Copenhageners’ Attitudes Towards Ethnic Diversity in Their City Jo Skotte Johansson [September 2014]
Created for Copenhagen AreaSurvey / København Område Oversigt (KOO) Rice University: Kinder Institute for Urban Research and the Danish Institute for Study Abroad
Table of Contents
Report .............................................................................................................................................. 3 I. The Issue .................................................................................................................................. 3 II. The Research .......................................................................................................................... 4 a.
The Data ........................................................................................................................... 6
b.
The Ethnic Composition of Copenhagen ......................................................................... 7
c.
The Research Question..................................................................................................... 8
III. The Findings .......................................................................................................................... 9 a.
The Interesting Insignificant Variables .......................................................................... 11
IV. Conclusions ......................................................................................................................... 12 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 14
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Executive Summary This study examines what factors affect Copenhageners’ attitudes towards increasing ethnic diversity in the region. Copenhagen being an internationally-orientated city in a historically homogeneous nation now faces an increasing ethnic diversity. Utilizing data from the Copenhagen Area Survey 2014 we get a picture of the current state of Copenhageners’ attitudes towards the increasing ethnic diversity in their city and look closer as to what factors can explain the attitude held by 47% of Copenhageners, who believe ethnic diversity to be a growing problem for the region. While popular social theory points towards income and education as the main factors affecting variation in attitudes towards ethnic diversity, the results of this study shows this not to be the case in Copenhagen. Neither income nor education is significantly related to Copenhageners’ attitude that ethnic diversity is a growing problem for the region. It is instead the attitude that immigration threatens Danish national culture which has the strongest effect, together with factors related to the context of residency and personal experiences. This leads to the conclusion that a greater incorporation of local and historical context in the theorization and research on what shapes individuals’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity is needed.
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Report I. The Issue In this paper I examine what factors affect Copenhageners’ attitudes towards increasing ethnic diversity in their city. This is a question of political and scientific interest, for the municipality of Copenhagen and beyond, as most major cities today face increasing ethnic diversity as a fundamental condition. I’ll be focusing on the group of Copenhageners who believes that the increasing ethnic diversity in Copenhagen will become a growing problem, as opposed to a strength, for the region. I will not go into great detail in this paper on whether or how ethnic diversity is a challenge for the municipality of Copenhagen. Data from the Copenhagen Area Survey 2014 show an uncertainty among Copenhageners on the topic of ethnic diversity. 47,40% of Copenhageners believe increasing ethnic diversity will become a growing problem, while only 33,40% believe ethnic diversity will become a strength for the region. This indicates that Copenhageners are wary of ethnic diversity and unsure about the future consequences of this development. As ethnic diversity is perceived as a problem among a majority of Copenhageners I’ll extrapolate that it is a problem for the city. Immigration, integration, ethnic diversity and national culture have been constant themes in both the public and political debate in Denmark during the last 20 years. In recent years Denmark has received international attention for its debate on immigrants and integration, as well as received international criticism for its strict legislation for aliens. Historically the position on immigration and ethnic diversity has been perceived as both an asset, as well as a threat, to Danish society (Vad Jønsson & Petersen, 2012). With such relative low support for the increasing ethnic diversity in the city today, the municipality of Copenhagen ought to be aware of this issue in order to prevent conflicts in the future. Knowledge on what factors affect citizens’ reservations to ethnic diversity could have policy implications and help cities meet this challenge. This topic is of interest to policy makers and scholars alike. This paper is a contribution to the debate on whether variations in individuals’ attitudes towards cultural diversity are mainly affected by economic factors or non-economic factors. So far no consensus exists among scholars on whether opposition to ethnic diversity is shaped by concern for competition in the labor market, for a burden on the social benefits, or by a lack of years in an education system, which promotes ethnic tolerance. Though these different models disagree on the reasoning, they agree that individuals’ attitudes are shaped by, and follow, socio-economic lines of stratification. With low-income/low skill-level individuals being most opposed to ethnic diversity, and vice versa for high income/highly skilled individuals. As we will see in the following chapter ‘The research’, studies indicate that this may not always be the case. In this paper I will also examine whether the local and social context of the respondent, everyday experiences and ideals on ethnocentrism hold more explanatory power than income and education. What is characteristic and interesting in the case of Copenhagen and Denmark, which makes it particularly interesting to examine attitudes towards ethnic diversity in the city, is how the question of immigration is debated as a conflict of culture. As Heidi Vad Jønsson and Klaus Petersen (2012) put it “a ‘culturalization’ of the welfare and integration debate has taken place (s. 139)”. The public and political debate on immigration is one of parallel societies and unbridgeable cultural differences. This culturalization of the debate is largely driven by interested parties both politically, with the Danish Peoples Party, Dansk Folkeparti, at the forefront for stricter immigration reforms, immigration research, which puts focus on 3|Page
immigration from a cultural encounter perspective, and immigrant groups who seeks recognition of the right to sustain their cultural roots (Vad Jønsson & Petersen, 2012, s. 139-141). In this way, culture now has a central role in welfare debates, with immigration more often than not being presented as a major threat to the Danish welfare system, on account of unbridgeable cultural differences (s. 140). This debate should be understood in the context of Denmark’s history. Traditionally having an ethnically homogeneous population, and now facing a growing cultural diversity on account of globalization and being a member of the European Union. Copenhagen is on the forefront of this development as immigration concentrates around the larger urban areas and the capital in particular (Andersen, 2006, s. 43). Morten Messerschmidt, Danish member of the European Parliament and declared EU skeptic from Dansk Folkeparti (Danish Peoples Party), in a weekly radio program about the state and life of the European Union “Europa i flammer” [Europa in Flames] on Radio24syv 1 said the following in a conversation with a younger listener: “[…] I often meet this EU and multicultural positive attitude when I visit high schools and universities around the country. […] This is an attitude popular among younger highly academic circles – it is the right, so to say, the correct attitude to have in those circles. But of course not everyone is starry-eyed (Europa i flamer, 2013) (Freely translated).” In this quote we see that the theory of education’s effect on attitudes towards ethnic diversity is very present in the debate on immigration and ethnic diversity. In the following I’ll be taking a closer look to see if this really is the case in Copenhagen. I’ll examine what factors can explain Copenhageners’ attitude that the increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area will eventually become a growing problem for the region. The question is then whether Copenhageners’ attitudes tend to be divided along lines of socio-economic stratification, with income and education level as having most explanatory power, or if the case of Copenhagen will call for a modification of these models?
II. The Research The two main theories on what affects individuals’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity, in social sciences are the economic orientated Rational Choice theory and a theory focused on social background and psychological resources, which can go under the umbrella term socialpsychology theory (Thomsen, 2006, s. 22). Recent studies on the question have reached no clear consensus on the combatting strands of theory. While some research shows that opposition to immigration and cultural diversity is shaped by noneconomic factors, others find a link to concern about labor market competition and a fiscal burden on public services (Hainmueller & Hiscox, 2010, s. 61). In Rational Choice theory, concerns about labor market competition, and about the fiscal burden on public services –in Denmark, a fear of the demise of the welfare state – are the two main economic concerns, which predict individuals’ attitudes in an economic cost-benefit 1
Radio24syv: A national state-licensed public-service radio station in Denmark.
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analysis. In this view immigrants and the native population are in competition for resources, and the individual’s attitude is as such determined by the economic costs or benefits of immigration of ethnic minorities. With this model it is commonly predicted that variation in attitudes towards ethnic minorities follows socio-economic lines of stratification. Education is here a marker of skill-level and economic resources (Thomsen, 2006, s. 36f). Therefore low-income/low-skilled individuals are, in this theory, more likely to hold a negative attitude towards ethnic diversity as they have most to lose from it. Jens Hainmueller and Michael J. Hiscox (2010) have examined these predictions using nationwide U.S. survey. The results they find indicate that both highskilled and low-skilled individuals prefer high-skilled immigration but support for immigration in general increases with individuals’ skill level (s. 79). Here the prediction based on concerns for labor market competition holds true for low-skilled individuals but not for high-skilled individuals. When it comes to the prediction based on concern for a fiscal burden in the United States both high-income and low-income individuals are equally opposed to low-skilled immigration 2. This leads Hainmueller and Hiscox to conclude “that economic self-interest, at least as currently theorized in the standard models, does not have a strong impact on the immigration policy preferences (s. 79)”. Instead they see indications that individuals’ attitudes are not as much formed by material self-interests as by ethnocentric considerations (s. 80). Among social scientist, Rational Choice theorist and those who favor the socialpsychology approach alike, there is a consensus that education holds considerable explanatory power on the nature of individuals’ attitudes. As Wilkes, Guppy and Farris (2008) puts it “almost every study finds that increases in education (net of other factors) are related to greater support for immigration (s. 306)”. However scholars interpret the effect of education in different ways. As mentioned, education in a rational choice perspective is representative of skill-level and a marker for labor market competitiveness. In a social-psychology perspective, education holds certain properties, grounded in philosophy of the enlightenment and democracy, which promotes a positive attitude towards ethnic minorities and multiculturalism. Education is in this perspective understood as containing a socializing component which educates people to be tolerant of all social groups, ethnicities and cultures (Thomsen, 2006, s. 23-25). The prediction must therefore be that the higher level of education, and thereby the longer exposure to a certain set of values, the more positive an attitude towards cultural diversity. While these two theories attribute explanatory power to differences in income and education, although with different reasoning behind it, most research on the subject finds that attitudes towards ethnic diversity is a complex phenomenon with no single explanation. In this study several variables will be introduced, apart from income and education, within the limits of our survey data, in order to come closer to what factors determine Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity. One theory which broadens our perspective is the Intergroup Contact theory originally formulated by American sociologist Gordon W. Allport ([1954] 1979). The theory is based on the assumption that humans categorize and generalize in order to understand the world (Allport, 1979, s. 191). In this lies a risk of the majority population acting on stereotypes of ethnic minorities if the two groups have little or no contact (s. 263). Contact with ethnic minorities will on this basis be part of shaping the individuals’ attitudes. However Allport 2
It should be noted that in Denmark the fear of a fiscal burden is not a fear of higher taxes for high-income individuals, but is a fear of the demise of the welfare state and concern about access to social benefits on account of extra expenses in the wake of immigration (Vad Jønsson & Petersen, 2012, s. 100). In this context it would make sense that both high-income and low-income individuals would be equally opposed to low-skilled immigration.
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specifies that not all contact will help diminish prejudice and fear of ethnic diversity. The contact should be able to facilitate a meaningful relationship. More superficial forms of contact might end up confirming existing prejudice and fears (Allport, 1979, s. 262f).This theory points to the importance of taking into account everyday experiences as well as city and neighborhood composition. In what way these factors will influence the individual will, according to Allport, be determined by the setting, type and extent of contact with cultural diversity. Monica McDermott (2011) has researched the effect of the local context on racial attitudes across ethnicities. She has used data collected between 1992 and 1994 in four U.S. metropolitan areas: Atlanta, Boston, Detroit, and Los Angeles. Her research shows that neighborhood income has a direct effect while the effect of the ethnic composition of the city and neighborhood is characterized by cross-level interaction effects. For example living in a majority-black neighborhood has a stronger effect in majority-black cities influencing beliefs in a racially liberal direction (McDermott, 2011, s. 168f). This indicates that local context indeed does have an effect on attitudes towards ethnic diversity, but also that it may not be a simple direct correlation. In this study I will examine neighborhood effects but not at an as detailed level as McDermott suggests. On another scale an approach to understanding variation in individuals’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity has been to look at the effect of the national context. In a Canadian study from Wilkes, Guppy and Farris (2008) found that poor economic times are associated with wanting less immigration while the rate of immigration has no effect (s. 322). Another interesting finding from Wilkes, Guppy and Farris, which is relevant for this study, is on the understanding of being anti-immigration and being pro-immigration as two ends of a continuum. In Wilkes et al.’s study the two positions show themselves as qualitatively different from each other. While a number of factors effects being anti-immigration only ideology affected being pro-immigration (s. 325f). This supports incorporating a number of factors apart from income and education, when examining the attitude that increasing ethnic diversity in Copenhagen will become a growing problem for the area. a. The Data
This study of Copenhageners’ attitude towards ethnic diversity is based on data collected in the first ever 2014 Copenhagen Area Survey (CAS). The survey is a representative survey of 1,093 residents from the greater Copenhagen area with a response rate of 77%. The survey contains questions focusing on the quality of life of residents and their opinions on current issues, alongside a number of background information enabling us to assess their socio-economic situation. It was conducted online in Danish by the survey firm Epinion. It took on average seventeen minutes to complete. My primary variable of interest is Copenhageners’ attitude towards growing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area. Respondents were asked the question: “Do you think that an increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area will eventually become 1) a source of great strength for the region, 2) a growing problem for the region, or, 3) don’t know”. 1,093 respondents answered. As illustrated in Figure 1, 47.4% answered that they believe, the increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area will become a growing problem opposed to only 33.4% who believe an increasing ethnic diversity is a source of strength for the region. A quite significant amount of respondents, 19.2%, either indicated that they don’t fit into these categories or were undecided on the subject. As the interest for this paper is on exploring the 6|Page
factors affecting the attitude held by the 47.4% who indicated they believe increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area will become a growing problem for the region, the variable has been recoded to a distinction between those who believe it will become a growing problem for the region and those who do not hold this attitude. Though I can’t say what attitude the respondents who have chosen the category ‘Don’t Know’ hold, I interpret their indication as they at least do not believe an increasing ethnic diversity will become a growing problem for the region. With this in mind the distribution of Copenhageners’ attitude towards the increasing ethnic diversity in the greater Copenhagen area is as illustrated below in Figure 2.
Figure 1:
Figure 2:
Maybe the relatively large percentage of respondents undecided on whether ethnic diversity will be a growing problem or strength for the Copenhagen area is due to the fact that the city still is relatively homogeneous. Still only 33.4% believing it will be a strength for the city is a very low percentage. Before turning to the findings I’ll give a short outline of the ethnic composition of Copenhagen and the development the municipality has gone through in later years as a frame of reference for the findings and conclusions of this study. Figure 3: b. The Ethnic Composition of Copenhagen
It’s common that ethnic minorities tend to find residency in the larger cities. Looking at data on the ethnic composition of the municipalities in Denmark in 2004 this also seem to hold true in Denmark as the municipality of Copenhagen has an 7|Page
overrepresentation of citizen with an ethnicity other than Danish in comparison to other municipalities. The ethnic majority is however still a clear Danish majority (Andersen H. S., 2006, s. 43f). This is illustrated in figure 3, with data collected from Danmarks statistik [Statistics Denmark]. On the first day of the quarter of 2014 77.3% of the population of Copenhagen originated from Denmark. Only 22.7% originates from other countries and 8.1% of these originates from other western countries. The ethnic diversity in Copenhagen is as such still quite homogeneous. Copenhagen is however in the middle of a development towards a greater ethnic diversity as we can see illustrated in figure 4. Again, this is based on data collected from Danmarks statistik [Statistics Denmark]. Here we can see a steady growth in the number of immigrants and descendants who lived in Copenhagen from 2008 to 2014.
Figure 4:
c. The Research Question
Based on the theories and research previously outlined and in order to answer the question; what factors explain Copenhageners’ attitude that increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area eventually will become a growing problem for the region, I’ll test if income and education is correlated with the dependent variable in a linear multiple regression model. Based on the findings outlined above it’s clear that a model only including income and education as the independent variables would be underspecified. I’ve included a number of other variables of interest which consist of; living in a city or suburban area of residency, beliefs on immigration, experience of Copenhagen as a place to live, crime in your neighborhood, a general fear of crime and a general trust in others. In addition I have controlled for age and gender.
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III. The Findings The most interesting result from the multiple regression models on Copenhageners’ attitude towards ethnic diversity is that neither income nor education type or years of education is significant. This is a pretty consistent outcome regardless of other variables in the model. What instead seems to be the main influence on differences in attitudes towards ethnic diversity in Copenhagen is how Copenhageners’ feel about immigration's effect on Danish national culture. A number of other variables factors into whether Copenhageners’ believe ethnic diversity will be a threat or strength for the region as well. However most of these become insignificant when the variable on attitudes towards immigration’s effect on Danish national culture is entered into the regression. This indicates that the variable Copenhageners’ attitude towards immigration acts as a mediator on the effect of most other significant factors.
Model 1:
Model 2:
As shown in the first regression model, Model 1, there is a significant correlation between believing that ethnic diversity will become a growing problem for the region and living in the suburb, liking Copenhagen as a place to live, experiencing crime as a problem in your neighborhood, experiencing a general fear of crime and having a general trust in others. With the relationship between liking Copenhagen as a place to live and having a general trust in others being negative meaning that as enjoyment of living in Copenhagen and trust in others increases, skepticism of ethnic diversity decreases. 9|Page
Living in the suburb of Copenhagen, experiencing crime in your neighborhood and a general fear of crime all increase the likelihood of believing that ethnic diversity will become a growing problem. But when we turn to the final regression model, Model 2, where the variable describing Copenhageners’ attitudes towards immigration’s effect on Danish national culture is entered into the regression only liking Copenhagen as a place to live and experiencing crime as a problem in my neighborhood continues to be significantly correlated with believing that ethnic diversity will become a growing problem for the region. Education, household income, gender and age continue to be insignificant. If we compare the adjusted R Square of the two models we see that the final model, Model 2, has a much higher explanatory power than Model 1. Going from Model 1 explaining about 15.9% of the variation of the Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity Model 2 explains 46.2%. This indicates that individual’s attitude towards immigration’s effect on Danish national culture is an important factor in shaping Copenhageners’ attitude towards ethnic diversity in their city. More than that it indicates seems that the variable Copenhageners’ attitudes toward immigration’s effect on Danish national culture acts as a mediator variable in the relation between the remaining independent variables and the variation in the dependent variable. In order to understand the full effect of the correlation between the independent variables and the dependent variable we must therefore look at both their independent effects as well as their mediated effect. This is illustrated in the following Path Model of Model 2. Path Model: In the Path Model it becomes clear that only the variables liking Copenhagen as a place to live and the experience of crime in my neighborhood has independent effects on the dependent variable as well as having an indirect effect through the mediator variable Copenhageners’ believes on immigration’s effect on Danish national culture. The direct relation between liking Copenhagen as a place to live and attitude towards ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen Area is negative while the direct relation between experiencing crime in my neighborhood and attitude towards ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen Area is positive. This indicates that when Copenhageners’ satisfaction with living in the city increases their attitude that ethnic diversity will become a growing problem decreases but when their experience of crime being a problem in their neighborhood increases so does their attitude that ethnic diversity will become a growing problem.
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The variables living in the Copenhagen suburb, having a general fear of crime and having general trust in others only effect Copenhageners attitudes towards increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area when mediated through Copenhageners’ believes on immigration’s effect on Danish national culture. Put another way, all the independent variables influence Copenhageners’ believes on immigration’s effect on Danish national culture, which then influence Copenhageners attitudes towards increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area. As living in the Copenhagen suburb, fearing crime, experiencing crime in your neighborhood, not trusting others and dissatisfaction with living in Copenhagen increases so does Copenhageners’ attitude that immigration threatens Danish national culture. When Copenhageners’ attitudes that immigration threatens Danish national culture increases, so does their attitude that ethnic diversity will become a growing problem for the region. The path model illustrates another important finding. That not only does a model of prediction on individuals attitudes regarding ethnic diversity need to be inclusive of a number of other factors than simply socio-demographic indicators such as income, education, age and gender, it also needs to be more complex than a direct causal relation. a. The Interesting Insignificant Variables
Equally as interesting as the pattern of correlation illustrated in the path model above is the behavior of the variables education and income. Both are attributed explanatory power in theories and previous research. Both showed themselves to be insignificant in correlation to Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity. While income was consistently insignificant, as illustrated in figure 5, there did seem to be a correlation between Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity and education. While years of education was not significant a correlation became apparent when recorded after both length and academic level of education, as illustrated in figure 6. However, this correlation was not significant in a multiple regression model.
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Figure 5:
2
Chi = 0 057
Figure 6:
2
Chi = 0,000
Other insignificant variables included having friends with other ethnic background than Danish, Parents nationality and citizenship. All probably due to underrepresentation among respondents.
IV. Conclusions I asked what factors can explain Copenhageners’ attitudes, held by 47.4% of the population in the greater Copenhagen area, that the increasing ethnic diversity in the Copenhagen area will eventually become a growing problem for the region. On the basis of economic and social-psychological theories and previous research my hypothesis was that Copenhageners’ attitudes would be divided along lines of socio-economic stratification, with income and education level as having most explanatory power, but with a need for a number of other independent variables in order to achieve a satisfying model to explain the variation in Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity. Based on the findings I have to dismiss the hypothesis, as neither income nor education has a significant influence on Copenhageners’ attitude towards ethnic diversity in their city when in a linear multiple regression model. What instead had an impact were factors related to the context of residency and personal experiences. Such as living in the suburbs, liking Copenhagen as a place to live, experiencing crime as a problem in your neighborhood, experiencing a general fear of crime and having a general trust in others. I can conclude that as the level of satisfaction with living in Copenhagen increases, the attitude towards ethnic diversity as a growing problem decreases. But as experiencing crime in your neighborhood increases so does the attitude towards ethnic diversity as a growing problem. These were the only significant, independent effects correlated with Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity in their city. The strongest effect on Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity in their city was Copenhageners’ attitude towards immigration’s effect on Danish national culture. All independent variables were mediated by this variable. As Copenhageners’ belief that immigration threatens Danish national culture increase so does the attitude towards ethnic diversity as a growing problem for the region.
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That belief that immigration threatens Danish culture has this effect on Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity indicates a support for Hainmueller and Hiscox finding that attitudes towards ethnic diversity are formed by ethnocentrism to a greater extent than by material self-interest. Another prominent factor in understanding the model of correlation presented in this study is context: both the urban context of Copenhageners’ experience of living in their city but also a national and historical context. The findings indicate that the culturalization of the debate on immigration may have a great impact in shaping Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity. The national identity of historically being a homogeneous nation with one religion and one culture, though this may be less a historical accuracy as a romanticized image, may also very well be a contributing factor for the mediating effect of Copenhageners’ fear of immigration's effect on the national Danish culture in the findings. If we compare the percentages of Copenhageners and Houstonians believes on immigration’s effect on the national culture only 48.8% of Copenhageners believe immigration to strengthen the national culture opposed to 61% of Houstonians (Klineberg, 2013). It is a qualified guess that the history and national narratives of Denmark and The United States influence this difference in attitudes towards immigration. Finally I wondered whether the Copenhagen case would call for a modification of the previously theorized models. As both income and education, regardless of year or academic level, was insignificant these results call for a greater incorporation of local and historical context in the theorization and research on what shapes individuals’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity. In the case of education there is a slight indication in favor of the idea of a socializing component present at academic institution promoting a more tolerant view of ethnic diversity. On the basis of the results from Copenhagen a focus on the internal culture in different types of education may be needed in future studies of education’s effect on attitudes. Another modification call for from this study of Copenhageners’ attitudes is the need for more complex models of prediction. The main conclusion from this study is that what affects the variation in Copenhageners’ attitudes towards ethnic diversity is the idea of a homogeneous national culture and a feeling of an imminant threat to the national culture from immigration. This factor surpasses material selfinterest and psychological resources.
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Bibliography Allport, G. W. (1979). The Nature of Prejudice. Cambridge, Mass.: Perseus Books. Andersen, H. S. (2006). Etniske minioriteters flytninger og boligval: En registeranalyse. Hørshom: Statens Byggeforskningsinstitut. Andersen, H. S. (2006). Etniske minoriteters flytninger og boligvalg.Hørsholm: Statens Byggeforskningsinstitut. Europa i Flammer, Podcast, Radio24syv, Copenhagen, 3. marts 2013 Hainmueller, J., & Hiscox, M. J. (2010, February). Attitudes toward Highly Skilled and Lowskilled Immigration: Evidence from a Survey Experiment. American Political Science Review, pp. 61-84. Klineberg, S. (2013). the 32nd Kinder Institute Houston Area Survey. Houston, TX: The Kinder Institute for Urban Research. McDermott, M. (2011, March 11). Racial Attitudes in City, Neighborhood, and Situational Contexts. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 153-173. Thomsen, P. F. (2006). Konflikten om de nye danskere. Viborg: Nørhaven. Vad Jønsson, H., & Petersen, K. (2012). Denmark: A National Welfare State Meets the World. In G. Brochmann, & A. Hagelund, Immigration Policy and the Scandinavian Welfare State 1945-2010 (pp. 97-143). Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Wilkes, R., Guppy, N., & Lily, F. (2008, Summer). “No Thanks, We’re Full”: Individual Characteristics, National Context, and Changing Attitudes Toward Immigration. International Migration Review, pp. 302-329.
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