Important Chinese Bronzes and Jades from the Lee Family Collection

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Important Chinese Bronzes and Jades from the Lee

Family Collection

16.09.2024, 6pm

玉振金聲-李氏家族重要吉金、玉器珍藏 VIEWING

fri 13 – sUN 15 sep 2 Oxley Road, Hawthorn, VIC 3122

Please refer to our website for viewing times — leonardjoel.com.au

CONTACTS

luke guan

head of asian art 0455 891 888 luke.guan@ leonardjoel.com.au

Remarkable

Bronzes and Jades

The French philosopher and jurist Montesquieu extensively discussed China’s “rule by ritual and music” in his The Spirit of the Law. In Western culture, which is based on the “rule of law,” China’s “rule by ritual and music” has always been an astonishing and admirable concept. The theory of “ritual and music” was perfected during the Western Zhou Dynasty and was systematized in the thoughts of Confucius, but it originated as early as the Xia and Shang dynasties. The Zhou Dynasty followed the rituals of the Shang Dynasty, and the Shang followed the rituals of the Xia. “Ritual and music” form the foundation of Chinese civilization, art, morality, and philosophy.

Among the collection of ancient Chinese art works, the most significant are the ritual bronze vessels, and among all ancient Chinese objects, ritual objects and musical instruments hold the highest rank. The 15 lots in this special auction feature remarkable bronzes and jades, all from the Lee family collection. These pieces exemplify the millennia-long heritage of China’s “ritual and music,” embodying the refined and virtuous character symbolized by jade in Chinese culture.

Lot 13, the Ming Dynasty imperial ritual bronze bell, Bianzhong, is the most important piece in this collection. It is one of the sixteen bells from the Imperial Bell Set of the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests in the Temple of Heaven, Beijing. High above the musical platform of the Hall of Divine Music hangs a plaque inscribed with the characters “Yu Zhen Jin Sheng” (Resonant as Bronze and Jade) written by the Qianlong Emperor himself. The harmonious sound of bronze bells and jade chimes resonates far and wide.

法國哲學家、法學家,孟德斯鳩在《論法的精神》中對中國以「禮樂治國」著墨甚多,在「以法治國」為 基礎的西方文化裡,中國的「樂治」始終是不可思議也歎為觀止的存在。「禮樂」的理論在西周時期得到完善, 在孔子的思想中梳理成冊,但在夏商之時便已發源,周因商禮,商因夏禮,「禮樂」是中國文明,藝術,道德和 哲學的原點。

在中國古代藝術品的收藏中,以「吉金」即青銅器最為重要,而在所有的中國古代器物中,又以「禮器」 與「樂器」等級最高。本次專場的15件拍品所包含的極為震撼的銅器與玉器,均由李氏家族收藏釋出,彰示了中 國「禮樂」的千年傳承,秉承了玉潤中華的君子風骨,也將會是澳大利亞歷史上絕無僅有的一場亞洲藝術盛宴。

本場13號重要拍品「明禦制鎏金銅海水雲氣紋編鐘」,是北京天壇祈年殿神樂署皇家禮樂明代編鐘組十六 件中的一件,而高懸在神樂署凝禧殿穹頂上的,便是乾隆皇帝親筆禦題的匾額「玉振金聲」,鐘磬和鳴,正音悠 遠。

A WHITE AND RUSSET JADE ‘MELON VINE’ CARVING, 18TH/19TH CENTURY

The pendant is finely carved in openwork with a trailing melon vine bearing five fruits amidst leafy tendrils, the reverse with trailing leaves, the flattened surfaces smoothly polished and with russet skin, a butterfly alighting to one side.

清 十八/十九世紀 白玉雕瓜瓞綿綿把件

6.2cm (2.5/8 in) long.

$2,000-3,000

2 A VERY RARE VARIEGATED JADE ‘LOTUS

ROOT’ BELT BUCKLE, QING DYNASTY, 19TH CENTURY

清十九世紀 白玉巧色蓮藕帶鉤

7.4cm (2.91 in.) long

provenance

Property from the Tuyet Nguyet and Stephen Markbreiter Collection.

Sotheby’s Hong Kong, 26th May 2021, lot 155.

雪月藏亞洲藝術珍品。

香港蘇富比,2021年5月26號,拍品號:155。

$6,000-8,000

3

AN ARCHAIC BRONZE RITUAL WINE VESSEL, JIA, MIDDLE SHANG DYNASTY, CIRCA.1400-1250 B.C.

The compressed globular body with a slightly convex base, resting on three blade-shaped legs and rising to a tall trumpet neck, set with a D-form handle at one side and a pair of posts with conical finials at the rim on the opposite side, the body and the neck each cast with a register comprising three units of taotie masks, the creatures’ distinctive oval eyes emerging high relief against the abstracted curvilinear facial features, each mask bordered above and below by a narrow band of raised circles, the well of the body with three triangular apertures revealing the hollow interior of the legs, the grey patina with areas of green oxidation.

商中期 青銅饕餮紋斝

28.6 cm. (11¼ in.) high

provenance

Wui Po Kok Antique Co, Ltd., Hong Kong, 2000.

The MacLean Collection.

Sotheby's New York, 21 September 2021, lot 4

滙寶閣古美術,香港,2000年。

MacLean 珍藏。

紐約蘇富比,2021年9月21號,拍品號:4。

The present jia can be dated to the Middle Shang period (circa 1400-1250 BC) based on its form and decoration. Jia from this period exhibit more dynamic profiles, detailed relief patterns, and greater heft compared to their Erlitou predecessors, while being less ornate than those from the mature Anyang phase. A Middle Shang jia of this type, dated to the late 14th to early 13th century BC, is housed in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (acc. no. 14.85). Another jia from this period, featuring apertures where the legs meet the base of the body, was formerly in the Avery Brundage collection and is now in the Asian Art Museum, San Francisco (obj. no. B60B45). A related jia, produced around the end of the Middle Shang period and displaying similar design elements to the present jia but with more finely detailed taotie and without 3

literature

Richard A. Pegg and Zhang Lidong, The MacLean Collection: Chinese Ritual Bronzes, Chicago, 2010, pl. 10.

彭銳查及張立東,《The MacLean Collection: Chinese Ritual Bronzes》,芝加哥,2010年,圖版 10。

other notes

the dotted borders, is part of the Yolanda and Paul Lippens collection and is documented in Christian Deydier’s “The Lippens Collection of Ancient Chinese Bronzes,” Hong Kong, 2019, cat. no. 12.

此件斝可以根据其形态和装饰归属于商代中期(约 公元前1400-1250年)。与二里头时期的斝相比,这 一时期的斝具有更为生动的轮廓、更为细致的凸显 的图案以及更大的重量,但不如成熟的安阳时期的 斝那样华丽。

一件属于这一类型的商代中期斝,年代约为公元前 14世纪晚期至公元前13世纪早期,现收藏于波士顿美 术馆(馆藏编号14.85)。另有一件同一时期的斝, 其腿部与器身连接处有开孔,曾属于Avery Brundage 的收藏,现收藏于旧金山亚洲艺术博物馆(馆藏编 号B60B45)。

另一件相关的斝,约商代中期末期制作,与此斝 纹饰相同,但其饕餮纹更加精细且没有点状边框, 是Yolanda 和 Paul Lippens的舊藏,出版於戴克 成的《The Lippens Collection of Ancient Chinese Bronzes》,香港,2019年,目录编号12。 $90,000-120,000

4

4 A RARE GREY AND RUSSET JADE CONG, NEOLITHIC PERIOD/SHANG DYNASTY, 6TH/11TH CENTURY B.C.

The thick-walled cong is carved with rectangular, flat sides, projecting corners and a shallow collar at each end, the pale greyish-green stone with areas of brown and buff opaque inclusions.

新石器時代/商 玉琮

7.3cm (3 in.) wide

provenance

Sotheby’s London, 18 May 2018, lot 241 (part lot). Collection of Roger Keverne.

倫敦蘇富比,2018年5月18日,拍品編號241(部分)。 Roger Keverne舊藏。

other notes

The present cong’s shape, characteristic of Neolithic period and Shang dynasty jade production, typically features a square outer section enclosing a circular inner part. While its exact purpose remains elusive, one interpretation suggests it served as protection against malevolent spirits and negative influences. Similar examples can be found in publications such as ‘Art in Quest of Heaven and Truth – Chinese Jades through the Ages’ (Taipei, 2011, pl. 4-4-13, National Palace Museum, Taipei) and ‘5,000 Years of Chinese Jade’ by J. Johnston and Chan Lai Pik (Taipei, 2011, no. 18, National Museum of History, Taiwan)

現藏的琮形態在新石器時代/商代的玉器製作中較為 常見,其特點是外方內圓的結構。雖然琮的確切意義 和功能至今不明,有一種解釋認為它可以保護身體免 受邪靈和惡劣影響。

參見《天工開物——中國歷代玉器》一書中所示的 相關例子,臺北,2011年,圖版4-4-13,臺北故宮博 物院藏品;另見J.Johnston和陳麗碧所著《五千年中 國玉器》,臺北,2011年,編號18,臺灣歷史博物 館藏品。

$20,000-30,000

5

A RARE GOLD-SPLASHED BRONZE ‘DRAGON AND PHOENIX’ DOUBLE-VASE, QIANLONG MARK AND PERIOD(1736- 1795)

The two ovoid vases of upright elongated form, the exterior elaborately decorated with mythical beast masks issuing mock rings and surrounded by a stylised dragon and phoenix beasts meandering around the vessels with angular scroll bodies, further applied with splashes of gold, the base of the taller vase with a fourcharacter reign mark within a rectangular.

清乾隆 《大清乾隆年製》款及本朝 灑金銅鏨龍鳳 雙聯瓶

14.9cm (5 4/5in.) high

provenance

A private German collection.

Sotheby’s Paris, 10th June 2014, lot 21. Sydney L. Moss Ltd. collection.

Sotheby’s Hong Kong, 22 April 2021, lot 3688. 德國私人收藏。

巴黎蘇富比2014年6月10日,編號21。

Sydney L. Moss Ltd 旧藏。

香港苏富比,2021年4月22号,拍品号:3688。

other notes

A similar gold-splashed bronze double vase from the Qing court collection is housed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, and is featured in Through the Prism of the Past: Antiquarian Trends in Chinese Art of the 16th to 18th Century (Taipei, 2003, p. 157, fig. III-22). Another example from the W.W. Winkworth collection is illustrated in The Minor Arts of China, III (Spink and Son Ltd, London, 1987, cat. no. 97). Additionally, see Roger Keverne’s Winter Exhibition (2000, no. 20, p. 18) and Robert H. Mowry’s China’s Renaissance in Bronze: The Robert H. Clague Collection of Later Chinese Bronzes 1100-1900 (Phoenix, AZ, 1994, pp. 190-191). A closely related piece of the same size, acquired from Sydney Moss Ltd., London by Robert E. Kresko, is illustrated by Philip K. Hu in Later Chinese Bronzes: The Saint Louis Art Museum and Robert Kresko Collections (St. Louis, 2008, cat. no. 36). This piece was sold through Sotheby’s Hong Kong on 6th April 2016, lot 3676. For comparison, two other Qianlong reign-marked gold-splashed double vases from the Water, Pine, and Stone Retreat Collection were sold at Sotheby’s Hong Kong: one in the form of an arrow and guan vase on 8th October 2009, lot 1801, and another in the form of persimmons on 8th October 2010, lot 2189.

一件類似的鎏金銅雙聯瓶,來自清廷收藏,現藏于臺 北國立故宮博物院,並刊載于《古色 : 十六至十八世 紀兿術的仿古風》(臺北,2003年,第157頁,圖III22)。另一件來自W.W. Winkworth收藏的例子刊載 於《The Minor Arts of China, III》(Spink and Son Ltd,倫敦,1987年,目錄編號97)。此外,可參見 Roger Keverne的《冬季展覽》(2000年,編號20, 第18頁)和Robert H. Mowry的《China’s Renaissance in Bronze: The Robert H. Clague Collection of Later Chinese Bronzes 1100-1900》(鳳凰城,1994年,第 190-191頁)。

一件尺寸相同的形制相近的作品,由Robert E. Kresko從倫敦的Sydney Moss Ltd.購得,刊載於Philip K. Hu的《晚期中國青銅器:聖路易斯藝術博物館和 Robert Kresko收藏》(聖路易斯,2008年,目錄編 號36)。這件作品於2016年4月6日通過香港蘇富比 拍賣,拍品編號3676。

另外,兩件帶有乾隆款識的鎏金銅雙聯瓶來自水松石 山房收藏,於香港蘇富比拍賣:其中箭和罐瓶形狀的 於2009年10月8日上拍,拍品編號1801,柿子形狀的 於2010年10月8日上拍,拍品編號2189。

$120,000-250,000

A VERY RARE ARCHAIC BRONZE

FOOD VESSEL, YU, LATE SHANG DYNASTY, 13TH- 12TH CENTURY BC

The deep rounded sides crisply cast in high relief with four large taotie masks separated by vertical notched flanges, separating confronted birds on the pedestal foot, the pairs of similar birds below the everted rim divided by small animal masks, all reserved on leiwen bands, with a mottled milky-green patina and some buff earth encrustation, the base cast with two pictograms reading Jiran 己冉

商晚期 青銅饕餮紋己冉盂

25.5cm (10 in.) diameter

provenance

Kaikodo, New York, Autumn 2001

A European private collection; Christie’s New York, 21 September 2004, lot 153;

美國紐約古董商懷古堂,2001年秋。

歐洲私人舊藏。

紐約佳士得,2004年9月21日,拍品編號153。

literature

Kaikodo Journal, New York, Autumn 2001, no.52, pp.184-185 and 332-335.

《懷古堂圖錄》,紐約,2001年秋,編號52,頁 184-185及332-335。

other notes

This vessel features an interior inscription with two characters, Jiran 己冉, signifying the powerful clan for which it was made.

The present piece is remarkable for its large size, swelling volume, and crisp decoration of taotie masks beneath a band of bovine heads interspersed amidst kui dragons.

Archaic bronze food vessels, known as yu, were among the most prized and technically sophisticated objects of Bronze Age China. Reserved for powerful families, these vessels carried grain and vegetable offerings for ancestors during elaborate rituals and were often accompanied by tripod vessels, ding. These bronze vessels played a fundamental role in ensuring family continuity, as it was believed that nourished ancestors could positively influence their living descendants. The large number of skilfully made vessels indicates a highly organized bronze casting industry in ancient China. Hundreds of men were employed in mining, smelting, and transporting metal to the capital and workshops. The casting process involved many stages, with tasks subdivided among a large number of craftsmen. Workshops were large, requiring specialized mold-makers, casters, and finishers. For more details, see J. Rawson, “Bronze Metal Circulation in China” in Antiquity, vol. 91, issue 357, 2017, pp. 674-687.

Yu vessels were popular during the late Shang dynasty, particularly the Yinxu period (circa 13th-11th centuries BC). The yu’s form, a round body rising from a splayed foot, may have derived from a pottery prototype. Unlike Western Zhou dynasty gui vessels, yu do not have ring handles. Shang dynasty oraclebone inscriptions depict the yu as a food container with a hand holding a spoon, indicating its use for grain and vegetable offerings, often paired with tripod ding vessels storing cooked meat.

Shang dynasty bronze vessels were often cast with pictograms, such as the present example. These symbols included birds, weapons, or humanoid figures, referring to the names of aristocratic owners or ancestors.

The present vessel features alternating bands of taotie and kui dragons interspersed with bovine heads, a design often found on vessels belonging to highranking members of society during the later phases of the Shang dynasty. A similar bronze yu vessel from the tomb of Fu Hao (d. circa 1200 BC), consort of Shang emperor Wu Ding, is illustrated by J. So in Shang Ritual Bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (Washington DC, 1987, p. 499, fig. 96.5).

A related Shang dynasty bronze yu vessel, formerly in the collection of Dr. A.F. Philips, was sold at Sotheby’s New York on 22 March 2011, lot 14.

器內鑄有“己冉”二字銘文。“己”可能是族氏的日 名,“冉”則是族徽文字,表明器主的族氏身份。

盂是青銅禮器中的盛食器,多為侈口深腹圈足,少數 無耳,形似簋但體型更大。中英文世界對這種器物的 命名不同,此處沿用“盂”的稱呼。“盂”字從甲骨 文起就是象形字,形似一手持勺在食物容器上。學者 認為,盂主要用於存放黍稷等穀物和蔬菜,常與盛放 肉類的鼎配合使用。

盂最早出現在商晚期前段,流行於西周,春秋時期也 有見。此例直口寬唇無耳,屬於商晚期典型器型。器 身深腹,近底內斂,下有高圈足外撇。頸部和圈足均 飾有相對的變形夔紋,腹部主紋飾為饕餮紋,怒目圓 睜,與頸部中央的高浮雕牛首相輔相成。整體紋飾以 雷紋填底,多層次的淺浮雕線條勁利,渾然天成。 本器的獨特紋飾,即器身交替出現的饕餮和夔紋飾 帶,以及中央的浮雕牛首裝飾,常見於商代晚期高 級貴族之用具。商王武丁寵妻婦好墓中出土的一件青 銅盂,其裝飾風格與本例相似。見蘇芳淑著《Shang Ritual Bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler Collections》 ,華盛頓,1987年,頁499,圖版96.5。

一件戴潤齋舊藏的商晚期至西周早期青銅盂,曾於 2011年3月22日在紐約蘇富比拍賣,拍品編號14,可 資參考。

$150,000-250,000

7

A LARGE YELLOWISH-GREEN JADE

DRAGON-FORM PENDANT, WARRING STATES PERIOD, 4TH-3RD CENTURY BC

The dragon has a backward-turned head with rolled snout, and the undulating body is carved on both sides in low relief with scrolls within plain borders and pierced with a suspension hole. The stone is of pale yellowish-green tone. With a cloth box.

戰國 西元前四至三世紀 青黃玉龍形珮

34.9cm (13 ¾ in.) wide

provenance

Private Institution, California, by 1999. An important private west coast family collection, USA.

Christie’s New York, 24th September 2021, lot 706.

私人機構, 加州, 於1999年已入藏。

美國西岸重要家族珍藏。

佳士得紐約, 2021年9月24日,拍品編號:706。

other notes

This unusually large jade dragon pendant shares similarities with other Warring States examples characterized by backward-turned heads and intricately carved scrolling bodies. Comparable smaller examples, such as a pair measuring 28 cm from Hebei province and three others ranging from 6.2 cm to 22 cm from Huaiyang county, Henan province, are illustrated in ‘Zhongguo yuqi quanji, vol. 3, Hebei, 1993’ (nos. 260 and 274-276). Each pendant features a small suspension hole positioned below the upper edge of the curved body, indicating their intended orientation when suspended.

這件異常大型的玉龍佩可以與其他戰國時期具有類似 後翻頭部和捲曲身體的例子進行比較,例如河北省 出土的一對較小尺寸的玉龍佩(28釐米),以及河 南省淮陽縣出土的另外三個較小尺寸的玉龍佩(尺 寸從6.2釐米到22釐米不等),這些例子分別見於《 中華玉器全集》第三卷,河北,1993年,編號260和 274-76。這些玉龍佩的彎曲身體上方邊緣之下都有一 個小的懸掛孔,表明其懸掛時的朝向。 $40,000-60,000

8 A PAIR OF FINE JADEITE SQUARE VASES AND COVERS, QING DYNASTY, 19TH CENTURY

Each vase is with a flattened baluster shape, set with a pair of elephant mask handles suspending loose rings, beautifully carved with stylised taotie masks.

A grey celadon jade vase with similar taotie mask decorations, also dated to 19th century, see Christie’s New York, 19/9/2018, lot 944.

清十九世紀 翡翠饕餮紋象耳活環蓋方瓶一對 17.5cm (6 7/8 in.) high

provenance

Sotheby’s London, 12th May 2021, lot 129. 蘇富比倫敦,2021年5月12號,拍品號:129。

$25,000-55,000

9

A RARE AND LARGE BRONZE ‘SIX MOUNTAIN’MIRROR, LATE WARRING STATES PERIOD, 4TH-3RD CENTURY BC

The mirror is crisply cast with a ribbed loop surrounded by a circular border and five feathers enclosed within the six-pointed star created by the connected inner edges of the six shan, ‘mountain’, characters, all reserved on a ground of swirl pattern, with thin upward curved rim. The bronze has a silvery grey, lacquer-like patina with some malachite and azurite encrustations. With a cloth box.

戰國晚期 楚式「黑漆古」六山銅鏡 20 cm. (7 7/8 in.) diameter

provenance

A Canadian Private Collection, acquired in Hong Kong in 1996.

Christie’s Hong Kong, 28 May 2021, lot 3013.

加拿大私人收藏,1996年購於香港。

佳士得香港,2021年5月28日,拍品號:3013。

other notes

Chu-style bronze mirrors with mountain patterns originated in the early Warring States period and reached maturity by the late Warring States period. Both casting quality and design became increasingly refined during this time. The primary motif was the mountain pattern, occasionally supplemented with decorative elements such as petals, leaves, and animal motifs. Variations include three, four, five, and six mountains, with six-mountain mirrors being the rarest. A 23.2 cm example is in the collection of the National Museum of China (illustrated in Yang Guirong, ‘Selected Bronze Mirrors from the Museum Collection,’ Journal of the National Museum of Chinese History, No. 17, 1992, pl. 49). A smaller 14.3 cm example is in the Shanghai Museum (illustrated in Chen Peifen, ‘Bronze Mirrors in the Shanghai Museum,’ Shanghai, 1987, pl. 19). Additionally, a 21.2 cm example is in the Museum of the Western Han Dynasty Mausoleum of the Nanyue King in Guangzhou (documented in ‘The Mausoleum of the Nanyue King of the Western Han,’ Beijing, 1991, pl. 162.2).

楚式山字紋銅鏡起源於戰國早期,並在戰國晚期達到 成熟階段,無論是在鍊鑄質量還是紋飾上都顯得更 加精緻。這類銅鏡以山字紋為主要裝飾,但也融入了 花瓣、葉紋和獸紋等元素。銅鏡的山紋有三山、四 山、五山和六山之分,其中六山紋鏡最為罕見,多收 藏於博物館。

例如,中國國家博物館藏有一件(直徑23.2公分), 見於楊桂榮著《館藏銅鏡選輯》,《中國歴史博物館 館刊》第十七期,1992年,圖版49;上海博物館藏有 一件較小的(直徑14.3公分),見於陳佩芬著《上海 博物館藏青銅鏡》,上海,1987年,圖版19;廣州西 漢南越王墓博物館也藏有一件(直徑21.2公分),見 於《西漢南越王墓》,北京,1991年,圖版162.2 $120,000-150,000

AN IMPORTANT AND RARE SET OF ARCHAIC BRONZE RITUAL VESSELS, EARLY WESTERN ZHOU DYNASTY (1046-977 B.C.)

This group is comprising a zun, decorated around the body with a narrow band of kuilong interrupted by raised beast masks, the interior cast with a seventeencharacter inscription translating to ‘Pi Shu makes an offering of this set of vessels. He diligently prepared this set of ritual vessels for his mother. The vessels are to be sent together with his mother. X [clan sign]’; a pair of gu each decorated with a pair of abstract taotie masks centered by vertical flanges, one cast to the interior base in relief with a simplified version of the inscription comprising five characters, and the other comprising four characters; a pair of jue each decorated around the body with a narrow band of upright blade motifs, cast to one finial post with yong and underneath the handle with qian; a zhi cast to the interior with the single character qian (6)

西周初 否叔尊、觚、爵及觶一組六件

銘文: 尊:否叔獻彝 疾不已 爲母宗彝則備 用遣母□ 觚:否用遣母□(陽文)及 用遣母 □(陽文) 爵:用遣

觶:遣

Height of zun: 19.5cm (7 5/8 in.)

Height of gu: 20.5cm (8 1/8 in.)

Height of jue: 18.3cm (7 1/4 in.)

Height of zhi: 13cm (5 1/8 in.)

provenance

Wui Po Kok Antique Co, Ltd., Hong Kong, 1997. The MacLean Collection Sotheby’s New York, 21 September 2021, lot 14.

滙寶閣古美術,香港,1997年。

MacLean珍藏。

蘇富比紐約,2021年9月21號,拍品號:14。

literature

Cheung Kwong-Yue, ‘The Inscriptions of Pi Shu Zun - Shedding New Light on Dispatch Wares of the Western Zhou’, Bulletin of Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, vol. 70, pt. 3, Taipei, 1999, pp 771, 773 and 774.

Liu Yu and Lu Yan, eds., Jinchu Yin Zhou jinwen jilu [Compilation of recently discovered bronze inscriptions], vol. 3, Beijing, 2002, pls 637, 646, 754, 755, 850 and 851.

Zhong Baisheng, Chen Zhaorong, and Huang Mingchong, et al., eds., Xinshou Yin Zhou qingtongqi mingwen ji qiying huibian [Compendium of inscriptions and images of recently included bronzes from Yin and Zhou dynasties], Taipei, 2006, nos 1950, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1955 and 1956.

Richard A. Pegg and Zhang Lidong, The MacLean Collection: Chinese Ritual Bronzes, Chicago, 2010, pls 24-27.

Wu Zhenfeng, Shang Zhou qingtongqi mingwen ji tuxiang jicheng [Compendium of inscriptions and images of bronzes from Shang and Zhou Dynasties], vols 15, 18, 19 and 21, Shanghai, 2012, nos 07682, 07683, 09804, 09805, 10153 and 11771.

Feng Shi, ‘Wo Fang ding mingwen yu xizhou sangdianli’, Kaogu xuebao / Acta Archaeologica Sinica, vol. 2, Beijing, 2013, p. 205 (unillustrated).

Li Chuntao, ‘Pishuzhuqi mingwen jieshi – jiantan guren guannianzhongde zuxianzuosui xianxiang [Explaining the inscriptions of the Pi Shu vessels – the phenomenon of haunting by ancestors in the perception of ancient people]’, Shang Zhou qingtongqi yu jinwenyanjiu xueshuyantaohui lunwenji [Symposium on the academic study of Shang and Zhou dynasties archaic bronze and bronze inscriptions], Zhengzhou, 2017, pp 180-198.

Fu Qiang, ‘Qingtong ‘qianqi’ xiaokao [Study of archaic bronze ‘burial vessels’]’, Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography (website), Shanghai, 2017 (zun inscription).

Wu Zhenfeng, ‘Lun qingtonqi zhongde ‘xingqi’ jiqi xiangguan qiwu [Studying of the ‘travel vessels’ and the related vessels]’, Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography (website), Shanghai, 2018 (unillustrated).

Li Chuntao, ‘Pishuzhuqi mingwen shidu – jianshi jiaguwen zhongde ‘sheng’ zi [Deciphering the inscription of the Pi Shu vessels – and the studying of the ‘sheng’ character in oracle bone inscriptions]’, Wenshi, no. 1, Beijing, 2019, pp 5 and 6 (unillustrated).

Wu Zhenfeng, ‘Shidu Shanxi Licheng chutude jisipan mingwen – jianlun Pishuqi [Deciphering the inscription on the Ji Si pan excavated from Licheng, Shanxi province – and the studying of the Pi Shu vessels]’, ?Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography (website), Shanghai, 2020 (unillustrated).

出版

張光裕,〈西周遣器新識——否叔尊銘之啟示〉,《 中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊》,第七十本,第三 分,臺北,1999年,頁771、773及774。

劉雨及盧岩編,《近出殷周金文集錄》,冊三, 北京,2002年,圖版637、646、754、755、850及 851。

鐘柏生、陳昭榮及黃銘崇等編,《新收殷周青銅器銘 文及器影彙編》,臺北,2006年,編號1950、1952 、1953、1954、1955及1956。

彭銳查及張立東,《The MacLean Collection: Chinese Ritual Bronzes》,芝加哥,2010年,圖版 24至27。

吳鎮烽,《商周青銅器銘文暨圖像集成》,卷15 、18、19及21,上海,2012年,編號07682、07683 、09804、09805、10153及11771。

馮時,〈我方鼎銘文與西周喪奠禮〉,《考古學報》 ,期2,北京,2013年,頁205(無圖)。

李春桃,〈否叔諸器銘文解釋-兼談古人觀念中的祖 先作祟現象〉,《商周青銅器與金文研究學術研討會 論文集》,鄭州,2017年,頁180至198。

付強,〈青銅「遣器」小考〉,《復旦大學出土文 獻與古文字研究中心(網站)》,上海,2017年( 尊銘文)。

吳鎮烽,〈論青銅器中的「行器」及其相關器物〉, 《復旦大學出土文獻與古文字研究中心(網站)》, 上海,2018年(無圖)。

李春桃,〈否叔諸器銘文釋讀——兼釋甲骨文中的 「眚」字〉,《文史》,第1輯,北京,2019年,頁5 及6(無圖)。

吳鎮烽,〈釋讀山西黎城出土的季姒盤銘文——兼論 否叔器〉,《復旦大學出土文獻與古文字研究中心( 網站)》,上海,2020年(無圖)。

Inscriptions of Zun (尊)
Inscriptions of Jue (爵)
Inscriptions of Jue (爵)
Inscriptions of Jue (爵)
Inscriptions of Jue (爵)
Inscriptions of Zhi (觶)
Inscriptions of Gu (觚)
Inscriptions of Gu (觚)

other notes

Archaic bronze vessels forming an original set seldom appear on the market. This lot is significant not only because all six bronzes indisputably belong to the same set but also because their inscriptions provide valuable insights into Western Zhou ritual bronze culture. In addition to the six bronzes offered in the current sale, the ‘Pi Shu’ set includes a bronze you with the same seventeen-character inscription as the zun in the current group. The you first appeared in Gisèle Croës Arts D’Extreme Orient’s exhibition From Ancient Kingdoms to Imperial China (International Asian Art Fair, New York, 1998, pp. 30-31), entered the collection of Belgian collector Leon Derwa, and was recently offered at Bonhams London, 8 November 2018, lot 15, from the collection of Jean-Yves Ollivier.

The inscriptions of the ‘Pi Shu’ vessels have been widely discussed. Cheung Kwong-yue first proposed that a peculiar pictogram at the end of the inscriptions reads ling 霝;, suggesting it could be Pi Shu’s mother’s name or an auspicious expression marking the end of her life (see Cheung Kwong-yue, “The Inscriptions of Pi Shu Zun,” Bulletin of Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, vol. 70, pt. 3, 1999, pp. 768-769). Chen Yingjie agreed but suggested that Pi Shu made these vessels to cast away his mother’s spirit causing his illness (see Chen Yingjie, Research on the Inscriptions and Functions of Western Zhou Dynasty Bronzes, vol. 2, Beijing, 2008, pp. 550-551).

Li Xueqin proposed interpreting the pictogram as sheng 眚;, meaning ‘disaster’ (see Li Xueqin, “On the Novae in Shang Oracle-bone Inscriptions,” Journal of Beijing Normal University, vol. 2, Beijing, 2000, p. 15).

Li Chuntao expanded on this, suggesting Pi Shu was haunted by his mother’s spirit and created the vessels to expel the disaster (see Li Chuntao, “Deciphering the Inscription of the Pi Shu Vessels and Studying the ‘sheng’ Character in Oracle Bone Inscriptions,” Wenshi, no. 1, Beijing, 2019, pp. 5-12).

Wu Zhenfeng’s recent study argues that the pictogram is not three aligned squares but a single square flanked by a pair of addorsed ‘C’ components, representing a clan sign. This interpretation removes the idea that Pi Shu was haunted by his mother’s spirit, instead suggesting the inscription records Pi Shu diligently preparing the vessels as an offering to be buried with his mother (see Wu Zhenfeng, “Deciphering the Inscription on the Ji Si Pan Excavated from Licheng, Shanxi Province - and Studying the Pi Shu Vessels,” Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography, 2020).

Wu’s argument appears to be the most plausible among the various theories developed by scholars. A close examination of the pictogram on the zun, gu, and the published image of the you reveals that the two radicals flanking the central square were intentionally cast with an opening on one side, forming

a ‘C’ shape. This observation supports Wu’s theory that the pictogram is a clan sign, consistent with the format of archaic bronze inscriptions, which often end with a clan sign indicating the owner’s family. However, there is another detail that Wu did not address. The pictogram on the zun has an additional short horizontal stroke above it, which is part of the composition rather than a casting flaw. This stroke is absent in the related clan symbols cited by Wu, presenting a mystery that requires further investigation for a comprehensive understanding of the ‘Pi Shu’ vessels. The ‘Pi Shu’ vessels belong to a special type of ritual bronzes called qianqi (dispatch vessels), commemorative bronzes made to accompany the deceased in the afterlife. Qianqi are a crucial category in ancient Chinese bronze culture, with very few surviving examples. Based on Wu Zhenfeng’s research (Studying the ‘Travel Vessels’ and the Related Vessels, Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography, 2018), only two other qianqi from the Western Zhou dynasty are known: the Qian he from the Arthur M. Sackler Collection (published in Jessica Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collection, 1990, pl. 115), and the Qian Ren jue from the Palace Museum, Beijing (published in The Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, ed., Yinzhou jinwen jicheng [Compendium of Yin and Zhou Bronze Inscriptions], 2007, no. 08137).

青銅器成組者極少同時現身市場,而本組否叔器不僅 六件成套無疑,每件皆鑄有銘文,按器形依次遞減, 學術價值極高,為研究西周青銅器文化提供了寶貴的 實物資料。除本組外,否叔器另有一件青銅卣,與本 組尊器同銘,初見於1998年比利時古董商吉賽爾的展 覽《從古代王國到中華帝國——國際亞洲藝術節》, 紐約,頁30及31。此卣後由比利時藏家Leon Derwa 收藏,後歐宗易收藏,近年拍賣於倫敦邦瀚斯,2018 年11月8日,編號15。

否叔器的銘文引起了學術界的廣泛關注,已有多位學 者對其進行釋讀和考證,但各家眾說紛紜。主要爭 論點在於銘文末尾的圖形文字,此銘文在尊、卣、觚 上均可見。張光裕先生最早研究此課題,認為此銘應 讀為「霝」,可能是否叔之母的名字或表示善終( 見〈西周遣器新識——否叔尊銘之啟示〉,《中央研 究院歷史語言研究所集刊》,1999年,頁768及769 )。陳英傑先生同意張氏的釋讀,但解釋為否叔患 病,認為是其母神靈作祟,故製此組宗器以遣送母親 的神靈(見《西周金文作器用途銘辭研究》,2008 年,北京,頁550及551)。李學勤則提出此銘應讀為 「眚」,意為災難,後李春桃延伸解釋為否叔製作 此器以驅災(見〈論殷墟卜辭的新星〉,《北京師 範大學學報》,2000年,頁15;〈否叔諸器銘文釋 讀——兼釋甲骨文中的「眚」字〉,《文史》,2019 年,頁5至12)。

最新的研究由吳鎮烽先生於2020年提出,他認為此

銘結構並非三個並列的口,而是中間一個方框,左 右為C形符號,實為族徽,與其他西周青銅器上的族 徽類似(見〈釋讀山西黎城出土的季姒盤銘文——兼 論否叔器〉,復旦大學出土文獻與古文字研究中心 網站,2020年)。吳氏的解讀使得銘文內容變得清 晰,記錄否叔盡力製作宗彝獻給亡母,而非記載母 親鬼魂作祟。

吳先生的論點目前看來最為可能。仔細檢視尊、觚實 物及卣銘照片,可見銘文中間為一口字,左右為C形 符號,顯示吳氏解讀準確。此銘符合金文格式,常見 於主體文字後附一族徽,表示器主宗屬。然而,尊器 銘文上的族徽多了一道短橫,應為銘字一部分,非鑄 造瑕疵,這是吳氏未涉及的疑問,有待進一步研究。 否叔器組屬於遣器,專為逝者鑄造並陪葬之宗器。 遣器在中國青銅文化中極為罕見,研究價值極高。 據吳鎮烽統計,目前已知的西周遣器除本組否叔器 外,僅見兩例:遣盉(亞瑟·M 賽克勒收藏,見 《Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collection》,1990年,圖版115)和遣妊爵 (北京故宮博物院藏,見《殷周金文集成》,2007 年,編號08137)

$300,000-500,000

11

A PALE WHITE JADE MOONFLASK AND COVER, QING DYNASTY, 18TH- 19TH CENTURY

One side of the vessel is finely carved with a magpie standing on a plum branch, which symbolizes joy reaching the tip of the plum blossom. This phrase conveys a sense of happiness or joy reaching its peak or being at its highest point. The other side is finely carved with “Three friends of the winter”. Each side of the neck is carved in high relief with a pair of archaistic bat motif.

清十八/十九世紀 青白玉雕 「喜上眉梢」「歲寒三 友」抱月瓶及蓋

26 cm. (10 ¼ in.) high

provenance

George Walter Vincent Smith (1832-1923), Springfield, Massachusetts, acquired prior to 1910.

Property from The Springfield Museums, Massachusetts, USA.

Christie’s New York, 24 September 2021, lot 955.

史喬沃先生(1832-1923),斯普林菲爾德,麻薩諸塞 州,入藏於1910年以前。

美國麻薩諸塞斯普林菲爾德博物館館藏。

佳士得紐約,2021年9月24日,拍品號:955。

other notes

Although moon flasks were primarily made of porcelain during the Ming and Qing periods, jade moon flasks are relatively rare. The skilled jade carvers in the Palace Workshops adeptly incorporated auspicious motifs into their jade creations, with this outstanding piece showcasing their exceptional craftsmanship. The lowrelief decoration, reminiscent of the intricate techniques used in lacquerware, complements the vessel’s pure translucency and refined carving details, highlighting the superior quality of the white jade and making it an exemplary representation of their craft.

For a similar example featuring a pair of elephant head handles and an interlocking dragon motif, see Christie’s Hong Kong, 31 May 2010, lot 1908. Another comparable piece with a lotus pattern can be found in the same auction house’s sale on 1 June 2011, lot 3595. Additionally, for reference, two similar vessels were sold at Sotheby’s Hong Kong: one from the De An Tang Collection, sold on 13 October 2021, lot 3610, and another sold on 8 April 2010, lot 1846.

儘管在明清時期抱月瓶主要是用瓷器製作的,但玉質 抱月瓶則相對稀有。宮廷作坊的玉雕師們巧妙地將吉 祥圖案融入玉器中,這件傑出的作品展示了他們卓越 的工藝。其低浮雕裝飾令人聯想到剔紅工藝的精細技 法,與器物的純淨通透性和細緻雕刻相得益彰,突顯 了白玉的優質,使其成為工藝水準的典範。

類似的例子包括帶有一對象首柄,飾交錯龍紋 的抱月瓶,見於佳士得香港,2010年5月31日,拍品 1908。另一個帶有蓮花紋飾的相似作品可以在同一拍 賣行2011年6月1日的拍賣中找到,拍品3595。此外, 蘇富比香港也有兩件類似的器物:一件來自德安堂收 藏,於2021年10月13日拍賣,拍品3610;另一件則於 2010年4月8日拍賣,拍品1846 $70,000-90,000 11

12

A WHITE JADE ARCHAISTIC VASE AND COVER, MID QING DYNASTY, 18TH/19TH CENTURY

Each side of the vase is finely carved with a taotie mask motif, the vase is set with a pair of dragon head handles suspending loose rings. The stone is with an even white tone.

清中期 十八/十九世紀 白玉仿古活環龍耳蓋瓶 16.2 cm (6 2/5 in.) high

provenance

An important private collection, Hong Kong. Sotheby’s Hong Kong, 27th May 2021, lot 318. 香港重要私人珍藏。 香港蘇富比,2021年5月27日,拍品號:318。

other notes

Few jades carved in the archaic style are exact replicas of specific ancient bronze pieces; rather, they often blend elements from various periods, including contemporary 18th-century design influences. The taotie mask, featured in this lot, is a principal decorative motif on Shang dynasty ritual vessels. This motif, encompassing a pair of eyes, a nose, a mouth, ears, and horns, represents a mythical creature that remains unidentified. Scholars continue to debate the meaning of the taotie mask and the evolution of this iconography. Its symmetrical design, which decorates both narrow and broad friezes, demonstrates its versatility and enduring appeal from the Shang to the Qing dynasties.

很少有仿古風格的玉器是特定古物的精確複製,更多 的是融合了各個時期的風格,包括18世紀當時的流行 元素。此拍品中所飾的饕餮面具是商代禮器上的主要 裝飾圖案。這一圖案包含了一對眼睛、鼻子、嘴巴、 耳朵和角,代表了一種神秘的生物,但至今尚未確定 其具體的形象,學者們仍在探討饕餮面具的含義及其 圖像學的發展。這種對稱的圖案填充了狹窄和寬廣的 飾帶,顯示出其從商代到清代的廣泛流行和多樣性。 $40,000-60,000

The very note of ChinaA very important Ming dynasty imperial ritual gilt-bronze bell

華夏正音:一枚重要的明代

御製鎏金銅編鐘

This extremely rare imperial gilt-bronze bell is of the type known as bianzhong 編鐘;. It is finely cast in high relief and of oval section with a plaque mounted on a lotus stand front and back, and a vigorous five-clawed dragon chasing a flaming pearl on each side. Bands of clouds or waves and bosses encircle the bell, while on the flattened upper surface of the bell a crane and phoenix are cast on either side of the arches, which protrude from the top as if from waves, and from which the bell would have been suspended. The largest of these arches is decorated with dense clouds.

Music featuring bianzhong (ritual bells) was crucial for Confucian rituals at Imperial altars and state ceremonies such as ascension rites, banquets, court assemblies, and Imperial Guard processions. Typically, bianzhong were assembled in sets of sixteen bells, producing twelve musical tones with four repeated in different octaves. The twelve tones are Huangzhong (1st), Dalü (2nd), Taicu (3rd), Jiazhong (4th), Guxi (5th), Zhonglü (6th), Ruibin (7th), Linzhong (8th), Yize (9th), Nanlü (10th), Wuyi (11th), and Yingzhong (12th). In Chinese musicology, these tones alternate between yang (positive) and yin (negative). The four repeated tones are Bei Yize, Bei Nanlü, Bei Wuyi, and Bei Yingzhong. Bianzhong are clapperless and played by hanging on racks and striking with wooden mallets, often paired with qing (chiming stones).

Music was integral to Chinese court life, reflecting Confucian ideals. Confucius and later philosophers like Xunzi emphasized the importance of music in governance. The Zhou dynasty developed the bayin (eight tone) classification system for musical instruments based on materials like skin, clay, metal, stone, gourd, wood, silk, and bamboo, linking it to cosmological concepts.

The Liji (Book of Rites) highlights the role of music and ceremonies in governance, a view also depicted in the Classic of Filial Piety. This Confucian text illustrates rituals with bianzhong and qing, as seen in Song dynasty paintings, emphasizing the importance of musical performance in rituals.

Bronze bells have a long history in China, with significant early examples from the Shang and Zhou dynasties. The tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (433 BC) contained 64 bianzhong bells arranged in elaborate racks, showing an established tradition of extravagant bell sets for court rituals.

During the Ming dynasty, the Music Office (Jiaofansi) and the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (Taichangsi) managed court music, including yayue (elegant music) and zhonghe shaoyue (harmonious music). The Qing dynasty, established by Aisin Gioro Nurgaci in 1616, adopted Chinese court music and ritual practices from the Ming dynasty, continuing to use and adapt Ming ritual music for its ceremonies.

This finely cast bianzhong was used at Shenyueguan, an institution established during the Ming Dynasty in 1420, located northwest of the Circular Mound Altar in the Temple of Heaven, Beijing. Shenyueguan was responsible for managing and performing Zhonghe shaoyue. The institution included various facilities such as the Sacrificial Hall, Music Office, Coordination Hall, Teacher’s Quarters, Lenglun Hall, Zhao Yi Office, and storage for musical attire.

According to the Ming Shilu, in 1407, the court began preparing for ritual and musical instruments in Beijing, with 300 musicians and dancers from Nanjing accompanying Emperor Yongle to Beijing in 1420, bringing numerous musical instruments to Shenyueguan. By the first year of the Jiajing period (1522), Shenyueguan employed 2,200 musicians and dancers.

The term ‘guan’ for Shenyueguan reflects that its officials, musicians, and dancers were Daoist priests focused on music theory and performance rather than traditional Daoist practices. The bianzhong was a principal instrument in Zhonghe shaoyue, used in temple rituals and court ceremonies. The musical repertoire and lyrics for different occasions were strictly regulated. Zhonghe shaoyue involved a range of instruments made from different materials, known as the ‘Eight Tones’ (ba yin), which included metal, stone, silk, bamboo, gourd, clay, leather, and wood, totaling sixteen types and over sixty pieces.

This Ming Dynasty bianzhong features an oval shape, with a flat bell mouth and a tapered drum body, resembling an inverted jar. The set of bells with pitch adjusted by varying the thickness of the bell walls-thicker bells produce higher notes, while thinner bells yield lower notes. This design ensures short residual vibrations, facilitating clear melodic performance without overlap of sounds.

Court music during the Ming Dynasty was designed for temple rituals and political events. The Qing Dynasty maintained similar objectives for court music but placed even greater emphasis on its importance. According to Liu Dongrui in his article “Ming dai liu jin bianzhong huigui zhuguo” (Ming Dynasty Gilt-Bronze Bianzhong Returns to the Motherland), Shi Shuqing ed., Collector & Connoisseur, 1994, Vol. 8, pp.4-5; a Ming dynasty bell of identical design, but slightly smaller size, than the current instrument is now displayed in the Temple of Heaven, Beijing. It has been reported that this bell, amongst other treasures, was removed from the Temple of Heaven in 1901, and that it was later deposited by a British officer, James A. Douglas, of the 2nd Bengal Lancers, in an Officers’ Club in India, where it remained until 1994, at which time it was returned to China by General B. C. Joshi. The bell went on display in the Temple of Heaven on 21 April, 1995.

In June 2010 a similar bell, which was missing its striking plates, was sold by Sotheby’s Paris (lot 43) and in May 2016 a similar bell, also devoid of its striking plates was sold by Lyon & Turnbull (Lot 464). In March 2015 a complete bell of the same size and design as the current bell was sold by Freeman’s, and in September of the same year a pair of similar bells were sold by the same auction house. The current bell appears to be the same one sold by Christie’s London on 21 March 1966, lot 171.

Several bianzhong bells dating to the Kangxi and Qianlong reigns of the Qing dynasty are known in international museum collection, including a complete set of sixteen bells dating to the Qianlong reign, preserved in the Forbidden City, Beijing (illustrated in Daily Life in the Forbidden City, Wan Yi, Wang Shuqing and Lu Yanzhen (eds.) Rosemary Scott and Erica Shipley (trans.), Viking, Harmondsworth, England, 1988, p. 39, pl. 43), and a small number have also appeared at auction, such as the Kangxi bell dated by inscription to 1716 sold by Tessier and Sarrou, Paris, in January 2020.

這件極為罕見的帝王鍍金青銅編鐘工藝精湛,呈橢圓形,前後面裝飾有须弥座无字牌匾,四周雕刻有活躍的五爪 龍追逐火焰珠。鐘身環繞雲紋或波紋及圓凸裝飾,而鐘頂的平面上則鑄有鶴與鳳,鐘頂的拱形突起仿佛從波浪中 升起,這些拱形結構用於懸掛鐘體。最大的拱形裝飾著濃密的雲朵。

編鐘在儒家祭儀和國家典禮中至關重要,包括登基儀式、宴會、朝會及皇宮衛隊的遊行等。通常編鐘 以十六件為一套,產生十二個音調,其中四個音調在不同八度中重複。十二個音調為:黃鐘(1)、大呂(2)、 太簇(3)、夾鐘(4)、姑洗(5)、仲呂(6)、蕤賓(7)、林鐘(8)、夷則(9)、南呂(10)、無射(11 )、應鐘(12)。在中國音樂學中,這些音調交替出現陽(正)和陰(負)。四個重複的音調為倍夷則、倍南 呂、倍無射和倍應鐘。編鐘無舌片,通過掛在架子上用木槌敲擊發聲,通常與磬(打擊石)配對使用。

音樂在中國宮廷生活中具有重要地位,體現了儒家的理念。孔子及後來的哲學家如荀子強調音樂在治 理中的重要性。周朝制定了八音分類系統,根據材料如皮、土、金、石、葫蘆、木、絲和竹來分類,這與宇宙觀 念相輔相成。

《禮記》強調音樂和儀式在治理中的作用,《孝經》也描繪了用編鐘和磬的儀式,這些在宋代的繪畫 中也钧有所體現,突顯了音樂表演在儀式中的重要性。

青銅鐘在中國有悠久的歷史,早期重要例子包括商代婦好墓(約西元前1250-1192年)中的23個青銅 鐘以及西元前433年曾侯乙墓中的65個鐘,這些鐘分為64個編鐘和1個鈸,顯示了複雜的鐘架使用傳統。

明代設立了音樂司(教坊司)和太常司,負責管理宮廷音樂,包括雅樂和中和韶樂。清代建立時。愛 新覺羅·努爾哈赤於1616年採納了中國宮廷音樂和儀式,並繼續使用和適應明代的儀式音樂。

這件精美的編鐘曾用於明代神樂觀,該機構在天壇圜丘壇西北建於1420年,負責管理和演奏中和韶 樂。神樂觀內設有奉祀堂、掌樂房、協律堂、教師房、伶倫堂、昭佾所及收藏樂生服飾的庫房。《明實錄》記 載,永樂五年朝廷開始準備祭祀和樂器,永樂皇帝于1420年將三百名樂舞生和大量樂器遷至神樂觀。至嘉靖元年 (1522年),神樂觀已有樂舞生2200名。

神樂觀被稱為“觀”,是因為其中的官員、樂師、舞生均為道士,他們專注於音樂理論和演奏,而非 傳統的道教修煉。編鐘是中和韶樂中的主要樂器,主要用於廟壇祭祀和宮廷典禮。中和韶樂的樂器包括金、石、 絲、竹、匏、土、革、木八種材質,共十六種、六十餘件樂器。

這件明代編鐘體腔橢圓,鐘口平齊,鼓腹收口,如倒置的罐子。十六件編鐘大小相同,通過調節鐘壁 的厚薄來調整音高,厚壁發高音,薄壁發低音。這種設計確保了短暫的餘振時間,便於演奏清晰的旋律,避免音 效重疊。

明代宮廷音樂用於廟壇祭祀、朝會宴饗等政治活動。清代的宮廷音樂設置大體相同,但對其重視程度 更高。

現存一枚與此枚基本一樣,但體型略小的編鐘,目前已展示在北京的天壇。據劉東瑞在《明代鍍金編 鐘回歸祖國》(《收藏家》,1994年第期特稿,总第8期,第4-5頁)一文中的描述,這枚編鐘以及其他國寶,曾 於1901年被從天壇帶走,後由英軍第二孟加拉騎兵團的詹姆斯·A·道格拉斯上尉存放在印度的一家軍官俱樂部 中,直至1994年由B.C.喬希將軍歸還中國。該鐘於1995年4月21日在天壇對公眾開放展示。

2010年6月,巴黎蘇富比拍賣了一枚類似的編鐘,但缺少擊打片 ( 拍品編號:43) 。2016年5月,倫敦 和特納布林拍賣行也拍賣了一枚類似的編鐘,同樣沒有擊打片 ( 拍品編號:464)。2015年3月,弗裡曼拍賣行售 出了一枚與當前編鐘大小和紋飾相同的編鐘,而在同年9月,同一拍賣行又拍賣了一對類似的編鐘。本次拍賣的 編鐘曾於1966年3月21日由倫敦佳士得拍出,拍品號:171。

許多清代康熙和乾隆年間的編鐘被國際博物館收藏,其中包括一套完整的16枚編鐘,保存於北京故 宮博物院(見《故宮的日常生活》,萬毅、王樹青和盧燕真(編),羅斯瑪麗·斯科特和埃麗卡·希普利(譯) ,維京出版社,英格蘭哈蒙茲沃思,1988年,第39頁,第43圖)。此外,一些編鐘也曾在拍賣會上出現,例如 2020年1月,巴黎的特熙耶與薩魯拍賣行售出的康熙年間編鐘,銘文日期為1716年。

13

AN IMPORTANT IMPERIAL RITUAL GILT BRONZE BELL, BIANZHONG, MING DYNASTY (1368- 1644)

The sides are slightly bulging, the top is cast with a stylized cloud arch forming the suspension handle. Each face has five horizontal registers of clouds, waves, and rivets in relief, framing a vertical ruyibordered panel. The upper section features a frieze of clouds, tortoises, and phoenixes, with dragon cartouches on the sides and a band of swirling clouds at the base. The top is cast with two pairs of phoenixes in relief.

明 禦制天壇祈年殿編制 鎏金銅海水雲氣紋編鐘 此件編鐘為海水雲氣紋山形鈕,象徵著江山社稷至高 無上。鐘鈕由三山組成。鈕上浮雕海水江崖,中間大 跨度的山梁飾雲氣紋,懸鐘鈕孔設在正中,表示長治 久安,天下太平。舞部以鐘鈕為界,兩邊各飾 一對

浮雕鳳凰紋,風凰相對之間,飾朵朵浮雕祥雲。鳳為 神鳥,居百鳥之首,與龍相配,構成中國傳統的龍鳳 文化。古人說,鳳是火精,“火離為鳳”。明朝崇尚 火德,編鐘鑄鳳的紋飾,其意自在理中。 舞部所飾浮雕朵雲,形象更具明代特征。這種朵 雲,古人稱之為祥雲。雲行天 空,以雲代天。漢代 應劭說:“黃帝受命,有 雲瑞,故以雲紀其事。”

《漢書·天文志》雲: “若煙非煙,若雲非雲,鬱 鬱紛紛,蕭索輪困,是謂慶雲,喜也。”此器用朵雲 裝飾, 自然也是寄情寓意。

編鐘的兩面鉦部飾浮雕須彌座無字牌額。牌額頂 部,分別鑄浮雕飛風與行龜。龜鳳之間,環鑄浮雕 流雲紋。

編鐘上牌額的左右,各置乳釘式枚九個,兩面共三 十六個。鐘身一側鑄浮雕升 龍,表示春分升天; 一 側鑄浮雕降龍,表示 秋分潛淵。每條游龍周圍均飾 海水雲氣 紋,顯得豐滿而生動。

編鐘龍紋,頭部雙角似鹿,眉骨突起, 眼似蝦目, 口方扁平,兩個鼻孔向上,頗似河馬。龍發後披, 鱗甲細密,四肢健壯,肘毛飄逸。後肢足端五爪, 四爪並列, 一爪外伸折成直角,似人之手掌。縱觀 龍的整體造型,完全符合明龍的特徵。

此鐘鼓部下方,環鑄浮雕火焰紋。前後隧部各有一個 突起的圓臍,上面佈滿演 奏時敲擊的痕跡。

28cm (11 in.) high; weight: 18.56 kg.

provenance

Christie’s London, 21 March 1966, lot 171. Langton Collection, UK.

An important European private collection.

倫敦佳士得,1966年3月21號,拍品號:171。

重要歐洲私人藏家舊藏。

Estimate on Request

TWO FINE JADE CARVINGS, LATE MING/ EARLY QING DYNASTY, 17TH CENTURY

The first a two-part belt buckle if finely carved with coiled chilong surmounting each shaped rectangular section linked by a further dragon head, and a jade feather holder, the oval shaft notched and pierced for suspension at one end and heightened with russet skin.

清 十七世紀 白玉雕“蒼龍教子”帶鉤 與 白玉翎管

10.8cm (4 1/4 in); 7.7cm (3 in.) long

$1,000-2,000

15 A GOLD MOUNTED JADEITE BANGLE AND BLACK STONE BANGLE, EARLY 20TH CENTURY

二十世紀初 手鐲一組兩件

6 cm (2 in.) diameter

provenance

A private collection, France. Sotheby’s Paris, 10/6/2021, lot 137.

法國私人收藏。

蘇富比法國,2021年6月10日,拍品號:137。

$3,000-5,000

image: JEFFREY SMART (1921-2013)

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