Draft April by Maddie Nguyen

[ TAMMELA ]

Chau Nguyen [ TAMMELA ] TEMPORARY USES IN URBAN REGENERATION

Master of Science Thesis Editing, page make-up style and cover design by Chau Nguyen Unless otherwise noted, all diagrams and photos are the original work of Chau Nguyen printed in Tampere.

[ TAMMELA ] TEMPORARY USES IN URBAN REGENERATION

NGUYEN MINH-CHAU MASTER OF ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

ABSTRACT Tampere University of Technology Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Degree Programme in Architecture

Tammela - Temporary uses in urban regeneration Master of Science Thesis, 129 pages. May 2015 Examiner: Professor Panu Lehtovuori This master thesis investigates temporary uses in urban regeneration as a sustainable approach to current challenges in urban planning. Recently there is a rise of interest in placemaking movement as well as the D.I.Y mentality from bottom-up level. Therefore, temporary uses emerge as a normal phase in urban development, in the changing paradigm of urban planning and the counter-culture demands from the residents. This thesis consists of 4 parts, theoretical background, the analysis of chosen site Tammela, design at multi scales and conclusion. The methodology is the interplay between theoretical study and empirical observations to grasp urban life in its totality. In Theory part, I explore current challenges in cities, the placemaking movement and the theoretical background for place-making. On that ground, the phenomenological approach will reveals the inter-related dimensions of the chosen site Tammela. In Analysis and Design parts, I analyse and propose situations in Tammela. Design output is process-approached, because design is not three, but four dimensional. It consists of the phasing strategies, planning for the temporal as well as the physical. KEY WORDS: Urban Regeneration, Urban Culture, Urban Atmosphere, Temporary Uses.

This thesis is the fruit from my journey in Finland. I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Panu Lehtovuori, for the support and a source of inspiration. I am deeply grateful to teachers Minna Chudoba and Minna Santaoja for their support, valuable insights and constructive criticism for my master thesis. I take this opportunity to express gratitude to all of the School of Architecture teachers and members for their help and support. I would also like to thanks my friends, who gave me the important moral support throughout my study and who directly or indirectly lend a hand. Finally, I would like to express my deepest gratefulness to my mother, who never stopped believing in me and gave me the unconditional love. Without her, I would have never succeeded in finishing this master thesis.

PREFACE 1

Tschumi, B. (1994). Architecture and disjunction. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

My thesis derives from my own experience, while studying and traveling from Asia to Europe, especially in Finland. Hence I shifted my viewpoints from an over-dense megacity in Vietnam to Tampere, a medium-sized town. Jan Gehl says, first we shape the city, then they shape us. Here in Finland, I encountered first the vast dead public spaces during winter, but suddenly full of activities in summer. The longer I reside, the more interesting activities I find out in various business incubators, co-sharing workspaces with endless discussions about urban innovation, such as Restaurant Day or Sivouspäivä. I wonder how we bring out this hidden charm of Finland to the surface. Secondly, Architect Bernard Tschumi, in his book “Architecture and Disjunction”, mentioned the “paradox” of architecture when addressing the difference between the conceptual thought of architects and the physical, social and experiential aspects of its built environment 1. If public life is spontaneous and ephemeral, as my observations in Tampere suggest, this thesis aims to address the gap through a reconceptualization of city’s public space and architect’s tool to work in public realm. To do this, I will combine theoretical study and empirical observation. Civic activities will evolve fresh and vital colours to the urban canvas, with small changes but long impact. Our cities are an immense laboratory of trial and error. Our cities are shaped by the memories and experiences of the inhabitants. The current bottom-up urban movements, such as the D.I.Y urbanism, guerilla urbanism, and further on, embrace the public space and the everyday life. It raises the question: Should we include urban culture and its characteristics from the early step of urban planning? For that reason, temporary uses emerge as an alternative tool in urban regeneration. The physical built environment should no longer be the only focus of city planners, architects and designers. The architects should move from the role of building masters to be the consultants in the whole process, when we can use inter-disciplinary knowledge to design rules of game for the end-users. Architects would perform an active role in the urban movements, get out of the office and work in collaboration with people. Therefore, we propose a programme for urban (re)development not a fixed plan. QUESTION: How can we use temporary uses as a tool in urban regeneration ?

TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT TABLE OF CONTENTS

THEORY

SETTING THE SCENE

1.1

CHALLENGES IN CITIES

1.2

PLACEMAKING APPROACH

METHODOLOGY

1.3

URBAN ATMOSPHERE

1.4

TEMPORARY USES

[T A M M E L A] - ANALYSIS

2.1

TAMMELA IN CONTEXT

2.2

SPATIAL DIMENSION

2.3

SOCIAL DIMENSION

2.4

THE NETWORK

[T A M M E L A] - DESIGN

STRATEGIC PHASES

3.1

FOR URBAN REGENERATION

3.2

PROTOTYPES

3.3

SCENARIOS

102

3.4

ACTION PLAN

120

CONCLUSION

123

CONCLUSION

125

BIBLIOGRAPHY

128

Figure 1 Instant City by Peter Cook

THEORY Recently the economic crisis has exacerbated problems and the technological innovation has improved tools of analysis and intervention. The designer can receive an enormous flow of data, which includes all of the inter-disciplinary knowledge, demographic, social, historical and economic factors. As a consequence, there should be other alternative methods instead of prejudged design solutions. These tools fully exploit the unique characters of place and evolve the emergent solutions.

[ SETTING THE SCENE ] + [ METHODOLOGY]

The methodology in this master thesis is the interplay between theoretical and empirical studies. This theoretical study provides the foundation for spatial interventions in the chosen site - Tammela. First, I investigate the current challenges in cities, such as social exclusion and the imbalances in public space and public life, as well as the disadvantages of top-down planning. Due to these emerging challenges, the place-making approach is the recent movement from bottom-up level. On that ground, the surveys from Jan Gehl about public life acclaim for the urge of good quality public design, as well as the significant role of the users in public space. Furthermore, the place placelessness dual notions by Edward Relph elucidate the value of a pragmatic sense of place, as an aim to seek for local actions to deal with larger-scale social and environmental challenges. To outline a humanistic and emotional framework for research and design, I apply the phenomenological approach to study public life, with temporary uses as the main tool for urban regeneration. Phenomenological approach applies â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;urban atmosphereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; as the strategic analysis model, encompassing the social, spatial dimensions and the integrative network of relations. To plan the unplanned, we need to get back to basic questions: Who are the temporary users? How do they practise temporary uses? Which themes are these temporary uses about?

1.1 CHALLENGES IN CITIES | SOCIAL EXCLUSION – DISADVANTAGES OF OBJECTIVE REGULATIONS So far in the 21st century, we have experienced the urbanization as an inevitable phenomenon, when the most 2 Hertzberger, H. (1991). Lessons for part of human population live in the cities. This results in a multi-faceted crisis, not only in economic, but also students in architecture. Rotterdam: social, infrastructure and environmental concerns. Consequently, the postmodern lifestyle is restructured and Uitgeverij 010 Publishers, p.47. redefined in the new social context. Unlike my ancestors, who could spend their whole life in a village and get 3 Lefebvre, H. (2004). Rhythmanalythe benefits from communal involvement and the belonging feeling, my generation gets acquaintance to the sis. London: Continuum. commuting lifestyle in a fluid world. The geographical migration with the migratory labour appears not only in the European context, but globally. This state of living brings also the feeling of exclusion, isolation and alienation in the communities. People struggle to express their individuals in the cities, raise their voices in public debates. And most of them feel unsatisfied and depressed about the bureaucratic manners of governments. The minority even chose the most aggressive ways to express their opinions, when we read the news about the conflicts on streets, the robberies, and the terrorism propaganda strategy toward those young lost juveniles. Herman Hertzberger notes, the incredible destruction of public property – which is on the rise in the world’s major cities – can probably particularly be blamed on alienation from the living environment. There is the vicious circle of relations from the lack of commitment, then eliciting the aggression or the fear of chaos. People tend to initiate further actions to tighten the web of regulations. Unfortunately, these objective regulations create the conditions in which the suppressive system of order can make us all into lesser instead of co-owners, into subordinates instead of participants. It creates alienations, while claiming to represent the people. These institutional and organizational approaches from top-down may obstruct the development conditions that could lead to a more hospitable environment. 2 Undoubtedly, this objective regulation fails as well as the autonomous, prejudiced planning approach. To define their identity in urban life, people also exclusively discuss and actively participate in social media or social network. What we talk about social life is not social life. Henri Lefebvre in his last writing, Rhythmanalysis, mentions about this mediatisation. The media day never ends, when you consider about the flow of information or communication over the globe. Time appears to be occupied by empty words, by mute image, by the present without presence. 3 The social life in social network is an artificially social presence. The media enters and influences the everyday, masked the lived presence. We have misunderstood the taken photo represented the reality and emphasized the reality. We talk about the community in the perceived and conceived perception, not the lived one. It is crucial to distinguish the mediatised everyday and the lived everyday. To activate a neighbourhood, public participation cannot be merely mentioned in the news, the legal regulations, but the community needs the real dialogue between people.

PUBLIC SPACE – PUBLIC LIFE 4

Sennett, R. (1978). The fall of public man. New York: Vintage Books, p.16.

In the literature about public realm on recent decades, the erosion and decline of public space and public life have been a predominant theme. In The Fall of Public Man, Richard Sennett questions, what happened to public life? In a word, his answer is: self. “Each person’s self has become his principal burden; to know oneself has become an end, instead of a means through which one knows the world.” He argues public life has 5 Lefebvre, H. (2004). Rhythmanalybecome a matter of formal obligation in modern times. More importantly, the private and personal have taken sis. London: Continuum. precedence over the public and impersonal, as society become less interested in public matters and more 6 Gehl, J. and Svarre, B. (n.d.). How driven by private interests and personal desires. He further states, the “unbalanced personal life and empty public life “ are manifested in the dead public space of modern architecture, with few opportunities for social to study public life, p.16. interactions 4 This imbalances in private and public life, that did not exist in the 18th century city, results from the changing forces in social context, especially the industrialization and urbanization. In Rhythmanalysis, Lefebvre investigates the rhythmanalysis of urban life to unfold the manipulations of time in capitalism. In this modern time, the capitalist production affects human rhythms. We are trained to control our life, articulate our use of time in a daily routine. We get used to eating at certain times. We start our days, go to work, communicate with each other, back to home, and act repetitively. However, “social man had not yet dominated nature, that is, he had not separated himself from it. The cyclical, rhythmic nature of the lived is therefore often contrasted with the linear, repetitive time of the technical and the social.” Lefebvre argues, “capital kills social richness, while the social richness dates from an earlier time; gardens and (public) parks, squares and avenues, open monumentality, etc.”5 The modernization of Tammela during the 1960’s and 1970’s is exactly the example for this process. At that time, the living condition was clearly improved, but the intimate streetscape totally disappeared in Tammela. In other words, there is an urge for good quality public design, which encourages social interactions and therefore facilitates the vibrant public life. However, designing for public life is very challenging for the tasks of designers because of its ephemerality and spontaneity. Since the 70’s, Jan Gehl has been one of the protagonists for humane value in public design. He conducts long time surveys on public spaces about public life, insists on enduring commitments and focus on human interest. A decade later, these efforts draw more interests in architects and others for people-oriented values in cities. “ A good city is like a good party”, Gehl says in the Urbanized, a feature-length documentary about the design of cities, “You know it’s working when people stay for much longer than really necessary, because they are enjoying themselves.” This following illustration of necessary and optional activities comes from “People on Foot” by Jan Gehl in the architectural journal Arkitkten in 1968. It was part of the first large study of the correlation between public space and public life. Another illustration of activities has been made in 2012, Gehl includes new activities such as talking on cell phones - while walking, standing and seated. Gehl states, in the course of the 20th century, fewer necessary activities took place in public space.6

Optional activities (Take place under good external conditions)

Walk

Increasing degree of external necessity

Walk to ENJOY LIFE (experience something)

STROLL

Necessary activities (Take place under all conditions)

Walk to DO SOMETHING (walk the dog) (join demonstration)

Walk to SHOP

TRANSIT

Stand to

Stand to EAT

Stand

Stand to ENJOY LIFE

Stand to QUENCH THIRST

(sandwich sign wearer) (police officer)

Stand to DEAL WITH HINDRANCES (red light)

Stand to

LOOK AT ACTIVITIES (a crowd) (individuals)

DO SOMETHING (verify location)

WAIT (for the bus) (for someone)

Stand to TRADE Stand to DO SOMETHING

Sit to EAT Sit to SUPERVISE

Sit

(children at play)

Sit to ENJOY THE SUNSHINE

Walk to DO A JOB

Stand to GREET / TALK

LOOK AT SOMETHING (displays)

(take pictures) (feed pigeons)

Sit to ENJOY LIFE

Walk to DO ERRANDS (Deliveries, etc)

Sit to REST (need a break)

Sit to READ

Figure 2 Jan Gehl, “People on Foot”, Arkitekten no.20/1968

THE URGE FOR GOOD QUALITY PUBLIC SPACES

Figure 3 Gehl, J. and Svarre, B. (n.d.). How to study public life, p.147. 7

Ibid., p.147.

In this diagram from the book New City Life, Gehl sums up the history of urban life from 1880 to 2005. At the beginning of the 20th century, many necessary activities took place in public space. These activities disregarded the quality of public space. This era was before the automobile traffic, so goods were transported through the city by foot or horse, so that the pedestrian traffic was dominant. Many people also used the streets as their workplace. Over the course of the 20th century, goods were transfered by other forms of transport, and city space gradually became an arena for recreational and leisure activities. Optional activities in both active and passive forms roar up public space. These activities require good quality public space. In our current context, the quality of public space becomes all-important.7

1.2 PLACEMAKING APPROACH | PLACEMAKING AND PLACE-LED DEVELOPMENT Recently we have observed the placemaking movement spreading out in the world at different scales and various types of practices, from urban farming in Detroit to dancing in the streets of Beijing. While conducting this theoretical part, I regularly listen to Monocle 24 - an internet-based radio station - with their talks about urban culture, design, fooding and daily cultural news around the world with the intensive discussions about what makes a city great to live in. These vigorous talks strongly portrait the placemaking movement becoming a social movement in cities. At the Urban Age Conference in Delhi on November 2014, head of UN-Habitat Joan Clos stressed the need for a new paradigm for shaping communities around the world, whether in rural areas or urban centers. He briefly states that government(s) would need to change as well. Cities also contain unique tools and opportunities - they have long been sites of great social transformation and democratic action, and they continue to be powerful engines of economic growth and innovation. To harness these opportunities, though, as Dr. Joan Clos has argued, “requires a shift in mindset away from seeing urbanization as a problem. Instead, we need to approach urbanization as a solution.8 Projects for Public Spaces (PPS) is one of the pioneering non-profit organization dedicated to helping people create and sustain public spaces that build stronger communities. PPS was founded in 1975 to expand on the work of William (Holly) Whyte, author of The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. For a new urban agenda, they insist on the placemaking approach: “To begin thinking differently about the ways we create, plan, and experience urban life, governments at all levels must recognize the formation of public spaces and places as the core incremental process of city-making. What is more, given its power to achieve multiple outcomes quickly, effectively, and democratically, Placemaking and place-led governance (putting “place” at the center of policy and planning frameworks) need to be fundamental components in this new urban agenda.” 9 With all this talk about “public space” and “place”, it is necessary to distinguish what is the difference between “public space” and “place” and why we need the placemaking movement. “Public space” is a slippery term, since there are multidisciplinary approaches to define it from different viewpoints. For planners or architects, “public space” belongs to the functional zones, the grade of accessibility, the territorial claims, the uses of it, who use it, who take care of it. Public space can be placeless. Place, on the other hand, refers to social context and generally implies something about somewhere. People may invest memories and experiences within a specific place. The recent understanding about “public space” is concerned about the cultural and social production of public space. Varna (2011) states,this is the understanding of a public place as a cultural artefact and its publicness as a cultural and historical reality. In other words, public place is created as a reflection of a society’s views, beliefs, norms and ideas. By this definition of ‘publicness’, she argues that the ‘publicness’ of a place can be measurable and independent of the human consciousness. 10

Clos, J. (2014). Way Forward. In: ECOSOC Integration Segment on Sustainable Urbanization. 9

Pps.org, (2015). Project for Public Spaces | Placemaking and PlaceLed Development: A New Paradigm for Cities of the Future.

[online] Available at: http://www.pps.org/ blog/placemaking-and-place-led-development-a-new-paradigm-for-cities-ofthe-future/ [Accessed 10 Mar. 2015]. 10

Varna, G. (2011). Assessing the publicness of public places: towards a new model.. PhD thesis. University of Glasgow,pp. 4-9.

PLACE - PLACELESSNESS 11

Relph, E. (2009). A Pragmatic Sense of Place. [online] Environmental & Architectural Phenomenology Forum.

In the writing ‘A pragmatic sense of place’, Edward Relph notes, each place is a territory of significance, distinguished from larger or smaller areas by its name, by its particular environmental qualities, by the stories and shared memories connected it, and by the intensity of meanings people give to it or derive from it… Where communities have deep roots, it seems their named places fuse culture and environment, and this fusion Available at: http://www.arch.ksu.edu/ 11 In an undifferentiated, autonomous and generic context, the seamon/60%2009%20fall%20%20 is then revealed in striking cultural landscapes. community lost its humane roots and intimate webs between people, just like a man lives without his name. In 20%203.pdf [Accessed 11 Mar. 2015]. this meaning, the core notion of place relates adherently to the ideas of community and locality. 12

Relph, E. (1976). Place and placelessness. London: Pion.

Conversely, the antithesis of place is placelessness, “a sort of non-place quality manifest in uniformity, standardization and disconnection from context. If a place is somewhere, placelessness can be anywhere”.11 As an oppositional thinking, it can be understood as the different and contrast landscape between a small enclosed village and a crowded, busy traffic cityscape. Place is an expression of what is specific and local, while placelessness corresponds to what is general and mass-produced. However, place and placelessness can bound up and weave together. A metro station can appear as a nonplace space for daily commuters. Up to one day you had a memorable event happening there, that station brings emotion and becomes a named place in your daily journey. No matter how distinctively different somewhere may appear, it may share some of its features with other places like red tile roofs and white walls as a common feature in Mediterranean towns. A city can also be reinvented by borrowing distinctive identities, as tourism cities are renovated and transformed into ‘authentic’ ancient towns instead of the real everyday activities of residents. This phenomenon, as Relph states, is not uncommon. “It is helpful, therefore, to think of place and placelessness arranged along a continuum and existing in a state of tension. At one extreme, distinctiveness is ascendant and sameness diminished; at the other extreme, uniformity dominates and distinctiveness is suppressed. Between these extremes there are countless possible configurations”.12 Place and placelessness appear as dialectically dual sides of public space. In fundamental understanding, placelessness indicates the lack of commitment and social interaction. As I mentioned about the social exclusion, we encounter that non-place sense in everyday life. In Under the Bridge by Red Hot Chili Peppers, they sing,” Sometimes I feel like I don’t have a partner. Sometimes I feel like the only friend is the city I live in...”. I turned on the song, wearing my headphones and avoiding small talk on the bus, in a repetitively boring daily journey, with the monotonous rhythm of concrete blocks along the route. That placelessness intrigues the unawareness, alienation and the boredom in urban life. It is sad but true, that generic urbanism derives from the prejudiced and archetypical design from planners. To bring the content to public realms, it requires the shift in thinking from physical environment to the human relations, as well as the life between building. To design a place for community is to create the sense of place in the spatial arrangements, therefore embrace the social interaction and civic engagement.

12 Figure 4

Public space - as a river for private and public activities

Figure 5

Place - as a collective point for community, as individuals and the community invest memories in a specific place.

Public space serves as a river for individuals, while place is a collective point for the community. In a ‘placeless’ public space, individual floats in isolated territory along the uncharacteristic floating ‘river’.

locality

generic

community uniqueness

mass-production

PLACE

constant tension

PLACELESS

uniformity standardization

identity relations

anonymity Figure 6

Place - placeless model for public space

SPIRIT & SENSE OF PLACE 13

Norberg-Schulz, C. (1980). Genius loci. New York: Rizzoli, pp. 25-32.

Relph, E. (2009). A Pragmatic Sense of Place. [online] Environmental & Architectural Phenomenology Forum. Available at: http://www.arch.ksu.edu/ seamon/60%2009%20fall%20%20 20%203.pdf [Accessed 11 Mar. 2015]..

“Spirit of place” is a translation of the Latin “genius loci”, as the Romans believed that each house, town, grove , and mountain was possessed by its own spirit. The spirit of place gives identity to the place. In Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture, Norberg-Schulz describes genius loci as representing the sense that people have of a place. It is understood as the sum of all physical as well as symbolic values in nature and the human environment. In his description for Genius Loci, the natural conditions of a place are based on features from the topographical landscape, including a cosmological and temporal perspective with continual changes of light and vegetation in the annual cycle. These characteristic rhythmic fluctuations contrast with the stability of physical form. This is the genius loci of a place in nature that we have to interpret when we are changing our built environment. 13 Spirit of place is understood as an inherent quality from the natural condition and the symbolic, existential meanings from the cultural landscape. As a building is abandoned, the spirit of place fades. Reversely, as somewhere is built up and lived in, the spirit of place grows. From the practical viewpoint, it is possible to design environments to enhance or diminish the spirit of place. Close to the description of “spirit of place”, sense of place is the faculty by which we grasp the spirit of place. Spirit of place exists primarily outside of us (but being experienced through memory and intention), while sense of place lies primarily inside us ( but being aroused by the landscape we encounter). The sense of place implies both the individual experience and inter-subjective meaning from its related community. It combines all sensual experience toward a physical environment. The deepest sense of place is the feeling at home, the belonging feeling in a place, where you know and are known by others. Therefore, a strong sense of place can prevent the social exclusion and enhance the civic engagement. It can be enhanced by careful observation about the human activities and experience. Relph notes, sense of place varies over time. Back to the 19th century, most people lived in rural areas, maintained a long-lasting and limited social network in their lifetimes, communicated by speech and walking, and rarely travelled more than a few miles from their birthplace. Such a geographically focused life must have led to a profound place associations, where each person, house, field, road, and custom was familiar and known by name. In some remote areas and in nostalgic beliefs, this intimate familiarity lingers into the present, but it is mostly a pre-modern experience. 14 In contrast, my generation cannot take grant from these long-lasting engagement, as we may travel thousand kilometres and live the expatiate life in a strange condition. The sense of place is spread-eagled across the world. The social network and digital tools also expand the border of my working environment. Modern networks of communication also require that we constantly situate ourselves in wider context and adapt to the transitional conditions. As a result, the sense of place becomes shallower, more diffuse and distributed.

A PRAGMATIC SENSE OF PLACE In When Strangers Become Neighbours: Managing Cities of Differences 15, Leonie Sandercock tells her reflection by observation the migrant community in Melbourne: “In one outer suburban municipality with significant numbers of recent arrivals from Vietnam, Cambodia and China, the Buddhist community sought permission to build a temple and asked the planning staff for help in locating a site. They were directed to industrially-zoned land on the periphery, where the temple subsequently built stands empty most of the time because of its inaccessibility in the daily lives of the community, particularly the elderly and transport-disadvantaged. Reacting to this disadvantage, Buddhist monks have purchased suburban houses as residences, and then converted the garage into a small temple, and part of the house into a communal kitchen for preparation for feast days. Visiting one such house with a community worker as guide, I encountered a triple-life-sized statue of the Buddha next to a lotus pond in the backyard, and, indoors, 15 or so elderly Vietnamese women making dumplings for a feast day. In the garage was the shrine and place of worship, tell-tale pairs of sandals lined up at the door, and the smell of incense emanating from within. From the street there was no indication that this house was a de facto community centre and temple. The local council, however, had received a complaint from a neighbour about the `excessive’ burning of incense, which was described as air pollution and a health hazard. Having discovered the non-conforming use to which the house was being put, the council had no choice, legally, but to order the monks to cease using the house for community and religious purposes “. 16 The meaning of this story is not merely about a case of air pollution, but rather an expression of fear by the existing community toward the changing face of the neighbourhood, and their new neighbours. Therefore, Sandercock argues, the future of planning in cities of difference requires a coming to terms with the existence of fear in the city, especially fear of the Other (the stranger/outsider/foreigner). 17 She calls to develop a “therapeutic” approach, by “managing the intercultural co-existence in shared space”. This requires an open and communicative planning process, involving negotiation and mediation in working through a problem with those directly affected. It requires life experience, communicative skills and, in multicultural or multi-ethnic contexts, cross-cultural understanding. 18 We cannot get back to the dream of the rational city, as Haussmann reformed Paris in the 19th century. We cannot plan the city in our “right” order and produce “right” citizen for our utopia. There will be no general theory as the modernist, rationalistic way of thinking. Instead, we need a continuous placemaking process from the local level, which can combine the individual, the multi- racial and multi-cultural communities, therefore correspond to the particular challenges. In this regard, a pragmatic sense of place becomes relevant, as an aim to seek for local actions to deal with emerging, larger-scale social and environmental challenges. The pragmatic sense of place is also the touch back to the everyday life and the lived experience. When a practical sense of place becomes an essential aspect of planning process, we can also integrate various alternative strategies rather than testing one planning approach against fixed, general and placeless criteria.

Sandercock, L. (2000). When Strangers Become Neighbours: Managing Cities of Difference. Planning Theory & Practice, 1(1), pp.13-30. 16

Sandercock, L. & Kliger, B. (1998). MULTICULTURALISM AND THE PLANNING SYSTEM. Australian Planner, 35(3), pp.127-132. 17 Sandercock, L. (2000). Negotiating fear and desire: the future of planning in multicultural societies. In: Urban Futures Conference Proceedings. Urban Forum, Volume 11, Issue 2, pp.201-210.

See more at: Sandercock, L. (2010). Difference, fear, and habitus: a reflection on cities, cultures, and fear of change. Keynote Paper In: Habitus Conference. 18

Sandercock, L. (2004). Towards a Planning Imagination for the 21st Century. Journal of the American Planning Association, 70(2), pp.133-141.

THE NORDIC PUBLIC SPACES Figure 7 Crêpes are being prepared for the craving while the Hammond organ plays for the people at Le Petit Crêperie de Rue in Helsinki on Restaurant Day (21 Aug 2011). Image by Tuomas Sarparanta. From the website of Restaurant Day organization: “Restaurant Day is a food carnival created by thousands of people organizing and visiting one-day restaurants worldwide. The idea of the day is to have fun, share new food experiences and enjoy our common living environments together. The event is facilitated by a team of volunteers who also maintain this website. All restaurateurs are personally responsible for all actions related to running their restaurants.” [online] Available at: http://www.restaurantday.org/ [Accessed 11 Mar. 2015].

Cities have one crucial resource - their people. Human cleverness, desires, motivations, imagination and creativity are replacing location, natural resources and market access as urban resources. The creativity of those who live in and run cities will determine future success. Of course this has always been critical to cities’ ability to survive and adapt. As cities when they became large and complex enough to present problems of urban management, so they became laboratories that developed the solutions - technological, conceptual and social - to the problem of growth. Landry, C. (2000). The creative city. London: Earthscan Publications. Due to the modernization during the 1960’s, Tammela was converted from a wooden residential district to the generic concrete blocks. At some level, this placeless urban context is necessary to form new commons. Urban culture in the context of Finland blooms out as a strong identity. During the summertime, there are around 10 informal collective places in Tampere, for example, the Yellow House in the old abandoned wooden house in Tammela or the Hirvitalo in the gentrified community of Pispala. The urban activists constantly organise events in a planned schedule but flexible topics depending on the participants. This proactive manner in urban life is the sensitive ability to transform the weaknesses into the potential strengths. To outline briefly the identity of public spaces in Finland, it is apparent that the central idea of welfare state was the main ideology driving the urban planning after the war. Everyone had equal rights, regardless of background and social or economic status, as well as equal access to public services.

Finnish urban planners were greatly influenced by the modernism vision, which was to create a new framework for the industrialised society. The central figure within post-war urban planning in Finland was Otto-Iivari Meurman, who set the guidelines for planning in his book Asemakaavaoppi (A Guide to Planning) in 1947. He promoted the idea of decentralization when housing areas were separated from each other by green areas. For one thing, Meurmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s planning principles are strongly influenced by the English Garden City movement and particularly Ebenezer Howardâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ideas of decentralization and combining the best of town and country. For another thing, the ideas of Le Corbusier also had great impact on planning and construction during the decades following the Second World War. Le Corbusier advocated industrial housing production and regarded standardization and rationalization as central principles for future housing production. In addition, the societal conditions in Finland were well suited for the use of industrial construction techniques. The neighbourhoods were developed on the urban fringes apart from the existing city structure, with the public services, streets, playgrounds and green spaces in a well-designed walking distance. Accordingly, urban space in the Nordic welfare city was found in two basic forms - in-between space and the outside space. The housing blocks were surrounded by the park-like space, playgrounds for children, senior centers with their greenery and the dominant parking lots. The public spaces were well-planned, different from the self-conscious urban forms in Mediterranean towns, with mono-functional design. Children did not play on streets, but in the playgrounds. People did not sit on the benches in the street but on the benches in a park. These spaces did not constitute a whole cityscape, but serving as an extended outdoor function of the indoor environment. They appeared fragmented and uninviting for people to stay and spend leisured time there. For another explanation for this situation, the ideology of modernist planning was to create a neutral, generic, standardized spatial background for human activities. Unfortunately, those placeless spaces discourage people to hang around and engage with their neighbours. There were public spaces, but isolated islands not inclusive places.

Figure 8

green space in-between blocks

occupied space by parking lots

stores along pedestrian pavement

Types of in-between space along Vellamonkatu street in Tammela

Figure 9 The rhythm of architectural elements and the in-between spaces along Vellamonkatu in Tammela. Images by Chau Nguyen. There is no urban interaction on the streets, just pass by pedestrians and cycler.

URBAN CULTURE - THE NEW NORDIC IDENTITY Back to Jan Gehl’s works from the 70’s, he has provided a humanistic approach in Nordic context. His idea is about the importance of inviting, and inviting everyone. If children are attracted by other children not toys, people are attracted in inviting public spaces with specific and locally defined identities. In addition, the present individualization and multi-culturalization challenges require the inclusive and engaged planning at different levels. More than ever, urban spaces play a significant role to help people live together with differences and express their individual identities. The 21st century public spaces are not mono-functional and mono-cultural, but multi-cultural and serving as democratic spaces for different political positions. In current context, the placemaking movement from local initiatives engages different sub-communities, embraces diverse sub-cultures, and reinvents vibrant urban life in the existing urban spaces. Urban culture becomes a strong Nordic identity for public spaces. In Finland, there are recent successful urban activism practices. For example, Restaurant Day started out in 2011 from Helsinki and has spread to more than 50 countries. Siivouspäivä or Cleaning Day has transformed cities into big flea markets since May 2012. These events have become so popular that everyone has mostly attended one. Everyone can easily register and organise their own restaurant or garage sale point in these events. These one-day festivals reclaim the cities and unveil passive and hidden social connections into active communities. All of these urban events are run spontaneously in the particular day of the events with specified theme like fooding. However the participants can actively contribute their own ideas related to the general theme of the event. They prioritised human aspects over other features. Aside from the individual motives, urban events are urban citizens’ statements of what cities should be like all the time. These one-day carnivals are just illustrations of a possible world, where public space would permanently be occupied by possibilities to react and interact with other people. Image 1 A concert on Container Square, Helsinki. Image by Timo Wright. Bermuda Helsinki is a non-governmental organization operating in Helsinki, which enables ordinary citizens to arrange cultural events in temporary spaces of the city. Since Bermuda’s current venue is located in the former Kalasatama container yard, the visual style of the website is based on container-like boxes and bright colors. The graphics were designed by Matti Tuominen (prakt.fi).

Image 2 A play during the Musta Pispala 2014 - the anarchism festival. Image by Chau Nguyen The anarchist counter-cultural festival Musta Pispala has spreaded around the gentrificated landscapes of Pispala region for 9 years.

Image 3 A temporary music station in Siivousp채iv채, Nalakantori park, Tampere. Image by Chau Nguyen Siivousp채iv채 changes cities and neighbourhoods into huge flea markets and marketplaces. Anyone can offer their second hand items up for sale on the streets, yards and at home, as well as make the best finds of the day. (from webiste http://siivouspaiva. com/en_EN/)

13.1

Image 4.1, 4.2 Siivousp채iv채, Nalakantori park, Tampere. Image by Chau Nguyen Architecture students made a participatory design for a temporary pavilion during the Tampere Architecture Week 2014. People gave their opinions about what they want in the city of Tampere. These brain-storming concepts were gathered for the design stage later. 13.2

13.3

Moreover, urban activism marks the shift from institutional citizenship to an active position. Citizenship is something you have to practice not instantly posses. These urban events bring down the democracy to the level of everyday life. Attending a block party is not partying, but participating. A person selling his homemade food at a stall on Saturday is also reclaiming his right to the city. If people hesitate to discuss in the public meeting in the town halls, the civic events create an informal place for meetings. As my own experience, I have never seen any political stalls in an open air marketplace, until I arrived in Finland. This is the meaning of real democracy, when people can claim for their citizenship in their everyday environment. Nordic public spaces serve as democratic spaces with informal atmosphere and informal coexistence. Urban events are driven by the desires to improve the city, develop the community in real action, instead of passive talking about it. This is how the problems of participatory democracy can be fixed with flea markets, block parties and pianos that people can play in the streets. However, mixing urban culture and citizenship imposes some risks on organization. It relates to the civic duty in public spaces, when the right of an individual does not affect another one. Besides, the physical surroundings also matter the precondition for some specific urban activities. To plan these informally selforganized events, we need to answer basic questions about when, where and how. For that reason, it is relevant to have an alternative framework or methodology integrating all social, cultural, spatial and organizational aspects in a whole. By all accounts, that alternative approach prioritises the human factors and interaction in public spaces.

METHODOLOGY To confront these emerging challenges, the designers need a framework that can combine all complex and inter-related aspects from the stage of analysis to design and implement. We agree that the role of the users is necessary in the most of urban planning. However, most of the participation approaches so far appear as a part in the consultation process, when “taking part” is seen to be enough while the decisions are made elsewhere. Italian architect Giancarlo De Carlo claims, that academic architecture was too far removed from everyday life. Thus modern architects aligned with the economic and political powers, and distanced themselves from general public. He states, participation does not mean planning for the users, but with them. The users’ wishes and ideas should feed unfiltered and on equal terms into the design process. 19

De Carlo, G. (2007). Architecture’s Public. In: P. Jones, D. Petrescu and J. Till, ed., Architecture and Participation, 1st ed. Abingdon: Spon Press, pp.3-22. 20

See more at Blundell-Jones, P., Petrescu, D. and Till, J. (2005). Architecture and participation. New York: Spon Press.

For that purpose, De Carlo proposes a scientific method, including the observations, suggestions, and reviews, subsequently reassessed and further developed in a procedural system. Therefore, the analysis of users’ needs should be followed by the formulation of hypotheses, and then by the evaluation of use. The participatory process runs through three stages not just once, and is repeated clinically in a continuous sequence of control, feedback and reformulation. This also means the developments of the architecture does not end with the completion of the building.20 On that ground, the participatory design process is the continuum from analysis, design and implementation, thus being evaluated and gathering feedback. For this master thesis, the hypothetical design is formulated after the strategic analysis. It is based on the phenomenological approach. It apparently lays focus on the ephemeral and vivid urban life, by observation the users in their everyday living environment. These inputs further result in the design output, which is deeply contextual and emerging from the local landscape. As a consequence, the implemented strategies and the resulting organization in the proposal have long and elastic impacts.

FEEDBACK

ANALYSIS

DESIGN

IMPLEMENT

ANALYSIS

DESIGN & IMPLEMENT Figure 10 The continuum from analysis, design and implementation to feedback.

Merleau-Ponty, M. (2003). Phenomenology of perception. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge.

THEORETICAL

EMPIRICAL

Figure 11 The framework from input to output, through strategic analysis. This methodology combines the theoretical and empirical studies.

For analysis, the planners collect all data, analyse the urban fabric, the natural condition, social aspects, human behaviours, economic aspects as well as the political situation. The ¨urban atmosphere¨ is the apparatus covering the notion of lived space, urban rhythm, the role of the users. It forms an analytical framework to analyse and synthesize all data into social, spatial dimensions, as well as the inter-related network between them. The theoretical ground of ¨urban atmosphere¨ is the phenomenological approach, when the designers study the users in their everyday environment and behaviours. By means of close observation and description, one can come close to understanding what lived experience is. In Phenomenology of Perception, Merleau–Ponty asks for a “demand for a pure description”.21 He suggests that the real should be described, not analysed or explained. In his phenomenological method, describing is the first and important step towards understanding the relation man, body and world. By a city walk, I can grasp the everyday atmosphere of the site, get into the role of the users. My body becomes the first metronome to analyse the rhythm of the architectural settlements, the social life and human behaviours. This is the first step to close the gap between professionals and users. Following the analysis, the temporary uses is the main tool for urban regeneration in the case of Tammela. It enhances the cultural, social and democratic values from the existing landscape. The final design is not a master plan, but an action programme including all potential scenarios, which emerge from everyday activities of residents in Tammela.

URBAN OBSERVATION INTERVIEWS WITH RESIDENTS URBAN FABRIC at different scales DEMOGRAPHIC DATA LEGAL POLICIES EXISTING COLLABORATION NETWORK THE URBAN INITIATIVES

LITERATURE REVIEW COMPARATIVE CASES

INPUT

SOCIAL DIMENSION

SPATIAL DIMENSION

THE NETWORK

ACTION PLANS IN TIMELINE STRATEGIES DIFFERENT SCENARIOS | PROGRAMMES

Integrative and mutual connected relations of different aspects and actors in the existing context

STRATEGIC ANALYSIS

OUTPUT

1.3 URBAN ATMOSPHERE | THE LIVED EXPERIENCE OF PLACE We individually encounter urban life at some levels, by walking down the street, saying hello to the neighbours, 22 Lefebvre, H. (1991). The producwaiting in silence at the bus stop. At the same time, all social phenomena happen constantly and simul- tion of space. Oxford, OX, UK: Blacktaneously, initiating the urban atmosphere surrounding us. To study and practice spatial design is about to well, p.86. question how people interact in space, what roles spaces play in the lives of their users, how space features in 23 Lefebvre, H. (2004). Rhythmanalytheir thoughts, minds and memories, how people form their perception about a place, and further on. sis. London: Continuum.

French theorist Henri Lefebvre introduces the notion of social space, which can be used as a valuable model to study public spaces. In “The Production of Space”, he proposes the valuable model of space, with three coherent layers of space. The perceived space is the space we can touch, feel, and live in with physical features. The conceived space is the conceptual space with highly abstract and intangible characters, mentioned in most of the works of spatially related experts, and finally, the lived space is produced in the shift of use.22 In addition, Lefebvre also argues for ‘rhythmanalysis’ for ¨the reading of space¨, when all related issues in social, cultural, historical aspects must be grasped all together at once. For one hand, the analysis of space must take into account lived rhythm through the human body. For the other hand, this analysis must cover historical background, or the static features of urban life. Therefore the rhythmanalysis studies space and time in coherence. 23 The starting point of the analysis is ‘liveability’ of everyday urbanism. To collect these original and fresh materials, the designer exposes himself in the role of the users by close observation. He grasps the fleeting features of public life as a correlated rhythm between space, time and the humane actors. From this ground, he closes the gap between his conceived world with the lived space.

CONCEIVED SPACE

SOCIAL SPACE PERCEIVED SPACE LIVED SPACE Figure 12 The production of social space is the coherence of conceived space, perceived space and lived space.

ATMOSPHERE 24

Böhme, G. (1993). Atmosphere as the Fundamental Concept of a New Aesthetics. Thesis Eleven, 36(1), pp.113-126.

The notion of atmosphere has been explored thoroughly by the German philosopher and scientist Gernot Böhme, as the relation between the embodied subject and the perceptible surrounding space. He introduced the concept of atmosphere as the fundamental concept of a new aesthetics. . He defines atmospheres as “spheres of presence”. The term “atmosphere” has its origin in the meteorological field ad refers to the earth’s envelope of air which carries the weather. It is only since the 18th century that it has been used metaphorically 25 Böhme, G. (2013). The art of the for moods which are “in the air” for the emotional tinge of a space. 24 stage set as a paradigm for an aesthetics of atmospheres. Ambiances. Environnement sensible, architecture et espace urbain. [online] Available at: http://ambiances.revues.org/315 [Accessed 14 Mar. 2015].

If atmosphere is “sphere of presences” between subjects and objects, subjects and space, urban atmosphere covers the notion of “lived experience”. People are unconsciously haunted in the hidden complex dimensions of urbanism. They spontaneously create urban atmosphere by their lived activities. Thereby, spaces become meaningful only through the movements and the events caused by people using these spaces in both expected and unexpected ways. Can we stage urban atmosphere in social space? To choose the term “stage” for urban spaces, I associate with the “staging” by Böhme. This term includes some theoretical and practical meanings: in the art of making stage, there is tactical knowledge about how to set up and combine all materials, the light, background and foreground. Therefore, the atmosphere is created on the stage with lighting. But it is also formed by the performance on the stage. In other words, the intellectual spheres for interaction are the aims of staging. 25 Architects design the stage, but they do not play the main role on that stage. In other words, instead of designing and planning functional forms, we should start thinking from the user experience and atmosphere generated within and from our design. We do not design an object but a process.

SPPPH H ATMOSPHERE

SUBJECT

Figure 13 Atmosphere is “sphere of presences” between subjects and objects, subjects and space.

OBJECT

ATMOSPHERE AS A PARTICIPATORY DESIGN APPROACH Although the idea of participatory design sounds interesting, it challenges designers to move from Theory to practice. We may get lost in the participation process, when the clients may restrict the creativity of designers with over-controlled requirements or they hesitate to give their real opinions. For both cases, it indicates some fundamental problems in communication between the architects and users. Sociologist Daniela Rätzel discovers that differences lay in their respective approaches. While the architects predominantly deal with the materiality and the building conditions in order to initiate the design process, the users need to explore the place first and then consider the programmes of the spaces. Users initially always construct a situational social space from the physical space. 26 In this regard, architects should recognise that their conventional architectural languages and theories can not deliver their social motives about sense of place to the public. As a successful case from theory to practise, Die Baupiloten has developed their participatory method, which insists on the spatial experience of the users. Susanne Hofmann reveals their “atmosphere” method, while atmosphere as a participatory design strategy. According to Gernot Böhme, atmosphere is an essential part in architecture, as we experience a place through its atmosphere, which we perceived with all of our senses. The atmosphere is the perceived presence within space; it is communicable and actively communicating. Hofmann advocates, “communication via atmospheres can be a method that integrates users and their emotional state into the design and architecture created during this process, resulting in a high degree of identification with it”. 27 She insists, atmosphere is a means of communication that can be used to develop consensus between architects and the users. “With this means of communication, the architect gain access to users’ or clients’ (or other relevant stakeholders in the project) desired worlds, allowing them to use this information in the creation of a consensual design.” 28 To outline their atmosphere methods, they emphasize on the study of everyday life, the atmospheric communication tools, such as photos and storytelling board, and the reflection or feedback from the users afterwards for enduring impacts of the design. The photos, questionnaires and other design techniques, such as storytelling, become the ‘atmospheric’ language to communicate and found the consensus with the users. In order to apply the spatial atmosphere thinking to design, I consider an analytical model to reveal the interchangeable relations of elements in the hypothesis. ‘Urban atmosphere’ becomes an apparatus term, combining layers of dimension: SPATIAL DIMENSION: the urban framework, the typology of buildings and typology of public spaces, the architectural elements. SOCIAL DIMENSION: Historical and demographic context, human behaviours, as well as spatial experience by users. NETWORK OF RELATIONS: The integrative and mutually connected network between all actors in the landscape. It reveals potential scenarios for the development programme.

See more at Hofmann, S. (2014). Architecture is Participation. Berlin: Jovis Berlin, p.20. Noted about: Rätzel, D. (2006). Erwachsenenbildung und Architektur im Dialog: Ein Beitrag zur dialogorientierten Konzeption von Räumen in der Erwachsenenbildung. Hamburg: Kovac, Dr. Verlag, p.197. 27

Ibid., p.22.

Ibid., p.27.

NETWORK The integrative and mutually connected network between all actors in the landscape. It reveals potential scenarios for the development programme.

SOCIAL DIMENSION Historical, demographic context with human behaviours, and their perception about the existing condition.

SPATIAL DIMENSION Urban framework architectural language typology.

[ TAMMELA ]

Figure 14 Analytical model for the hypothesis - Tammela

1.4 TEMPORARY USES| WHAT ARE TEMPORARY USES? What are temporary uses? In brief, these activities or places are organized and used in a limited duration of use. Temporary use refers to temporary activation of vacant or underused land or buildings with no immediate development demand. In principle, any action that uses a place for other than its common use for a period of time is temporary use. However, we use the concept to distinct those uses that carry a developmentorientation, i.e. capacity and goal to explore further potentials of places they are located. Hence, they form a category between momentary events and permanent (re)development. 29

MOMENTARY EVENTS

TEMPORARY USES

PERMANENT (RE)DEVELOPMENT

Lehtovuori, P. and Ruoppila, S. (2012). Temporary uses as means of experimental urban planning. Serbian Architectural Journal, 711.4, pp.29-51. 30

Temel R. ‘The temporary in the City’ in Haydn, F. and Temel, R. (2006). Temporary urban spaces. Basel: Birkhäuser, p.60. 31

Ibid., p.60.

Figure 15 Definition of temporary uses in between the premanent (re)development and momentary events.

As Robert Temel notes in the “The temporary in the city”, ‘when viewed from a distance, every use can be seen as temporary’. 30 This refers to the temporality in urbanism, which is oppositional to conventional master-plan thinking with plans based on static conditions. Everyday urban life is constantly changeable and always mutates to another state. In a vacant space between two blocks of housing, the neighbours decide to grow some flowers in the spring. This spontaneous action reinvents another image for the courtyard. This is one example we can observe in our familiar neighbourhood. Temporary uses are firstly the spatial appropriation of the existing built structure. In that sense, the function of a building can be appropriated during a specific period of time. Temel suggests, ‘we do not apply the word ‘temporality’ in its literal sense to spaces and uses but rather use it to refer to such special qualities of the temporary rather than the actual duration of use’. 31 For one point, temporary uses are those that planned from the outset to be impermanent. These uses seek to derive unique qualities from place-based areas. This meaning is strongly proofed in the place-making movement. On the other hand, it generates the experimental value because temporariness can avoid a certain amount of risk for high cost of urban development. It also prevents empty buildings from being dropped out of the market and vandalism. This experimentation aspect is linked to the activism and do-it-yourself mentality of the residents, when people improvise available resources to creatively form some temporary structures. 32

[

IMPERMANENT ]

[

EXPERIMENTAL ]

HOW TEMPORARY USES EMERGE ? 33

Florida, R. (2002). The rise of the creative class. New York, NY: Basic Books.

1. Temporary uses emerge in the cycle of urban development In general, temporary uses are not considered as a normal phase in the cycle of urban development. Vacant spaces should be planned and redeveloped into another functional structure or premise. However, the traditional urban planning is a slow process requiring a big amount of investment. Therefore, temporary uses 34 Openlivinglabs.eu, (2015). Einemerge in the cycle of urban life, due to the financial crisis, the de-industrialization trend and the shrinking of dhoven Living Lab | Open Living population. Labs. [online] Available at: http:// www.openlivinglabs.eu/livinglab/ eindhoven-living-lab [Accessed 4 Apr. 2015].

2. Temporary uses emerge with the creative economy In Berlin, the night clubs revitalize the night-life landscape of the city. The nomad artists squat and occupy the vacant buildings, convert them into temporary art spaces. All these guerrilla activities bring the new colour to the old canvas. Pioneering role in these movements is leading by the artists, architects, designers and other cuture-related actors. This creative class is a product of a shift from industrial conditions to knowledge-based ones. In “The rise of the creative class”, Richard Florida notes, the existence of this class, together with the presence of technological infra-structure, became fundamental qualities for economic development of cities in a post-industrial world, where knowledge and creativity are the ultimate economic resource. 33 In the creative economy, the main “capital” is creativity, knowledge and intelligence. Accordingly there is a competition between cities, with the new focus on the innovative strength arising by the foundation of business incubators, shared workplaces for creative agents and small entrepreneurs. Creativity also becomes the strategic approach in some de-industrialized areas. For example, in the case of Eindhoven, the Brainport Development is a public-private partnership. It serves as a cooperative initiative of local government, industry and the Eindhoven University of Technology to develop the local knowledge economy of the Eindhoven region. The city of Eindhoven also hosts Dutch Design Week yearly. On above, Brainport connects and promotes an innovative brand for Eindhoven region. “Having suffered a very severe economic crisis in the early 90s, the City of Eindhoven and its many regional partners have been working hard over the last 20 years to strengthen the economic position of the city, the region and its companies. Today the City of Eindhoven is at the heart of the so-called Brainport Eindhoven region : a strong knowledge intensive manufacturing region, specialised in ‘high tech systems’ and ‘design’, and one of Europe’s most innovative and R&D intensive areas (www.brainport.nl)” 34 This creative class has a flexible schedule and requirements for workplace. At the beginning small start-up companies struggle to found their stable profit. When one project hits the market, it brings an enormous amount of money or recognition, but nobody can ensure when this chance knocks on their door. Therefore, the availability of low-cost spaces on a temporary basis is essential to this kind of creative entrepreneurship.

35 Bishop, P. and Williams, L. (2012). 3. Temporary uses emerge from the socio-cutural demands Due to the urge for good quality public space, the inviting, inclusive and intellectual features become The temporary city. London: Routsignificant indicators for a good city. The old demand of counter-culture and activism still plays the important ledge, pp.4 and 22. roles to activate urban landscape. Besides the multi-culturalization trend also brings different ethnic groups 36 Ibid., p.43. together, which leads to various types and grades of temporary events. People also crave to express their own identities in a constantly changing world. 37

We move into the post-modern era with the dominant of the social media and the experience economy. Nowadays, we do not merely buy a product by its technical features, but also its inherent ‘experience’. So people choose to live in a city, not only because of its advantages in location and working chances. The living condition is also advanced due to its cultural life, liveability and the social interaction.

Lehtovuori, P. and Ruoppila, S. (2012). Temporary uses as means of experimental urban planning. Serbian Architectural Journal, 711.4, pp.29-51. 38

4. The temporary model initiates the paradigm shift in policy In “The temporary city” Bishop and Williams consider temporary uses as ‘‘a manifestation of a more dynamic, flexible and adaptive urbanism, where the city is becoming more responsive to new needs, demands and preferences of its users’’. Temporary uses are flexible and responsive to changing conditions and demands. This is particularly beneficial if political and economic conditions are uncertain, and cause a hesitation for long-term commitments, responsibilities and liabilities. Temporary use practices challenge traditional regulatory and planning systems that are based on the stable conditions as well as the avoidance of conflicting land uses. These traditional planning systems minimize openness and hinder new flexibilities in the development process. The new process combines top-down (city/regional scale) and bottom-up (local/ neighbourhood scale) analysis and action, requiring a reconsideration of the current political and planning authority, which are organized hierarchically into districts and sectors. 35 The existing zoning and planning frameworks appear as the ‘‘conservatism and (lack of) capacity of professional advisors and city governments to take them up’’.36 This necessary paradigm shift from ‘‘permanent’’ to temporary uses might be time consuming and potentially expensive processes if managed through traditional bureaucratic channels. First the temporary uses serve as the breeding ground for further urban development, therefore triggering the changes in the authority approach. Lehtovuori and Ruoppila notes, “However, the policy intervention should be moderate since temporary uses primarily require cheap spaces and freedom from constraints. It is experiment driven development, not planning led, and therefore public authorities should not have a steering role in what happens on those sites.“37 In combination with the note from Bishop and Williams, they claim: “The principal assistance is probably for governments to have the courage to leave areas relatively loosely defined in planning terms, and to use quite specific interventions to make land, buildings or small start-up finance available. In this respect there is an argument for the creation of zones of tolerance where government planning and regulations can be more permissive and flexible.” 38

Ibid. The italics are added by Lehtovuari and Ruoppila. Bishop, P. and Williams, L. (2012). The temporary city. London: Routledge, p.174.

WHAT ARE THE MAIN TYPOLOGIES? 39

Templace.com, (2015). Urban Catalyst Research Report. [online] Available at: http://www.templace. com/think-pool/one786f.html?think_id=4272 [Accessed 5 Apr. 2015].

Urban Catalyst has throughly researched about temporary uses. This part is based on their research reports, which analyse different case studies. 39 WHO ARE TEMPORARY USERS? START-UPS (new businesses, inventors, patent holders etc. with the long term aim of full re-integration in urban economy) MIGRANTS (persons that are temporarily not integrated in stable social network or employment structures) SYSTEM REFUGEES (deliberate, i.e. ideologically motivated withdrawal into alternative universe) DROP-OUTS (light criminal offenders, homeless people, illegal immigrants etc.) PART TIME ACTIVISTS (having a regular position and income in the society, but wanting to enrich their live with experiences outside established orders) INSTITUTIONS, COMPANIES AND PROGRAMS COPY TEMPORARY USE STRATEGIES In addition to these spontaneous, self-organized, bottom-up types of temporary users there is a second group of temporary users. Established and quite formal institutions, companies and programs apply the strategies of informal temporary use.

Images 5.1,2,3,4 Events of the long night in museums Images from website: http://www.lange-nacht.de/ The first Long Night of Museums took place in Berlin in 1997. The concept has been spread to over 120 other cities throughout Europe as well as elsewhere.

Cultural institutions like museums engage more in more in temporary uses like â&#x20AC;&#x161;long nights of museumsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; to attract successfully new target groups and public.

Images 6.1, 21.2 Google workplace Images from website: https://www.google.com/about/careers/lifeatgoogle/best-company-towork-for-fortune-2013.html

Secondly, innovative companies copy sub-cultural strategies and organize informal workspaces and leisure activities to boost up the innovative spirit. Big companies like Nike and Coca Cola can run short-time campaigns with hipster culture to market their products. TEMPORARY USE CLUSTERS The clusters can be of formal or informal character with hierarchical or non-hierarchical organizational patterns. Images 7.1,2,3 ZKU center for art and urbanist in Berlin Images from website: http://www.zku-berlin.org/space/ The ZK/U sees itself as a laboratory for inter- and trans-disciplinary, activities centered on the phenomenon of “the city”. ZK/U promotes international exchange on global issues, in the light of what is happening in one’s own backyard. Working with local and international partners, ZK/U residencies brings together critical minds at the cutting-edge of artistic production and urban research.

Templace.com, (2015). Urban Catalyst Research Report. [online] Available at: http://www.templace. com/think-pool/one786f.html?think_id=4272 [Accessed 5 Apr. 2015].

Ibid.

TEMPORARY USE AGENTS A frequent precondition for the emergence of clusters is the activity of ideologically motivated agents who set up a basic legal and organizational framework and provide rudimentary infrastructures, which eases the access to vacant locations, and the start of temporary activities for other user groups. Agents are either temporary users themselves, or, part of municipality or owner as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;submarinesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. If the agents are on the temporary user side they are unpaid (honourable work) and have often prior experience. Their important role is very often to bridge gaps in-between very different cultures, between the activists, the municipality and the owners. Their main contribution is in establishing new connections and networks. They often see their role rather in initiating developments than in maintaining them. 40

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TEMPORARY USERS AND SITE In the research process, Urban Catalyst research also define contrasting sets of relationships: location, but do not have a specific interest in the urban context, being autonomous. order to via synergy to increase their competition advantage or to be part of the social network. They have strong interaction with the other temporary users on site but not to the further urban context. access by public transportation (and car) as well as centrality of the location, e.g. club scene. well integrated into the urban fabric of the local community. 41 HOW DO THE TEMPORARY USERS USE A SITE? Due to the case studies, the temporary users appropriates the existing condition in various ways. Mostly, they organise short-time and experimental settings with all available resources. Their tactics adapt to the shorter and insecure period of use. There are also exceptions with the costly structural alterations for cultural projects or the Expo pavilions. The schedule of these temporary uses varies according to the season, day or night time of the day. Some festival can last in a week. Some temporary art galleries open in a specific period. Because of the low-technical features, the use of certain spaces is intensified in the warm season ( in the case of Yellow house in Tammela). The club areas in Berlin also become active nightly and weekends. As a consequence, this brings the new tune to the rhythm of everyday life in the residual areas.

IMPACTS OF TEMPORARY USES Helka-Liisa Hentilä, in a conference paper called ‘Central Micro-Peripheries: Temporary uses of Central Resid- 42 Helka-Liisa, H. (2003). Central ual Spaces as Urban Development Catalysts’, analyses the results of the Urban Catalyst research.42 She comes Micro-Peripheries: Temporary uses to a list of eight basic typologies illustrating the impact of temporary uses on the development of a certain site. of Central Residual Spaces as Urban Stand In: No lasting effect on a location and only use a space for the time available.

Activity

This part is also noted in the Urban Catalyst Research Report.

Time

Development Catalysts. In: ERSA. 2003, pp.12-13. Available at: http://www.jyu.fi/ ersa2003/cdrom/papers/242.pdf [Accessed 7 Apr. 2015].

Impulse: Temporary-use gives an impulse to future developments trough the use of pioneer programs or Figures 16.1-8 Diagrams for impact of temporary practices. Activity

uses

Time

Consolidation: Temporary use establishes itself at a location and is transformed to a permanent use.

Activity

Time

Coexistence: Temporary use continues to exist (in a smaller size) even after establishment of a formal permanent site at the location. Activity

Time

Parasite: Temporary use is developed in dependence of existing permanent uses and takes advantage of existing potentials and availability of space.

Activity

Time

Activity

Subversion: Temporary use is interrupting an existing permanent use (institution) by squatting as a political action. Even so this occupation is normally of a very limited time period, it effects the squatted institution and results in change of the institution. In the situation of the squatting different uses than normal are established at the location, e.g. housing in an university or factory.

Time

Pioneer: Temporary use is the first â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;urbanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; use of the site, establishing a way of settlement, which might become permanent. For e.g.: Pavilions of World Expoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s which have intended to be temporary but became permanent Activity

Time

Displacement: A permanent institution is displaced for a limited period of time and during this time established in an improvised way as a temporary use.

Activity

Time

This analysis founds practical models to understand the typology and trajectory for temporary uses. Furthermore it proves the long-term impact of temporary uses in urban development.

TEMPORARY USES IN URBAN PLANNING In general, temporary uses initiate impacts in economic, social, cultural and ecological aspects. The primary advantage is place-making, as temporary uses bring a vivid cultural life to the cities, prevent the existing buildings from decay and vandalism. They form a new image and attract new residents for the phase later on. Temporary uses also empower the local residents. They bridge the gap between the activists to the community, the officials to the pioneering agents, as well as encouraging the public participation into the planning process. On the other hand, these self-organised, informal temporary users have difficult time to orientate their further steps. There are risks about the rising costs in administration and real estate management, the trust between the land-owners and tenants and also the low financial profit. The city urban planning experts still have limited knowledge about temporary uses, which are usually neglected as urban resources.

Lehtovuori, P. and Ruoppila, S. (2012). Temporary uses as means of experimental urban planning. Serbian Architectural Journal, 711.4, pp.29-51. Noted about: Bishop, P. and Williams, L. (2012). The temporary city. London: Routledge 44 Templace.com, (2015). Urban Catalyst Research Report. [online] Available at: http://www.templace. com/think-pool/one786f.html?think_id=4272 [Accessed 5 Apr. 2015].

Accordingly the common theme about temporary uses is concerned about the authority approach. In “Temporary uses as means of experimental urban planning”, Lehtovuori notes about the facilitating role of a local authority, as mentioned in other researches and papers. Bishop and Williams argue that in our times of less public resources available and weaker economic perspectives ahead, master planning should change towards “a loosely defined end vision, rather than a fixed state”, which would enable “phased development Figure 17 often as a range of temporary stages along a more flexible path”. Design is not any more three-, but (facing page) four-dimensional, they argue; it has to take into account phasing strategies, plan the temporal as well as the Design framework physical. 43

FRAMEWORK FOR TEMPORARY USES PLANNING In order to extend the impact of temporary uses into long-lasting, sustainable effects, we need to have an alternative process. It integrates the informal and formal factors effectively. Urban Catalyst research suggests, one hand is to formalize the informal: to analyse and understand the unplanned patterns behind self-organised activities, deduct prototypes, models and tools from these investigation, formalize them and make them available to all stakeholders. One the other hand, formal procedures of planning, administration, management etc. have to be critically examined and ways and strategies to be found, how existing practices can be deformalized, de-institutionalized, adapted and changed. 44 On that ground, the design part of this thesis develops an action plan for everyday urbanism that includes the atmospheric analysis and the prototypes (mapping the existing temporary uses in Tammela and deducting the similar successful precedent practices). Therefore it reveals different potential temporary uses, which can be applied in specific places. The final proposal is an action plan to regenerate Tammela with temporary uses.

ANALYSIS SOCIAL DIMENSION

GREEN

SOCIAL

URBAN GARDEN

SPATIAL DIMENSION

SOCIAL

BLOCK PARTY

SHARED KITCHEN

SOCIAL

LEISURE

NON-PROFIT ORG.

SPORT PLAYGROUND

THE NETWORK

CULTURE POETRY FESTIVAL

BUSINESS SHARED WORKPLACE

TAMMELA 2018

TAMMELA 2025

TAMMELA 2040

residents housing companies designers municipality

SCENARIOS

COLLABORATION

PHYSICAL INTERVENTION

PHASE 1 farming intervention

ACTION PLAN

non-profit organization

EVENTS

PHASE 2

PHASE 3

blockfest housing -office development

15 - 20 Years

[ restructure ]

[ network ]

[ facilitate ]

8 - 10 Years

[ densify ]

1 - 3 Years

STRATEGIC PHASES FOR TRANSFORMATION

[ intervene ]

PROTOTYPES

business incubator

no-car zone

[ SPATIAL DIMENSION ] + [ SOCIAL DIMENSION ] + [ NETWORK ]

[T A M M E L A] - ANALYSIS Tammela is the hypothetical site, as being located close to the centre of Tampere. The city planners have organised various researches and pioneering projects in the site. Tammela has all the potentials to be the breeding ground for participatory planning and urban activism. In Spring 2014, the school of architecture in Tampere University of Technology collaborated with the University of Tampere environmental policy researchers to run an experimental course, in which students made interviews with the housing organizations in Tammela and proposed their design and policy approach for specific sites. Due to the results from that course, I want to apply theoretical ideas about temporary uses in Tammela. Even though the city approved the planning infill development in Tammela with the transformation along the Ratapiha katu, this redevelopment process takes a long time and requires a big amount of investment. For that reason, temporary uses emerge as a promising tool. In addition, urban activists in Tammela have periodically organised cultural events, for e.g. the poetry festival in the Annakki district , or the Yellow House with music performances and temporary art exhibitions. Urban culture arises as the new identity for Tammela. In the analysis part, the urban atmosphere is the means to study all inter-relational dimensions. The spatial dimension reflects the historical traits and the physical living condition for Tammela residents. The social dimension encompasses the inhabitant profile, their needs and experiences in the spatial condition. Site observation in different timepoint reveals the locality and self-organised everyday practices from residents. In general, all dynamics are connected to each other to form a network of dynamics, such as the collaboration of researchers and planners with housing organizations. To move to the following design part, this multi-layered analysis provides the ingredient to regenerate Tammela by temporary uses.

2.1 TAMMELA IN CONTEXT |

1 km

0 NORTH

1779 (based on the foundation book of Tampere 1.10.1779) 1879 (based on the map of Tampere 1897) 1921 (Map of Tampere) Current map of city

Plan Urban development of Tampere

THE HISTORY OF TAMPERE 45

Järventie, T., Ahokas, T. and Vesterbacka, M. (2007). Eighteen meters. [Tampere]: Pesämuna.

Tampere is the biggest inland city in the Nordic countries. Without a connection to the sea, Tampere grows from its own resources and from its surroundings. Pyynikki and Tammerkoski, a high ridge and the rapids between two lake Näsijärvi and Pyhäjärvi are the landmarks for the town. Over the Tammerkoski rapids, the Hämeensilta bridge links the area of old centre “Vanha keskusta” to the side of “Kyttälä”, three stone men statutes represent the Hunter, Merchant and Tax Collectors. Therefore the steaming tower over the skyline with red brick buildings brings the first impression of a typical industrial city. The road running via Tampere in the Middle Ages connected Eastern and Western Finland. In the late Middle Age, it got the name ‘Ylinen Viipurintie’ (Upper Vyborg Road) because it was a safe route to Vyborg. The growth of traffic created three separated centres in the area. The most important was the old centre of Pirkkala, near present-day Kaarila, which called Harju. Another centre is Messukylä. A third centre formed by the Tammerkoski bridge, near the present-day theatre building. The building there became the Tammerkoski mansion, by which a market place was formed along the roadside in the 1600s. Establishment of a town was raised in the early 18th century. The goal first was to promote inland trade, which leading to the choice between old marketplaces in the area. Due to the Industrial revolution, it drew up the attention to the potential power of the banks of the rapids on Tammerkoski. King Gustav III signed the foundation book of Tampere on 1.10.1779. The new town was established between the rapids and where is now Näsilinnankatu street. At first there was about 60 residential plots and the expecting residents about 400 at the most. 45 In brief, Tampere urban development began with the establishment of the first town plan in 1779. The old city centre covered the blocks to the area of the current main square Keskustori. One hundred years later, in 1879, urban structure was tripled, reaching to the other side of Tammerkoski rapids on the other side of the former side of Messukylä municipality. Forty years after in the 1920s, the Tampere zone doubled the size of the last one hundred years, as the current zone nowadays. Some parts of the city are also redeveloped and significantly enhanced, for e.g.. Amuri, Tammela, Tampella, Lapinniemi and Onkiniemi areas. The historical development is illustrated in the facing page as a summary from a series of historical maps. The oldest map of the city describes the establishment of villages in the year 1758.

TAMMELA

KYTTÄLÄ

VANHA KESKUSTA

0 NORTH

1 km

1880

202

1900

7000

1920

10000

2011

6537

THE DISTRICT OF WORKERS The story of Tammela starts later than the history of the city Tampere, as it remained as a vast green space belonging to Messukyl채 municipality before 1870. After that, Tammela was transferred to be under the ownership of the manor Hatanp채채n. At that time, it was located out of the developing track of Tampere. Tammela was originally the suburb close to the city. The railway also hugely influenced the development on the west side of Tammela. Situated in the eastern part of Tampere, Tammela is bordered on the south by the Itsen채isyysdenkatu street, on the west by the railway green belt, on the north open to the road Kekkosentie, and on the east by the Kaleva park. The road Tulli connecting to Kalevantie used to be counted as a part of Tammela. In 1887, the masterplan, by the city architect F.L.Calonius, developed from 1890. The square grid masterplan adhered to the closed block structure: Street was closed to the buildings and enclosed the plot. There were in total 44 blocks, 170 plots of land with the average size of 30m x 30m. In each plot, the timber houses enclosed and open for the common courtyard with hygiene area in the middle. This model of collective housing for workers is preserved in the Amuri worker house. In 1966, Tammela was converted from the wooden urban district to the concrete. The modernization process gradually destroyed the traditional town plan and changed the landscape to 6-7 story concrete blocks. The justification of spatiality manipulated: the parks were scarcely articulated, but the central martketplace and the land use were carefully taken into consideration. The architectural elements became stereotyped and coarse. There was excessive dependency on car use and the characterless, monotonous vacant public space in-between housing blocks.

Plan (facing page) Tammela in context Figure 19 Development of the future centre

HISTORICAL CENTRE

CURRENT CENTRE

FUTURE A VIBRANT CENTRE

ORTHOGONAL GRID

Plan Tammela in 1946 Urban pattern Figures 20.1, 20.2 Axometrical views for housing blocks

This urban structure of Tammela district over one hundred years reflects a very interesting way of Finnish urban development. First it illustrated the typical structure of Finnish wooden town, as the first timber-built housing and workers’ lifestyle was allocated and planned in the orthogonal grid. The traditional structure of wooden Tammela was lost in the whole scale, but the orthogonal structure still influences current urban structure, with the block forms, the plots, street areas and fragmented street-scape, as well as undeveloped public areas such as marketplace and parks. Spatial setting particularly reflects the historical development. Finnish timber-built development began in the 1500s and continued until the end of the 1800s, while the construction of Tammela in the 1896 master plan was only just beginning. The wooden Tammela reflected the rationalist ideal of urban structure with the orthogonal grid. At that time, the larger scaled development in Tampere had begun with the replacement of wooden blocks to stone buildings. A major modernization process was developed in the 1960-70’s. Therefore it converted the wooden town structure to the concrete-element structures. The redevelopment master plan took place in Tammela in the 1970s growth. Due to the old masterplan, the major industrial premises in Tampere were placed at the heart of the city. The working and living areas for workers were allocated outside the old centre. Workers’ lifestyle required small plots for ownership, similar to what we can observe in the Amuri workers’ house. Amuri was also called the working-class district, built in the far western side of the city. Second workers’ district was planned in Tammela and the former eastern side of Kyttälä railroad.

Traditional wooden housing block with courtyard in the middle

Monotonuos 6-7 storeys concrete block

THE URBAN RENEWAL IN 1970’s Image 8.1 Images about Tammela in 1940’s from Tampere Museum archive.

Image 8.2 Image about the demolishment on old Kaivokatu street in 1976. From Tampere Museum archive

Chudoba, M. (2014). Designing cities, planning for people. In: Annual Architectural Research Symposium in Finland. [online] Oulu.

Functionalist model of the city was already presented in the early 1900s, which based on the functional distribution in separate clusters. Finland adopted the idea of industrial city model, where living, working, traffic and recreation zones were placed in each separate clearly sub-areas. It led to the dominant of automobile traffic and the excessive use for the private vehicles. This feature appears as the big drawback in the current city. The ideology was influenced by the garden city in principle as well as the functionalism, as the new suburbs had to Available at: http://ojs.tsv.fi/index. be built outside of the city centre. Moreover, the automobile traffic allowed the extension of the city to a larger php/atut/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015]. area and urban structure began expanding. Noted about: Meurman, O. (1947). Asemakaavaoppi. Helsinki: Kustannusosakeyhtiö otava.

Later, Finland reached the international modernist wave in the 1920s. Modernists believed in the homogeneous unity of housing design and the development plan, which would allow the social equality. Street, yard and buildings were equal in all directions, as well as their generic appearances. In the 1940s Finnish city underwent a major change with the post-war development. Otto Iivari Meurman promoted the concept of decentralization. In his book Asemakaavaoppi in 1947, a suitable living environment, as Meurman saw it, was in line with functionalist ideals. To stay healthy, a human being needed light and sun, air and warmth in his abode, as well as a chance to move about in fresh air and natural surroundings. It was the task of city planning to provide these, to create a humane society. Organic decentralization seemed to be a good solution for achieving the goal. He also wrote that everyday services should not be further than 300-400 meters from home. The living environment was seen as clusters of neighbourhoods surrounded by recreation areas. The latter was planned for parks or natural forests. The houses were situated according to principles of open planning, and apartments were designed with a special emphasis on light and ventilation. 46 His idea about urban structure was close to nature with the organic decentralization, and less following the traditional grid pattern as seen in Tammela. The development of city was driven by the ideology of welfare state. Meurman advocated for the entire housing renewal at once time. This modernist idea led to the complete redevelopment of settlements and the transfer to the outskirts, as it was executed in Amuri and Tammela to diminish the density of the area. The increasing migration from rural to urban in the 1960s put a pressure on municipalities to promote housing development projects in suitable areas by land use planning and to undertake an active land policy. Due to the agreement from the municipality about the land-use planning and municipal construction, companies had implemented the so-called regional construction principle. Functionalistic model was replaced in the 1960’s by the so-called ‘suburban development’ . The reformation in Tammela in the early 1960s related to two significant changes: a breakthrough in the area and the prefabricated construction element. This construction method was reflected in the long and tall typology which being marked in the master plan. The buildings were placed in straight rows, forming a rectangular blocks and offering advanced accessible plans. The vehicle and pedestrian traffic were separated from each other. The urban structure inherited the functionalistic structure, but the orientation of housing blocks was driven for sunlight and avoided concentrated along the busy streets.

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000

Plan Timeline of builldings Report of Infill development project in Tammela, 2012. Plans (facing page) Development of Tammela from 1900â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s - present

TIMELINE OF BUILDINGS

PERIOD 1900-1920

PERIOD 1930-1940

PERIOD 1950 - 1960

PERIOD 1970-1980

PERIOD 1990-2000

PRESENT-DAY STRUCTURE

400m

NORTH

STREETSCAPE IN TAMMELA Image 9.1, 9.2 Images about Tammela in 1930â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s from Tampere Museum archive.

Image 9.3 Fire at Paperinjalostus company Image from Aamulehti 12.5.1933.

Old town quarter has a beautiful streetscape, but the miserable living conditions behind. The courtyard timber-built block faced the problem of housing hygiene: Each apartment was lack of the sunlight and clean air. As a consequence, the renewed apartments were open to the sun with large windows to contribute the healthy and happy lifestyle. Apartments were also designed into functional rooms with a variety of size on the market. The floor plan was clearly defined into fixed activities and the floor area was impossible to use them in any other way than the intention by the designer. Housing hygienic level improved, but the homogeneous public space loosened the social relations of residents. Tammela suffered from the war in 1918 and later during 1939 -1940. In addition, the narrow streets in wooden town also caused common fires. In 1933, the fire broke out at the block at Kyllikinkatu 19 with the factory of Paperinjalostus Oy, which could be seen from the centre of Tammela. Another big fire occurred in the workshop of Sommersin in Tammelanpuistokatu 21. The requirement for fire safety also influences the current urban structure with the open space between buildings.

TAMMELA MARKET SQUARE Image 10.1, 10.2, 10.3 Images about Tammela marketplace in the 1940’s from Tampere Museum archive.

Tammela marketplace located in the middle of the working-class Tammela. Due to administration, Tammela was divided into four districts: Osmonmäki,Tammela middle area, the southern Tammela a custom area. Tammela square has a colorful history with one hundred years in the most lively landmarks of Tampere. Nowadays, the market place still recalls the old memories about Tammela, although it is surrounded by the concrete residential blocks on recent decades. Officially, the market started on 07.07.1900. At the beginning the market was to buy food and groceries, and the supply of goods gradually diversified further. Square soon became a working-class centre, which was often a family with all the necessary shopping, and where was the familiar. The centre stamp of the Tammela Square gave the district its own special character: a market at a highly dense district for the workers. Although the atmosphere of wooden housing blocks was destroyed by fires, wars or the 1970’s renewal, the breath of the market is still alive. Tammela square is the heart of social activities in Tammela as well as the residents’ memories.

2.2 SPATIAL DIMENSION | URBAN FRAMEWORK Tammela underwent the major change in the 1960-70â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s with the modernist ideology about welfare state. People have equal right and access to public services. The streets, courtyards and the housing blocks had to appear homogeneous and equal in form. Although the former wooden town could not be recognised nowadays, the urban plots take after the former urban structure. The orthogonal grid remains with separate housing plots. The Tammela square still plays the main role of public life. On the northern side, OsmonmĂ¤ki park links to the natural atmosphere from the Kauppi forest in the upper area. The feeling of nature gradually mutates to the urban atmosphere from the north to the south journey in Tammela.

URBAN PATTERN

Service Buildings Residential Buildings Buildings to be moved Green Plans (current + facing page) Urban framework in Tammela

GREEN SPACE + EXISTING TREES

0 NORTH

200m

BUILDING VOLUMES

TRAFFIC NETWORK

Service Buildings Residential Buildings Buildings to be moved Buildings for conservation Green Parking plot Route of bicycle Route of pedestrian Service

NORTH

PARKING LOTS

SERVICE ARTICULATION

TYPOLOGY

Old wooden houses 6-7 block buildings

0 NORTH

100m

TYPE 1 Building block in the middle of the cluster, with the short edge along the roads

TYPE 2 Building blocks connected to each other and bordered by roads

TYPE 3 Usually two blocks, which both faced to the roads

TYPE 4 Enclosed block

TYPE 5 Group of separated blocks together

Plan (facing page) Building granulation Figure 21 Typology of blocks

During the Post-war housing development, Tammela was filled up with concrete blocks, with closed blind concrete ground-floor for storage and facilities. There are 5 different types of typology, which articulate gradually, initiating different viewpoints from apartments, mixing the medium and low premises. However the architectural elements appear mild, tasteless, except for the red-brick buildings from the industrialised era. The public space in Tammela serves as the transition space for people. There is no threshold of transition from the private to public use. The square grid still remains and distributes the public uses into separate clusters. The border of each cluster is usually occupied by parking lots.

GREEN SPACE Park / Recreation green Residential green Redevelopment area

0 NORTH

100m

Hidden connection to the shopping street from the courtyard

A family was enjoying the sunlight on the green path to their apartment

The in-between space between building blocks allows housing hygiene, the fire safety, sunlight and fresh air ventilation. In general scale, Tammela is planned into separate clusters, which leading to the fragmented articulation of courtyards. There are two types of green space: - Park or recreational area: The Osmonm채ki park on the north, the centre park next to the main square and the stadium all integrate into the green network of Tampere. Just a few steps further, the pedestrians can reach the Kauppi forest and enjoy the natural landscape in Rauhaniemi lakeside. There is a transition from nature to urban atmosphere from the north to the south of Tammela. - Courtyard: There are in-between green spaces, which are monofunctional and being empty most of the time. There is no interaction on the ground floor. The green courtyard is just the back door to the building. There is no seating amenities and just a few playgrounds for children. Plan (facing page) Green space Images 11.1, 11.2 Green paths in courtyard

The residents create their own route from the Pinninkatu street with shops into their backyard. These hidden connections can offer the potential neighbourhood route and platform for small grouping.

SERVICE ARTICULATION

Current Service | Intellectual spaces Intensity of social activities Public services: school, daycare centre and service centre

0 NORTH

100m

In summer time

When the winter arrives in the city, the time of use shortens

Services are concentrated along the main street Tammelan Puistokatu, leading to the Tammela square. There is a variety of daily services, serving not only the Tammela residents but also the surroundings, such as the nearby railway station, the Tullintori area and the people along the Itsenn채isyydenkatu street. For e.g., a man can visit the local market on Saturday morning, buy the fresh groceries, stop at the coffee shop, sit at the terrace and enjoy the fresh baked bread with coffee. He spends time happily greeting his neighbours, who also take a walk to Tammela market. This is a common story of Tammela residents. The local market vitalises the living atmosphere of Tammela, however, it happens in a specific daytime and lasts in few hours. Most activities intensify during the summer time. This schedule leaves behind the emptiness of the main public space in other points of time.

Plan (facing page) Articulation of service intensity of activities Images 12.1, 12.2 Marketplace at different day time

Besides, the intensity of activities lays the strong focus around the Tammela square. There are various vacant spaces left behind around Tammela. In the case of Vellamonkatu street, pedestrians just move through the street. There is no stopping point, even this route connects to the centre of Tampere, as well as crossing different green courtyards. There is pedestrian route and car-free zone, but merely serving as transit space with non-place feeling.

STREET STRUCTURE - TRAFFIC STUDY

CYCLE AND PEDESTRIAN FORECAST IN 2012 Now

Increase Future

47 (95)

192(384) 239

Route of bicycle 97 184

272

Route of pedestrian

0 NORTH

100m

Pedestrian-friendly walking centre development

Current underground parking lots Extension of new underground parking space Intensive route of traffic

Square centre Railroad H채meenkatu Urban pedestrian route

Revival of the network of pedestrian route The need for connection Region car road network The new region car road

The junction New junction The need for underground parking The centre area The centre main street Cycle route of the centre

1km

Municipal cycle route Parking point for bicycles

Plan (facing page) Street grid and traffic forecast Plan The strategic plan for traffic development from Tampere city 25.3.2014

In traffic study, there is no change about the need of traffic in Tammela. In the Tammelan Puistokatu street, the automobile traffic would decline slightly. On contrary, the need for pedestrian and cycle routes would increase, as the Vellamonkatu with the new tunnel becomes the pedestrian route recently. In the strategic plan for a united walking centre, Tammela requires further development, especially the pedestrian routes from the railway tunnel the market place. This area is undergoing the construction phase for the new development. Street would raise its role in the road network. In general, the walking centre of Tammela undergoes the decline of vehicular traffic, but the new housing and office areas next to the railway can attract more traffic to the western side. In far future, it would be possible to develop underground parking space in the marketplace. In the new construction along Ratapihankatu, there will be underground parking. The shared car and bicycle network can reduce the private car ownership. This innovative traffic network may offer a car-free zone in Tammela square.

PARKING SPACE

0 NORTH

100m

In bet-ween space

Plan (facing page) Articulation of parking space Images 13.1, 13.2 Parking space dominants the public space. Figures 22.1, 22.2, 22.3 (following page) Spatial rhythm along Vellamonkatu Rhythm of pedestrian movement Monotonous architectural rhythm

Blind concrete on groundfloor

During the post-war development, Finnish cities went through the major change in planning and construction development. The idea was influenced by the idea of Garden city and the modernist ideology, as well as the prefabricated construction method. As the housing redevelopment was executed in Tammela, the old wooden blocks were replaced by the concrete housing blocks with approximately 6-7 storeys. The urban pattern took over the former grid pattern, in addition to new parking plots. This legacy about parking for residential areas was a significant point in the planning regulation. However, this transformation led to the dependency of car use, the loosen urban structure with empty in-between spaces. The monofuctional idea of modernist was further reflected in the monotonous spatial rhythms. Nowadays the parking lots dominant the ground floor. The blind concrete on the ground closes the social interaction between neighbors. Moreover it hinders the integration of a building to the surroundings. Due to their size and their proportion of the floor area, they can offer potential asset to the neighbourhood. Nevertheless, the new economy with technological innovation allows the residents to have a flexible and remote working living lifestyle, as well as reducing the dependency on car use and private car ownership.

RHYTHM OF MOVEMENT

SPATIAL RHYTHM ALONG VELLAMONKATU

Fast speed in close facade

Slow speed in backyard

Slow speed in front of stores

Fast speed in vehicular traffic

Slow speed in backyard

Fast speed in vacant space

Sun study Spring time (from 5A.M-9P.M)

Sun study Summer time (from 5A.M-9P.M)

Sun study Autumn time (from 5A.M-9P.M)

Sun study Winter time (from 5A.M-9P.M)

Figures 23.1-4 Diagrams of sun study the housing blocks nearby the Tammela square (from 5A.M-9P.M)

NATURAL RHYTHM OF SUNLIGHT

Figure 24 Sun study diagram Tammela at whole scale Autumn day (from 5A.M-9P.M)

2.3 SOCIAL DIMENSION | INHABITANT PROFILES Business, etc area

Flats

Residents

Parking plots

81878

11364

1195

1511

988

101203

132914

29691

1926

2588

1857

89854

138330

28276

1659

2238

1432

142

261470

353122

69331

4780

6337

4287

GENERAL

Blocks

Buildings

Total area (k-m2) Built area (k-m2)

OSMONMAKI 18 plots

70413

TAMMELA A 11 plots

TAMMELA B 14 plots

TOTAL 43 plots

117

Flat types

Studio

2r +k.

3 r+k.

4 r+k.

5 r+k.

6 r+k.

7 r+k.

Age group ( Enfants - School Age - Working Age - Over 65)

OSMONMAKI

243

545

275

116

48-40-902-614

TAMMELA A

691

733

373

106

74-87-1770-660

TAMMELA B

457

712

367

106

36-64-1506-739

TOTAL

1391

1990

1015

328

158-191-4178-2013

Figures 25.1

STUDIO 1391 2R+K

1990

3R+K

1015

0-6

158

SCHOOL-AGE 7-18

191

WORKING AGE 19-64 4178 4R+K

328

5R+K 6R+K 7R+K

47 7 2

PENSIONER OVER 65 2013

1880

202

1900

7000

1920

10000

2011

6337

Figures 25.1 General data about Tammela Figures 25.2, 25.3, 25.4 The proportion of flat types Demographic proportion Demographic data of Tammela

AGE GROUP NEEDS

FAMILY COMBO

FAMILY

Public service

Public service + Work

Business + Education

Education

Green + Community

Recreational activities Sport / Fooding

Big family with 3 generations requires bigger flat, accessibility to public service, workplace and local schools. SINGLE / YOUNG COUPLE

PENSIONER >65

Business + Education

Public service

Green + Community

Recreational activities Sport / Culture Fooding / Clubbing

Recreational activities Sport / Fooding

Young people seek for business and education potentials. They also have more recreational activities. The single or couple can live in flexible and affordable housing. Figures 26 Different age group needs The list is categorised and organised in order from the priority level, from necessary to optional activities. Due to Jan Gehlâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s research, optional activities require more inviting places to engage people in public realms.

Nuclear family requires the public service and local network to workplace and school, as well as green space and recreational activities.

Pensioners over 65 need public service, especially healthcare service. They can spend more time on green space and community activities.

Tammela district was originally planned for about 200 workers. Due to the industrial development, the population raised to the highest of 10000 residents. Nowadays, Tammela also faces the shrinking of population, with people mostly in the middle age or working age. Due to interviews with residents, Tammela people want to have more families. But the small floor area of the existing block is an obstacle. In forecast there will be around 4000 people adding to the current 6500 residents. Undoubtedly, the infill development in Tammela will offer more opportunities for a healthy and lively community. But 170 housing cooperatives have different opinions and concerns.

RESIDENT INTERVIEWS

UNDERGROUND UND DERGR E GRO RO SERVICE SE SERVI ERVICE ICE + HOUSING HO NG

SERVICE ER RVV + HOUSING NG N G

MORE OR ATTRACTIVE TTR TT TR VE GREEN G EN SPACE ACE AC CEE

AFRAID OF N DEVELOPMENT NEW ON N GROUND G FLOOR

MULTIFUNCTIONAL CT PUBLIC SPACEE

ATTRACTIVE BUSINESS

GETT R RID ID OF UGLY GLYY PPARKING PAR RKI K G

MORE FAMILY

MORE OR R AT A ATTRACTIVE TTRA TTR R CTTIVVE GREEN G NS SPACE PA ACEE

2 3

TTEMPORARY EM MPOR RAR RY A ART SPACEE

MORE ORE RE GREEN RE CALMNESS ALMN NE

HOUSING COOPERATIVE INTERVIEWS

It is possible to construct in the current parking space. They have concern about views, appearance of the new building, economic benefits. The issue has been discussed in the housing cooperative board and view is principally positive. They do not want another 7-storey building in front. It would be good to collaborate with neighbouring house for uniformity of appearance and benefits. There is a 2-storey commercial building that could be heightened by another 2 storeys. Another possibility would be to construct also in the attic of the 7-storey building, if the zoning plan would allow for it. Parking could be underground. First floor could be commercial space, cafeteria, etc. They also have concern about traffic, as well as need to maintain open spaces.

Comme C o rcial a Route ute te

The residents in the lower floors are against building a high house in front of this one. Construction would not affect so much people living in the upper floors. The ones having their windows to the back yard are in a different position than the ones, whose views would be lost. The housing cooperative built new fence and waste management facilities few years ago together with the neighbouring house, to stop people trespassing through the yard. The interviewee was worried that Pinninkatu would be turned into pedestrian street, as it would make traffic to their house difficult. The housing cooperative is involved in EU Gugle project for energy savings and is refurbishing the heating, water and ventilation system.

Small plot, not much space for infill, in general positive view towards infill. It would be beneficial to collaborate between neighbouring houses. Due to fences built in between, yards are not very efficiently used. They are concerned for loss of views if high building constructed next door, as well as disturbance during construction. There are needs to take services into account, commercial space in the first floor, other floors for apartments. Cars can be put underground. They need more motivation and clear guidelines from the city.

They have a fear for views, if a house constructed in front. Most of the apartments in the house are rented. The housing cooperative is very passive, people are not interested in any big changes. Positive views about the planned market hall, need to develop the market place, getting rid of ugly parking spots. Concern about construction design. Need for more green.

The house has parking space on two sides and yard on two sides. The interviewee was concerned that a higher house would be built to the next empty slot, as proposed in Leppänen’s plan. The interviewee agreed that the parking spaces are not so nice to look at and was thinking that the yard could be developed to entail more green, so it would be more attractive to spend time in. But this would mean that the parking would have to be arranged somehow differently. The interviewee emphasised that free space/spaciousness is one of the strengths of Tammela.

Figures 27 Housing cooperative interviews

They had a plan for 1 floor extension on the attic, but some people opposed because of noise. Yard is small, they need more green. They think Tammela market square as public space, not only as commercial space. The residents are concerned if a new house would be built on the neighbouring plot, as they want to maintain their privacy. They think that the problem in Tammela is that there are mostly old people and students living in Tammela. They would like to get more families and families with children to live there, but the problem is that there is not much apartments big enough for family with two or more children. They also liked that in Tammela there is different buildings, high and low, old and new. They don’t have anything against the new buildings but they want to preserve the space and calmness of Tammela. Also it is important that traffic won’t grow much, though they don’t have nothing against lots of new people moving to Tammela.

AGEING SOCIETY IN FINLAND | WELFARE LANDSCAPE

Clothing & Cleaning

Security & Coping

Social Participation

Transportation

Exercise

Meals - on - Wheels Home Service

Stimulation

Home Nursing

Private

Social Interaction

Volunteers

Preventive Home Visit Home C Care

Neighbours Family

Day Services

informal care support Community Help

Advisory Centre

Government Help renovation grants

Advice live at home

N ASSISTANCE

Employee Pension

live with others

National Pension live in a service housing

Housing Allowance

Income

Individual H HOUSING

Care Allowance

Service Block

HEALTHCARE

Healthcare centre

short term case s

Hospital

live in an institution

Home Nursing Service Housing Nursing

Special Dementia Services

long term case part time care

3 Types of Elderly Living LIVE AT HOME SERVICE HOUSING INSTITUTIONAL HOUSING

91- 92% people over 75 living at home outside of the welfare stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s physical care infrastructure

dementia is a real problem 47 Sitra, (n.d.). Rethinking welfare for an ageing society. Helsinki, pp.15here 17. 75-84: 10.7% Available at: http://www.hel> 85 : 30.5% sinkidesignlab.org/dossiers/ageing ( Health in Finland) [Accessed 11 Apr. 2015].

Figure 28 Welfare landscape in ageing society

live alone live in a cooperative live with families maybe intensive care (24 hour) special group homes for dementia patients

nursing home a bed in healthcentre a bed in a specialised health facility

In 2010, Sitra powered a series of studios in Helsinki Design Lab. In the ageing studio, multidisciplinary experts discussed and investigated the challenges for the ageing society. As the average age of Finland and many societies in the developed world steadily rises, it emerges the changes in welfare system. To rethink the problems into solutions, the experts suggested to think over the welfare landscape in a coherent network, which integrates the social and service network, as well as the physical living conditions of the elderly. For the elderly in Finland, the welfare system is a complex landscape of services, relationships and physical places. Individual paths through this landscape are unique; each journey is determined by a constant interaction between the elderly individual and the available options provided by the welfare system.47 This welfare landscape indicates the inter-relation of different actors and the social niche for reformation as well as technological and social innovation. It therefore enables a transition from the passive receiving of care to an active pursuit of well-being. For the physical living condition, the immediate experience in public space plays an important roles. The elderly need the social - service network. Residence development should be the landscape, where care and services are more explicitly and tightly integrated into the design of the living environment. In the context Tammela, in addition to the gentrification with new residents, the strategic design should improve the social interaction, enhance the advantages of current public spaces and tighten the mutual connection in the neighbourhood. For all reasons above, temporary uses with social and cultural activities will revitalise not only the physical landscape but also the social network.

EVERYDAY PRACTICES By close observation, we understand self-organised social activities in Tammela. Most of locals enjoy the Tammela square, as a meeting point at early morning market. There are local street vendors supplying local products. After the market, people stay longer in the benches. They enjoy their solitude together, being alone together. There are slow traffic, in the meeting area, and fast traffic of the passbyers on the streets. Along Vellamonkatu street, there are different and diverse courtyards and in-between spaces, buildings with different levels. But cyclists and pedestrians move fast forward through placeless public space. The street serves merely as a transit space, a non-place space to remember. Images 14.1-6 Daily activities in a sunny day May 2014 Figure 29 (facing page) Mapping of observation people in Tammela square - May 2014

F stt traaffic Fa ffficc Along the Ve V llamon onkatu,, there is noo st stop topp ppoi o nt oi n

Slow traffic People prefer grouping in the service areas, or sitting under the sunlight. People share time together individually or in group.

Fast traffic Fast ttra raffffic ic Alon Al Alo onng the Ta Tam mmelan mmel mm elan an PPui Puistokatu uist stok okat atuu Vehi Vehi Ve hicular hicu cuularr trtraf cula traffic affificc

Fast traffic Fas A ong the Vellam Al amon o ka k tuu Pedestrian Pede Pe dest stririan an + Cyc yclist ycli lis lis NORTH

MOODBOARD OF EVERYDAY PRACTICES

Bicycle workshop _ Sharing knowledge

Local shopping _ Street vendor

Reading

Coffee _ Fooding

Images 15.1-4 Images by Chau Nguyen

Cultural events

Slow traffic

Sport activities in the nearby Sorsapuisto park

Music performance

Images 15.5-8 Images by Chau Nguyen

2.4 NETWORK | PARTICIPATORY PLANNING IN TAMMELA Images 16.1, 16.2 Images by Chau Nguyen Final presentation for Tammela course by collaboration between Tampere University of Technology and University of Tampere on April 2015.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Tammela Tiivistyyâ&#x20AC;? course was organised by Tampere University of Technology and University of Tampere on Spring 2015. The aim is to launch a radical process to rethink the neighbourhood together with residents and other users. The school of Architecture, together with researchers and students of Regional Science in Tampere University, will act as mediator, providing research information, benchmarks and participatory tools. In the final presentation, the students of architecture and environmental policy presented their interview results, researches and design proposals to the housing cooperatives.

Images 17.1, 17.2 Images by Chau Nguyen Container event in Tammela square on September 2015 with drawings by children from Soilikki day-care centre.

Images 17.3, 17.4 Images by Minna Santaoja Container event in Tammela square on September 2015.

More info is available at: http://www.uta.fi/jkk/en/research/ themes/ponte/projects/sasui.

Recently Tammela has grown to integrate into the Tampere centre. Therefore this district has been researched and planned in an urban densification pilot project. Tammela becomes the breeding ground in the city development, when the city planners experiment alternative tools for urban planning. From the policy approach, Tampere city has used the idea competition tool for the new transportation centre and the Tammela stadium, as well as forming a round table for participatory planning in Tammela and Tulli square projects. These alternative tools adding to conventional land-use planning and zoning will bring economic, political benefits, as well as sustainable development. In the scale of district, housing cooperatives own the majority of land plots in Tammela, therefore playing the decisive role in the area’s development. In addition, Tammela residents have raised their interest to contribute in public discussion about the future. In that sense, participatory planning can found the consensus between multi stakeholders, as well as a tool for the city for seeking tactical alliance in the future development. On Spring 2015, the school of Architecture collaborated with the environmental policy researchers in University Tampere to organise the course “Tammela Tiivistyy”, in which the students, researchers served as the mediator, providing research information and alternative tools to the housing cooperatives. The aim is to launch a radical process to rethink the neighbourhood together with residents and other users. This course belongs to the SASUI project (Systemic Architectures for Sustainable Urban Innovation) funded by Tekes ( the Finnish Funding Agency for Innovation) in Espoo and Tampere, in order to find new ways to conduct public –private –people partnerships for sustainable urban innovation. 48 From the academic thinking, this course enables students to practise in close collaboration with the residents, further bringing the participatory planning into action. In the other hand, this course is a part of a round table, engaging the architects, officials and representatives from housing cooperatives in less formalised atmosphere than typically found in the open-houses or community hearings commonly held by the city planning department. After the course, the researchers organised a container event in Tammela square from September 15-25, where served as a public forum for the local residents to interact with the officials and professionals involved in the future development. During 10 days of this temporary event, the container office hosted a variety of discussions and happenings, for e.g., the children from the Soilikki day-care centre decorated the walls of the office with their vision for the area’s future. The container’s walls were covered with information regarding the plans, including current aerial photographs of the area as well as the proposed plans for development. This encouraged local residents visiting the container to voice their opinions and engage with the planning process, giving them a real-world context for the plans at hand and an immediate outlet for their contributions. The day’s interactions brought a wide range of perspectives on the area’s future and emphasised the crucial role which citizens play in the planning process by helping to guide development through their ideas and needs. There were about 50 visitors per day, and around 500 in total during two weeks. The collected opinions proved the rising interests from the local residents. This container event advocated for the future events connecting the officials, architects with the local residents in their everyday environment and bridged the gap between them.

URBAN ACTIVISM IN TAMMELA Images 18.1, 18.2 Images by Chau Nguyen Vacant space before urban activism Yellow House music performance in Summer on July 2015.

This house was originally built as the healthcare building belonging to the railway company. During my observation in winter 2014, the premise was abandoned in silence. After a squatting conflict in the opposite house between the squatters and police on January 2014, the city agreed for an independent artist Maria Mattila, who living in the adjacent Lompanlinnan brick house, to rent and convert it into her workspace. Therefore she organises an informal art space Yellow House since May 2014, offering frequently music performances as well as a collective library, an informal living room for young locals and temporary art gallery for artists. Image 19.1 Image by Eino Ansio Image 19.2 Image by Pekka Huttunen Poetry festival in Annakki district in 2014.

Since 2003 the Annikki Poetry Festival has grown to be one of Finlandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s foremost poetry events. It aims to vitalise contemporary poetics and to put together surprising combinations of performers, as well as redefine the very boundaries of what poetry events can be. This cultural event is organised by independent event organisers. The venue of the Annikki Poetry Festival is a 100-year-old wooden town quarter in Tammela, which has served as a very special, warm and welcoming milieu for poets and audience to meet and mingle.

Urban activists have pioneered in the new wave of urban culture, when the art exhibitions can be brought out of the institutional premises to the public realms or the citizenship can be practised by an informal block party. These spontaneous activities are firstly initiated by the independent activists, whose inspirations come from the political and cultural interests. Urban activism in Tammela has revitalised the public life and everyday built environment in the ageing neighbourhood. It enhances the social and cultural values of public spaces. The local residents are open to the cultural activism, as various themed activities bloom out in the landscape of Tammela and form a network of urban culture. Standing out of these events are the Annikki Poetry Festival in the traditional wooden block and the new Yellow House. Both are organised by independent urban activists from their own initiatives without a clear guideline from the city. However, their contributions have been taken into consideration with the municipality award and grant later. Annikki Poetry Festival Annikki is one of the remaining blocks from the old wooden Tammela. There was a conflict over several years between the city of Tampere, who wanted to demolish the block, and the residents who wanted to preserve it. Finally a group of people made collectively an offer to the city to buy the block, and conducted comprehensive renovations. It is a hot topic among the residents in Annikki whether the inner yard is private of public space â&#x20AC;&#x201C; how much it can be used for events like the poetry festival. The poetry festival has been held with the volunteer help in the inner courtyard, where beginning writers or senior ones could perform on the stage, framed by the birch tree. The informal stage and the traditional built environment with the creative poets reciting their beautiful poems generate a poetic image of Tammela. This yearly festival happens and brings the vivid twist of tradition and poetry to everyday urbanism. Yellow House On the evening of a late July day, I was sitting in the terrace of Yellow House, the new informal collective place for artists. The rock band indoor was tuning before their performance that night, while young people were gathering, chatting, murmuring, hanging around in their small library with exchanging books or their home-bar with self-made sangria. That small old abandoned house immerses a refreshing tone to the repetitive rhythm of daily life in Tammela. Some pass-byers curiously stopped at the front door, freely joining the intimate show. All come together without notice. This vibrant atmosphere just comes as a sudden after the movement by an independent graphic designer, Maria Mattila. During winter, the house was standing in dead silence with a scary atmosphere for vandalism. Although the city opened the pedestrian tunnel connecting the Vellamonkatu street to the Satakunta street, there was no inviting place along this new route. It served merely as a transitional sphere without a sense of place. The investment of 20 million euros from the city for this pedestrian route should bring a sufficient benefit. For that reason, informal activities change landscape of the neighbourhood, engage the neighbours in public realms and create mutual bond.

ANALYSIS SOCIAL DIMENSION

GREEN

SOCIAL

URBAN GARDEN

SPATIAL DIMENSION

SOCIAL

BLOCK PARTY

SHARED KITCHEN

SOCIAL

LEISURE

NON-PROFIT ORG.

SPORT PLAYGROUND

THE NETWORK

CULTURE POETRY FESTIVAL

BUSINESS SHARED WORKPLACE

TAMMELA 2018

TAMMELA 2025

15 - 20 Years

[ restructure ]

[ network ]

[ facilitate ]

8 - 10 Years

[ densify ]

1 - 3 Years

[ intervene ]

PROTOTYPES

STRATEGIC PHASES FOR TRANSFORMATION

TAMMELA 2040

residents housing companies designers municipality COLLABORATION

PHYSICAL INTERVENTION

PHASE 1 farming intervention non-profit organization

SCENARIOS EVENTS

PHASE 2

PHASE 3

blockfest

ACTION PLAN housing -office development

business incubator

no-car zone

Figure 30 Design framework

[ STRATEGY ] + [ SCENARIOS ] + [ ACTION PLAN ]

[T A M M E L A] - DESIGN As I mentioned in the theoretical part, the alternative design framework integrates the multi-layered analysis, the deducting prototypes and the negotiation round into the general design. This framework is derived from recent successful practices in participatory design. In reality, all materials from the urban observation and the precedent prototypes will be brought to the initial meeting, when all players and stakeholders discuss and form the common ground for further phases. Therefore, urban atmosphere will be revealed through professional studies,the interviews and scenarios games with the users. The designers listen to the usersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; stories and create the fiction. The form will follow that fiction. In this thesis, hypothetical design just indicates all potential situations at multi scales. The final design is process-approached, as proposing the strategies at different phases, the scenarios at street, courtyard and cluster levels, and finally the proposed action plan for Tammela. Due to the analysis part, 170 housing cooperatives have different opinions and concerns. This complicated situation becomes a good start to plan temporary uses in Tammela. The aim is to stimulate the cultural and communal activities and regenerate the everyday urbanism. For the long lasting impacts, urban regeneration must be developed through phases, in which suitable strategies can be applied. Some strategies can be overlapping in different phases. But all these strategies orientate further design proposals to the right track. Precedent case studies are considered as the deducted prototypes for Tammela. Temporary uses vary in different themes and scales, which can be categorised into urban intervention, temporary events and the temporary cluster. For scenarios, I emphasise the role of the intermediary organisations, as well as diverse cooperations between multi players and stakeholders. The design demonstration is developed at 3 different scales: the street, courtyard and the Morkku cluster.

TAMMELA 2018

TAMMELA 2025

The transformation process starts with the small-scale intervention in the local context. Small modifications or retrofitting of the existing functions are the first steps in changing the existing context. The second phase of process is to densify the urban structure in Tammela. Density can be considered as the number person per square kilometre, or the interaction of people in public spaces, density of functions and density of activities. Along the process, it is crucial to develop a network of collaborators in the neighbours with happenings. The content of space are reformed in civic happenings, therefore vitalising public spaces. The last phase of process is to restructure with large-scale development, integrating new functions and supporting the new social dynamics. A holistic approach for urban regeneration can be start from top-down planning, either bottom - up movements. Planning must be integrated in all embedded scale levels. This tool means the ability for small scale implementation in the local initiatives. Instead of pausing for a master plan in years, the community can start with their own local activities. TOP - DOWN : from regional planning down to local interventions. BOTTOM - UP: from local initiatives to activate the local community first, with small changes but great impacts on the policy making.

15 - 20 Years

[ Restructure ]

[ Network ]

[ Facilitate ]

8 - 10 Years

[ densify ]

1 - 3 Years

[ Intervene ]

3.1 STRATEGIC PHASES FOR URBAN REGENERATION |

TAMMELA 2040

Figure 31 Phases of Urban regeneration Figure 32.1 32.2 (facing page) Embedded scale levels of urban regeneration Top down / Bottom up

EMBEDDED SCALE LEVELS | TOP - DOWN / BOTTOM - UP

TOP - DOWN : from regional planning down to local interventions.

designers

bankers | financiers

municipality | policy makers

residents

housing corporations

BOTTOM-UP:from local initiatives to activate the local community first, with small changes but great impacts on the policy making.

STRATEGY | STRATEGIES TO INTERVENE Figure 33.1 Urban intervention with green spaces and public functions into the existing structure.

Dead space Parking STORE Vacant space Courtyard Vacant space Pedestrian pavement Deteriorated public space, space is non-place without content

Green Route

Groooundfloor livvingroom

STORE

Commercial Route

Pedestrian pavement

Placemaking approach - space with content

URBAN INTERVENTION AT LOCAL SCALE Fragmented public spaces will be connected by integrating new gardens and local living-rooms at groundfloor. Along the commercial route Pinninkatu, residents can walk through the existing local connection to their green courtyard. Instead of ugly parking space on the back side of the stores, the renovated backyard will offer inviting place for local living-room.

eating

sleeping

working

sleeping

shopping recreation

studying

handicraft arts working

shopping music

studying

reading gardening

sport meeting

INTERVENTION OF DIVERSE THEMED ACTIVITIES Mono-functional zones can facilitate optional activities for local residents. Due to observation, Tammela people enjoy the local market with their self-organised activities, such as street vendors, food stalls, pop-up bookstore and further on. These activities will be organised in existing courtyard, therefore facilitating longer time of public participation and generating a vivid urban life in Tammela.

Figure 33.2 Urban intervention with diverse themed activities.

STRATEGIES TO DENSIFY Figure 34.1 Densification by developing new meeting points in existing urban structure. Figure 34.2 Densification by extending time-use of public spaces. For e.g., marketplace can be temporary skating field. Figure 34.3 Densification by integrating and dispersing new services in Tammela

PUBLIC SPACES AS TRANSITION SPACES

MULTI-SCALED MEETING POINTS

LIMITED TIMEUSE

NEW ACTIVITIES WITH EXTENDED TIMEUSE

CONCENTRATED SERVICES

DISPERSED THEMED SERVICES

STRATEGIES TO RESTRUCTURE Figure 35.1 Restructuring the current urban infrastructure with housing and office areas, as well as the Ratapihankatu street extension. Figure 35.2 Restructuring the current urban structure with the infill development.

CURRENT URBAN STRUCTURE

NEW HOUSING + OFFICE DEVELOPMENT INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT

Dead space Parking Housing

Parking

Office

Parking

CURRENT HOUSING BLOCKS

NEW HOUSING + OFFICE DEVELOPMENT NEW PARKING SPACE

In the restructuring phase, the Ratapihankatu street will intensify the vehicular traffic and reduce the crossing traffic in the main Tammelan Puistokatu street to the market place. It is possible to plan a car-free zone in the middle of Tammela. In the scale of each block, the infill development gives potentials for small business, therefore reducing the dependency on car use. Parking space will be planned in green-covered courtyards or underground space. There should be a change in the parking requirement for housing area in urban policy. Residents must pay more for their private cars or use car-sharing network. Parking space is not mandatory if people do not need to commute from working to living and vice versa.

STRATEGIES TO FACILITATE / NETWORK Figure 36.1 Urban regeneration by facilitating communal activities, therefore encouraging the social cohesion in the neighbourhood. Figure 36.2 Micro-community structure from local housing block to the whole Tammela.

INDIVIDUAL USE OF SPACE

COMMUNAL USE OF SPACE

150 BLOCK

MICRO COMMUNITY

TAMMELA

Along the strategic phases of urban regeneration, physical development first provides space to facilitate communal activities, therefore it attracts more residents and investment to the neighbourhood. The networking and facilitating will diversify the demographic and social groups in Tammela. Secondly, the dynamics of social groups observed throughout history limit to the number of 150 people, in order to maintain an inter-personal relationship. Beyond this, social cohesion begins to deteriorate, diluting the idea of a community considerably. In other words, the social network is hierarchical with micro-communities from the block level to the cluster and the whole Tammela landscape.

3.2 PROTOTYPES|TYPES OF TEMPORARY USES

PROTOTYPES

Figure 37 Typology of temporary uses

INTERVENTION

URBAN INTERVENTION

TEMPORARY EVENTS

INTERMEDIARY ORG.

COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANIZATION

URBAN ACTIVISTS

ROUND TABLE MULTI-PLAYERS

TEMPORARY CLUSTER

CO-WORKING INCUBATOR

CULTURE MILIEU

Prototypes of temporary uses are precedent case studies, which provide efficient examples for urban intervention at multi scales and with various themes. As being categorised in the theoritical part, temporary uses in Tammela can be divided into 3 main types: 1. Urban intervention. 2. Events by intermediary organisations and the collaboration between multi parties. 3. Temporary clusters in the site of the abandoned buildings in Tammela. In the design framework, prototypes are ones of the communication materials in the negotiation phase. Therefore professionals can communicate their plans to the residents, outline the atmospheric changes in the neighbourhood and suggest different situations for future.

Figure 38 (facing page) Prototypes of temporary uses

THEMES OF TEMPORARY USES

GREEN

GREEN HOUSES

POP-UP FARMING

URBAN PARK

CULTURE

CULTURAL EVENTS

POP-UP CINEMA

BLOCK PARTY

LEISURE

MOBILE FURNITURE

WORKSHOP

POP-UP PLAYGROUND

INFO BOX

POP-UP STORES

BUSINESS

CO-SHARING WORKPLACE

TEMPORARY USE AGENTS|INTERMEDIARY ORGANISATIONS

Public trust

Figure 39 Model of action by intermediary organisation.

Trust, support, knowledge

Lehtovuori, P. (2013). Temporary Uses and Place-based Development.

[

OWNER

]

[

INTERMEDIARY ORG.

]

Temporary use of an empty building

In Tammela, the housing cooperatives own the majority of the plots with different opinions and concerns about the future development. These cooperatives are more on the side of the management agents, instead of community agents. To attract new residents, the housing development cannot guarantee a lively neighbourhood. It is very difficult to maintain long-term and regular events. How to break the ice and bring people to the same place, how to encourage them to start the conversation are very challenging. These tasks require constant attempts and a network of mind-liked initiatives. For that reason, the role of the intermediary organisations is to bridge the gap between the owners and the users, as the mediator between the governmental bodies and the residents. They offers intermediate services between different parties with various tools. They also share the knowledge and experiences from their practices to other initiatives. The successful cases can be studied and replicated in similar context. The chosen case study Artova is from in the neighbourhood Arabiaranta and Toukola, Helsinki. They give a strong and clear example how to activate the neighbourhood in Finland. The possibilities are endless but challenging to connect and form the similar network in Tammela.

[

USERS

]

CASE OF ARTOVA - COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANISATION

ARTOVA

CULTURAL EVENT ARABIAN STREET FESTIVAL

CULTURAL EVENT ARTOVA FILM FESTIVAL AFF

CULTURAL EVENT ARTOVA KINO

COMMUNITY EVENT ARABIAN PICNIC

COMMUNITY EVENT KEKRIJUHLA

COMMUNITY EVENT KOTIKAUPUNKI

COMMUNITY EVENT URBAN FARMING SYÖTÄVÄ ARABIANRANTA

COMMUNITY EVENT URBAN FARMING VILJELYPALSTAT

COMMUNITY EVENT WORKSHOP FOR ENTREPRENEURS

CULTURAL EVENT BOOK EXCHANGE KIRJAKAMPANJA

COMMUNITY EVENT LÄHIDEMOKRATIAPILOTTI

LOCAL MAGAZINE QUARTERLY JOURNAL KUOHU

Figure 40 Temporary events by Artova organisation.

ARTOVA ( Arabianranta-Toukola-Vanhakaupunki cultural and neighbourhood association) serves for the Arabian people, including residents, workers, entrepreneurs, students and other stakeholders and community activists. This association is the most active in the Helsinki area with a very impressive track record of successful development and piloting of new types of practices and models. Their objective is to carry out urban development, organization of artistic and cultural events and pilot new business models and practices. From 2007, they have been working as an incubator for self-organized initiatives and helping volunteers bring their visions to action. Artova is an interesting case, as they develop their own Artova model to document and share the knowledge for other self-organised initiatives. They outline the framework to organise the communal activities from the funding, the development to the implementation phase, as well as the press and social media works. They use digital platform and social media as a tool for connecting to others and sharing knowledge.

100

TEMPORARY CLUSTER|CASE OF HIRVITALO Hirvitalo â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Pispalan nykytaiteen keskus (Center of Contemporary Art Pispala) is located in the traditional area Pispala. The context in Pispala is totally contrast to Tammela, while the identity of Pispala still remains with small wooden houses, the natural landscape with uphill houses looking toward the lakeside. The visitors can experience the intimate atmosphere in Pispala with human-scaled houses, the one-hundred year Rajaportti sauna. Hirvitalo center is just one of the local activism centers. Hirvitalo is a non-profit cultural space run by Pispala Culture Association. It facilitates space for exhibitions, installations, happenings and other projects on 3 floors. The atmosphere is cosy and inviting where everyone can just be and do various activities spontaneously. It also organizes other activities and happenings locally, nationally and internationally. The role of urban activists is strong in this case study, when they initially started the transformation. They converted the abandoned place to be a lively art space. There is already one similar case in Tammela with Yellow house, which proves the activists can raise the strong tone in the urban rhythm and stimulate local cultural activities by local people.

HIRVITALO

FACILITY

ART SPACE

COMMON KITCHEN

COMMUNITY GARDEN

CULTURAL EVENT ART EXHIBITIONS

COMMUNITY EVENT VEGETARIAN KITCHEN

POLITICAL EVENT ANARCHISM MUSTA PISPALA

BOOK HIRVITALO

Figure 41 Temporary uses in Hirvitalo.

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POP-UP EXHIBITION

D.I.Y GREENHOUSE Image 20.1-6 Images by Chau Nguyen

STAGE FOR WORKSHOP in courtyard

COMMUNITY KITCHEN BICYCLE WORKSHOP

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3.3 SCENARIOS| DIVERSE COOPERATIONS: PLAYERS + STAKEHOLDERS + INITIATIVES designers housing corporations

synthesize ideas and input

formulate ideas and regulations maintain spatial and functional quality

provide qualitative housing

negotiate solutions

negotiate ideas budgets for ideas and maintenance

permits, regulations negotiate | initiatives

deploy initiatives

general guidelines for operation legal boundaries distrubution of funding

think and cooperate in finding solutions

type of interventions

organize into collectives

transforming groundfloors

paticipate in realizing or maintaining new designs

formulating long-term politics

local residents municipality | policy makers

SCENARIO 1: The possible process to transform the ground-floor into an alternative function. Municipalities and government bodies have the role to regulate permits and legal boundaries, in order to increase the flexibility of their plans and regulations. A housing company own a building, and they play a key role in formulating company profiles and co-financing the projects. They can ask for more rent for the new type of housing, for e.g. the office - home apartment on groundfloor. Inhabitants and interested parties can unite into an initiative. They should make clear their need. They can see which candidates suitable and approve the application procedure by investors. Designers can negotiate and synthesize the ideas. Urban planners can judge interventions on their expected role in the neighbourhood.

A C

Figure 42 Scenario for cooperation between different players, stakeholders and initiatives in reactivation of the ground floor.

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designers synthesize ideas and input maintain spatial and functional quality

check business plans think of commercial-housing options

feedback to entrepreneurs bring building possibilities, commercial concepts and spatiality quality together

provide micro credits programme calculate financial risks

bankers | financers type of interventions

propose business plans negotiate options and business concepts contact financers organize and cooperate in collectives

establishment of small business

calculate finance risks negotiate investments

local entrepreneurs

deal with entrepreneurs

housing corporations B A C

Figure 43 Scenario for cooperation between different players, stakeholders and initiatives in facilitating workplace for small entrepreneurs in local level.

SCENARIO 2: A small local business need a place to expand his business. Through an application procedure, the municipality, the housing cooperatives and a team of designers could propose a list of suitable locations. Before being financed by the bank or funding, the business plan should be delivered. It allows all the parties to analyse the potential new business. This procedure can be used to calculate and possibly reduce financial risks, and to define the role and mandate of the related players and stake-holders.

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STREET| STREET EXPERIENCE STREET - TRANSIT SPACE

PEDESTRIAN TUNNEL

PAVEMENT

PINNINKATU STREET

105 Image 21.1-7 Images by Chau Nguyen

TAMMELAN PUISTOKATU COFFEE SHOP

DOMINANT PARKING SPACE ALONG THE STADIUM

TU RE

ST ET

HO ON

NC TI

T OP

ST O PIN RES G

VA C AN TS PA C E N

TR AN SIT NC

FU TIO N

SH OP

PU PING OP IST PIN OK AT G U RE

ST ET

TI ON

AY G

TY AR

CO EE

AT I NG

IN M PL EE AY SE TI GR AT GR NG O IN EE PO UN G N IN D CO T UR TY AR D

ON KA

CU LTU RE

NG AN

SE AT IN G

BA N

FA RM IN G

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STREET| EXISTING + PROPOSED SITUATIONS

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PARKLET DESIGN PEDESTRIAN ROUTE

POP-UP FARMING

COMMUNITY EVENTS LOCAL COURTYARD

STREET DESIGN

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At street level, the placemaking approach creates the places for community activities. People are attracted by people. The main ideas are to stage different functions at immediate public space. There are 3 different themes for temporary uses. 1. Landscape design to improve the public amenities, facilitate seating and meeting points with urban seating, pedestrian route design and green courtyards with playgrounds for children. 2. Urban intervention during specific periods 3. Temporary events on street to bring back the street-life atmosphere to the locals.

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COURTYARD| COURTYARD ATMOSPHERE

CONNECTING COURTYARDS

GREEN BOULEVARD

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Image 22.1-8 Images by Chau Nguyen

GREEN COURTYARD

COUNTRYSIDE ATMOSPHERE

GREEN - CONCRETE BLOCKS

VACANT SPACE

GREEN - CONCRETE BLOCKS

VACANT SPACE

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COURTYARD|EXISTING + PROPOSED SITUATIONS Residential green Redevelopment area Potential for green route connecting courtyards

Immediate atmosphere at courtyard level activates the locals to participate longer time in public space. For Tammela, the housing cooperatives own the majority of housing blocks. It leads to the complicated negotiation process for infill development. Therefore it requires the close collaboration between different parties. For this main reason, temporary uses can be the good start for longer changes. The first impact is to improve the quality of public amenities and encourage further development afterwards. The courtyard activities are facilitated by community-based organizations.

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EXISTING SITUATION

PROPOSED SITUATION

Green courtyards with poor design seating and playgrounds

Improvement for courtyards Urban farming

Courtyards with poor design seating and playgrounds Vacant space in between stores housing blocks

Urban farming Combining housing + offices

Courtyards with poor design

Community events

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Dead space Parking STORE

EXISTING SITUATION

Vacant space Courtyard Vacant space Pedestrian pavement Deteriorated public space, space is non-place without content

Green Route

PROPOSED SITUATION

Placemaking approach - space with content

Groooundfloor livvingroom

STORE

Commercial Route

Pedestrian pavement

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MORKKU| DESIGN CLUSTER

Facade renovation during the 1960s

Morkku was contributed by collecting funds as the clubhouse for railwaymen. This house was built by timber logs in asymmetric volume. The facade was typical for the National Romanticism, which had been inspired by Karelian, Norwegian and Swiss wood architecture. Firstly the clubhouse part was built in the northern end, then extension of two rooms more in 1950s to the south by seven meters. This extension of the basement became the new common room. At that time, the building was also equipped with hot water and sewage pipes as well as the new heating system. The facade renovation was carried out in the mid 1960s, when all windows and doors were renovated. Also, the roof got the modern minimalist shape. This club house facilitated social activities for the railway labour reunion, such as dancing and choirs. Next to Morkku is a single-storey timber-clad residential house.

Figure 44 Facade renovation on the clubhouse Morkku. From archive of Railway company, Helsinki. No scale.

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EXISTING + PROPOSED SITUATION

250m

NORTH

EXISTING SITUATION

PROPOSED SITUATION VIS SHAR ITI E NG D AR AC T CO SPAC MM E OD AT ION

PA R

KIT

EN CL UB

CL UB

FIRST FLOOR

CO RO MMO OM N

KIT

CO RO MMO OM N

MU WO SIC RK SH O

BASEMENT

AR WO T RK S

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PLATFORM FOR DESIGN & CULTURE

CLUB ROOM

COURTYARD

POP UP INSTALMENT

SAUNA / WORKSHOP

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POP UP SAUNA Morkku centre facilitates art workshops for children, common kitchen for the locals and various cultural themes. This cluster represents the original timber-built Tammela, standing next to the new housing and office development along the Ratapihankatu street. This mixed texture initiates the vivid fusion of modern lifestyle with the spontaneous urban culture. If we could compose a Tammela song, this Morkku would become the varied and fancy melody to the repetitive rhythm.

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3.4 ACTION PLAN |

culture meeting place

Redesign courtyard Redesign courtyard

Redesign courtyard

start-ups

Redesign courtyard

Groundfloor livingroom Redesign courtyard

local handicraft school

public furniture

Redesign courtyard

public furniture Redesign courtyard

GroundfloorCommercial livingroom Route Commercial Route public furniture

Office Store

Redesign courtyard Office Store

MARKET Commercial Route

public furniture offices for start-ups Redesign courtyard

Office Store

public furniture

Redesign courtyard

Redesign courtyard Groundfloor livingroom

Redesign courtyard

public furniture culture meeting place

Redesign courtyard Redesign courtyard

Figure 45 Mapping all potentials for temporary uses

Redesign courtyard

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[ intervene ]

[ densify ]

1 - 3 Years

8 - 10 Years

[ facilitate ] [ network ]

[ restructure ] 15 - 20 Years

ACTION PLAN TAMMELA 2018 intervention

PUBLIC AMENITIES

TAMMELA 2025

events

intervention

COMMUNITY EVENTS

RENOVATION

TAMMELA 2040

INTERVENTION 2015

2018 events NEW PROGRAMME

DENSIFICATION

infill NEW SERVICES

2015

2025

infracstructure

RATAPIHANKATU

infill

NEW OFFICES

infill

network

HOUSING

SOCIAL CO-HOUSING

network

SMART TRAFFIC CAR-FREE ZONE

TRANSFORMATION 2015

NETWORK

Figure 46 Action plan

2020

2040

AGENTS

NETWORK

URBAN ACTIVISTS

COMMUNITY-BASED INITIATIVE

ROUND TABLE MULTI-PLAYERS

URBAN ACTIVISTS

COMMUNITY INITIATIVES

ROUND TABLE

They promote urban events to activate the community from their own interests. They have an active role at the first phase of intervention

Inhabitants and interested parties can unite into an initiative. They organise regular programmes for residents, connect local people and form the network of mindliked initiatives.

The diverse cooperation between different parties. The city planners will listen to the residents. They can affect the urban policy and the land-use zoning. Professionals support the residents by consulting.

To regenerate Tammela, we should found the consensus between multi players and stakeholders. This action plan focuses on the process of urban transformation in the period of 25 years. This outlines the potential to form a social network in Tammela, in which residents, designers, housing cooperatives and the city planners share a common ground for Tammela in 2040. Therefore, the future development plan can adapt to the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; needs and desires.

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â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities

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CONCLUSION In brief, urban regeneration in Tammela is a tricky process, which involves different parties and intrigues inter-related concerns. From the top-down planning approach, the city has attempted to conduct collaborative planning at block level with 3 chosen pilot sites. Even though the housing companies agreed and worked coherently with the professional architects, the cost for infill development is really high to solve the parking problems. It questions how we can design and implement the good quality public space with sufficient cost. The situation could be solved with a new form of collaboration between the neighbouring housing companies, as they can collaborate and divide the development cost efficiently, as well as sharing facilities. For that reason, temporary uses appear as a sustainable approach with low cost and experimental values. In my findings, Tammela has all potentials to become a playground for urban culture. As the design part demonstrates the process of regeneration, it indicates the significant role of initiatives, urban activists and a requiring shift in urban policy. Vacant spaces and alienation in the neighbourhood are the good start to form new commons. Instead of planning with static conditions, these intermediary organisations will mediate and engage people, then forming a diverse and vibrant network. The examples from Artova in Arabiaranta, Restaurant Day organisation or the Hirvitalo illustrate the successful stories in Finland. We can integrate a vivid melody of life into the existing urban rhythm in Tammela. And ‘we’ here stand for the spatial professionals. With this shift of thinking from the form to process, architects expand their working field and apply alternative tools to design a process for life, not a ‘beautiful’ plan in the drawings. My thesis just outlines briefly the ‘urban atmosphere’ method, which implies public space as culture artefact. This can be the “therapeutic” approach, as Sandercock (2004) mentioned. It requires life experience, communicative skills and, in multicultural or multi-ethnic contexts, cross-cultural understanding from designers. However, this method should be implemented, tested and evaluated later in practice. The general framework just orientates the process, but the solutions depend on specific conditions. To conclude, I use the words from Jane Jacobs. Cities have the capability for everyone, only when they are created by everyone. To design a stage for urban life is to understand how cities work and reveal the hidden charm of everyday life.

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