areas dominated by buildings. One only needs to look at any plaza space outside of the large structures to see these two systems working in conjunction.

A prime example of the pairing of the Social Fabric with the Economical Systems exists in Time Square. In Time Square there is a clear Economical Fabric at work with the surrounding retail and business which occupy the adjacent buildings but there is also the Social Fabric of the Time Square space itself. In this location the Economical qualities of the existing stores almost becomes the Social Fabric; a true hybridized space where economy and public space blend into one large system that makes up the entirety of Time Square. A blending of Social Fabric and Economical Systems like the one taking place in Time Square occurs in numerous locations around Manhattan where the public spaces are adjacent to the private economic spaces.

Program and city Fabric are largely informed and even dependent upon each other. The systems of Economy, Social Fabric, and Ecological systems can not only exist individually, but the systems can exist in conjunction with each other. By analyzing these systems, new relationships and possibilities between the physical and programmatic systems are revealed and the newly forming hybrid spaces define and enhance the cityscape of Manhattan today.

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Contributors

DES MOINES / CHICAGO / NEW YORK CITY 3 CITIES 8 SCOPES, 48 STUDENTS

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DES MOINES Visiting Hyde Chair of Excellence: Gina Ford, Sasaki Associates Studio Professor: David Karle Jonathan Culp Brad Howe Rachel Plessing Tony Schukei Tonya Carlson Justin Langenfeld Leisha Osterberg Paul Neukirch Kristen Bender Antoine Varieras Zach Bridgman Michael Killeen Adam Dailey Matti Roinila Danny Zegers Kade Snyder Shilong Su

CHICAGO Studio Professor: Peter Hind

NEW YORK CITY Studio Professor: Chris Ford

Elizabeth Goll Madison Sorrick Stephanie Morales Sarah Pankow Christopher Rokahr Andrew Portis Shane Labenz Vanessa Hostick Nolan Ediger Emilie Kopp Amanda Wesely Michael Kemp Evan Lamprecht Chris Nienhueser Nicholas Tiwald

Chris Paulsen Ann Marcum Juan Gomez-Carbajal Felipe Colin Jr. Grayson Baily Chris Lander Matt Goeser Ryan Conat Matthew Jorn Kevin Goltz Scott Sommer Christopher Paulsen Ryan Ferguson Trenton Hinze Ben Eisenmann

Not in Studio Lenora Allen Rex Sandquist

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PROJECT ON THE CITY DES MOINES / CHICAGO / NEW YORK CITY 3 CITIES 8 SCOPES, 48 STUDENTS

Spring 2012 Architecture 461 Urbanism Assistant Professor: David Karle Teaching Assistant: Zack Johnson University of Nebraska-Lincoln College of Architecture