CONCORDIA'SINDEPENDENTPUBLICATIONSINCE1980
CUPEU suspends planned strike for fall semester
Staff strike on hold after “global offer” from employer
Hannah Scott-Talib and Geneviève Sylvestre
Members of the Concordia University Professional Employees Union (CUPEU) have decided to suspend their strike that was intended to start on Sept. 3. The Concordia community was first made aware of the now-suspended strike in a university email sent to the student body on Aug. 27.
CUPEU is composed of 600 Concordia University staff members, including academic advisors, financial analysts, nurses, IT workers and guidance counsellors.
The strike was initially set to occur after 10 months of what union members referred to as “unfruitful negotiations ” with the university in an Aug. 23 press release. The strike was concerning the hybrid work plan in place for academic staff.
CUPEU president Shoshana Kalfon had previously told The Link that CUPEU was contesting the lack of flexibility within the hybrid work plan. She added that throughout nearly one year of negotiations, the university has
remained firm on its position regarding the hybrid work plan for academic workers.
However, the strike was suspended following new negotiations that began on Aug. 30.
Instead, CUPEU has called a general assembly for Tuesday, Sept. 3, to vote on what the union referred to as a “global offer from the employer” in a Sept. 2 press release. The union specified that this offer is not a tentative agreement and that, depending on the outcome of the vote at the general assembly, they may still strike.
According to the Aug. 23 CUPEU press release, nearly 50,000 students would be impacted by a strike. Services such as academic advising, IT support and other student services would be affected during the strike period.
On Sept. 3, all CUPEU staff members will be working and all services and facilities will remain operating as usual.
This is a developing story.
A breakdown of the university's behaviour guidelines
A guide to protesting as a student and what you should know
Maria Cholakova
Last year was a very active at Concordia in terms of student politics. The university saw over 20,000 students striking against Quebec’s tuition hikes, unions striking for better pay, and Palestinian activists demanding the university divest from companies complicit in genocide via sit-ins, protests and public events.
With the 2023-2024 academ-
ic year behind us, the university has newly publicized its behaviour guidelines on its website.
Here’s a breakdown of the main behaviour guidelines provided by the university.
Concordia’s Code of Rights and Responsibilities prohibit threatening or violent conduct; harassment; discrimination; damage to or destruction of university property;
unauthorized entry into university buildings and grounds; blockades; unauthorized camping or lodging in university buildings and grounds; use of picket signs, banners or flags containing any rigid structures supporting them; and the use of chants and slogans targeting identifiable groups during protests. In addition, according to Concordia’s Policy on Campus Public Safety and Security, using clothing or a mask to conceal a student’s identity is prohibited.
According to a Concordia University spokesperson, students who are concerned about COVID-19 and are potentially asked to identify themselves would “simply have to briefly remove [the mask] to identify themselves as a community member.”
Concordia can pursue disciplinary or legal action against those accused of violating the Code of Rights and Responsibilities. If a student violates the code, they will
QUICKIES
New grade option
Concordia University has introduced a new feature that allows students to explore different courses without worrying about how their grades might impact their GPA. Each academic year, students can choose one class to be graded on a credit or no-credit basis instead of letter grades. A student can also opt for a credit or no-credit designation if they underperformed in a class, without it appearing negatively on their academic transcript. This option is only available for classes outside of a student’s major and minor.
receive a formal email from the Office of Rights and Responsibilities (ORR). Formal complaints are then sent to the Office of Student Tribunals, where an official hearing date is set. Students do not necessarily have to go to the student tribunal, as the ORR offers informal resolutions of the complaints made to students depending on the case.
These regulations have been part of Concordia’s Code of Rights and Responsibilities for years, with its latest update implemented in 2022. However, Quebec Public Interest Research Group’s finance and development coordinator Wade Walker explained that Concordia’s publicization of the guidelines is telling.
“[The university seems] tired of how much people are trying to do on campus to make change,” Walker said. He said he still hopes that students will keep fighting for their causes.
A tuition waiver will be offered as of Fall 2024 for First Nations and Inuit students whose communities are located in Quebec in an effort towards reconciliation. The university says it is an attempt at reducing financial barriers and promoting enrollment at Concordia.
Tuition waivers for First Nations students International student cap in Quebec universities
The Quebec government plans to propose legislation this fall that would limit the number of international students enrolling in Quebec universities per academic year. Premier François Legault suggested this was due to private universities abusing the system by overcharging students who wish to settle here permanently.
Enrolment drops for international students across Canada
International student enrolment numbers are dropping below the federal cap on international students, suggesting a loss in interest, according to Universities Canada. Announced in January 2024, the federal cap on undergraduate study permits aimed to slow down the increase of international students in universities across Canada. This year, the cap was set to 364,000 permits, a 35 per cent drop from almost 560,000 permits issued in 2023.
CUPEU HAS SUSPENDED THEIR STRIKE SET TO START ON SEPT. 3. PHOTO MARIA CHOLAKOVA
CONCORDIA MAKES BEHAVIOUR GUIDELINES MORE ACCESSIBLE TO VIEW. PHOTO LAURA LALONDE
Concordia shuttle bus service reduced this fall
The reduction comes as a result of the university’s financial situation
Hannah Scott-Talib
In light of Concordia University’s financial situation and subsequent budget cuts this year, the university’s shuttle bus service will be reduced this fall semester.
From Monday to Thursday, the reduced schedule will see the shuttle bus first depart at 9:15 a.m. from the Loyola campus and 9:30 a.m. from the Sir George Williams (SGW) campus, with Friday’s schedule modifying the earliest departure from SGW to 9:45 a.m.
In comparison, last year’s shuttle bus schedule saw the bus run from around 7:30 a.m. to 11 p.m. across both campuses from Monday to Thursday, and 7:30 a.m. to 7:50 p.m. on Fridays.
“The aim is to continue to provide the service to the Concordia community, even as the university navigates a difficult financial situation,” Concordia University spokesperson Fiona Downey said. “A decision on the winter term [shuttle bus] schedule will be made later in the fall.”
A budget update was posted on the university’s website on Aug. 13, explaining that the university is “facing extraordinarily challenging times” and has approved a deficit of $34.5 million for the 2024-2025 school year.
“If the shuttle bus isn’t coming as often, it’s really going to be a problem [for me],” fourth-year psychology student Soha Hashmi said. “All of my classes are at Loyola, so [I take it] pretty much every day.”
She added that the shuttle bus was often full when she took it last year, before the reduced schedule.
“The amount of times I’ve had to stand in line for like 20 to 25 minutes, and then there's such a big line around the Hall building that you still end up having to wait for the next shuttle, which takes even longer,” Hashmi said. “[It’s] to the point where, one time, my friends and I just decided to split an Uber, and everyone in line started doing the same thing.”
She said that another one of her concerns regarding the reduction relates to the safety of the shuttle bus over other public transportation measures.
“This is really going to impact everyone, but especially people like international students who don’t know their way around the city,” she said. “When you’re new to the city and you’ve never been here by yourself, taking public transport is really scary.”
Second-year student Maria José
Jimenez Acosta shares Hashmi’s concerns. Jimenez Acosta said she sees the shuttle as a safe method of transport that first-year and international students can rely on to get from one campus to another.
“If you have an 8:45 a.m. class, now you will just have to find another way,” Jiminez Acosta said.
She added that many of her friends have labs for their classes that take place early in the day or later in the evening, which the reduced schedule would not accommodate.
Hashmi expressed that, while she appreciated the university’s honesty about the financial situation, she wishes there could have been budget cuts made elsewhere.
In response to The Link’s inquiry regarding the possibility of the shuttle bus being eliminated entirely by 2025, Downey stated that “depending on how things evolve, we are considering all options with regards to the university bus system.”
SPORTS
Shut Up and Dribble: Discrimination at the 2024 Olympics
Despite boasting first gender-equal Games, the Olympics still let people down
Jared Lackman-Mincoff
The Olympic Games tend to produce lots of fun moments for fans. These are moments of national pride and unity. After all, the slogan at this year’s opening ceremony was “Réunir ceux qui s’aiment,” which translates to “Reuniting those who love each other.”
But these past summer Olympics in Paris left many viewers shaking their heads.
Take the controversy around Imane Khelif. She was disqualified from the 2023 International Boxing Association World Championships for reportedly failing gender eligibility tests. The tests allegedly revealed that Khelif has XY chromosomes, although the results have yet to be disclosed.
Many on social media—including prominent figures Elon Musk and J.K. Rowling—jumped at the opportunity to mistakenly call Khelif a man and advocate for her disqualification. Even if she does have XY chromosomes, it in no way shape or form makes her a man. Differences in sexual development could present Y chromosome
material in women. She is—and always has been—a biological woman. As she has said, she has beaten women, and she has lost to women.
Michael Phelps—one of the most celebrated athletes of all time—has twice the lung capacity of the average person, which undoubtedly contributes to his overall athleticism. Basketball players compete in a sport where height makes it easier to score points and win games. They are not disqualified for being too tall.
Those calling for Khelif’s disqualification were simply disparaging transgender athletes.
The Algerian Sports and Olympic Committee had to file an official complaint with the International Olympic Committee (IOC) protesting the “online harassment” that Khelif had to face. The IOC, to its credit, came to Khelif’s defence with a statement condemning transphobia and all those questioning her gender.
“What is going on in this context in the social media with all this
hate speech, with this aggression and abuse, and fueled by this agenda, is totally unacceptable,” said IOC President Thomas Bach.
Unfortunately for the IOC, it dropped the ball elsewhere.
Paris 2024 being the first genderequal Games made all the headlines leading into the summer. Meanwhile, the French government, in the name of secularism, prohibited its athletes from wearing a hijab.
Amnesty International, along with other organizations, sent a letter to the IOC demanding it take action against
the ban. The IOC responded by pointing out that athletes are free to wear what they like in the Olympic Village and venues, but French athletes are viewed as civil servants and the issue was outside its jurisdiction.
While it is true that the IOC cannot influence French legislation, it still chose to go forward with hosting the Games in France. It could have taken a stand on principle, but it chose not to.
The IOC also had a hand in the disqualification of breakdancer Manizha Talash, an Afghan woman who competed for the Refugee Olympic Team. Just before her first battle, she displayed a blue cape with ‘Free Afghan women’ written on the back.
She was disqualified for violating
rule 50 of the Olympic Charter, which states that “no kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other areas.”
She was not posing any threat, or spreading any hate. She was simply reminding people of the struggles that women face in her home country, and that it is incredibly difficult for them to even get the platform that she had, albeit for less than five minutes.
The IOC has one of the largest sporting platforms in the world, perhaps second only to FIFA. It sets an example for the whole world. It must do a better job of protecting athletes and helping everybody to feel welcome and safe.
THE SHUTTLE BUS WILL START RUNNING AT 9:30 A.M. PHOTO MARIA CHOLAKOVA
GRAPHIC BREEA KOBERNICK
DON'T LET STUDENT ACTIVISM DIE
As Concordia University celebrates 50 years since the merger of Sir Georges Williams University and Loyola College, it is imperative to remember the decades of student activism that shaped the university into what it is today.
From the computer riots of 1969 to the ongoing struggle to keep tuition affordable for everyone, student activism has always been omnipresent on campus. As we celebrate a new school year, we, the students, must continue to recognize our power to make significant changes.
With this in mind, we bring you our first issue of Volume 45: The Student Power Issue. It has been a tradition at The Link for years to welcome you to the university with a special back-to-school Orientation Issue. However, this year—in honour of the rich student activism we saw over the last few months—we decided to underline the various movements spearheaded by students.
As you flip through the pages, you will be able to familiarize yourself with the history of Concordia student activism, including a look back on the pro-Palestine encampments and even a postmortem on the fight to divest from the South African Apartheid regime in the ‘80s.
In the last year, Concordia students have primarily been championing
two causes. First, the tuition hike strikes mobilized thousands of students to protest against the Coalition Avenir Québec government’s attack on anglophone universities. Second, the movement to push Concordia and McGill University to divest from companies involved with Israel’s illegal settlements in Gaza and the West Bank has never been stronger and more active. However, Concordia maintains an anti-BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) stance. University President Graham Carr said at a House of Commons committee meeting that Concordia is currently considering the implementation of a definition of anti-Semitism that would conflate it with anti-Zionism.
In over 50 years of student activism, there have been recurring instances of repression from city authorities and the university. Recently, as detailed on page 3, Concordia publicized online some of its existing behavioural guidelines. The guidelines target certain types of protest that have been prevalent on campus in the last year, such as encampments and hard-picketing classrooms. We fear the repercussions these guidelines could have on the future of student activism and protests—which often need to be disruptive and inconvenient to be impactful. These guidelines were created to muzzle our loud activists and deprive
students of their right to peaceful protest. Guidelines like this are authoritarian. Concordia is trying to suppress its students in an attempt to maintain its reputation and quash criticism.
We at The Link believe that Concordia University needs to be a space that fosters civil debate and supports its students beyond the classroom. It should aim to learn from its students as much as its students learn from it.
As is our duty on campus, The Link will continue to dutifully report on these matters, many of which you can learn more about in this issue.
We have also included some resources and organizations to help you get started at Concordia. There is also a breakdown of student politics that will benefit you once the Concordia Student Union general elections come around.
At The Link, our mandate to uphold students’ rights and advocate for marginalized voices has never wavered. It has only strengthened. Throughout 2024-2025, you will be able to find us on stands every other week, fearlessly working to provide you with the best community reporting we can offer.
We hope this issue serves as a reminder that the students—for as long as they remain critical, determined and, most importantly, united—will never be defeated.
Divestment then. Divestment now.
From 1949 to the early 1990s, South Africa was under the boot of a racist, oppressive, nationalist, segregationist regime.
It went by the name Apartheid, which in Afrikaans translates to 'separateness.' The minority of white South Africans dominated the region socially, economically and politically, impoverishing the Black population. Eighty-six per cent of South Africa's land was apportioned to white people, with the remaining 14 per cent to the Black population per the Native Trust and Lact Act enacted in 1936. Sexual relations between different races were illegal. Black people could not vote or form political parties. They had limited access to education and were excluded by law from holding skilled jobs, as they were reserved for whites. The Apartheid government also enforced a mandatory birth control plan for the Black population to suppress their growth.
In the 1960s, activists began denouncing the racist regime by calling for divestment from South Africa. The movement grew to immense popularity in the late 1970s. Student campaigns popped up around the globe demanding their educational institutions to economically isolate from Apartheid South Africa. Upwards of 200 universities and colleges in the United States took part in the grassroots movement against Apartheid, which notably stemmed from Columbia University, Yale, Berkeley and Stanford. Canadian students dually partook in the movement with campaigns from the University of British Columbia, York, Queen's, Dalhousie, University of Toronto, McGill and Concordia.
On Nov. 19, 1985, following years of pressure from anti-Apartheid student activists, McGill became the first Canadian university to divest wholly from South Africa, with York and Dalhousie following soon after. According to The Link's archives, McGill's Board of Governors (BoG) voted 9-4 to divest C$45 million from companies doing business in South Africa.
A number of McGill's student activists' success in pressuring the university to comply with their demands can be attributed to the university’s South
Why does it seem tougher?
The historic student-led divestment campaign against Apartheid South Africa and the current against Israel
Africa Committee (SAC). Barbara Jenkins, a political science student at McGill, was the chairman of SAC, an undergraduate representative on McGill's BoG and a student union representative in 1980, a year after SAC's inception.
While she was chairman, her goal was to raise awareness about divestment. Jenkins was at every BoG meeting, consistently bringing up the problematic nature of the university's ties to South Africa.
"It became such a big student movement on campus," Jenkins told The Link. "It became the movement on campus."
She noted that following BoG meetings, the governors would regard her speeches as unimportant. The governors saw Jenkins as no more than ‘cute.’ She recalled an instance where the chair of the BoG at the time allegedly came up to her after she made a rousing speech for divestment, saying: "Oh, my sweet little girl, can I give you a kiss?" Nevertheless, SAC and students united for the cause never backed down.
She explained how the group’s popularity grew rapidly on campus as it organized protests, integrated into student government and continually raised questions at the Senate, while also handing out pamphlets, hosting events, talking to students, going to classes and delivering speeches.
To Jenkins, this persistence, coupled with years of advocacy, yielded success.
"Any successful grassroots movement takes time," she said. "You have to be persistent and keep going, and building and building your influence until […] they can't ignore you anymore."
Jenkins also attributes McGill's divestment to an overall shift in the political tide in 1985.
"It was starting to become more normal around the world to divest," she said.
An example of this shift was in the 1980s when the Canadian government encouraged Canadians to boycott Apartheid South Africa.
"I don't even think I remember
Hannah Vogan
Concordia ever divesting formally from South Africa," said Grant Spraggett, former Concordia student and organizer for Concordia University's SAC, later renamed to Concordia Students Against Apartheid (CSAA).
Spraggett is correct. Concordia never divested formally from South Africa. Other associations within Concordia, however, did.
CSAA was pushing for Concordia to divest its funds from the Bank of Montreal (BMO). At the time, the university had more than $54 million in outstanding loans to the South African government and its agencies, according to The Link's archives.
In the same month McGill divested, Concordia's BoG established a 10-member standing committee on social policy to consider divestment, including two members who head companies that bank with BMO.
In 1986, the Concordia University Faculty Association (CUFA) withdrew all the money it had invested in BMO and transferred it to government securities instead, citing moral reasons warranting the decision to divest.
That same year, Concordia University Students Association (CUSA), later renamed the Concordia Student Union (CSU), decided all Carling O'Keefe products would be boycotted and no longer sold by CUSA due to the brewery's ties and "symbolic connections" to South Africa.
Like Spraggett, Archer chatted with students who stopped by the CSAA table to provide context about the reality of Apartheid.
"I would also explain to people on the tables what Apartheid was like," said Archer, who educated himself extensively on the matter at the time. "I could give students the concrete information that they could identify with, and that was key to me.”
Spraggett, Archer and Jenkins all agree that the anti-Apartheid movement took time but was nonetheless successful, and was nowhere near as complicated and widely-debated as the current divestment movement against Israel.
"There was no other side to the anti-Apartheid movement, merely inertia and indifference," Spraggett said.
“The support South Africa had was not equivalent to the support Israel has from, for example, the United States,” Archer said.
BDS crystal clear.
[Concordia] stated clearly in 2014 that barring contact with other universities and scholars would be contrary to the value of academic freedom—a pillar of all universities," Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci said.
Though the current academic boycott against Israel follows the same structure as the one in the 1980s, activists are having a harder time garnering support because it is a much more divisive matter.
Michael Bueckert, vice president of Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East, compared the South African anti-Apartheid movement to the current BDS movement in his PhD dissertation. Bueckert said he believes that, even if the same tactics are being applied to a new case of oppression, pro-Palestinian activists are having a more challenging time building a case as the movement is being framed as an issue of antisemitism.
Spraggett was on CSAA until he graduated in about 1985. He had found and shortly after joined CSAA while they were tabling.
"We used to set up tables everywhere," Spraggett noted. CSAA would set up their tables outside the Hall building cafeteria and spark up conversations with other students, screen documentaries, hand out flyers and advertise events.
According to Spraggett, CSAA was primarily an educational group with the goal of mobilizing divestment locally.
"Divestment was a core issue, which is why the local was involved,” Spraggett emphasized. “We are implicated, and we should know that we can do something about it."
CSAA may not have had the same campus influence compared to McGill’s SAC, but they made due.
"We showed movies because you didn't see much about Apartheid on the news," Adrian Archer told The Link. "The movies dealt with the personal lives of these people under this regime that controlled your life from cradle to grave."
Pro-Palestinian activists and students in Montreal have long been calling on Concordia and McGill for an academic boycott and divestment from Israel. The pressure has only increased as Israeli attacks have killed more than 40,000 Palestinians in Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023. The coalition of pro-Palestinian students leading the demand on university divestment, the Montreal Popular University of Gaza, is composed of and supported by organizations like Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights McGill and Concordia, and Palestinian Youth Movement Montreal. This student movement follows a similar framework to the academic boycott of Apartheid South Africa in the 1980s, which contributed to the liberation of Black South Africans. Students are demanding the university comply with the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, which works to "end international support for Israel's oppression of Palestinians and pressure Israel to comply with international law."
He explained how there was a fringe of people who believed the boycott of South Africa was racist to white South Africans, "yet very few people fell for that," Bueckert said.
"Whereas, with the history of Jewish persecution and genocide, I think people are much more likely to see the sorts of claims as credible when you say that boycotting Israel is racist," he said.
Like Jenkins, Bueckert added how it takes time to thrust a movement into the agreeable mainstream with many social dynamics changing the way people think about a movement's credibility.
The CSU voted to divest from Scotiabank in March due to accusations of the bank investing in Elbit systems, which produce weapons for the Israeli Defense Force. However, in the past few years, it has made no by-laws or public statements about divestment or BDS. In the 1980s, the CSU voted in agreement that the university should divest from entities tied to and funding the Apartheid state of South Africa. The CSU has yet to respond to The Link's request for comment after multiple attempts to clarify the union's stance on divestment, particularly in alignment with the BDS movement. Concordia has made its stance on
"The anti-Apartheid movement in the South Africa case really spent decades organizing before they really got a lot of traction," Bueckert said.
In 2016, Parliament voted to condemn Canadians who used divestment tactics against Israel in solidarity with Palestinians, signalling to activists Canada's strong stance with Israel. However, Bueckert notes that with persistent movements, each small step taken toward liberation is an example of the changing tide, like Canada halting arms sales to Israel.
"[This] is something that, a year previously, we couldn't have imagined," Bueckert noted.
To Bueckert, it is not just students but all areas in civil society that need to demand change to spur the Canadian government into action. However, he believes students are essential to spearheading movements and building momentum that addresses complicity domestically.
"Power speaks its own language, and that language is often money. So long as there is money to go after, sites of resistance will be crushed," Spraggett said. "But when money is held back from the powerful, that is one hope we might have."
Historic areas for student activism at Concordia
The legacy of student activism is embedded in the university’s walls
Geneviève Sylvestre
The walls of Concordia University have bore witness to countless student activism movements throughout the years. Student activists have organized strikes, walkouts and sit-ins, occupied areas across campus and the city to fight for their cause. Here is a list of historical gathering spaces at Concordia and in Montreal for student activism.
Ninth-floor computer lounge
In 1969, Concordia University— then called Sir George Williams University—was home to the largest student protest in Canadian history, often referred to as the Computer Riot.
In 1968, around a dozen Caribbean and Black students accused their biology professor, Perry Anderson, of systematically and unfairly awarding them low or failing grades due to racial bias.
A complaint was filed to the dean of students, but after students were dissatisfied with the handling of the complaint, they asked Concordia to establish a hearing committee.
The committee was established, but the administration did not allow students to sign off on committee members and ignored students’ concerns about three members’ abilities to remain impartial.
Following a hearing on Jan. 26, 1969, over 400 students walked out in protest and occupied the ninth-floor computer lounge. Protestors also occupied the faculty lounge on the seventh floor, nine days later.
After 14 days, a negotiation agreement was seemingly reached and most protesters went home, but negotiations fell apart. On Feb. 11, the university called the police to remove the remaining protesters.
Demonstrators threw computers out of the window in protest and a fire broke out in the computer lab. Police officers unleashed violence on protesters and 97 students were arrested.
Eighteen-year-old Coralee Hutchison suffered head trauma inflicted by the police on Feb. 11 and died shortly
after of a brain aneurysm. Her parents believe it was due to police violence. Concordia only apologized for the handling of these events in 2022 and did not comment on Hutchison's death.
Henry F. Hall building
Concordia students have a long history of Palestinian activism, with the ground floor of the Hall building being used as a space of demonstration for decades.
In November 2000, hundreds of students gathered in the Hall building’s auditorium for a Concordia Student Union (CSU) general assembly. They discussed a motion in support of withdrawing armed Israeli forces from the occupied territories and to call for a Canadian boycott of Israel. Despite not meeting their quorum, the CSU agreed to bring the question to referendum during the next election, and it passed with 54 per cent of the votes.
On Sept. 9, 2002, the Hall became
Tuition hikes threaten student services
Concordia’s precarious financial situation can be felt in every corner of the school
Geneviève
Sylvestre
Concordia University is facing what is being referred to as “extraordinarily challenging times” in the budget for the 2024-2025 fiscal year, leading to a drop in student services.
The Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) tuition hikes at English-language universities increased the tuition for out-of-province students to $12,000 and of international students to a minimum of $20,000. International students from France and francophones from Belgium pay outof-province student fees.
Angelica Antonakopoulos is the Arts and Science Federation of Associations (ASFA)’s academic coordinator. She says the government has made the Quebec education system inaccessible.
“Our institutions, especially English institutions in the province of Quebec, have now been priced out of the game,” Antonakopoulos said.
Concordia is experiencing the largest drop in enrollment in its history,
with a projected drop of 1,200 students for 2024-2025. Registration for out-ofprovince students has declined by 28 per cent and for international students by 11 per cent.
Concordia student groups and student unions are all funded by a fee-levy collected from each student’s tuition based on the number of credits they are taking. A decline in the student population leads to a decrease in funding for these groups.
According to Danna Ballantyne, the external and mobilization coordinator for the Concordia Student Union (CSU), the decrease in funding is already being felt by the CSU.
“We've had to forecast a decrease in budget because of a drop in enrollment,” Ballantyne said, “and that's affecting the CSU in basically every facet.”
Concordia’s goal is to reach a deficit of $34.5 million for the 2024-2025 school year, down from the original projection of a $78.9 million deficit,
requiring $35.8 million in budget cuts.
According to CSU Campaigns research, students can expect to see fewer course offerings, larger class sizes and a loss in funding to programs deemed inefficient.
grounds for another riot: the Netanyahu Riot. Students gathered in front of the Hall building to protest Hillel Concordia’s invitation of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to speak at the university.
A confrontation between both sides escalated, two windows were smashed and the university called the police, who sprayed pepper gas into the crowd to disperse protesters.
Since the events of Oct. 7, 2023, the movement for Palestinian solidarity at Concordia has grown with existing organizations like Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights Concordia spearheading the movement.
Classrooms across campuses
Tuition hikes are a highly controversial topic in Montreal, with student protesters going to extreme means to contest tuition raises.
Most notably, the 2012 protests— now known as Maple Spring—lasted over 100 days with thousands of students taking to the streets to protest Jean Charest’s proposed plan to raise tuition by $325 a year over five years, amounting to a 61 per cent increase.
Students across Quebec started mobilizing, and Concordia was no exception: student groups were striking, blocking classrooms and even blocking all entrances to the Hall building on the first day of exams to protest tuition hikes.
This past year saw a renewal in tuition hike demonstrations to protest Quebec premier François Legault’s plan to raise tuition for out-of-province and international students. In March 2024, over 20,000 students were on strike and picketers arranged demonstrations and blocked classrooms in protest of the hikes.
The government’s new tuition framework makes it so a bigger percentage of tuition fees is clawed back from universities in Quebec to be added to a government pool that is split between the whole university network.
Adam Sermergian is ASFA’s mobilization coordinator. He says that students are unhappy about some of the university’s budget cuts, mainly regarding the reduction of the shuttle bus service.
“ASFA [is] really trying to promote that we, as students, should have a say on what gets cut and what does not get cut,” Sermergian said.
Before the new tuition framework, the tuition fees for international students were deregulated, with universities in Quebec setting the tuition fee for international students and keeping all of the revenue.
The government pool has increased 54 per cent since last year, from $259 million to $400 million. English institutions account for 50 per
cent of the clawback, but will only be receiving 20 per cent in return.
Penelope Higgins, CSU’s campaigns researcher, has been working on two reports that will be published shortly regarding the history and impact of the tuition hikes on the Concordia student population. She believes this clawback is a way for the government to avoid investing in universities.
“It is a way of cutting public funding for them. They take more money from student fees, [...] that gives the government more money to spend on universities that doesn't have to come from public funding,” Higgins said. “So it's a way of privatizing the source of funding for higher education.”
Higgins says that, regardless of tuition framework, international students are expected to pay for everyone.
“This is a larger and a longer fight for international students to be treated with justice, and to not be exploited as a source of funding to keep what are supposed to be state-funded public services in Canada alive,” she said.
Antonakopoulos says it’s important for students to care about tuition hikes because it is an issue that affects the entire student body.
“It's really important for students to be incentivized to care,” Antonakopoulos said. “Because, even though they are not being affected personally at their bottom line, it is their education that will ultimately be affected.”
DEMONSTRATORS FLOODING THE HALL BUILDING DURING THE NETANYAHU RIOT. PHOTO STEVE FAGUY
GRAPHIC MYRIAM OUAZZANI
A look back on student encampments and resistance
The dismantling of the McGill encampment was not the end of Palestinian solidarity in Montreal
Zina Chouaibi and Geneviève Sylvestre
Over the past year, universities in Montreal and across the world have witnessed a surge in student activism, with campus encampments serving as symbols of Palestinian solidarity.
Antler, a camper at the McGill University encampment who was granted a pseudonym for safety reasons, was about to leave Montreal for summer break when the encampment was erected on April 27. Instead, she chose to stay in the city to show her solidarity.
“This is a student opportunity that doesn’t happen often. It’s the first encampment in Canada, it was in a school that is already on stolen land, it had a lot of backstory to it that was very important to us,” said Antler. “At the time of the encampment, it kind of felt like it was the most we could do.”
The encampment brought unprecedented attention to the issue of divestment, highlighting activists’
demands that McGill and Concordia divest from companies with connections to the ongoing genocide and cut all academic ties with Israel.
McGill filed three injunctions in an attempt to get the encampment removed. Two were rejected by Quebec Superior Court judges, and the last was withdrawn by McGill after the dismantlement of the camp by a private security firm on July 10.
“The fact that it was forcefully removed by mercenaries only contributed positively to the momentum,” a representative from Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill said.
According to the representative, the encampments showcased the unity and power of the student front.
“We had never seen this much media coverage on this topic despite divestment being a demand for the past two decades,” they said.
Antler was not present the day the encampment was taken down,
but says she is very proud of what all the campers accomplished.
“Honestly, more than anything, more than disappointed, I was just very, very proud of how long the encampment stayed and how resilient the students were,” she said.
The removal of the encampments did not mark the end of the divestment movement, but rather a shift in tactics. Activists like Hassan Ridha from the Palestinian Youth Movement are now focusing on long-term strategies that involve coalition-building across different communities.
“When multiple separate efforts are joined together, they become more powerful,” Ridha said.
Despite the lack of meaningful progress from university administrations, Ridha sees the rise in solidarity as a significant victory.
“I consider the unification of students, businesses, professionals and parents a major success of the
encampment,” he said.
According to the SPHR McGill representative, the Montreal community played a crucial role in supporting the encampments and keeping the movement alive.
“The Montreal community has supported us throughout the encampment with donations for what was necessary to keep the encampment alive,” the SPHR McGill representative said. “That in itself plays a huge role in achieving divestment.”
Currently, activists like Ridha are looking to engage new supporters to sustain the movement, particularly incoming students who may be unfamiliar with the history of the encampments.
“To engage new supporters, it is important to be as present as possible in as many places as possible,” Ridha said. He believes that by expanding the movement’s reach and involving more communities, the movement can continue to grow
and evolve.
“At the end of the day, we are students who don’t want our tuition money to go to the funding of a genocide,” the SPHR McGill representative said. “That is such a simple ask: justice.”
Resources at Concordia for students, by students
A breakdown of what you need to take advantage of this semester
From helping students access food and housing to providing a listening ear to people in need, here is a quick guide to some important student-run organizations.
The People’s Potato
The People’s Potato is a vegan soup kitchen at Concordia that offers free meals to community members during the fall and win-
ter semesters, Monday to Thursday, from 12:30 p.m. to 2:00 p.m.
To access the free lunch, students can line up outside their office on the seventh floor of the Henry F. Hall Building with their own containers and cutlery. The People’s Potato also provides community members with a bi-weekly food bank and emergency food baskets with food donated by Moisson Montréal.
Concordia Students’ Nightline
The Concordia Students’ Nightline is a non-judgemental active listening service that connects callers with trained student volunteers. People can call the nightline for many different reasons: from talking about their day, to personal problems, advice on a sensitive topic or simply getting something off their chest. Callers can maintain anonymity and feel confident knowing that volunteers will keep the information they share confidential as far as they can by law. The nightline is open Wednesday to Saturday, from 6 p.m. to 3 a.m., and can be reached at 514-848-7787.
The Housing and Job Resource Centre
The Concordia Student Union (CSU) Off-Campus Housing and Job Resource Centre (HOJO) is a resource helping students with their employment and housing
needs. The centre offers a free platform to help students find rooms and apartments for rent, match with roommates, and buy or sell second-hand items ranging from furniture to books. The website also has various job listings to help students find employment both on and off campus. Additionally, HOJO provides legal information to students with housing or employment questions through in-person meetings at their offices on both campuses and at workshops. You can visit HOJO located inside the Hall building, room H-224.
The Student Advocacy Centre
The CSU Advocacy Centre is a service that aims to promote the rights of undergraduate students by matching them with a student advocate. Students who are accused of academic misconduct or have any other issues regarding Concordia’s Academic Code of Conduct and the Code of Rights and Responsibilities can receive help for free. Student advocates
can also help students prepare for disciplinary hearings, file requests for grade re-evaluations and give them possible courses of action to help them through difficult situations. The centre is located on the second floor of the Henry F. Hall Building.
The Centre for Gender Advocacy
The Centre for Gender Advocacy is an organization that aims to promote gender equality and self-determination, with a focus on empowering marginalized communities. The Centre provides free harm reduction materials including safe sex supplies, needles, naloxone kits and menstrual products as well as gender-affirming gear such as binders and gaffs on a pay-whatyou-can basis. Students can access the materials and gear at the office located at 2110 Mackay St. on the first floor. The Centre also provides peer support drop-ins and a legal name and gender marker change service for students.
PHOTO HANNAH SCOTT-TALIB
Jainam Shah
The ecosystem of student politics
What to know about the university's undergraduate student union and associations
Maria Cholakova
CSU
Founded in 1979, the Concordia Student Union (CSU) represents all undergraduate students at the university. Their job is to help students navigate university life and assist in advocating for issues to Concordia’s administration.
The CSU funds several services across campus. These include the CSU Advocacy Centre, the Housing and Job Resource Centre, the Legal Information Clinic, the Student Daycare and Nursery and a transitional housing pilot project that aims to provide temporary rent-free housing for students in need. The full list of CSU organizations and services can be found on the CSU’s website.
Politically, the CSU has actively been fighting against austerity and openly advocating for climate justice. They have also divested from ScotiaBank for its investment in Elbit systems.
ASFA
Founded in 2001, the Arts and
Science Federation of Associations (ASFA) is Concordia’s largest faculty-level student association, representing approximately 17,000 undergraduate students in the Faculty of Arts and Science. The federation represents 30 student associations across the faculty that serve the academic and accessibility interests of its members across different departments.
During the 2023-2024 academic year, ASFA actively campaigned against Quebec’s tuition hikes and advocated for a car-free Mackay Street with the help of Pedestrianize Mackay. Politically, ASFA has taken a stance in support of Palestinian solidarity, demanding the university divest from companies complicit in genocide and stand in support of Indigenous sovereignty.
CASA JMSB
The Commerce and Administration Students’ Association (CASA) is the undergraduate student association at the John Molson School of Business (JMSB). Representing over
7,000 business students, CASA is the umbrella organization for six student associations that represent different departments across JMSB. CASA is also in charge of two services: CASA’s Conference Program and their special funding for student projects.
Moreover, CASA is not known for its political activism, being the only student-run association not to participate in the anti-austerity movement during the 2023-2024 academic year.
ECA
The Engineering and Computer Science Association (ECA) represents all 6,800 undergraduate students at the Gina Cody School of Engineering and Computer Science. Under the ECA umbrella, 17 student groups host different activities and workshops, most notably HackConordia and Space Concordia. Politically, ECA is not the most outspoken. However, during the 2023-2024 academic year, the ECA voted to go on strike against Quebec’s
Understand your academic rights
Answers to students’ frequently asked questions
Geneviève Sylvestre
Concordia’s bureaucracy can make it difficult for students to know where to turn when an issue arises. To help, here is a list of common academic concerns and how to resolve them.
Am I allowed to repeat a class?
According to the 20242025 Undergraduate Calendar, students are allowed to repeat a class they failed only once, but they may appeal to a Student Request Committee to be allowed to take the course a third time. A student who has received credits for a class may also repeat the class once. All grades will appear on their transcript, but only the grade received on the
latest attempt will be used to calculate the student’s cumulative grade point average (CGPA). This is with the exception of grades awarded due to academic misconduct, which will be calculated into the CGPA nonetheless.
What if I can’t make it to a final exam?
The 2024-2025 Undergraduate Calendar indicates that if a student encounters “unforeseen circumstances beyond [their] control,” such as a severe illness, injury or the recent death of a close family member, they are allowed to apply to defer their final exam. If a student decides to complete a final exam despite feeling unwell, the exam can no longer be deferred. After missing an exam, students can apply to defer it online or
fill out the Request for Deferred Notation form and give it to the Birks Student Service Centre. A student can apply to defer an exam a total of three times throughout their undergraduate or independent studies.
What can I do if I want to contest a grade?
If a student believes a grade was miscalculated or that the grade they were awarded was demonstrably unfair, they should first try to bring up their concerns to their instructor. However, if a student is unable to reach their instructor or if they are still unsatisfied, they are allowed to request a re-evaluation by filling out an Academic Re-evaluation Request form at the Birks Student Service Centre. The student’s department chair will evaluate if the request
tuition hikes.
FASA
The Fine Arts Student Alliance (FASA) is a student association comprised of over 3,000 Faculty of Fine Arts undergraduate students. FASA is known for its political activism. The association works in a non-hierarchical manner and is “committed to being an open, inclusive organization that recognizes diversity.” FASA also aims to provide access and inclusion to communities traditionally marginalized.
Like ASFA, during the 20232024 academic year FASA actively campaigned against Quebec’s tuition hikes and was the first association to go on strike. Additionally, they took a stance in support of Palestinian solidarity, demanding the university divest from complicit companies. The association also funds a BIPOC Solidarity grant and hosts a variety of political and artsy workshops for students.
conforms with the re-evaluation criteria and, if the chair finds that it does, they will appoint a re-evaluator to assign a new grade.
What can I do if a professor’s behaviour is inappropriate?
All members of Concordia University, whether students, staff or faculty, are required to follow the Code of Rights and Responsibilities. The code strictly prohibits threatening or violent conduct, sexual violence and sexual assault, harassment and discrimination. If a university member’s behaviour violates the code, a student can contact the Office of Rights and Responsibilities for anonymous counsel and support in informally resolving an issue or in launching a formal complaint. If a student witnesses or is a victim of sexual violence or misconduct, they should reach out to the Sexual Assault Resource Centre for help.
I’ve been accused of academic misconduct. What can I do?
Students may receive an invite to an interview to share their side of the story. It is recommended that students seek the help of an advocate from the Student Advocacy Office or the Concordia Student Union Advocacy Centre to prepare for their interview, but students may represent themselves if they wish. Following the interview, a decision will be sent by mail or e-mail. If the student is found to not have breached the Academic Code of Conduct, the case will be dismissed. If the student is found in violation of the code, sanctions can be applied. Sanctions range from a reprimand to failure of the course or the imposition of additional credits to the student program requirements. Decisions can be contested by contacting the Office of Student Tribunals up to 10 days after the decision.
GRAPHIC PANOS MICHALAKOPOULOS
SPHR Concordia is going independent
The club will continue to fight for
Maria Cholakova
Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) Concordia has established itself since 1999 as one of the primary voices supporting Palestinians at Concordia. Now, 25 years later, they are still fighting for the same cause.
From fundraisers to sit-ins, walkouts, protests and a contribution to the encampment at McGill University, the club has made its stance clear: there will be no rest until there is a permanent ceasefire in Gaza and Concordia University completely divests from Israel. However, divestment is currently not a priority for Concordia.
On May 27, Concordia President Graham Carr testified at a House of Commons Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights meeting, stating that “the university’s position, since 2014, has been in opposition to BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions).”
However, Concordia’s current position isn’t stopping SPHR. According to an SPHR member, who granted anonymity for safety reasons, said the 2023-2024 academic year was a build-up towards BDS being a central topic of the discussion.
“[Now] you can't go a few days or a few articles without Graham Carr or Deep Saini mentioning BDS,” they said. “That's something that's very important,” they said.
Zeyad Abisaab, SPHR’s general coordinator, expressed that Concordia’s pushback on BDS and SPHR is more complex than just keeping the campus safe.
“[Institutions try] to suppress our voices because we are a threat to Zionism,” Abisaab said. “This is, yes, orientalism, but also economic incentives.”
Although Concordia’s investments are not shared publicly, the university has affiliations with companies that have been accused of being complicit in genocide. One of these companies is the Bank of Montreal, which in 2021 loaned an estimated US$90 million to a company that makes weapons and surveillance equipment used by the Israeli military.
Concordia also has academic connections to universities in Israel. The Azrieli Institute offered a field trip program in the summer of 2023 that allowed Concordia students to explore Israel in collaboration with Bar-Ilan University. Bar-Ilan is an institution that has allegedly been involved in “work with the Israeli military to develop unmanned combat vehicles and heavy machinery used to commit war crimes like home demolitions.”
SPHR is not alone in fighting against genocide and for BDS on campus. In the past year, the Arts and Science Federation of Associations and the Fine Arts Student Alliance passed a BDS motion. Additionally, the Quebec Public Interest Research Group, The People’s Potato, the Muslim Student Association, Solidarity Economy Incubation for Zero Emissions as well as hundreds of students across campus have all been demanding that Concordia divest from companies complicit in genocide.
Although SPHR is continuing its activism work, it is also going through structural changes. Effective Sept. 3, SPHR will become an independent club, funding itself solely through community donations.
Palestine until divestment
SPHR has accused the university of not allowing them to sign up to become an official club this year.
In June, the club received an email from the current acting dean of students, Katie Broad, as well as the director of the Office of Rights and Responsibilities (ORR), Aisha Topsakal. The university explained that SPHR will not be signed up as a student club anymore due to violations of the Code of Rights and Responsibilities. In the email, Concordia asked SPHR to remove three posts from its Instagram page as a condition for allowing the club to sign up once again. SPHR says that their independence won’t deter them from continuing their advocacy.
Tension between the university administration and SPHR is nothing new. According to Abisaab, March and April were intense months for him and the club.
On March 12, pro-Palestinian students picketed a talk by a professor from Tel Aviv University. The Israeli university was accused of offering special benefits and scholarships to student soldiers who participated in a 2014 military assault on Gaza.
Although SPHR claims they did not organize the picket, the student group did participate in the strike.
A month later, on April 10, Abisaab received two ORR complaints. One of the complaints was filed by the director of Campus Safety and Prevention Services because of SPHR’s involvement in the March 12 demonstration. The complaint alleged that Abisaab broke eight articles of the Code of Rights and Responsibilities.
The second complaint was filed by a professor in the university,
whose name The Link has not included for safety reasons. The complaint accused Abisaab of targeting the Azrieli Institute of Israel Studies. At the time of publication, the complaints are still ongoing.
According to Abisaab, the complaints were targeted towards him mainly due to his status as general coordinator of SPHR.
“It's also an instance of profiling and discrimination,” Abisaab said. “Instead of actually looking at people who were there, or actually doing an investigation, or actually finding out what was said [...], they just pin things to me.”
According to Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci, over the past year, the administration has tried to keep the university safe by implementing changes across campus. Changes include increased
personnel and monitoring of events and demonstrations; meeting with student groups to discuss de-escalation during events and taking disciplinary actions against students who have violated university rules; increased workshops on anti-discrimination and the establishment on April 3 of the Standing Together against Racism and Identity-based Violence Task Force.
Although the university is making changes, the anonymous SPHR member still has concerns with the escalating number of Concordia Safety and Prevention Service officers during pro-Palestine events.
“We've definitely seen throughout the semester security watching us specifically when you walk [with] your keffiyeh on your shoulder,” the member said.
Additionally, they believe that Palestine solidarity and the divestment movement are now much bigger than SPHR itself.
“Concordia should understand that all of these efforts [with security] do not help with reducing unrest on campus because it's simply not just SPHR anymore,” the member said. “[Students] passed BDS motions.”
Abisaab is hopeful that the movement will stay strong and continue to fight for Palestine.
“We cannot be deterred by administrations, nor the courts, nor the SPVM, nor the city, nor the province, nor the country. No one can deter us, especially not the Zionists. Concordia and McGill and all administrations will be forced to adhere to our demands,” he said. “And the only thing between us and them are days.”
PHOTO MARIA CHOLAKOVA
A SWANA symphony
How Habibi Boom strengthens community and ignites curiosity in the Montreal music scene
Safa Hachi
In a city like Montreal, where cultures collide and manifest themselves in various art forms, Habibi Boom is more than just a music collective; it’s a movement.
Focused on uplifting the sounds and talents of Southwest Asia and North Africa (SWANA) communities, Habibi Boom creates spaces where marginalized voices can be heard and celebrated. The collective’s dedication to curating SWANA sounds, blending tradition with modernity, serves as both an artistic expression and a form of activism that inspires creatives to embrace their identities through music.
Co-founders Isabelle Micati and Thierry Syriani, both of Levantine backgrounds, felt that Montreal’s music scene was lacking a vital piece: representation of SWANA cultures. Micati and Syriani felt this absence acutely. As active members of the city’s nightlife, they had a clear vision of their sound and knew how they wanted to expand within that space.
“We were missing from the scene,” Syriani explained. “Other cultures were being celebrated, and we thought, why not us?”
This realization fuelled their desire to create a space that not only showcased their rich heritage but also allowed others to experience the vibrant SWANA
culture. Starting in 2019 as a passion project, they decided to test the waters, organizing semi-frequent events in bars and restaurants across the city. One of their first venues, a Haitian bar called Ti-Agrikol that has since closed down, was where they began carving out their niche while still figuring out their vibe.
With Montreal being a small city, they quickly realized that they needed to take the limited space they had and grow it, making every event worth it.
The pandemic interrupted their early experimental phase, but by 2023 they were ready to go all in. Their sound was evolving, their DJs were gaining recognition and they felt it was time for expansion.
The collective has now grown into a thriving movement that hosts numerous DJs of SWANA descent, providing a platform where their sounds can be claimed, curated and celebrated.
In my conversation with Micati and Syriani, their burning passion for Habibi Boom was undeniable. Their work is about more than throwing great parties; it’s about creating a community.
“It’s about the validation you feel as a person from this culture,” Micati shared, “and making it accessible for others to enjoy as well.”
This approach is evident in the
intimate yet ever-growing crowds at their events. Attendees feel safe to express themselves, whether through traditional dance, fashion or simply enjoying the music that reminds them of home.
One of the standout talents in the Habibi Boom roster is DJ Manal Gaouaou, known by her stage name, Manalou. A self-described “citizen of the world,” Manalou has lived in various countries, but her roots in Algeria have always remained central to her identity. Her DJ sets are a vibrant medley of Algerian sounds, from classic to contemporary, infused with global influences.
“When I make my sets, I like to sit for hours and do research,” Manalou explained. “It feels like being a historian. I make sure to connect with my culture.”
Manalou’s journey as a DJ is not just about music, but rather reclaiming space as a North African woman in a male-dominated industry.
“I wanted to be, feel and let others know they can be the bad bitches of North Africa,” she said with a smile.
Manalou’s sets are a powerful fusion of music and cultural expression, enhanced by her choice of traditional attire. She often incorporates baladi belts into her dance breaks, sashes sewn with countless coins and beads that chime as she dances. She rocks the Palestinian keffiyeh as well as jewellery traditionally worn by the Indigenous people of Algeria and North Africa—also known as the Amazigh, the Mozabite and the Tuareg.
This blend of traditional cloth-
ing and accessories serves as more than just a stylistic choice; it’s a bold statement against Western perceptions that often reduce SWANA cultures to narrow stereotypes. Those stereotypes either portray them as too conservative to engage in artistic expression or confine them to clichéd Orientalist portrayals. For Manalou, DJing is a form of activism, a way to showcase the depth and nuance of North African culture while challenging stereotypes.
As an Algerian-Canadian myself, hearing familiar sounds woven into Habibi Boom’s DJ sets feels magical. Traditional wedding songs were transformed into club beats, showcasing the evolution of our cultural heritage. Manalou spoke about how often our music is confined to narrow expectations, categorized by those who don’t fully grasp the music’s depth.
Close your eyes and try to imagine TR-808 rhythms over Chaoui melodies, or electronic beats merging with the oud. These sets may be just music, but they are also narratives, weaved together with the old and the new, bridging cultures and generations. “We are reconnecting. We are making our parents' culture our own,” Micati said.
This sense of belonging and enjoyment extends beyond the SWANA community, as people from various cultures are drawn to the inclusive and vibrant atmosphere that is Habibi Boom events.
“We’re seeing more and more people interested in our culture,” Micati noted, “and it’s validating to know that others are enjoying it just as much as we do.”
This growing recognition has even led to opportunities beyond Montreal, with Habibi Boom DJs being invited to other cities.
“Inshallah, the future holds expansion—whether that’s here with bigger venues, more events, more DJs or even expanding internationally,” Syriani said. “We are ready to bring our sound everywhere else, and we are also ready to bring it back home.”
In a world where representation is often lacking, Habibi Boom stands as a representation of cultural pride. The future holds endless possibilities for this vibrant collective, but one thing is certain: Habibi Boom will continue to inspire, empower and break barriers for years to come.
ATTENDEES IMMERSE THEMSELVES IN THE VIBRANT ATMOSPHERE, CELEBRATING SWANA CULTURE THROUGH MUSIC AND DANCE. COURTESY HABIBI BOOM
MANALOU PASSIONATELY WAVES
DJ MANALOU ADORNED IN TRADITIONAL ALGERIAN JEWELLERY. COURTESY TAÏNO
The palette of protest
Rarely will you see protests without art, and often will you see it go beyond symbolism
Alice Martin
Most of the time, protesters don’t march in the streets empty-handed. They brandish handmade signs, banners or anything to get their message across. In any protest, art serves multiple purposes to strengthen the broader cause.
“I personally really love the use of art in organizing and protests,” Arts and Science Federation of Association (ASFA) academic coordinator Angelica Antonakopoulos said. “Art in protest is a very eye-catching way to send a message instead of having to go person-to-person and tell them what you're trying to accomplish.”
Tuition hike strikes
Over five days last March, the tuition hike strikes mobilized students from select student associations to enforce hard picket lines. Hard pickets require students congregating in front of a classroom to dissuade other students from entering.
With dozens of classes having to be picketed at the same time, and only so many students, protesters used hand-painted banners with dual purposes: displaying their demands and protecting protesters.
“[Banners] are big, they're flashy,” Antonakopoulos said. “They have a message on them. [Students] don't have to come up and talk to you and they still get the gist of what the protest is about.”
According to Antonakopoulos, Concordia’s Code of Conduct prohibits students from physically blocking a classroom. She said banners act as a bypass.
“[Students] were more than free to lift the banner and go
underneath if [they] really want to go into class,” she said. “It protected both students that were picketing and students that were dissenting towards the cause.”
She said that banners help students “think twice” before crossing a picket line, as well as avoid physical confrontation.
“There was a lot of verbal engagement with students with flyers and FAQ sheets coming out,” she said, noting that was what picketers were told to do. “[But banners] send a poignant message in a non-confrontational, peaceful vehicle.”
Pedestrianize Mackay
In September 2023, the Pedestrianize Mackay group staged a protest demanding that Mackay St., between Sherbrooke St. and Maisonneuve St., be closed to vehicles and converted into a pedestrian area for students.
For Mowat Tokonitz, communications vice president with the Urban Planning Association, it was one of the first student mobilizations he was part of.
“It's something that really interests me and it relates to my program,” Tokonitz said. “I think it's important to have actual campus space outside that we can use, while also having less cars.”
The protest consisted of blocking Mackay St. at the intersection of Sherbrooke St. Demonstrators also painted an enormous version of the vibrant pink, green, blue and yellow Pedestrianize Mackay logo on the road.
Tokonitz said painting the road was a good way to appropriate the street and show its potential to a wide range of Concordia students who pass by daily.
“The fact that we also had the street blocked off, and we had picnic tables and banners and things in the street, it gave a very basic example of what that space could be in the future,” he said. “It really didn't take very long for there to be street furniture on Mackay and for people to be out eating lunch. I can only imagine what it would be like if that was permanent.”
Looking back on the tuition hike strikes and Pedestrianize Mackay, Antonakopoulous said the mural painting was a great way to engage students in the cause.
“It’s always really a fantastic way to build community because mural painting is not like a picket. It's not like a protest,” she said. “We need to be cognizant that there are a lot of people that don't engage with that, right? They don't engage with noise, they don't engage with confrontation.”
Divest for Gaza
The pro-Palestine student encampment at McGill University stood strong for over 70 days before being demolished on July 10. To protect itself and the privacy of campers, the encampment used a variety of colourful handmade signs from different student movements on its gates.
When a private security firm dismantled the camp, the colour didn’t stop. Activists still gather daily in front of the Roddick Gates to repeat their demand: for McGill to divest from companies involved in arms manufacturing and the settlements in Gaza and the West Bank.
This is the case of Ned Mansour, a Montreal artist whose father is Palestinian. He has been
coming to the gates for over a week—a new tradition for him. He aims to go to the Roddick Gates every day, barring rain and other engagements.
Mansour was working on his sixth painting when he met with The Link. This painting was inspired by a photo he took.
“I try to choose something that has to do with what's happening right now, with the genocide, and just a reminder of how many days it's been since the genocide has started,” he said. “I try to pick images that are visually striking and can fit on this thin column.”
Mansour’s paintings are made with chalk, something protesters have been using every day to write messages and demands on sidewalks and university grounds. As a wedding photographer with experience in drawing, Mansour applied his skills to McGill’s walls.
Despite squabbles with security, his motivation to keep draw-
ing remains steadfast.
“Every day that passes, somebody's being killed in Palestine, and the genocide is happening in real-time,” Mansour said. “So I wanted to do something that's in real-time as well. We feel here, it seems like it's almost a mirror image of what's happening in Palestine. Obviously, we're not being killed, but there are forces that are trying to silence us.”
Mansour’s chalk drawings, like the days that go by, are ephemeral. Every night after he finishes drawing, security washes them away, providing him with a fresh slate for another drawing.
“They think that by erasing our work and our message, that we will stop, but what they're doing is actually encouraging us to come back and remind them again of what's happening,” Mansour said. “Just like the Palestinian people that are being erased right now.”
PROTESTERS PICKET THE HALL AUDITORIUM. PHOTO ALICE MARTIN
Stingers fueled by $100,000 alumni donation
Former Concordia football player sets up student-athlete scholarship
Jared Lackman-Mincoff
When Al Fiumidinisi played for the Stingers football team in 1985, he faced a reality much different from his comfortable CEGEP life.
Playing football for Champlain-Lennoxville in CEGEP, Fiumidinisi and all of his teammates lived on campus. They had a practical daily routine that allowed them to do everything they needed to do on a given day.
“Classes would finish at 4 p.m. We’d have our practices from 5 p.m. until about 6:30 p.m.-7 p.m. Afterwards, we’d go to the cafeteria to eat and study, and go to bed,” Fiumidinisi said. “It was the perfect scenario.”
Not to mention that he was playing for one of the best CEGEP teams in the country at the time.
But once he arrived at Concordia, all of that changed.
He realized that, like himself, most of his teammates lived off-campus. He lived on Montreal’s North Shore and had to commute roughly three hours per day to and from the Loyola Campus, where his games and practices took place.
“It was taking me about an hour to an hour-and-a-half to get to school. And then I would go to my practices,” he said. “[B]y the time I got home, it would be 11:30 p.m.-12 a.m. I was exhausted.”
He really wanted to continue playing football, but quit after one year.
“I just couldn’t do all the travelling,” he said.
In June, almost 40 years after his time at Concordia, he donated $100,000 to the university, designated as a scholarship for student-athletes. For the next 10 years, one member of the Stingers football team and one member of a Stingers women’s team will each receive a $5,000 scholarship.
Fiumidinisi—currently a senior portfolio manager at the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce—majored in finance and minored in accounting at Concordia. As such, he also instructed that the scholarships be awarded to student-athletes enrolled in a John Molson School of Business program.
Fiumidinisi remembers the difficulties of balancing studies and sports, and wanted to help those who are going through the same struggles.
“Some people just like to build their bank account and get as much as they can. That’s not my game,” he said. “My kids are well
taken care of, and everybody’s good. I think it’s good karma to give back.”
Fiumidinisi took out student loans to pay his tuition. He is hoping that the scholarship will help alleviate the recipients’ financial stress, and perhaps allow them to afford slightly higher rent.
“Instead of paying $1,000 someplace really far away, maybe they could spend $2,000 and be much closer to campus and be able to do the sports they need to do,” he said.
The Stingers are used to receiving small, recurring donations from its alumni. Receiving large sums of money at once usually only happens once a year on Giving Tuesday, an annual and wellknown November tradition where the university encourages students, staff, and alumni to donate to its various departments.
“It's always uplifting when we see alumni giving back based on the importance that they found and derived from the non-academic aspect of their time at Concordia,” Recreation and Athletics director D’Arcy Ryan said.
Ryan says that the new scholarship also holds practical value for the department.
“If we're using it on the front end and deciding beforehand what team will get it on the women's side, it can be used as a strong recruiting tool,” he said.
This is the single largest donation the Stingers have received since late 2022, according to Ryan, when Montreal-based Power Corporation of Canada donated $1.3 million to Concordia Stingers athletics. It aimed for the department to develop resources in women’s sports for nutrition, mental health and mentorship.
One member of the Stingers women’s hockey coaching staff, Devon Thompson, was able to hone her coaching skills and leadership abilities thanks to the donation.
In late 2021, former Stingers basketball player George Lengvari donated $1 million each to Concordia and McGill basketball programs.
“I’m kind of hoping [Fiumidinisi’s donation] has trickle-down
effects with regards to other alumni looking to do something in a similar vein,” Ryan said.
The Stingers football coach will make a recommendation to the Concordia financial aid and awards office each year, while the women’s scholarship recipient will be decided by the Athletics department.
“These kids work hard. They spend 35 hours a week just doing football and they go to school,” said head football coach Brad Collinson. “Some of them have part-time jobs, so anytime we can relieve some financial stress from them, it’s important.”
The Stingers football team is allowed to hand out a maximum of 33 scholarships per academic year. This new scholarship does not add to that total, but it gives the team another one to work with.
Nevertheless, Collinson hopes that the winners will be inspired to pay it forward when their time comes.
“The winner of that will be very happy and very appreciative of what an alumnus did for them,” Collinson said. “And hopefully moving forward when they graduate, they’ll do the same.”
Fiumidinisi shares the same wish. He believes that everybody— not just Concordia alumni—should do their part in helping others.
“If everybody gave back, I think we’d live in a better place,” Fiumidinisi said.
AL FIUMIDINISI'S CONCORDIA STINGERS FOOTBALL PHOTO FROM 1985. COURTESY AL FIUMIDINISI
Crowds, cheers and student spirit
Concordia students play a role in empowering Stingers teams and swaying scores
Alice Martin
With the Stingers fall teams beginning their seasons in late August, coaches and players say a strong audience in the bleachers has a vital role in bringing the home team to victory.
Football fever
The football team always manages to garner some of the biggest crowds of all Stingers teams. Head coach Brad Collinson says the energy of the crowd is something they feed off of as a team.
“It's always fun to pack the stadium and make sure that there's a lot of people here cheering on the guys,” he says. “When you come to a game, there's a lot of things going on, and we always put up a good show.”
He believes attending games gives students a chance to bond with the larger Concordia community. He notes the Homecoming game on Sep. 21 against McGill as a perfect example of sports games colliding with student life.
Last year, the Homecoming game against the Université Laval Rouge et Or hosted 1,892 fans. It represents a decline from 3,312 fans the previous year when they played the Homecoming game against their crosstown rivals, the McGill Redbirds.
“[Homecoming] is always a big event and there's going to be things happening all day because of the 50th anniversary of Concordia,” he says. “There are ample opportunities to come here and support the guys. Coming to a game, being out in the sun, supporting fellow students; it's always a good time.”
According to Concordia Ath-
letics, the football team averaged 1,400 attendees per game during the 2023-2024 academic year. They also sold out a game and nearly sold out another.
Despite a loss in the Réseau du sport étudiant du Québec semifinals last year, the Stingers still garnered important momentum at the latter end of their season.
Their playoff loss was heartbreaking, says fifth-year star quarterback Olivier Roy. Playing at Université Laval’s stadium, they almost managed to overcome the second-seeded team but were defeated in overtime.
The team also won its last three regular season games, including a major upset against the Université de Montréal Carabins, to finish the season with a strong 5-3 record.
Roy says the team will use the playoffs as a launching pad into the new season.
“We're not trying to think too much about the past and previous years, but most of the guys were
there last year, and they experienced the whole thing,” Roy says. “So, we're trying to learn from the negative and build on the positive from last year.”
Roy and Collinson both say they are excited about the enormous class of veteran players returning.
“We feel that we have a good team on our hands,” Roy says. “We just want to be able to compete at the same level that we finished last year.”
The revenge story of the veteran team will be one to follow this season for football fans. It even convinced Roy, who was hesitating
about playing a fifth year, to return.
“I didn't like the way our season ended last year, so that was obviously a big factor,” he says. “But, just the fact that we have a team that is mature and ready to win right now, it guided me a lot towards coming back this year.”
Soccer spirit
While football gets the boost from the crowd, the soccer teams say they are looking to attract more fans to the field this season. Head coach Greg Sutton says crowds empower teams and add energy on the field.
“When things are going well for teams, then the crowd gets on behind them and pushes them onto even further things,” he says. “Vice versa, when things are challenging for the team, there's that encouragement sometimes to push you to get through some tough times.”
Sutton says one of their challenges has been attracting fans to the field, but that their team appreciates any level of support.
“I don't think that the student body really understands how important they can play a role in our varsity teams,” he says. “Their support would be an opportunity for us to take our gains to another level. In our teams, we're very mindful of that support.”
In Sutton’s opinion, soccer brings a more intimate fan experience, especially at the university, where peers support peers.
“So, for students out there, what's in it for them?” he asks. “It's helping create an opportunity for our university and being a part of the success of our university soccer
teams.”
Sutton says both teams are in good hands leadership-wise and that they are training together quite well. Women’s soccer’s Dayne Lebans and Lauren Curran will head the women’s team once again this year, while men’s soccer’s Razvan Colici will take the helm after John Cevik graduated last year.
“I think this year seems a little bit different. We seem a little bit more connected on both teams and have a drive that's a little bit more evident than in years past,” Sutton says. “We're in a good position where I think now we can really do something special with both teams.”
The Swarm
One Concordia student club, Concordia Swarm, actively tries to get students interested in attending varsity games to create a more involved student body.
Swarm president Kinu’Kai McCalla says they are starting their operations back up after a dormant few seasons.
“The whole purpose of Swarm was about bringing a great atmosphere to games, bringing more of the student body, get them more encouraged to not only go to games, but be a fan of the game,” McCalla says,”[to] embody the Concordia student culture and bring it to life at these games.”
Swarm is currently building its new team and encouraging students to get involved with the club. However, recruitment efforts have been difficult so far. She says fewer students are involved in clubs than
in previous years.
“The club's been around for over a decade, actually, and I saw from their old photos how involved all the students were,” she says. “I just want to bring it back to what it looked like 10 years ago, where every single student was either talking about the games or talking about a sport in the school and just having fun.”
McCalla herself had been compelled to join the club when she attended one of the football team’s highly-anticipated Homecoming games.
“I really enjoyed the atmosphere and I wanted to somehow get involved with the school, since I wasn't as involved as I wanted to be, and sports just interested me,” says McCalla, who encourages any student who would want to be a part of Swarm to get in contact with them.
How to support the Stingers
The Stingers football team's home opener against the Université de Laval Rouge et Or attracted a good crowd of 1,232 fans on Aug. 24. However, Rouge et Or supporters came en masse to support the away team, occupying numerous bleachers and making themselves heard.
Despite the Stingers fan base diligently cheering on the home side, the Stingers fell 36-11 against the Rouge et Or.
For anyone looking to take part in the fun, the Stingers’ game schedule and ticketing platform can be found on their website. Discounts are offered to students.
AN ENTHUSIASTIC FAN HOLDS UP A "GO STINGERS GO" SIGN DURING THE 2024 FOOTBALL HOME OPENER ON AUG. 24. PHOTO ALICE MARTIN
THE STINGERS DREW 1,232 FANS TO THEIR FIRST FOOTBALL GAME OF THE 2024 SEASON. PHOTO ALICE MARTIN
LA POUBELLE MAGNIFIQUE
Overcoming bullets and internet blackouts
Bangladesh witnesses the power of a Gen Z revolution
Azfar Adib
Gen Z is often characterized by a mix of positive and negative stereotypes. While some view them as entitled and overly dependent on technology, others recognize their strong work ethic and commitment to social causes. However, the actions of Gen Z in Bangladesh have recently caught global attention, showcasing their potential and impact.
Bangladesh has recently witnessed a significant political upheaval, dubbed the "Gen Z revolution," which led to the resignation of long-serving Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on Aug. 5, 2024. This movement, primarily driven by young student protesters, successfully challenged a 15-yearlong authoritarian regime and engaged the Bangladeshi community across the globe.
Bangladesh, one of the most densely populated countries in the world, with over 170 million people, experienced widespread unrest in mid-July. Students were demanding the removal of a quota system which led to clashes with police and counter-protesters, leaving at least 650 people dead. The quota system implies that a maximum of 30 per cent of government jobs are reserved for relatives and families of veterans from the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War.
In response to the escalating violence, a nationwide curfew was imposed with a “shoot-onsight” order. Prior to that, the government ordered the indefinite closure of all educational institutions. Many protesters lost their lives due to gunfire from law enforcement and armed members of the ruling party, with numerous pieces of evidence circulating on social media. This was shocking,
raising serious concerns about the safety of the people in Bangladesh.
However, videos and images stopped surfacing from July 18 as authorities imposed an internet blackout to “control the situation.” This is noteworthy, considering that the same government has been advocating for “Digital Bangladesh'' for the past 15 years.
This scenario alarmed many Bangladeshi-Canadians like myself. Not being able to properly communicate with family and friends at home was very frustrating. Several demonstrations by local Bangladeshi communities took place across various Canadian cities, including the Concordia and McGill university campuses in downtown Montreal.
There was a brutal crackdown on students in Bangladesh, characterized by mass arrests. Still, the protests spread rapidly among the general population in Bangladesh.
On Aug. 3, the students called for a non-cooperation movement with a single demand—the resignation of the government. However, violence erupted again the next day, resulting in approximately 100 deaths in 24 hours.
On Aug. 5, the students organized a march to the capital. Defying the curfew, thousands gathered in the capital and began marching towards the prime minister’s residence. Being unable to stop them, security forces urged the prime minister to leave within 45 minutes.
Consequently, Prime Minister Hasina resigned and left the country, marking a dramatic end to her 15-year rule. Instantly, the streets filled with people rejoicing, with
many referring to it as the second independence of Bangladesh.
Quebec is already experiencing a surge in Bangladeshi asylum seekers amid this unrest.
On Aug. 8, as proposed by the students and supported by the army, Dr. Muhammad Yunus was sworn in as the head of an interim government in Bangladesh. A Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Dr. Yunus is globally recognized as the father of microfinance. His 17-member cabinet includes two student leaders.
Throughout history, youth have often been at the forefront of revolutions across various countries. However, the 2024 revolution in Bangladesh stands out for several unique aspects.
This is the first successful revolution led by Gen Z globally. Without any formal leadership or political agenda, Bangladeshi youth united for a just cause, withstood intense oppression and achieved what seemed impossible.
The spirit of activism among Bangladeshi Gen Z has been building over the past few years, with the 2018 Road Safety Movement serving as a notable example. This student-led protest emerged in response to the tragic
deaths of two students caused by a reckless bus driver, compounded by a government minister's irresponsible handling of the issue.
During the protests, even teenagers took to the streets, checking driving licenses themselves in the absence of effective enforcement.
One of the placards carried by the students during the protest read, “We don’t want 1GB of internet for Tk. 8 (C$0.09). We want safe roads.”
Living in Bangladesh at the time, I was struck by how Gen Z had the courage to speak out in ways that my millennial generation could not. As a long-time volunteer with engineering communities such as the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, I’ve had the chance to engage with engineering students in both Bangladesh and Canada over the past decade. I feel that, like previous generations, Gen Z also aspires to secure careers and improved lives. However, what sets them apart is their remarkable straightforwardness and dynamism.
Now in 2024, this generation has given the people of Bangladesh the drive to revitalize the country as a whole. Remarkably, two student leaders in their 20s—who
were imprisoned and tortured by the previous government—are now holding significant positions in the interim cabinet.
The path ahead for this interim government will be challenging. Meeting the basic needs of 170 million people with a weakened administration and a struggling economy while preparing for an election to restore democratic rule is a daunting task. Yet, it is the unwavering spirit of the youth that keeps us hopeful.
It is striking to witness the roles the youth have assumed in the absence of a functioning administration and police force, caused by the sudden power vacuum in Bangladesh. In the past few days, young volunteers have stepped up to manage traffic, clean roads, monitor markets, and safeguard people and property at night.
Overcoming bullets and internet blackouts, the Gen Z youth of Bangladesh remained resilient to achieve freedom, echoing historical patterns of resistance against oppression. Gradually, they are assuming bigger responsibilities to bring the country back on track. This will be a fascinating phenomenon to observe in the weeks.
PROTESTERS GATHER FOR A VIGIL. PHOTO SHAFIQ IMTIAZ
The fight against tuition hikes must continue
The provincial government continues to attack anglophone students under the guise of protecting the French language
Macintyre Strudensky
In October 2023, the provincial government proposed what seems to be a mean-spirited attempt to hinder the admission rates at English universities in Quebec, under the pretence of protecting the French language.
Following the proposed tuition hike for out-of-province and international students looking to study at anglophone universities in Quebec, the response from the student population in Montreal was swift and direct.
The students in Montreal protested this vehemently during the last academic year. However, students must continue to advocate in opposition to this tuition hike in synchronicity with the legal action being taken by Concordia and McGill University. As legal action is a lengthy process, sitting idly by would only serve complacency.
During the Winter 2024 semester, thousands of students from Concordia and McGill took to the streets to protest, conducted boycotts, urged administrative action and made their voices heard.
But consistency is key. We must not take the first implementation of this tuition hike as a sign of defeat. Student protests and activism have proven repeatedly to be effective in matters of social austerity. A notable example are the Maple Spring protests in 2012, which ended with a successful halting of proposed tuition hikes after the next Premier was elected.
Over a decade later, governmental policies targeting university students persist. However, a key difference between the current situation and that of Maple Spring is that this tuition hike is an attack on anglophone, out-of-province and international students.
In looking at the success of Maple Spring, it’s important to note that gradual progression contributed to its effectiveness. It took time, organization and effective communication to rally some 200,000 students to boycott and protest at its peak. Collective action is a marathon, not a sprint.
In the past decade since the Maple Spring, connectivity and means of communication have greatly im-
proved. We, the anglophone student population, must, above all, effectively communicate and coordinate our next move. This can be done through spreading the word on social media, talking with our friends and attending future meetings in solidarity. Our real strength is in numbers.
When looking at the different facets of this issue, it becomes clear how simple this battle truly is. The provincial government and its infamous French rhetoric have once again tread into the infringement of rights territory. There is no evidence to sup-
port that discouraging prospective English students from studying in Quebec serves to protect the French language.
The provincial government has even made exceptions to the language law for international companies based in Montreal to not hinder operations. The irony. They are enforcing rules under an ideological rhetoric of apparent dire importance, yet bending said rules once the real-world effects demonstrate nothing but a hindrance.
One of the key attractions of this beautiful city is its diverse culture and
wide variety of people, with many coming to Quebec to learn the French language and to appreciate its beauty. Because it is, in fact, beautiful.
The austerity, absurdity and foolishness of this rhetoric lie in the notion of protecting a language that is not threatened by anglophone universities. Raising tuition and targeting young intellectuals serves no benefit to society and does absolutely nothing for the preservation of the official language of the province. We must not allow this to continue.
How to be better activists
Activism isn’t an individual fight, but a collective responsibility
Zeina Jhaish
What does it mean to be an activist?
There are many ways to subjectively define it. According to the Oxford Dictionary, an activist, by standard definition, is “a person who campaigns to bring about political or social change.” That meaning reads to be quite obvious and soul-lacking, making the mistake of reducing activism to just “campaigning.”
Here’s my definition. To be an activist is to know and need freedom in a life you dream for yourself and your loved ones—even if that dream might be inaccessible in your lifetime. In more academic terms, being an activist is a journey. It’s a compilation of one’s personal and communal stakes in a social movement, shared experiences and priorities within their personal environment.
As a second-generation Pales-
tinian immigrant born in Tio’tià:ke (Montreal) decades after the occupation of Palestine, I can tell you that since my awareness of being Palestinian, I have been familiar with the idea that I might not see a
free Palestine in my lifetime. I am living in one of the worst periods that my people have ever faced.
From the nature of the longevity of the Palestinian fight to family theories and tragedies, and to the world around us, it might be true. I might not live back home, but that thought will never settle until my last breath. Like my parents, and theirs, I believe that if I do not return home, my kids will. From the moment I was able to, I have fought for Palestine like it’s going to be freed tomorrow, whether it be for me or the ones after me.
To be better activists, we must feel the urgency of freedom, justice and change in our everyday lives, whether we experience it on a daily or not. Passion and strong conviction in freedom is what
makes activist work a successful and collective accumulation for a better reality. Activism is not as simple as a campaign; it is a multifaceted and lifelong commitment to being free.
The second mistake the Oxford Dictionary makes is the nuance that activism is individual by only offering the singular definition. Activism is never individual. If you see an instance in which it is, know that there are truly dozens, hundreds, thousands or millions of people behind that activism.
Behind Malcolm X, there were hundreds of Black people fighting for emancipation and civil rights. Behind Nelson Mandela, there were millions of South Africans over generations who started the fight for equality with smaller, but equally effective steps. Behind the faces of any Palestinian 'intifada' are millions of Palestinians fighting to return to a liberated homeland. Activism is never one big step, but a strategic and generational clus-
ter of many small ones that enable what makes the headlines.
Being a real activist is only achieved effectively with the comrades around you. I am never alone. I fight better with people around me. My work is always better with my comrades. My perspectives are ever-changing because of my comrades. My heart only grows fonder for my cause because of the soul that my comrades breathe into the movement.
To be better activists is to believe that you do not and cannot stand alone for a cause. It’s to believe that you can only be better in camaraderie within a social movement, whether big or small. The future starts with a small step you take, hand-in-hand with your comrade, where all of you are ready to sacrifice for either a lifelong fight or a dream that can come true tomorrow.
In June 2024, during the opening remarks of my convocation ceremony, Israel’s genocide of Palestinians was presented by co-chancellor Gina Cody as an issue of “political polarization.”
A number of students, including myself, planned to cross the stage carrying a Palestinian flag to denounce Concordia’s affiliations with Israeli institutions and its investments that fund the Israeli occupation. I tucked my flag into my gown and waited while we were corralled through Place des Arts.
Just before walking onto the stage, a non-uniformed man asked me if I had anything hidden under my gown. Before I had the chance to
respond, he reached into my gown without my consent and forcibly removed the Palestinian flag that I was holding there.
I was left to walk across the stage feeling stunned and enraged. This violation of my privacy and bodily autonomy effectively ruined my experience at convocation, and it will impact my sense of safety on campus moving forward.
Unfortunately, I am not the only graduate who was made to feel this way. It has come to my attention that this same scenario happened to a significant number of graduates at several of the convocation ceremonies throughout the week. For many students, and especially those who
Concordia security needs to back off
Harassing students for carrying a Palestinian flag is unacceptable
ken.dra downe
have experienced sexual assault or identity-based violence, these were traumatizing experiences.
While it is true that graduates were told that any unapproved items would be confiscated by security, the harm caused by these violations is in no way commensurate to any hypothetical harm that could have been caused by peacefully crossing the stage with a flag.
Following the convocation, I contacted Darren Dumoulin, director of Campus Safety and Prevention Services, who asked that I send him an email summarizing what had happened that night. In his reply, Dumoulin admitted that “the vast majority of articles confiscated were harmless.”
He told me he had spoken with his team and would be “debriefing with the convocation organizers and reviewing how best to address
Beyond the screen
the issue of unauthorized objects,” and that he would “keep [my] comments and concerns top of mind when [they] are planning for these events.” He did not, however, indicate whether security staff were authorized to search graduates without their consent. Dumoulin planned “to have a woman as part of the team to hopefully mitigate some of the issues [I had] raised.”
Personally, I think this is a concerning instance of tokenism. It transfers part of the organization’s responsibility for implementing policies that uphold the principles of equity, diversity and inclusion onto marginalized staff members.
I requested that Dumoulin issue a statement summarizing his team’s debrief and the decisions that were made about how best to address the issue of unauthorized objects. This request was denied and Dumoulin
How social media has revolutionized student activism
Technology is power. Power is influence. Influence can change the world. The impact of social media on student protests can be seen through simple numbers.
I have never considered myself an activist. While I care about important topics and advocate for people’s rights, I have never felt like my voice had much power. I’m not an eloquent speaker. I can’t gather troops and march. I don’t have an overwhelming charisma that allows me to get everyone’s attention. Regardless, social media has allowed me to play a part by spreading information and amplifying diverse voices by simply posting on my Instagram story.
Student activism has played a significant part in numerous movements, as young adults fight to build a better future for themselves and the next generation’s future. Throughout history, many turning points can be directly linked to the consistent efforts of student activists.
During the American civil rights movement, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee advocated for Black rights by organizing non-violent protests such as sit-ins
and freedom rides. These actions put pressure on the American government, resulting in the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Nowadays, we see a similar pattern shaping the world.
In recent years, student activism has had a major impact on the fight against climate change. Greta Thunberg, a 23-year-old Swedish environmental activist, is at the forefront of the movement. The involvement of students in the movement has pressured governments worldwide to push initiatives such as the European Climate Law in 2021, in which countries legally commit member states to become climate-neutral by 2050. At Concordia, separating our waste into trash, recycling, and compost is one of the many initiatives toward a healthier planet, spearheaded by organizations like enuf Canada.
The collective problem that all movements share is recruiting enough people to spread the word. Before social media, students would pass posters and flyers around their campus, organize meetings to inform people, and go door-to-door, which required a lot of manpower. In 2024, it can be a one-person operation. With the simple tap of your
finger, information can be spread globally, and this has completely changed the game for student activism.
Roughly 250,000 people took part in the largest civil rights march in 1963. While we might see fewer people marching in the street in the 2000s, the online mobilization of millions continues to gain momentum. A similar movement, BLM, has been able to reunite 15 to 26 million people around the United States to diverse protests.
In October 2023, the Quebec government announced a hike in tuition for all out-of-province and international students attending English universities. Protests, teachins, strikes, and mobilization initiatives were rapidly shared on social media by the Arts and Science Federation of Associations (ASFA). Over a thousand students attended.
In the past six months, ASFA and other student associations, such as the Fine Arts Students Association, have continued to advocate for their cause through organized strikes. These strikes, lasting three to five days each, served as a means of amplifying their demands and put-
was “not sure what else [he] can offer at this stage.” It is revealing and quite telling that Concordia’s security service does not have a clear protocol for handling reports of malpractice by security personnel.
Concordia students have a long history of supporting movements for social justice, and we had hoped to use our platform to celebrate this. It is ironic that the lessons I learned about care, solidarity and social justice with mentors and peers at the university have not informed the institution’s policies and practices.
We are faced with a settler-colonial culture of repression as the crises of capitalism intersect and converge with increasing visibility. What gives me hope, though, are the concrete efforts of community members to self-organize and mobilize around principles of care and solidarity.
ting pressure on the government to reconsider the tuition increases. Due to their social media presence, both of these associations have been able to unify hundreds of students in a short amount of time.
In the same pattern, student involvement in the pro-Palestine movement has been shared worldwide. From Columbia University in the USA to our neighbour McGill University, the popularization of encampments on university grounds has happened through TikTok and Instagram.
In contrast to the 1960s and even the early 2000s, social media has allowed me to speak on subjects close to my heart with greater ease and reach. This non-traditional means of activism permits people lacking a platform or audience to share their perspectives.
Social media has shifted from a personal diary to a source of power for a small audience to make changes. Social media is the new face of activism; it fuels ideas and creates legislation. Maybe I am an activist after all.
Lory Saint-Fleur
GRAPHIC MYRIAM OUAZZANI
STUDENTS SHOULD BE ABLE TO EXPRESS THEIR SUPPORT FOR PALESTINE FREELY. PHOTO JOYS SEKPON
“Plight through art”:
How a Palestinian artist reclaims her heritage
Montreal-based artist Najat El-Taji El-Khairy on preserving and adapting traditional Palestinian embroidery
Sarah-Maria Khoueiry
In her kitchen, Najat El-Taji El-Khairy stirs a hot apple and lemon cider on her stovetop. On her hand is a ring with the crossstitch pattern of the flower of Ramla—her hometown in Palestine. She wears it, along with a pendant with a similar shape, to keep her homeland close to her. She strains the liquid into two teacups and sits on an armchair next to a cushion she cross-stitched in 1986, embroidered with several Palestinian flowers originating from different cities. They all stand side by side, tightly interwoven and connected by colour and history. The pink and blue threads complement each other, and she looks at it proudly, saying she hopes it will be passed on to future generations in her family.
Born in Egypt in the year of the Nakba, in 1948, El-Taji El-Khairy has made it her life’s work to advocate for the liberation of her people. The first time she heard the word “Nakba,” the event marking the violent displacement of roughly 750,000 Palestinians for the creation of the Israeli state, was when her family was discussing her birth year. She had no idea what it meant; it was a bad word, she recounts, one to avoid. It wasn’t until she grew up that she understood its meaning and its relation to preserving her heritage.
“I [clung] to Palestinian art,” El-Taji El-Khairy said. She described a cloth runner her mother had for the table, made with traditional Palestinian embroidery— tatreez fallahi—from Ramallah.
“When I asked who had made this, she said it was one of the village women,” she recounted. “I wondered what became of that woman and I really felt sad.”
She learned more about embroidery by watching women in her family work. She decided, however, that for her own art, she wanted a medium with more longevity, as a symbol of Palestinian resistance.
Tatreez—the Arabic word for embroidery—is a common practice in Palestine that dates back to the Canaanite era in the Southern Levant. It is most commonly used on clothing to decorate and express cultural heritage. Palestinian thobes— long-sleeved, flowy, ankle-length traditional garments,
are embroidered using elements and colours depending on geographic location, occasion and social status. They are usually either black or white, and incorporate an intricate chest panel that extends to the bottom of the garment. Thobes often include a belt that is designed with the same motifs.
Mostly developed in Palestinian rural areas with motifs and patterns belonging to different
copyrighted her invention—Palestinian cross-stitch motifs painted on porcelain tiles—and committed to advocacy-centered art. She focused on conveying a message and fighting for a free Palestine. She says the copyright affirms Palestinian ownership of a Palestinian art form. In a time when her people are being uprooted and her culture is being eradicated, she can provide documented proof of the
“The spirits of the dead ol ive trees are coming to defy the uprooting of their sister,” El-Taji El-Khairy said.
She proceeds to point out a few of her other signature sym bols on the tile. Her finger hovers over the Bethlehem stars with their blue lozenges arranged in a circular pattern, the orange and brown mountains of Jerusalem in the background, the green and yeland including art in the debate is one of them.
regions and traditions, Palestinian cross-stitch embroidery has evolved to represent Palestinians’ attachment to and ownership of their land and history. As of 2021, the art form has been added to UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.
After moving to Montreal from Riyadh in 1988, El-Taji El-Khairy developed her own unique art practice thanks to a Hungarian master who taught her how to paint on porcelain tiles. She was trained with classical European techniques—typically focused on flora—but she found that her heart wasn’t entirely in it. Wanting to give a more personal touch to her art and bring visibility to an issue important to her, she incorporated Palestinian cross-stitch symbols and colours into her paintings.
“It was a success,” El-Taji El-Khairy said. “I want the embroidery to survive no matter what, no matter where we are, no matter where we go. I left the flower art, and I thought, ‘This is why I was born.’”
Having found her purpose, she
origin of her work.
Both she and her husband, Mazen El-Khairy, believe in the power of art to reinforce a cause and move people.
“Empires rise and empires fall,” said Mazen El-Khairy. “Art thrives even during catastrophes. Art is a sign of duration and value.”
For this reason, the olive tree has become a recurring symbol in El-Taji El-Khairy’s work. Palestinian olive trees are among the oldest trees on earth, symbolizing Palestinian identity, with their roots representing generational ownership of the land. Their meaning in relation to Palestinian people is something that has led her to include them in several of her pieces—in both joyful circumstances and other, darker ones. She puts her cider cup aside and walks around her apartment, looking at the pieces she has hung on her walls.
One of her favourite tiles is inspired by Lebanese writer Khalil Gibran’s 'Les esprits rebelles.' It depicts olive trees uprooted by the Israeli occupation, with one in the middle still standing strong.
low palm trees in a zigzag pattern, the red grape motif, and the map of Palestine hidden in the standing tree’s roots. She says they are there to remind her audience that this issue concerns Palestine in its entirety.
El-Taji El-Khairy strongly believes in the importance of the representation of Palestinian joy to counter the dehumanization seen in the media, and she doesn’t see how she can separate her art from politics.
“You cannot talk Palestine without talking politics,” she stated. “We have been robbed [of] our culture, and our culture is something that talks about us.”
She quickly learned that people knew little about her country and became determined to oppose its erasure. She found that it was easier to attract an audience by displaying the beauty of her country and then educating them about the meaning of her subject matter.
Dr. Raouf Ayas, who has known El-Taji El-Khairy for over 30 years, says her art has had an impact on him and the community. It is a reason why he invited
“Everyone expresses themselves differently,” he said. “[The roundtable] is our way to express ourselves and to think. Some people protest every week, but it is not our style. With this event, we could sit and listen to five Palestinian women’s truths and learn from their stories and individual expertise.”
One issue important to El-Taji El-Khairy is Arab complicity in Palestine’s occupation. She and her husband mention how some governments are openly normalizing the Israeli state and negotiating with its leadership, like Jordan’s trade deals which exported $566 million to Israel in 2022, or the now-paused Saudi Arabia-Israel dialogue. But she says complicity also occurs on a more personal level.
A year or so after she started selling mugs and other items painted using her copyrighted cross-stitch painting technique on her website, she discovered places in Dubai that sold mass-produced mug sets copying her style without permission. Though she says it is not a direct imitation of her work, she believes the designs were similar enough that they were based on her art.
But El-Taji El-Khairy says she doesn’t really mind, as it still serves to promote Palestinian identity and culture.
“Any ideas are always prone to be imitated and stolen,” she said. “Even designers of haute couture have the guts to do it. They still steal our Palestinian embroidery and claim [it as] their own. I do my best to reclaim [it]. This is the ultimate purpose of my idea or invention.”
The cider has gone cold. El-Taji El-Khairy studies the embroidered porcelain she has dedicated her life to—her and her people’s “plight through art.” Just like the 1986 cushion, they are her legacy, her contribution to the world. She hopes they will be passed down to her descendants, never forgotten, until they see a free Palestine.
NAJAT EL-TAJI EL-KHAIRY POINTS TO THE PALESTINIAN CROSS-STITCH MOTIFS SHE HAS PAINTED ON PORCELAIN TILES. PHOTO SARAH-MARIA KHOUEIRY
Take the bull by the horns
Mastering the art of making friends
Paula Lou
Maturing makes you realize how grade school has it all planned out for us.
We might’ve been lab partners with a classmate who lived in the same neighbourhood, or we might’ve discovered that we have much more in common with our locker neighbour than we initially thought.
Regardless of the outcome, these organic meetings all often lead to long-lasting friendships. After 12 years of school, these scenarios become almost natural for us and we are left disappointed when reality hits. Caught up in the dream of adulthood, no one prepares you for the harsh reality of growing up.
Not only growing up—but growing up after the pandemic has increased loneliness in 20-somethings and exacerbated
their struggles in making new friendships. Loneliness and depression even peak between 19 and 28 years old, according to one study.
Has making friends gotten harder, or have we simply lost our magical power to rip the bandaid off and put ourselves out there? Regardless of the context of these friendship-building scenarios, we need to take the bull by the horns and make these situations happen ourselves. Making new friends doesn’t have to be this scary, nerve-wracking thing that we avoid by creating intimidating scenarios in our minds. We can become our own enemy sometimes and drown in overdramatized consequences. There is one sentence that always plays in the back of my head: “The worst that can happen is that they say no.”
These words have allowed me to be free from the overthinking doom. Two years ago, on my way to campus, I saw a girl on the bus who seemed a little lost. We got off at the same stop, so there were two different choices I could make. Option one: I could ask her if she needed help and maybe walk to campus together. Option two: I could simply ignore it and move on with my life. I thought to myself, “The worst that can happen is that they say no.”
That was the worst-case scenario: that she would simply refuse help and we would both go on with our days. Needless to say, she ended up becoming one of my best friends and eventually my roommate. I wouldn’t have gained this friendship if I hadn't played my part in it. Seeing things from a bigger perspective eases the anx-
iety, and truly reduces our fears to their simplest forms. We can’t choose the outcome, but we can choose to be at peace with either result which can sometimes lead us to great adventures.
“The worst that can happen is that they say no.”
The lost art of making friends as an adult
The real tea on why making friends in university isn’t as easy as people say
Delaney Kelly
I wish I could say that making friends at university is simple. I’d love to give you a step-by-step handbook—something as easy as the instructions on a Kraft Dinner box. The truth of the matter is that making friends can be really fucking hard.
I have never been a shy girl. When I first moved to Montreal five years ago to begin my academic journey at Concordia, I was filled with confidence. I was under the impression that friends would come organically. Sadly, in a world where people wear soundproof headphones everywhere from libraries, to campus hallways to the metro, making friends naturally can feel impossible.
Sure, I’d meet girls in the club bathroom, and we’d give each other superficial compliments and exchange Instagrams. But when the hangover hits in the morning, I would question every word I’d said that night. Using alcohol in an attempt to make friends has been a recurring method of mine throughout university, and to be fair, it’s been effective.
In the moment, the liquor drowns the awkward silence and
the overthinking, allowing me to put forth the effortless cool-girl energy I strive for. However, when the tequila wears off, I’m often left wondering why I spent money on booze to have the same meaningless conversation with 20 different people who won’t remember my name.
Truth be told, as unfulfilling as these interactions can be they are much better than people being rude. People in university can be clique-y. Sometimes, people approach you with bad intentions, being nice so that you sleep with them, which fucking sucks. One minute, we’re vibing and having meaningful and interesting conversations. Next, I’m getting a “You up?” text at 3 a.m.
People always say your university years are supposed to be your best and that you will find friends for life. While all that might be true for some, it does not make finding those friends easier. Maybe you’ll find them through Bumble BFF, or you’ll join a club or sports team, or knock on your neighbour's door with a bottle of wine. However, when you find your people, treasure them because they are one in a dozen.
The most important friendship I have made in university has been with myself. I have learned that it’s OK to sit alone at the library. It’s OK to be by yourself on the dance floor. It’s OK to be alone. Needing to be a friend to have a friend is a myth. Sometimes the fact that you don’t fit in just anywhere is what makes you special.
GRAPHIC
SEPTEMBER 28 TO OCTOBER 6
LETTERS
Dear Editor-in-Chief of The Link,
As we dig into the Student Power issue, I want to know how you plan to attract a diverse group of contributors and empower them in their contributions. I did not feel particularly empowered when I was ghosted by The Link during the editing process of my article about dental care in Quebec. Last November, after two rounds of edits, my article never made
it to the third and I have yet to get an answer as to when edits would be completed and it could be published.
I have always loved The Link and what it stands for. When my mother studied at Concordia, I thought it was the coolest newspaper. I had a great experience working with the video team in the fall of last year, they were supportive and helpful with my first contribution project. I will never forget it. However, my experience in November and those of others, point to a surprising conclusion: The Link is an ex-
clusive members-only club. Cliques, favoritism, intimidation, etc. The reality behind the scenes at The Link is far from that of its mandate: inclusivity, diversity, and equality. If no efforts are made to find, forge, and maintain powerful connections with students from other disciplines, The Link is just a bunch of “all-knowing” journalists who seek to represent the interests of an entire student body. No different than mainstream media. If The Link wants to empower students, it has to leave its journalism bubble and encourage other
students to make meaningful contributions. You may be inclined to claim that you are “just students”, but many of you also get a small sum for the work you do. You are not just students, you are employees too. I know The Link’s mandate is being revised, which is hugely important, and that a meeting was held on July 9th. I should probably have voiced my concerns there. However, I do not have the time to show up for a publication that cannot give its contributors the time of day. It is a new year with new
staff, presenting a chance to turn over a new leaf. In this upcoming year, how do you plan to foster inclusivity and equality in the management practices of The Link? What will you do to actively seek diversity among contributors and maintain good relationships with them?
Sincerely, Hope Emily Cornell
Editorial: Taking accountability
In Volume 44, we messed up. We made tremendous strides towards bettering and healing our paper, but we also soured our reputation with some beloved community members and readers.
On Oct. 17, 2023, we published the article "Students denounce double standard in Concordia's Israel-Palestine statements." We failed to contact Concordia University for comment on this article, resulting in a factual error and a public statement from Concordia condemning our mistake.
We should have contacted Concordia for comment. We should have held ourselves accountable and issued a public statement.
We've since issued online and in-print corrections and apologized to our bulk of staff writers and contributors for this error.
On March 5, 2024, we published the article "Student kicked off campus for peaceful protest." Following publication, we received a tip advising us that the student featured in the article had prior ties to a right-wing organization with troubling ideologies in complete opposition to ours.
We should have done more in-depth research to confirm our source's identity.
This article has since been retracted. The author wrote a detailed apology letter to the editor, and we've issued a public apology on Instagram underscoring our
mistakes, signalling a pending internal reform.
As of May, The Link has shifted into a new volume with a renewed masthead. We have undergone serious internal reform to ensure issues like this never arise again. Following these events, our previous management instilled the necessary precautions in the Volume 44 masthead to prevent future unacceptable events.
We needed to do more.
During the transition into Volume 45, the managing team ensured that our new team reviewed new policies and handbooks in their training. We created a procedure booklet titled "The Link 101," which all masthead members must follow. This booklet includes, among other topics, a comprehensive guide to editing an article, proofreading
an article and, most importantly, fact-checking.
We also publicly announced our mandate revision. We invited members of the community to review, comment on and contribute to a new propositional mandate, an important governing document in The Link's structure. Over the summer, our mandate was updated for the first time since 2017, curated with the help of our community.
The Link has also been made aware of the discomfort of our contributors, namely artists, regarding our use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) to create last-minute graphics.
We’ve had several internal discussions on its ethical use. We hear your concerns and we agree.
Using AI in any way, shape or form to create our content
undermines our mandate and our long-standing ethics and principles. AI not only steals content from artists but also guts the opportunity to employ them on a project. As of July 2024, we have published The Link's first AI policy, outlining our zero-tolerance policy concerning AI use in all our published content.
If you are reading this right now, it is a testament to your investment in The Link. You care and are interested in this extension of a hand to our community; this is an apology, this is recognition and this is a promise.
For 45 years, The Link has been an award-winning, community, student-run advocacy newspaper.
Since 1980, we have been vital to the fabric of the Montreal community. We have held governments and administrations ac-
countable and played an immense role in documenting movements left in the dark by legacy media. We became one of the first newspapers based out of a Canadian university to be recognized as a community newspaper for our civic journalism.
Our utmost priority is to find ways to better support our workers, sources and readership. As you finish reading our first issue, The Student Power Issue, let us remind you it is a new volume with new staff, new regulations, fresh minds, fresh ideas and, hopefully, new contributors.
Volume 44 saw a record number of contributors and staff writers, with over 120 contributors and 60 staff writers. This record number attests to our reach to students and creatives in the Montreal community, who have taken the leap in trusting us with their work. Thank you; it is an incredible thing. A larger team of contributors offers The Link a heightened perspective, yielding a more dynamic newspaper that continues to give back.
Welcome to Volume 45; The Link is here to serve you. We invite everyone to get involved, just as they are. Thank you sincerely for hearing us address our past mistakes. Let us learn from them and move forward together.
Volume 45, Issue 1
Tuesday, September 3, 2024
Concordia University
Library Building, Room LB-717
1400 de Maisonneuve Blvd. W.
Montreal, Quebec H3G 2V8
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TheLinkis published twelve times during the academic year by TheLinkPublication Society Inc. Content is independent of the university and student associations ECA, CASA, ASFA, FASA, CSU). Editorial policy is set by an elected board as provided for in TheLink’s constitution. Any student is welcome to work on TheLinkand become a voting member. Material appearing in TheLinkmay not be produced without prior written permission from TheLink . Letter to the editor are welcome. All letters 400 words or less will be printed, space, permitting. The letters deadline is Friday at 4:00 p.m. TheLinkreserves the right to edit letters for clarity and length and refuse those deemed racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, libellous or otherwise contrary to TheLink’s statement of principles.
BOARD OF DIRECTORS 2023-2024: Voting Members: Caroline Marsh, Jessica Hungate | Non-Voting Members: Hannah Vogan, Varda Nisar
TYPESETTING by TheLink PRINTING by Hebdo-Litho.
CONTRIBUTORS: Azfar Adib, Zina Chouaibi, ken.dra downe, Safa Hachi, Zeina Haish, Delaney Kelly, Sarah-Maria Khoueiry, Paula Lou, Jainam Shah, Macintyre Strudensky.
House Ads: Panos Michalakopoulos, Myriam Ouazzani
Covers and Poster: Myriam Ouazzani, Panos Michalakopoulos
Corrections for Vol. 44, Issue 13:
The photo on the front cover of Issue 13, Volume 44 was incorrectly attributed. The photo was taken by Lana Brady. The Link regrets this error.
VOGAN
MARTIN
CHOLAKOVA
MICHALAKOPOULOS
SYLVESTRE HANNAH SCOTT-TALIB CLAUDIA BEAUDOIN
INDIA DAS-BROWN
JARED LACKMAN-MINCOFF
LORY SAINT-FLEUR
ANDRAÉ LERONE LEWIS
MATTHEW DALDALIAN
MYRIAM OUAZZANI
DANA HACHWA
VARDA NISAR
GRAPHIC MYRIAM OUAZZANI
