Heritage Keepers: Reviving Kuching's Heritage Trail Through Creation of Heritage & Cultural District by Lebat Bujang

FINAL YEAR MASTER’S DESIGN THESIS 2021 / 2022 University of Malaya

Heritage Keepers: Reviving Kuching’s Heritage Trail Through Creation of Heritage & Cultural District Indigenous Artist in Residence by Lebat anak Bujang

CONTENTS

YEAR FIVE 2021 / 2021

Heritage Keepers: Reviving Kuching’s Heritage Trail Through Creation of Heritage & Cultural District Indigenous Artist in Residence 01

Prelude

Site Studies

Project Brief & Implementation

proposed masterplan boundary

YEAR FIVE 2021 / 2021

Heritage Keepers: Reviving Kuching’s Heritage Trail Through Creation of Heritage & Cultural District Indigenous Artist in Residence

proposed site boundary

In this final year design thesis, we have the freedom to propose our design intervention & develop our own brief according to the need of the context of our selected site. I decided to collaborate with three other labmates in developing a masterplan of Heritage & Cultural District within the Conservation Zone of Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia. Being sited next to the important Sarawak River, it saw the first arrival of Sir James Brooke in 1839, before he reigned as the first White Rajah in 1841. Comprising of my proposed Indigenous artist-in-residence, Raina Tini’s proposed transit gateway & Nur Hazman’s proposed maritime museum, we aimed to rejuvenate the dying area of the western part of the Conservation Area.

Left: Demarcated area of Kuching’s conservation area as outlined by Sarawak Land Custody and Development Authority (LCDA) in their conservation guidelines for Kuching shophouses. Selected site is demarcated in red lines.

The proposed indigenous cultural centre is also meant to be my critic on indigenous buildings in Malaysia - how their concepts were formed from the involved communities’ aspirations to how they were translated into tangible built environment. Due to the nature of the project that is heavily influenced by anthropological aspect of the indigenous communities in Sarawak, the project will continue to evolve and transformed – at least in my mind – as I absorb more and gain deeper understanding in the knowledge about my peoples in Sarawak, and as I discover more and new ways in approaching indigenous architecture in the context of urban realm.

PRELUDE

INDIGENOUS SOCIAL ISSUE

The Dying Traditional Indigenous Arts in Sarawak There are about 6.2% of indigenous people in the world, as of 2020 – 476.6 million, belonging to 5,000 different groups in 90 countries worldwide (International Labour Organisation). About 70% live in Asia & the Pacific. According to International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), Sarawak, indigenous peoples are collectively known as natives (Dayak and/or Orang Ulu). They include the Iban, the Bidayuh, the Kenyah, the Kayan, the Kedayan, the Lunbawang, the Punan, the Bisayah, the Kelabit, the Berawan, the Kejaman, the Ukit, the Sekapan, the Melanau and the Penan, and the account for 1,932,600 people, or 70.5% of the population of Sarawak. Top left: Among the dying traditional indigenous cultural items of Sarawak (Image source: https://www.artoftheancestors.com/blog/kancet-lasan-borneo) Bottom left: Most Left: “Manah – A Living Legacy”, at Galeri Petronas, KLCC. 7hjmeha Xo A[dZo C_jej" W \_d[ Whj_ij e\ 8_ZWok^ [j^d_Y$ ?cW][ iekhY[0 https://oforother.malaysiadesignarchive.org/rasang-and-the-spirit-world-rituals-symbols-and-initiation-in -the-life-of-a-bidayuh-dayung-borih-at-bau-sarawak/ Middle Left: 7b[dW CkhWd]" W A[bWX_j#;d]b_i^ Yedj[cfehWho iWf[ fbWo[h Whj_ij$ Image source: https://rukuntv.com/?p=3189 Left: AWb[X 7do_[ KZWk" W A[doW^ Whj_ij m_j^ ^_i Whjmeha YWbb[Z ôKh_f IkW_õ https://www.theborneopost.com/2017/03/26/exploring-cultures-to-inspire-art/

In the days of rapid modernization & industrialization, the indigenous traditional art has been slowly dying. The labourintensive industry faces growing threat as less and less younger generations are willing to continue with the legacy of their people. The remaining artisans and master craftsmen are struggling to find successors to whom they can pass their skills to. Besides that, products are also mass-produced and easier to procure, and this caused us to stop making things for ourselves anymore (Yu, 2015).

“every time an Elder from the village dies it is like a library going up in smoke” Jayl Langub, a Senior Research Fellow at UNIMAS Kuching

However, all hope is not lost. There is a slow, albeit surely, some sort of cultural renaissance amongst the younger educated indigenous artists who choose to seek their cultural roots in order to enrich their arts. Iain Robertson (2012) forms the idea of a ‘heritage from below’ as encompassing anti-mainstream and vernacular manifestation of heritage in order to understand the cultural meanings of nationhood. Following this trajectory, Mead (1983) also believes that in order for the preservation efforts to be fruitful, the indigenous cultural heritage such as the indigenous art should be guarded, advocated for and protected by the indigenous people themselves.

Indigenous Symbolic Representations

To begin to understand the significance of Sarawakian indigenous symbolic representation, I look into their belief systems as these are often the origins of how their material

or grouped together to carry different meanings (for example, in pua kumbu, where taboo animals such as nabau, or water dragons, being weaved close to fruit motifs to indicate its food). The symbols or motifs used on an item depends on its usage – whether it is for daily normal usage or rituals (in ceremonies where the shamans invoke the gods, they usually use sacred items with motifs associated with the invoked gods). For the proposed design, I will be concentrating more on material culture that is associated with the notions of

Research Background Study

DESIGN CONCERNS

In the case of metropolitan indigenous cultural centre that I am proposing to design in Kuching, the typology and scheme face concerns in a myriad ways (McGaw & Pieris, 2014): 1.

3. 4.

Ways to spatially represent over twenty native groups from all across Sarawak in Kuching city, which is outside from most of their traditional lands (eg. the Penans who have nomadic origin and the Kelabits who are closely associated with mountain living); Many of Sarawakians have mixed ancestry across a number of different natives and settlers, thus, their indigenous identity is not straightforward. So how does my building represent such complex identity and what are its limits?; The way architecture represent and being open to new and emerging narratives of identity due to the constantly evolving contemporary indigeneity; The risk of emphasizing indigenous materiality, tectonics and vernacular building traditions, as much of indigenous places are built from immateri al forces.

To begin to reach the answer, I looked into Essential Tools of Engagement (EToE), drafted by Memmott & Reser (2000) which outlines a series of themes on how the wishes and aspirations of indigenous communities are achieved by architecture.

Left: Figure showing selected relevant EToE criteria to govern the design of proposed indigenous centre.

Essential Tools of Engagement (EToE) EToE lists specific themes that capture and extract Aboriginal cultural perspectives, assumptions, connections, and cultural contents in designing an Aboriginal facility (Memmott & Reser, 2000). Aiming to creatively enhance the Indigenous identity, this list also offers ways in which the above aspirations can be expressed in architectural form. The list originally is used in the context of Aboriginal Australia, so some of the themes do not apply in the context of Sarawak.

In executing EToE in design, it is important that any symbolism has its potential to communicate at some level across all user groups, whether they are the indigenous communities, non-indigenous communities and international visitors. This is so that the building can be appreciated by both the indigenous and non-indigenous public. An important quality of Indigenous meaning systems is a layered character – going from obvious and concrete public meanings to increasingly

restricted ritual and sacred layers of meanings and references, with the whole complex of meaning characterized by polysemous (having multiple meanings), multi-referential symbolic associations. According to Memmott and Reser (2000), the act of making aboriginal art from Australian Aboriginals’ perspective is what makes the art sacred, not the end product itself. When designing an indigenous facility that represents all indigenous communities in Sarawak, one must

guard against simply assembling a whimsical collection of tribes’ patterns and motifs as similar motifs may carry different meanings in different communities. Besides that, Australian Indigenous architect Jefa Greenaway argues that structural ‘honesty’ and clear legibility of tectonics are common principle to indigenous buildings.

Research Background Study

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF SARAWAK Many anthropologists believe that most of the indigenous inhabitants of Sarawak belong in the Austronesian group predominantly descended from Taiwanese migrants during the Neolithic era approximately 4,000 years ago. They claimed that these migrants left South China (approximately 5,000 to 4,500 years ago), traveled to Taiwan, and by 4,000 years ago, spread into the Philippines and throughout island South East Asia (including Borneo, where Sarawak is) and the Pacific (Bellwood, 2007). Some scholars also believed that some indigenous groups have already existed in Borneo during pre-Neolithic expansion, such as the Ibans (Simonson et al., 2011) and the Punans (Sellato, 2002). The indigenous groups have subsistence systems that consisted of combinations of rice agriculture, tuber cultivation and domesticated sago, forest foraging, orchard crops, hunting, fishing an marine collection (Bellwood et al., 2006). Some tribes which practiced more rainforest foraging, such as the Penans, have frequent contacts and established long-term trading ties with nearby longhouse and coastal communities. Through these affiliations, both parties sometimes adopt each other’s practices, cultures and languages; for example, the Kenyahs who were originally foragers adopted agriculture from the Kayans, or Penans who adopted ironworking from the Kayans and using that technology to produce their own spears.

Left: Map showing general locations of indigenous people in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah of Malaysia, as well as West Kalimantan, Indonesia) Source: (Winzeler, 2004)

Research Background Study

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF SARAWAK In the context of indigenous community, ‘architecture’ encompasses the built environment, built forms, and building traditions and practices (Winzeler, 2004). Indigenous built forms should not only be seen in pure physical way, but also its representation in expressing their social structures and central cultural ideas (including symbolism, cosmology and artistry). Some scholars who studied Sarawakian indigenous architecture discussed it under material condition in which they are treated as handicrafts, along with weaving, iron forging and other manufacturing processes.

Left: Figure shows an inexhaustive list of stratified and non-stratified indigenous communities in Sarawak. Certain tribes such as the Kayans, practiced slavery. Social structures are considered very sacred in certain tribes and this significance was reflected in the rights of utilizing taboo motifs. (Sellato, 2002)

Indigenous Symbolic Representations

To begin to understand the significance of Sarawakian indigenous symbolic representation, I look into their belief systems as these are often the origins of how their material

culture came to be. Traditional symbolic representation does not only encompass the visuals of their motifs or symbols, but also about their layered, and often polysemous significance. Traditional motifs have their root origin in the nature surrounding the daily living of the indigenous peoples, and they come in the forms of anthropomorphic, zoomorphic & phyllomorphic. Sometimes the forms overlapped (for example, Kalong Kelunan, which is a Kayanic anthropomorphic figure whose limbs often end in tendrils called kelawit)

protection and symbols that share common meanings across most tribes in Sarawak. This study of traditional symbolic representation will be integrated into the design holistically (which is governed by the EToE theory) to capture Layers of Meanings & References in order for the design to embody essences of Indigenous elements and at the same time, portray their contemporary identity.

Research Background Study

FROM BELIEF SYSTEM TO MATERIAL CULTURE In the older days, Sarawakian Indigenous peoples practiced a fusion of animism and paganism, with elements of ancestral worshipping integrated into it. Some tribes also practiced augury, or bird omens. In Sarawakian indigenous communities, there generally was a strong association between supernatural forces and some real/imagined corporeal forms associated with them – and this applies to spirits of the dead as well. In the context of Sarawak, ancestors may also include ancient mythological ancestors and culture heroes to whom genealogical origin is not traced (Couderc & Sillander, 2012). These ancestors provided the cultural foundations of their ‘descendants’, such as passing down elementary institutions like adat (customary law), ritual practices and rice cultivation. The indigenous peoples of Sarawak physically represented their venerated ancestors through material representation; these items are important means of expression and of handing down the heritage of the ancestors as well as to perpetuate group identity. They also believed these material objects were able to mediate contacts with their ancestor spirits.

Research Background Study

SARAWAKIAN INDIGENOUS MATERIAL CULTURE Material culture is the product of the interaction of people and their material world, and it is a mean by which culture is stored and transmitted (Sellato, 2016). Material culture covers the “tangible object, its unique features, production and usage, which in turn imparts the object’s cultural meaning as well as the conscious or unconscious, obvious or circuitous beliefs, values and ideas or a specific community or society at a given time” (Hulsboch, Bedford & Chaiklin, 2009). Not only do these materials portray aspects of a social and cultural reality, they also reflect the dynamic relationships and social actions which are constructed between the object, self and society. These materials include clothing, tattoos, ritual woodcarvings, basketry and even longhouses. As there is limited scope that I can delve into in this design project, I will be only discussing three of the most well-known materials in Sarawakian Indigenous Peoples that aspire some elements in my proposed design – the longhouses, Iban’s ritual textile pua kumbu and Kayan/Kenyah’s baskets. The longhouses will only be discussed not so much about its physical structure but more on their significance in expressing culture of the dwellers.

Research Background Study

LONGHOUSE

Although there is considerable variations, longhouses have long been a common form of dwelling in the interior of Sarawak. Usually a terrace upon hardwood posts with ladders at either end (Roth, 1896), longhouses are generally sited parallel to rivers and streams. Variations could be due to social hierarchy, migration practices and geographical location – expressed in different levels of flooring or different materials. Their longhouses also acted as their spiritual defense & it reflects their cosmology humans occupied the middle level, the animals occupying the separate ground level, andthe spirit world occupying the attic spaces. Lengths vary and they can reach up to 600 feet long, usually in the case of the Kayan, Kenyah & Kajang longhouses. For the people who live in them, the longhouse is at the core of their traditional culture and way of life; the longhouse people are regarded as the keepers of tradition and adat (customary law & ceremonies). This is because the most important festivals and rituals are held in longhouses rather than in separate buildings (Winzeler, 2004). Whether the communities live in the longhouses or in single dwellings, the most important notions of direction are those of upstream (hulu/upper/interior) and downstream (hilir/coast). These 2 directions have cosmological significance in indigenous peoples’ lives, and also various cultural and historical implications for indigenous peoples. During raids in the older days, the Ibans, for example, often attacked from downriver as they first traveled downriver and along the coast. This cosmic significance is also reflected in the architecture of the longhouses in which they have an upstream side and a downstream side. Most tribes also believed that upstream is cosmologically fortunate and downstream is opposite.

the upperworld realm

the human realm

Left: Drawings by the author - showing the elevation, plan and section of an Iban longhouse. Drawn in 2014.

the animal realm

bilek (apartment) PRIVATE

tempuan (public corridor)

ruai (public gallery) PUBLIC

panggau/pantar (sleeping area for unmarried men)

tanju (drying area) PRIVATE

Research Background Study

LONGHOUSE

Importance of posts: Posts are often associated with rituals in Sarawak, regardless if they are columns or standing sacrificial posts. The building of a longhouse often begins with the erection of the principal post of the chief’s apartment, usually at the centre. This post (and the rest, for each family) will be sprinkled with the blood of sacrificial offering (chicken or pig) before being raised into place. When the spiritual balance of the longhouse has been disrupted, it becomes hot, as a result of which people may become sick and die and crops may fail. Therefore restitution and sacrifices have to be made to restore the spiritual balance, and often these rituals take place at the chief’s post in the gallery. Other minor rituals can take place at other posts. The main motifs used in Sarawakian longhouses are generally the same as those used in other ways – as designs in beadwork, tattoos, etc., and they were believed to offer protection, such as guarding statues with frightening faces are erected at entrances to longhouses to frighten dangerous spirits (especially spirits of the recently dead). Most of the motifs are less realistically depicted and sometimes are difficult to differentiate from other common motifs (Winzeler, 2004). Top left: Preparation of the miring ceremony during Gawai Burong, which involved sacrificing chicken at the central post of the Iban longhouse. Source: https://twitter.com/sarawaktravel/status/1032519030173618176?lang=ar-x-fm Most left bottom: A carved doorframe at a Kenyah’s longhouse depicting monkey and a dragon. Dragon motif is one of the most commonly utilized motifs in Sarawak. Varying across tribes, they are ususally associated with guarding the dead, protection, agricultural and human fertility. Right top: Squatting slave figure at the top of Kajang burial post, upper Rejang River, Sarawak. Sometimes the anthropomorphic figure also can represent benign gods (but in this case, there will be spirals and tendrils extending from the figure’s limbs). Source: (Winzeler, 2004)

Six principle parts of Pua Kumbu Punggang pun enhance and support the ‘story’ of the buah pua, and also ‘guard’ the spirit of the buah pua. Sometimes, the punggang can also depict ‘food’ for the spirit of the buah pua – to placate the spirit of buah pua.

Kelemebai to ensure that the buah pua is clearly delineated as well as ritually enclosed and confined.

Anak pua The buah pua must always ‘give birth’ (beranak) to j^[ WdWa fkW eh i_Z[ XehZ[hi$ u7 XkW^ fkW j^Wj Ze[i not beranak is considered incomplete and therefore invites the displeasure of the goddesses of weaving as well as the spirit of the buah pua.

Research Background Study

IBAN’S PUA KUMBU

According to Richards (1981), pua kumbu is defined as a blanket made by ikat (tie) or kebat (dye) processes that was used as a ritual textile. Within Borneo, the indigenous Iban pua kumbu cloth, historically associated with headhunting, is steeped in spirituality and mythology. The cloth, the female counterpart of headhunting, was known as ‘kayau indu’, or women’s war (Linggi, 1999). The process of mordanting yarns in preparation for tying and dyeing was seen as a way of managing the spiritual realm (Heppell, Melak, & Usen, 2006). It required of the ‘women warriors’ psychological courage equivalent to the men when decapitating enemies as the weavers could face wrath of the gods if they do not adhere to taboos during its production. Weaving pua kumbu was so significant that it was seen as an equal to the headhunting ritual by the men; it is one of the most spiritually-laden and potent objects in the material culture of Ibans (Low, 2008).

Buah pua The main body which contains the spiritual potency of the pua kumbu.

Ara & Tisi all pua kumbu are finished with a selvedge, or ara, and the outermost band is called the tisi or tisau. The usage of red-white-yellow respectively as a tisi on the ara is a strict rule as it indicates the technical proficiency and spiritual maturity of the weaver and must never be transgressed.

Punggang ujong

Left: J^[ Y[dj[h e\ j^_iufkW ikd]a_juZ[f_Yji jm[bl[ ZhW]edi eh i[hf[dji (naga/ nabau) which are coiled around or whose bellies are filled with trophy heads. Framing this powerful motif are variations of the “Path of the Python” (Leku Sawa) and “Horse Mango Fruit” (Buah Bunut). The latter design represents captured heads. Birds and snakes appear on borders sewn to the sides. The birds feed on the snakes and in turn sing to lull the powerful dragons into a tranquil state. The banding of textiles frames and corrals their potency. Here, a white band reflects the power of this blanket and the prowess of its weaver. 7ced] j^[ IWh_XWi :WoWa" j^_i jof[ e\ j[nj_b[ _i h[\[hh[Z je Wi WuB[Xkh Api, or “white hot fire tongs,” as it was necessary to cool down the dangerous heat of newly captured trophy heads as they were being h[Y[_l[Z _dje j^[ bed]^eki[$uFkW ikd]a_jum[h[ ki[Z je ^WdZb[ ^[WZi WdZ to honor and empower great warriors. Source: (https://collections.dma.org/artwork/4020479)

Pua Kumbu with the most potent motifs was used to receive head trophies; upon receiving, the women would dance with the nestled head to placate and coax the souls residing in the heads to dwell within the longhouse – to become guardian spirits and to impart blessings in the form of land fertility (Low, 2008). One aspect that is important in the motifs used in pua kumbu is the importance of using ‘jaku kelaung’ or pseudonym. This makes deciphering meaning of many pua kumbu difficult as there are many stylistic representations involved.

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Making of Pua Kumbu

(source: (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VLpOX9Ho9Og&t=692s) (Gavin, 2004)

2. 3.

After the thread has been mounted, sorted and counted, the weaver sets us heddle and shed stick to prepare for weaving. Weft threads are then woven into keep the threads in place. The warp threads are stretched on the tying frame (tangga ubong). First tying - Creating the main outline of the pattern of the buah pua, kelemebai, punggang pun, punggang ujong and anak pua by tying treads together with lemba (raffia-like fibre).

4. 5.

6. 7.

The thread is taken off the frame and prepared for the first dyeing, usually red. After drying, the thread is again placed on the tying frame for second tying against indigo dye. The tied part (from the second tying) will stay red, while the exposed red threads will turn brown. The real weaving starts after all the tying is undone. The loose thread is weaved together with white thread. Adding ara & tisi.

8. 9.

Cutting the cloth into half. Sew the two halves together to form the final pua kumbu.

Top image: Author’s drawing of ‘mayau tindok’ or sleeping cats. Sleeping cats are harmless. But every Iban would know that cats always sleep in the communal area in a longhouse, near the warmth of a hearth with embers and beneath a cache of trophy heads. It is ritual practice to smoke trophy heads to keep them "warm." The weaver is therefore using a cryptic device to indicate that trophy heads are present, though not depicted.

Two of most top shows ingen lalii’ & the omponents that make up the basket. Immediate top left is ingen tesek, used to store harvested paddy - the much bigger non-sacred version of ingen lalii’. Immediate top right show other two non-sacred types of baskets used by Kayan-Kenyah; the top is a keledien and the bottom is the belanyat (or ajat).

Research Background Study

KAYAN-KENYAH’S INGEN LALII’ Ingen lalii’ is a small rattan basket, the resemblance of ingen also made in similar manner with that harvesting basket. Its striking similarity with the rice harvesting basket presumably also reflects the importance of rice cultivation an sacredness among the Kayan & Kenyah.

Clockwise from top left: The ‘ba’ for aristocrats, reflected by the usage of full human figure (Kalong Kelunan). There are also fangs of clouded leopards hanging at the rim of the carrier, indicating wealth of the owner. The ‘ba’ for the commoners, indicated by the torso-less anthropomorphic head. Kalong Kelunan (human motif). Plain ‘ba’ with no motif, used by the slaves.

It also used to initiate harvesting by cutting and putting half-riped paddy (emping) into the ingen lalii’ to symbolize that the harvesting season is now begin (Sahari, 2013). Ingen lalii’ also differs from other baskets (such as blanyat, badang, buan pa’an, keledieng etc) due to the presence of the ‘taket’ poles that form the frame. Generally there is no sacred motifs (crocodiles, snakes, tigers) used on any Kayan & Kenyah’s baskets.

Top image: Unusual mat displaying influence of Iban motifs including tuba roots, crocodiles and anthropomorphic figures. Plaited by Penan people at Upper Baluy area, Sarawak.

Conclusion Many tribes experienced encounters with each other through trading, headhunting expedition (war captives were sometimes assimilated into the invading tribe) or simply migrating next to each other and this caused a lot of culture absorption between tribes. Sometimes the meanings changed as these motifs were being absorbed into another culture. Some common themes being carried across most tribes in Sarawak:

Source: (Fogel & Sellato, 2013)

2. 3.

The use of pseudonyms: Powerful imageries such as head trophies, tigers and dragons (and water dragons) are represented with certain motifs as indigenous peoples believed that uttering their names may bring unfortunate events into their lives; Powerful and ferocious animals, if added onto a cultural item, often make the item sacred, &; Context of the motif: Since some motifs have their own associated meanings, they are only expressed on certain cultural item.

SITE STUDIES

landmarks 1 Kuching City Mosque 2 Proposed Maritime Museum (existing Brooke Dockyard) 3 Proposed Transit Gateway 4 Hikmah Exchange (with ART) 5 Borneo Cultural Museum 6 Sarawak Museum 7 Padang Merdeka 8 Merdeka Palace Hotel 9 St Thomas Cathedral 10 Kuching Old Courthouse

11 Old Post Office 12 Merdeka Mall & Central Police Station 13 Electra Mall 14 Waterfront 15 Darul Hana Bridge 16 Sarawak State Legislative Assembly Building 17 Medan Pelita 18 Tua Pek Kong Temple 19 Astana (Governor’s Residence)

a Riverfront Trail b Old Kuching Heritage Trail

c Heritage Business Trail d Proposed Museum Trail

19 a

15 16

14 2 c

1 12

11 3 9

7 4

d 8 5

Salient information on the site

Location

Barrack Road, 93300, Kuching, Sarawak Kuching Conservation Zone

Indigenous Artistin-Residence Transit Gateway

Size

2.3 acres

Plinth Area

100% within setback boundary

Setbacks

6m from all sides (for new additions)

Height Limit

Case-to-case basis. Any additional height to the existing shophosues need to be setback from the front façade by 6m

Plot ratio

Sarawak does not have the rule of plot ratio, rather, they use the 1/3 height rule.

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Meaning, if the setback is 6m, the maximum height the building can go is 18m. However, the height can still be negotiated with the local authorities. 7

Maritime Museum

PROPOSED SITE

Transit Oriented Development

YES

BRIEF HISTORY OF CONTEXT

iii

by 1980s, the Electra House (the first mall in Sarawak) was in full decline as more malls were built in Kuching. Pedestrian flow decreased gradually over the years.

STRENGTHS

WEAKNESSES

O P P OR T U N I T I E S

THREATS

hotspots for events

lack of enforcement of conservation policies

gateway to kuching

insensitive new developments (including demolitions of old traditional shophouses)

wealth of culture and heritage elements

business closure

strengthen connection to the rural areas all across sarawak

humane scale buildings

road congestion

accessibility

lack of pedestrian-friendly infrastructures

gentrification

Bus depot moved to its new hub - Kuching Sentral - 10km south of the site in 2012. Pedestrian flow significantly decreased, greatly affecting the businesses along India Street.

supporting element for the heritage culture promoting sustainable development

proximity to padang merdeka lack of maintenance of old buildings

To bring in more visitors to ativate India Street, Merdeka Mall was built in 2012, displacing many rows of traditional shophouses within the Kuching Conservatin Zone.

a new typology of metropolitan museum in kuching – a new point of destination

SARAWAK RIVER

generating revenue for nearby businesses upgrading of public infrastructures

The Brooke Gallery

Proposed Museum Trail

Sarawak Maritime Museum

IND

STR

The Ranee Museum EET

Sarawak Craft Council

Sarawak Textile Museum

iii

Indigenous Artist-in-Residence

Chinese History Museum

CONNECTIONS TO EXISTING CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS

Tun Jugah Foundation (Pua Kumbu Museum)

Sarawak Museum Department

Natural History Museum

Sarawak Islamic Heritage Museum

Borneo Cultural Museum

Sarawak Museum

Indigenous-based Cultural Centres Colonial History Museum

PROJECT BRIEF & IMPLEMENTATION

Ashly Nandong Contemporary visual artist incorporating Dayak designs

DESIGN AIMS To: 1.

Rejuvenate the uncelebrated part of the Kuching Conservation Zone through sensitive design intervention;

Strengthen the heritage & cultural by rooting itself in the context;

Capture & translate the intangible spirit of the Sarawakian indigenous communities & their layered system of meanings into built environment, &;

Reflect the vision of the Indigenous Artist-in-Resi dence that wishes to push for the modernization of indigenous arts & crafts (as opposed to primitising them).

Alena Murang a dancer, sape' teacher & visual artist

Kuching Conservation Zone

IN TE RN A

AL N O I T

E AG ST

Design Proposal

INDIGENOUS ARTIST-INRESIDENCE

elders, docu men g f rom rnin tin gw lea or k>

Artists will either be selected through a competitive application process or commissioned to join. The length of a residency can vary from weeks to months or even years. In the context off this scheme, the maximum duration that they can stay is three months. They support cultural and artistic change, nurture experimentation and new ideas, and support research and the development of new work.

SPECIALISED RESOURCES elders, master craftsmen

Aims of Indigenous Artist-in-Residence To advocate for the value of indigenous Sarawakian art & culture (both tangible & intangibles) intra & internationally. To facilitate dialogue, exchange of experience and skills in indigenous traditions, practices, arts & crafts.

modern indigenous artists

Native America community surrounding business Native America

Contemporary Art

Aboriginal Asutralia

Modern Art

Oceania Africa

Nusantara

Provide time, space & resources for artist’s practice. Developing artist’s practice, new skills & techniques. Connecting with other artists (contemporary & traditional).

Artist Residencies are about providing the time and space for guest artists to develop work and creatively explore new ideas with a specific interest in indigenous traditional arts & crafts making.

KUCHING SARAWAK

ƵȁƵ˛ɈȺ ǏȌȲ ªƵȺǞƮƵȁɈ ȲɈǞȺɈȺ

To cultivate an appreciative audience – after the end of every residency, the artists will curate and exhibit their artworks so the public will be able to access and engage with the arts. The public may also participate during the production of the arts & crafts within the facility.

Furthering artist’s career & the opportunity to exhibit, perform, present or publish. To receive stipend while working on their crafts. Access to specialized resources (archives, direct access to traditional tradesmen/artists from cottage industries all over Sarawak). Connecting with modern consumers & new markets.

ƵȁƵ˛ɈȺ ǏȌȲ ƧȌǿǿɐȁǞɈǞƵȺ Ǟȁ jɐƧǘǞȁǐ ‫ ۋ‬ Sarawak By employing the bottom-up approach in which the local community of Kuching is involved in the producing the outline of the upcoming exhibitions, sense of ownership & pride will be fostered. Providing the students and local community opportunities to learn contemporary art which still resonate with their indigenous identity. Generating revenue for the surrounding businesses. Provide more opportunities to document and record indigenous knowledge from the older indigenous generation through the photography workshop & its related programmes.

FUNCTIONS

pre-colonial

headhunting

piracy

3 4

GROUNDED IN CONTEXT building as part of cultural centre cluster that connects transit gateway to museum cluster to design a series of spaces which heighten various sensory perceptions of visitors while they gather knowledge of indigenous art-making process

colonial -fought alongside British against the Japanese

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MAN & NATURE to capture the significance of river (upriver / downriver) & topography in the cosmic belief of indigenous communities within the building

9 8

present

CONCEPT: BEJALAI Bejalai is one of the most cherished customs of the Iban that men – particularly young men – should periodically leave their longhouse & venture out into the world to seek their fortune. They have two main aims: the acquisition of valuable property & social prestige (Freeman, 1970), after which the person returns to his former longhouse & community. According to Kedit (1993), the tradition of bejalai originated from the gods (particularly of the semi-god Keling who is famed for his venture & travels in the dimension of Panggau

FACADE PORTRAYING THE VISIONS OF THE PROPOSED CENTRE to make use the advantage of having a huge facade frontage to protray the celebration of indigenous arts & crafts, as well as pushing for the vision to modernise them, so our artists can compete with other modern artists on the global stage Libau, or land of the gods) and later adopted by mortal Ibans. Bejalai activities have not declined; but since James Brooke banned headhunting among the natives, bejalai activities in the form of headhunting expeditions have been erased as one possible option. Since independence, another avenue of bejalai is education and working, both of which require the person to leave his or her longhouse behind. In the context of my design, bejalai carries a different meaning to both the artists who live and work in the space, and visitors.

PORTRAYAL OF PAST & PRESENT OF SARAWAK using existing buildings on site to depict the past & present of the relationship between indigenous communtiies with ‘land’ - from pre-colonial to post-colonial

LAYERS OF MEANINGS An important quality of Indigenous meaning systems is a layered character – going from obvious and concrete public meanings to increasingly restricted ritual and sacred layers of meanings and references, with the whole complex of meaning

characterized by polysemous (having multiple meanings), multi-referential symbolic associations. According to Memmott and Reser (2000), the act of making aboriginal art from Australian Aboriginals’ perspective is what makes the art sacred, not the end product itself.

existing backlane

ART SHOP COMMUNAL

WORKSHOPS

INN

multi-storey carpark

traditional shophouses

COMMUNAL

DORMS traditional shophouses

office tower heritage listed building ART ARCHIVE

EXHIBITION

BAR/RESTAURANT

exsiting proposed site

transformation of existing backlane into important communal spaces

PROGRAMME RELATIONSHIP

Spaces that allow for activities to bleed into each other is important in this cultural centre - some physically but others visually connected. To promote this, the idea of having ‘thin walls’ is implemented in the form of openable walls and/or big glazings.

DESIGN DEVELOPMENT part 1

DESIGN DEVELOPMENT part 2

DESIGN DEVELOPMENT part 3

RIVERFRONT TRAI

Kuching Maritime Museum (+Experiential Centre)

PROPOSED MUSEUM

TRAIL

Kuching Transit Gateway (Bus transit + Autonomous Rail Transit)

BUSINE

SS HERIT

AGE TR

AIL

Indigenous Artist-in-Residence

LE AD

MU SE

TE R

(+Exhibition Area +Permanent Gallery +Inn + Bar Restaurant)

PROPOSED MASTERPLAN ISO

˛ȲȺɈ ǶƊɯƵȲ ȌǏ ǿƵƊȁǞȁǐ

GROUNDED IN THE CONTEXT OF KUCHING OLD TOWN Proposed facility forms a part of experience of the Museum Trail that continues from he Maritime Museum & ends at the new Borneo Cultural Museum. Visitors are welcomed to create their own ‘bejalai’ journey by observing the artists work in the facility before heading to the next museum along the Museum Trail.

second layer of meaning

PAST & PRESENT OF SARAWAK EToE 10 / Past & Present The intervention in the existing site also portrays the chronological progress of relationship between man & ‘land’ throughout the pre-colonial period, colonial period & post-colonial period. Before the colonisation of British in Sarawak n the mid-19th century, the concept of ‘belonging’ in the relationship between the indigenous community & the land was a mtual condition of sustenance & responsibility. Things took a drastic turn during the colonial period - ‘land’ was transformed into ‘site’ in which the building intention is to not nurture the environment, but to replace it. Pre-colonial: touching the earth lightly. Colonialisation: building replacing nature Post-colonial: sustainability (old + new)

third layer of meaning

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MAN & NATURE EToE 1 / Connection to Country Indigenous communities in Sarawak are always identified by where they live, even in the present - by rivers (upriver /downriver) or uphill / coastal. This orientation is basic & is evoked constantly in everyday speech (Fox, 2006). The presence of the symbolic river in the proposed facility is also enhanced by the symbolic lines of Sarawak’s topography that are etched onto the floor, as well as celebrating the presence of the tribes that live in uphill regions.

Ingen lalii’ Kayan-Kenyah’s sacred basket

Pua Kumbu Iban’s ritual cloth

Ingen lalii’ Kayan-Kenyah’s sacred basket

fourth layer of meaning FACADE DESIGN TESTING 1

Timber louvres with planter

simplistic modern approach - higher visibility of existing concrete structural frame behind to create high contrast of new & old. No insertion of ‘indigenous’ elements on the facade.

Steel structural frames with synthetic rattan weaving

Inspired by the Penans & Kayanic baskets, the scale isbroken down to be more humane. Since it is almost a copypaste of a simple basket weaving, it appears less modern. Appears wider as horizontal members are more prominent.

Steel structural frames with synthetic rattan + fabric weaving

More mdoern translation of the indigenous basket, but with stronger vertical elements. More appropriate as it reflects the vision of the facility in supporting artists in producing modern indigenous works.

PORTRAYING THE VISIONS OF THE PROPOSED FACILITY The main facade that is highly visible from the historical Merdeka Square celebrates the indigenous arts & crafts-making by portraying the modern yet easily recognisable repetitive patterns of the indigenous basket-weaving. There are 2 main parts of the ‘basket’ which are the vertical weaving - symbolising the sacred basket of the Kayan-Kenyah tribes called ingen lalii’ that ‘protects’ the art & carfts-making work that is performed by the residence artists within the ‘basket’ area. The second part is the horizontal weaving that is inspired by the making of pua kumbu, a ritual cloth in Iban community. The ‘sacred’ pua kumbu on the facade has no motif as it is still ‘incomplete’ - signifying the sacredness lies in the making, rather than the end product of indigenous crafts. The sacredness is reflected by the presence of the ‘anak pua’, or side borders that are formed by the ingen lalii’ that ‘contains’ the ‘power’ of the pua kumbu.

Section of the basket-pua kumbu façade Scale 1:50 on A0

SECTIONS

Section of the art archive Scale 1:50 on A0

Long Section Across the Internal Street Scale 1:125 on A0

SECTIONS

Elevation E1 Scale 1:300 on A0

Elevation E3 Scale 1:300 on A0

ELEVATIONS

Elevation E2 Scale 1:300 on A0

Elevation E4 Scale 1:300 on A0

Existing family business

Artists’ common area Bar / restaurant

Painting Studio

Inn reception

Art Supply shop

Proposed Transit Gateway

Exhibition Gallery

Exhibition Area

carpark Drop off Area with lay-by

Brick aggregate mixed concrete laid on RC slab to con’s det.

Loading bay

M&E rooms

Open-air dining

Existing office tower

Ground Floor Plan

Scale 1:400 on A0

Existing family business

Artists’ dorm

Inn rooms

Exhibition Gallery

Iron Studio

Textile Studio Brick aggregate mixed concrete laid on RC slab to con’s det.

Toilets

Loading bay

M&E rooms

Existing office tower Pua kumbu-basket façade det. to refer to section drawing

First Floor Plan

Scale 1:300 on A0

Exhibition Gallery

Link bridge

Second Floor Plan

Scale 1:400 on A0

Iron Workshop

Textile Workshop

Existing office tower

Art Archive

Third Floor Plan

Scale 1:400 on A0

Office

Metal Workshop

Existing office tower

Standing seam metal roof system to manuf’s det.

Glass roof with structural metal frame with powdercoat fin. To con’s det.

Sheer Tensaform textile fixed on steel track to con’s det.

Fourth Floor Plan

Scale 1:400 on A0

Pitched solar roof with steel structural frame to manuf’s det.

Roof Floor Plan

Scale 1:400 on A0

Photo of model with all proposed design interventions in Old Kuching Town

Detail 1 Art Archive Scale nts

DETAILED CONSTRUCTION 1:50 (on A0)

Most right: Detail 2 Pua Kumbu-basket facade Scale nts Right: Detail 3 Blow up of Pua Kumbu-basket façade Scale nts

DETAILED CONSTRUCTION 1:50 (on A0)