Studio Booklet: Zambeze, Mozambique. Designing resilience in an era of drastic transformation. by MaHS-MaULP

RESILIENT ZAMBEZE

LANDSCAPE URBANISM STUDIO Designing resilience in an era of drastic transformation 2018 K.U.Leuven, Master of Human Settlements, Master of Urbanism and Strategic Planning Spring Studio 2018, Zambeze River Basin, Mozambique

RESILIENT ZAMBEZE LANDSCAPE URBANISM STUDIO STUDIO TEAM Bruno De Meulder Wim Wambecq SUPPORTING STUDIO TEAM Eliana Rosa de Queiroz Barbosa IN COOPERATION WITH University Zambeze MORE INFO ? MAHS / MAUSP / EMU Master Programs Department of Architecture, K.U.Leuven Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee, Belgium Tel: + 32(0)16 321 391 Email: mah-mausp@kuleuven.be

© Copyright by K.U.Leuven Without written permission of the promotors and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to K.U.Leuven, Faculty of Engineering – Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee (België). Telefoon +32-16-32 13 50 & Fax. +32-16-32 19 88. A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests. All images in this booklet are, unless credits are given, made or drawn by the authors (Zambeze Studio, Spring 2018).

IN COOPERATION WITH University Zambeze

RESILIENT ZAMBEZE

Table of contents 0_Studio Challenge

1_Zambezeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Challenges

Thesis research

Population Identities Elis Locia Matchowani Mavie The role of the forest in a rural Mozambican community Xavier OrdoĂąez Carpio The conservation of river corridors-water canals based on cultural aspect against rumbling infrastructure Rayan Al Ghareeb Planning and Mining in the Zambezi: Unravelling the nexus Thuy Nguyen Thi Subsistence Economies Alfredo Manhota Antonio Envisioning Transitional Land Use In Mining Nadia Nusrat The road to sustainability Maher Nimer Alabed Creating New Productive Landscapes through Erosion Process David Njenga Muiruri Infrastructure as a Development Paradigm Clara Medina Garcia Circular Economy Nathan De Feyter Water harvesting system as the means to enable community driven development Julia de Souza Campos Paiva

2_A Vision for Tete

Transect

3_Strategic projects

four 5x5km sites & 15 individual projects

Luenha

Nhartanda

Revubue

Moatize

Acknowledgements

Climate Change & Contemporary Landscape Urbanism Strategies Urbanized Deltas

Climate change poses one of the greatest threats to humankind’s future. Bold policy and political will must be matched by the precise understanding of science and creative and out-of-the-box alternatives to its future habitation. Urbanism organizes civilization according to man-made rules and the use of space, yet it is anchored to natural world, which the environmental sciences strive to unravel. In the KU Leuven spring of 2018, three studios, on three continents will focus on design responses to climate change, including water and forest urbanisms and the development of new morphologies and typologies to create new relationships between nature and culture, water/ agriculture /forests and cities, the unbuilt and the built and public and private realms. The studios will all work in one studio space, follow a common process, have joint workshops and reviews and culminate in the June/ July World Urbanisms Seminar. Urbanized deltas—which host more than half of the world’s population and produce the lion’s share of global economic value—are amongst the earth’s most inherently vulnerable territories with regards to climate change and man has yet to figure out how to appropriately respond to the predicted consequences of increased vulnerability, which includes storm surges, sea level rise, both increased flooding and drought, and extreme rainfall. The hazard-prone areas threaten water and food security, human settlement and transport. Clearly the stakes, in terms of human and financial capital, are extremely high and need urgent attention. Design attention and creative thinking is thus part of the necessary ‘game-changers’ that must figure into a paradigm shift for such deltaic landscapes.

Tete Region, Zambeze River Basin, Mozambique

Taihu Basin, Yangtze River Delta, China

Guayas River Delta, Ecuador

The three studios include the Tete Region, Zambeze River Basin (Mozambique), Taihu Basin, Yangtze River Delta (China) and Guayas River Delta (Ecuador) The studios overlaped and shared as many resources as possible. The studio was developed through model-building at three scales (1:20,000, 1:5000 and 1:500). The first scale was that of a transect, the second 5 x 5 kilometer zooms and then individual projects within. Fieldwork tested various forms of notational mapping, sections and ‘paintings,’ building on the local traditions of representing the built environment. For the Mozambique studio the schedule was as follows: Week 1: UNDERSTANDING FROM AFAR (introduction to site, fieldwork and studio method, interpretative mapping / preparing of fieldwork / text assignment) Weeks 2 & 3: FIELDWORK IN THE SEMI-ARID TETE REGION / CLOSING WORKSHOP “URBANISMO E PAISAGEM” Week 4: COLLECTIVE VISION OF THE TRANSECT Week 5: TERRITORIAL LANDSCAPE URBANISM STRATEGY Weeks 6 & 7: IDENTIFICATION OF STRATEGIC PROJECTS & PRECEDENTS Week 8: MID-REVIEW Week 12: CLIMATE CHANGE WORKSHOP WITH RICHARD PLUNZ Weeks 13 & 14: DEVELOPMENT OF STRATEGIC PROJECT/ EDITING THE VISION

Week 9 & 10 & 11: DEVELOPMENT OF STRATEGIC PROJECT

ÂŠ Gunther Vogt

Distance and Engagement fieldtrips to landscapes, designing in model, Gunther Vogt

ÂŠ Alexander von Humboldt

Fieldwork Section measurements in relation to topography, Alexander von Humboldt

Installing Commons in Afram landscape appropriations, production cycles, Enrique Gomez & Laura Nagels

ÂŠ Enrique Gomez & Laura Nagels

Alexander von Humboldt

“Forest” plan devised in accordance with the given function of the studio, Junya Ishigami

Survey diagram office layout 15 July 2010, Junya Ishigami

Mural as Technique Praça dos Herois Moçambicanos, Maputo, Malangatana

Tapestry painting continuous, consistent landscape, uploaded with specificity, Huguette Caland

ÂŠ Qing Dynasty ÂŠ Yao Li

Scroll painting part of the map of the Chianfjiang (Jiangning Prefecture), Qing Dynasty

Concealment and Restructuring New Mountain and Water contemporary Chinese landscape painting, Yao Li

Tigua Art ancient heritage and cultural history, Julio Toaqiza Tigase

Magical Realism Pajaros Sobre Azul – Llovendo Campanas, Gustavo Endara Crow

Resilient Zambeze Introduction / Studio Brief

The Zambeze river contains the fourth largest catchment area of Africa, around 1,37 million km2, the qeuivalent of twice the size of France (Beck and Bernauer, 2011,1062). It crosses various countries from Western Africa to the East coast, passing diverse and iconic landscapes, both natural and man-made amongst which Victoria Falls, the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s widest waterfalls, hydropower lake Kariba, Lower Zambezi National Park, hydropower lake Cahora Bassa and lake Malawi. The wide catchment basin narrows when entering the flat plains of Mozambique. Two large branches feed the Mozambican Zambeze: the largest volume of water, related to the largest catchment area towards the West enters the Tete province where the hydroelectric dam Cahora Bassa dominates the water course. The Niassa-Shire sub basin, passing lake Victoria, runs into the Zambeze just before it branches out into its wide delta. This confluence marks the transition between the provinces of Tete, Sofala (south) and Zambezia (north). The water discharge into the sea is estimated on an average of 2.300 m3/s (Beck and Bernauer, 2011,1062), making it comparable to the Nile and the Rhine. The flat plains and large amounts of water have led to a unique delta with valuable mangrove forests and the protected wetland â&#x20AC;&#x153;Parque Nacional de Marromeuâ&#x20AC;? that houses the largest buffalo population in the world. Thirty million people in eight countries live in the Zambeze catchment basin, yet they are unevenly distributed in relation to annual rainfall. The most densely inhabited parts face drought, while less densely inhabited areas suffer from flooding. The total water usage only adds up to between 15-20 percent of the total run-off (Beck and Bernauer, 2011, pp. 1062) which means the Zambeze still possesses a significant exploitation potential. (Davies et al., 1975,pp. 190) Unfortunately, the uneven and unpredictable water flows due to man-made alterations to the natural flow, make systemic water usage difficult. The Zambeze river basin in Mozambique is diverse. It can generally be characterized by four distinct landscapes, entering Mozambique downstream: 1/ Cahora Bassa lake: one of the largest African dams, the mega project just before independence (1974) that provides a large amount of electricity to neighbouring

countries. The lake transformed this relatively mountainous area into a large lake

The region suffers from period droughts that are predicted to increase over time. In

that gathers small populations, lodges, small docks et cetera along its edges. The

contrast to short-term impact disasters as period flooding, as happens in the lower

dam drastically changed the downstream flood regime. Displacement because of

part of the Zambeze river basin, drought is considered to be of long-term impact.

distorted flood regimes (more droughts, more severe floods) is a yearly burden

Droughts can extend up to a year and cause more drastic changes and adaptation

upon the downstream population.

of lifestyle to cope with the drought. Although droughts are part of the natural dynamics of the semi-arid landscape, under climate change these drought will

2/ Tete and surrounding: the largest city on the Zambeze in Mozambique. Tete

become more frequent and longer in time.

forms the center of a diverse province. Tete lies on the Zambeze and inside a mainly semi-arid landscape with harsh living conditions. Next to Tete lies Moatize, the

In addition some large-scale development dynamics have altered the landscape and

main coal extraction center, although mines are appearing all over the province. The

its natural cycles, under the search for the exploitation of the Zambeze’s river basin

recent mine activity (boom since 2010) slowed down two years ago due to different

resources.

economic situation (dropping coal prices) and political instability, and picked up pace again in recent months. The volatile conditions reflected in the occupation

1/ the construction of Cahora Bassa dam: its construction (finished one year before

motions within the city. Tete expanded rapidly, imploded and is recuperating again.

independence, 1974) led to the displacement of many villages. Some due to the new

The physical outfall remains present in the territory in the form of abandoned and

Cahora Bassa lake, others because of the altered flood regimes. Although floods

neglected houses and brand-new infrastructure for the mining exploration. Tete’s

are better mitigated by the buffer lake, the dam altered the growing cycles and

dens urban condition contrasts with the bare landscape surrounding it. Lifelines

locations for crops. Today, the accessibility to water is less predictable than before.

in the region are the year-long water running rivers and roads, providing the main

Tete lies in at the transition zone from the higher somewhat mountainous part of

necessities: water and access to the economy of the road.

the Zambeze valley where additional dam project might be possible. Tete lies at the center of at least four future dam projects that up till now have not found the

3/ Mutarara-Chimuara-Caia-Mopeia: the floodprone transition between the higher

necessary economic viability, yet the plans remain concrete. The increased water

part of the Zambeze and the delta. This piece holds most of the crossings over the

retention, from energetic viewpoint only viable on the Zambeze itself, might be a

Zambeze. The population is highly dependent of the flood dynamics and it is here

way to allow more access to water in the semi-arid landscape, yet it will contribute

that most flooding resettlements have been done. Since the subbasin of the Shire

again to altered water dynamics downstream.

runs into the Zambeze here, there is less control on the flood regime. 2/ the (illegal) deforestation: the evolution of 2000 till 2015 is devastating. From a 4/ the delta (Marromeu and Quelimane): the flat estuary of the Zambeze completely

largely forest-covered province in 2000, Tete is now a deforested, dry region prone

opens up here. Marromeu is the historic sugar cane village (a large estate that uses

to further desertification, making the land even harsher to inhabit. Cultivation is

the flood dynamics), while Quelimane, one of the largest cities of Mozambique, lies

becoming increasingly more difficult and in some places erosion is become a true

at a river branch of the Zambeze delta (“Rio dos Bons Sinais”). Located almost at

hazard. Replanting trees is on the agenda, but practicalities as financing, actual

the coast line, it suffers from different natural phenomena: flooding, strong winds

access to seedlings and growth time is making the region too slow to react.

from inland and cyclones from the sea, tidal flood and salt water intrusion et cetera. 15

Right: The Zambeze as seen by Jacques Cousteau from Île Europe. Image by (c) Vincent Van Praet

3/ the coal exploitation: a large portion of the Tete province is covered with mine concessions for coal mining, following the Karoo basin. The coal extraction is ambiguous: the high operational costs to export the coal make it borderline profitable, yet large scale investments (a new bridge over the Zambeze, a new train line towards the coast) seem to indicate a prolonged stay of the coal mining companies (Vale, Jindal and others); the coal extraction brings a notion of development, but in reality, most added value flows back into the coal mining companies and not towards the local population; the mining operation is significantly altering the landscape and ecological disasters are a matter of time, while the mine operation encroach the main rivers and urbanization. 4/ the PEOT: in 2014 the “Agencia de Desenvolvimento do Vale do Zambeze”, the Zambeze Development Agency (ADZ), was founded with the purpose to stimulate and regulate this development potential. They developed the “Plano Especial de Ordenamento de Território” (Special Plan of Territorial Organization) as a vision for the Zambeze river valley. The document can be read as a strategic planning instrument that bundles the large-scale ambitions of the Zambeze. Yet many of these ambitions are not spatially integrated, and are fundamentally incompatible. For example, the zone around Tete is coloured as large agricultural potential, despite its extremely hot and dry climate, while the mining concessions cover the entirety this zone. Their compatibility seems difficult. Designing a future for a volatile population (“fixar a população”) The Zambeze design studio aimed to explore scenarios that re-establish the local population’s subsistence under the increasing impact of natural and cultural dynamics. A transect exemplifies the main mode of inhabitation based on the importance of the rivers as infrastructures of life. Urban growth in Mozambique is often spontaneous, but not unmanageable. Settlements can be expected to appear in locations with good accessibility to basic amenities (water and fertile land, food) and good connectivity (mainly road movement so they can sell whatever surplus they produce). 16

Scenarios for this landscape aimed to build on a renewed landscape as the inevitable base for a new urban realm. The Zambeze valley and its tributaries (as for example the Revubue, Nhartanda, Luenha and others) are often the providers of fertile soil and water. They form linear oases in a semi-arid landscape that can only be turned productive by intensive irrigation. It is in this sense that we understand the conundrum of the Zambeze valley: the water potential of the Zambeze is gigantic and the landscape generally dry, yet unlike surrounding countries as Zimbabwe or South Africa and even Malawi, there are no intermediate, large-scale irrigation structures that actually seize this water potential, making the Zambeze only quite locally significant and the population dependent of often unreliable individual water provision. Design lab methodology The lab worked as a multidisciplinary team. Each member of the team had specific tasks within a specific discipline, delivering different input in the design process that integrates the various dimensions in both an integral analysis of the situation as the elaboration of a development an integrated development strategy. Both elements were important: the right, clear input from different sectors and disciplines on the one side, the fluent integration of that input in the understanding of the global situation and incorporation into an integrated approach. The exchanges between the different angles was crucial to bring the projects forward. Within design research, asking the right questions is perhaps the main issue. Coming as outsiders from an academic environment, the lab’s contribution to the area’s seek to stimulate debate and raise discussion within the active actors of the lower Zambeze. As a means to this end, the lab focused on developing critical questions—as problem formulations design provocations. By gathering a substantial number of input from all the different actors, convergences arise and potentially make interventions benefit from one another. Designing convergences is what a coproducing urban design lab can achieve.

Landscape 1 Cahora Bassa lake and the Mozambican highlands

Landscape 2 Semi-arid Tete Region - subject of studio

Landscape 3 Mutarara-Chimuara-Caia-Mopeia floodplains

Landscape 4 Zambeze river delta

1 ZAMBEZEâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S CHALLENGES

ABOUT THE TETE REGION

Tete is situated on the transition from the lower floodplain to the mountainous area around Cahora Bassa. It is located in the semi-arid landscape. Life has always been challenging in the regiona as dry spells occur from time to time. The thin savannah forest has dispersed resources which defined the dispersed, low density settlement pattern. Due to harsh conditions, life is organized mainly around trees and their commodities (shade, fruits, barch..) and of course the access to water. Recently booming external economies are changing this dispersed settlement dynamics towards concentration, creating a series of problems related to the scarcely available resources. In addition the landscape is being overexploited, polluted, destroyed by specific large-scale international players, specifically the coal mining industry. The already thinly available resources disappear altogether. This research-by-design aims to explore landscape urbanism strategies that activate the landscape to give it a scale and meaning as a subsistence economy, not easily overlooked by the external operators. The starting point is the increasing dichotomy of dry and wet season, flooding and droughts, and the dynamic in time between these forces, seriously aggravated under increased climate change. Taking this change at heart, a future can be divised that makes this region self-sustained and inhabitable for the future.

+Tete

TOPOGRAPHY and SOIL The Zambeze gathers the water form a large caption area. Tributary rivers do play a more important role in the lifes of local population. The soil interacts strongly with the topography (slope percentage) and water courses. The torrential rains wash away soil and transpory it downstream, depositing where the water slows down.

WATER and SETTLEMENTS Since water is the main lifeline of the region, settlements logically appear on the river banks, the slopes next to the water, preferably rivers that have water running year around, indicated in light blue. The dark blue indicating of water shows where water accumulates, but this accumulation actually only happens in very short and specific moments in time. During dry season, they are mostly dry sand banks, called dry rivers.

ROADS and WATER

Legend Water bodies In a Dry season In a Wet season (Dry rivers)

Roads and water are closely intertwined. Often dry rivers are places of movement, indicated here

Rivers networks Zambeze River Primary tributaries of Zambeze Secondary tributaries of Zambeze

in orange. A dispersed, not hierarchical system of vains that run along or paralel to the water.

Primary streams Secondary streams Third Order streams

Road networks

and are mostly about international and regional

Asphalt Road - Na�onal level

movement. Often they run on higher terrain,

Grid Road

Se�lements Study Area

Intepreta�on mapping - Water networks, road networks and spa�al distribu�on of se�lements

3km

connect main villages on the regional scale,

Dirt Road

Asphalt Road - Regional Level

1km

The asphalt roads are of another scale. They

7KM

they are built on small dykes to avoid flooding, or have bridges (over Luenha and Zambeze).

VEGETATION The vegetation around Tete was devastated over time. In the less populated higher regions, forest has maintained its position, while along the asphalted roads the forest has been harvested. The low rainfall and slow regeneration due to lack of water, makes it difficult for the vegetation to recuperate.

SUN

EXPOSURE,

SETTLEMENTS

and

VEGETATION Sun exposure plays an important role in the settling dynamic. The sunny slopes are more often inhabited. Of course other dynamics make that, as for example in the case of Tete or other larger towns, both sides are occupied. Sun exposure also make a difference in reltion to how fast vegetation can recuperate.

REFLECTIONS

The following papers offer additional insights to the design research exercise. At first, we present analytical papers, that aimed at unravelling selected features of these territoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s social spatial organization. At first, we approach the populationÂ´s multiple identities in its relation to the rural-urban spaces (Elis Mavis) and its relation to the elements of the landscape, such as vegetation (Xavier Ordonez)) and the regionÂ´s water bodies, an analysis that serves as a starting point to question the current development paradigms (Rayan Gharib). Additionally, the current development practices and planning policies are addressed and evaluated according to its actual materialization and its relation to the controversial and unstable mining activity present in the region (Nguyen Thi Thuy). A last contribution in this first part discusses the alternative subsistence economy as a future model for the Tete region (Alfredo Manhota Antonio). Secondly, we present the papers that combined the extensive analysis to case studies and reflections over the design. We first address the possibilities for water harvesting in relation to the mining cycle (Nadia Nusrat) and the agricultural production (Maher Alabed), in works that combine case studies in different contexts as important sources of inspiration for the design proposals. Processes of erosion, a major problem throughout the whole transect, are explained and analyzed, presenting a concluding design proposal that aims to mitigate its impact on Changara (David Muiruri). Lastly, current development paradigms are again explored and tested through designerly exercises, based on the proposition of alternative scenarios of Community driven development (Julia Paiva) and Circular economy (Nathan De Feyter) applied paradigms. The last paper, built from extensive fieldwork survey analysed with the lenses of several case studies, builds an argument on the construction of Social Infrastructures, a notion explored with a design that combines infrastructural elements and communal spaces.

ELIS LOCIA MATCHOWANI MAVIE

Population Identities A Look the Settlement of Luenha in Tete, Mozambique

Luenha is located in the district of Changara, in the southern part of the Tete province in Mozambique. The settlement presents itself with multiple geographies: river, erosion, settlements and forest, and Luenha is sandwiched between the two most powerful resources used to feed the population: the river (River Luenha) and the forest (an open savannah with native vegetation, with many Baobab, Acacia and Mopane trees). Located 100km away from the City of Tete, it is crossed by two national roads one which connects the province to the south of the country and another to its neighbouring landlocked countries (Zimbabwe, etc). This location and the contact this settlement has with by-passers has raised the question of how or if the local community is significantly influenced. The present paper seeks to investigate various paradigms of the population in order to study the population identity of the place. The study focused on the populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s needs, their immigration tendencies and who occupies the territory, the social stratification, the populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic activities and if the existing foreign residents and by-passers influence the local population. The final step of the analysis will be to look at the morphology of the settlement to understand if the local identity of the population is also being translated into the materiality of the settlement. The study will be made through anthropological lenses, focusing on elements which are taken into consideration when describing and discussing population identities. To do so, a theoretical framework will be used, as well as material collected from the fieldwork trip to Luenha, where, inspired by ethnography, observation, conversations and interviews with the local population (both citizens and government officials) were undertaken.

Mozambique is a country that is currently undergoing a mining boom, and has, in this process, welcomed numerous foreign firms and professionals. Tete is one of the provinces which have welcomed many entities for coal mining exploitation in the past decade, and this has heavily influenced the city, from population growth to its urban morphology. Different needs and different services were imposed to answer to the new needs of both firms and professionals. However, not the whole of Tete has been influenced. Luenha, which is located in the southern part of the province and borders Zimbabwe and Manica (another province) is located approximately 100km away from

Image adapted from: http://enacademic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/11702

01_Introduction and Contextualization

the centre of the city of Tete and does not suffer any direct impact being that all coal exploited in Moatize is taken directly to the Port of Nampula though the Nacala Corridor. Through Luenha, “traffic from neighbouring countries such as Zambia and Malawi through Tete and Manica” heading towards the port of Beira are the main foreign influence. These trucks, which run through the settlement, are a foreign element that cut and cross the landscape, with tendencies to demand more supporting services such as bedrooms and restaurants from the local population (as they pass through the settlement) as well as cultural demands (to adjust better to their cultural backgrounds), but also influence its habits and modus vivendi, by bringing new forms of construction or social habits. Luenha is a small city whose landscape is severely marked by the river and the forest, and dependent on the climate. With the expanding erosion, the population is forced to find new places to settle, creating massive deforestations to implement resettlement programmes initiated by the government. The clash between the local approach and the official approach to the landscape is evident, but slowly, foreign elements start to appear in what was once an open, community-based settlement. For the paper, an anthropological lens was used to understand what is defined as “identity” in social sciences theories and which elements are used to study population identities. Looking at literature of Changara and

Satelite Image of Mozambique

Luenha was essential for the analysis and, to complement this information, conversations and interviews undertaken with the local population (both residents and government officials) to be able to gather more information were undertaken. Observations of the place and how the people interact within their habitat were also recorded.

One of the main problems found with the word “identity” is its definition. Can it be considered something to be applied to an individual and then expanded into communities and nations (difficult since each person tends to possess a unique identity), or is it something that starts at a societal level and then finds its variations and particularities ending with individual identities as something that is extremely eclectic, but as a variation of a collective identity? To what extent does one’s identity change the perception of identity in a whole group? The concept identity is, as stated by Golubović (2010), very controversial due to the many scales from which it can be looked at. Because the same term can be attributed to describe an individual, space and environment, it is necessary to get the most basic definitions of identity before seeing how the term can be applied to bigger scales, and to specific clusters. The word “identity” is derived from its Latin origin of identitas meaning “sameness,” which, in fact, is a philosophical term that we articulate as equality or “the relation each thing bears just to itself” (Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy, 1995). in Cheshmehzangi (2015)

A simpler definition from the same dictionary defines identity as “who a person is, or the qualities of a person or group that make them different from others.” Identity is one of the most commonly studied constructs in the social sciences (Schwartz, Luyckx, Vignoles, 2011, Brubaker & Cooper, 2000; Côté, 2006), having studied the meaning and ramifications of identity, approaching it from different angles: individual, relational or collective (Schwartz, Luyckx, Vignoles, 2011, Sedikides & Brewer, 2001) and these distinctions refer mostly to where these identities come from, are maintained and how they change over time.

Source: https://www.fraserinstitute.org/studies/incentives-identity-and-the-growth-of-canadas-indigenous-population of image https://254-online.com/brand-identity-important/

02_Identy and Its Forms

Identy.

Psychology focuses on the individual, looking at identity as something

The most meaningful to the study of Luenha and its Population Identities

that starts from one or various individuals. Other social sciences, i.e.

are the ethnic, cultural and urban identities.

sociology, see identity as something combined that could be defined

Social identity, as described by Isaacs-Martin, W. (2014), is something

from a collective background.

that “possesses psychological attributes drawn from group membership (Gibson and Gouws 2000:279) that are value laden, self-defining, and

In psychology identity is seen as “the traits and characteristics, social

historical.” She goes on to say that as a cultural construct, it is stable

relations, roles and social group memberships that define who one

and “role-specific and resistant to historical and social forces (Tsitsipis

is.” (Oyserman, Elmore, Smith, 2012). In social anthropology, identity

2009:436–37)”.

is even harder to define, having scholars define it based on their own

Ethnic and cultural identity are very similar and, according to Golubović

preconceptions of the word, and most relate to the word and see it as

(2010), what differs one from the other is that:

a diverse and ever-changing social experience. However, two social

- ethnic identity is broader in terms of scale and “relies on an over-

anthropologists, “Cohen and Bray have shifted the focus of analytical

identification with one ethnic tradition as an exclusive model of collective

study from identity to the boundaries that are used for purposes of

life, being closed in itself disregarding new social processes” whilst

identification.” (James, 2015) The document goes on to say that these

- cultural identity “is open to reconceptualization and may appear in

boundaries are “non-directive” and a “flexible analytical tool” and can be

plural forms” as well as it recognizes individual and unique identity, unlike

seen as an element which would provide a framework from which one

ethnic identity which is a “collective expression according to which all

could concentrate which would allow to define parameters to help define

individuals have to submit.”

how to analyse the identity of determined study cases such as “language,

Urban identity can be defined as the uniqueness of a place, character,

dress, behaviour and choice of space.”

image, sense or spirituality that makes it different from any other. Looking

In the social sciences, identity is considered as a social attribute, as it

at urban identities requires the analysis of the urban space at various

is believed to be socially constructed (Cheshmehzangi, 2015; Fearon,

scales, to the “places and non-places” of Augè2 , referred by Licari (2011),

1999; Herrigel, 1993; Jenkins, 1996; Wendt, 1999). By looking at the

and why (a look at how and if places and non-places have shifted over

parameters used to determine different identities, it can be seen that

time) and the different manifestations of what could be seen as unique

identity is a characteristic that is ever-changing.

to an urban space. As phrased by Cheshmehzangi (2015), bringing tools for specifying “urban identities” does not always mean putting them into categories, but rather to use these elements of identification to study the

The term identity can also be associated with other terms, which imply

roles they play at “various scales that are related to humans and their

a definition of very specific characteristics of certain groups of fields of

social environments.”

work/analysis: gender identity, social identity, ethnic identity, cultural identity, urban identity, etc.

For the case of Luenha, finding its population identity was based on the various scales of how the population lives and their aspirations, how they relate among themselves and the world.

Bearing in mind that “identity” is a collection of characteristics that define a person, group or nation and that this set of characteristics are acquired over time and are ever changing, how can Luenha’s identity, as a whole, be described? Population identity in this paper is seen as every element that is distinctive to a group. It goes beyond social analysis since people are more than their social construct. People are space, too: the way they appropriate space is also a reflection of who they are.

Source: Linguist Map of Mozambique http://heatherleilamoz.blogspot.com/2010/12/

03_Population Identities in Luenha

Located in the district of Changara, it is considered a locality which, according to the 1st article of the 1st Chapter of the Law of Territorial Planning (Lei de Ordenamento do Território), Urban Land: “all area within the perimeter of municipalities, villages and settlements (headquarters of Administrative Posts and Localities), legally instituted.” It is also located in the Bantu region, in the northern part of Mozambique whose population is composed of 36735 inhabitants (Changara District Profile, 2014), mostly belonging to the Sena or the XiNyungwe tribes. The remaining population are immigrants, either from the other parts of the country, or from abroad; being that the most referenced foreign nationality was Zimbabwean. Map of the Different Bantu Languages in Mozambique

The many dimensions of Identity (Adapted from Jones & McEwen, 2000, p. 409.)

Sketch made by Author

Souce: Cheshmehzangi, 2015, p. 4

When speaking of Population Identities, one has to bear in mind that these, besides everchanging, are expressed in many dimensions (Cheshmehzangi, 2015; (Deaux, 1993; Reynolds & Pope, 1991).

Brief Reading of the Settlement of Luenha

Based on this chart, three main elements will be taken to analyse the identity of Luenha at a larger scale: socio-cultural conditions, every day activities and career decisions and lifeplanning, which will be based on information collected through interviews during fieldwork and literature. Additional elements of social identity will also be taken into consideration such as nationalities, modus vivendi and social stratification.

INTERVIWEE IDENTITIES

Interviewee 1: Zimbabwean male carpenter and charcoal producer. Produces charcoal from trees from surrounding forest. Gathers wood for furniture further away from Luenha, uses Chanfuta. Lives in the resettlement area with his family. Interviewee 2: Man. By passer in Resettlement Area. Says most neighbours still own agricultural lands on the riverbank. Interviewee 3: Woman. Farmer and domestic. Resettlement area. Zimbabwean. Cooks from productive shrubs used as fencing. Homestead with main house in conventional material. Interviewee 4: Owner of homestead made up of well-built houses in conventional material. Farmer. Oldest son lives with family within compound. Other kids are out of the city studying. Cattle within plot. Interviewee 5: Owner of Big House. Lives in Tete, keeps house in Luenha for rental and goes during the weekend. Employs local people for domestic work. Interviewee 6: Owner of restaurant. Interviewee 7: Owner of structured family. Kids are out of Luenha for school. Main house from 1995 in conventional material. Works with NGOs whenever they work in Luenha. Owns cattle, has rental room for by-passers, lives in a homestead.

Source : Sketch made by the author

A Look at Luenha

Location of where interviews and conversations with the local population were conducted

Looking at identity as a socio-culturally phenomenon, as done by Golubovic (2010), the identity concept does not belong to a natural/ biological category, but it is socio-culturally impregnated expression of both individual/personal and collective way of existence and recognition (Golubovic 2010, p.3). Upon arrival, the most striking element which was found was the big dichotomy among the housing typologies and conditions. Luenha could According to the 2007 Census, the active population within the district

•The Independent which is along the two national roads EN7 and EN8

of Changara was mostly dedicated to agriculture and farming (64%),

and is characterized by big building blocks, formal and informal market

19% was domestic (and these were mostly women), 9% were full-time

activities and structured, enclosed houses in conventional material;

students and only 8% were “other”. At the time, within the district, only

•The Local, characterized by constructions in local material and houses

10% of the active population earned a salary. The case has not changed

without borders, where the limits are known but not delimitated and

much within Luenha, specifically, where most interviewees explained that

in which the private space is almost imperceptible. The architecture is

women were domestic or farmers and their main tasks revolved around

vernacular and vegetation is almost non-existent with the exception of a

household chores whilst the men either worked outside the Locality in

tree that acts as an extension of the main house and provides very good

other smaller cities, or across the border in Zimbabwe, or were farmers/

shade;

small business owners.

•The New Urban, characterized by an imposed grid, which consists of blocks made of regular-sized plots, in which the population chooses how to live and that, the further away from the centre of the settlement the grid gets, the less it is felt, from the construction materials to the fencing, which goes from existing and opaque to see-through to non-existent; •The “in-between”, characterized by a mixture of modern and local concepts of living: enclosed and open plots, gates and no gates, wide roads and “unlimited” passageways. The housing typologies also seemed linked to the other identity frames

Source : District Profile of Changara, 2014

define itself in different parts:

which needed to be analysed: the economic activities, the social stratification, the social needs and aspirations, the housing and living traditions, and, lastly, career decisions and life-planning aspirations.

Percentage of people’s professions in the district of Changara in 2014: 19% domestic, 64% work, 9% students and 8% other.

Most people within the district of Changara own their residences . According to the district profile of 2014, 95.7% of the population owned their houses, and more than half of them were in local material. The ownership of houses is made possible due to the fact that the main material used for construction is clay bricks, which are made on site, using the surrounding

Source : Sketch made by the author

a) The Local

Within the settlements, children and teenagers are made to participate in the family activities and, according to â&#x20AC;&#x153;Interviewee 7â&#x20AC;?, it is very hard for families to encourage their children to pursue their studies if they cannot afford education away from Luenha. Like the rest of the country, boys pursue school for longer than girls, and, in turn, girls are made to get

clay. As the citizens reach adulthood, they

more and more engaged in family affairs, and

construct an addition to the homesteads in

made to marry early.

which they live with their families. The local refers to the constructions in vernacular architecture made in local material with thatched or metal roofs, found, especially, the further the settlement grows inland, from the road towards the river. In this settlement, homesteads are most commonly found, and the population is mostly dedicated to subsistence ways of living: farming and cattle herding. Some create small stalls for small commercial activities, which add to the income of the family. Regarding spatial needs, these families grow within their plot, densifying the existing area belonging to one family, adding new constructions as rooms (or houses) that make part of the whole.

Local home layout within the settlement.

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

settlement study: the unit

the main trees found within the settlements in Changara are Quinina and the "Muzunga"

tree to provide shade is constantly planted within the plot and used for shade and follow the outdoor lives of the people who live in the plot. trees should provide wide shade

the homestead the homestead is a grouping of various separate buildings which make part of one single house.

outdoor kitchen, covered and this construction can be closed with walls or completely open. it is normally made in local material and covered with thatched roofs. families with better income construct them with cement blocks to half-height and cover them with metal corrugated sheets isolated house in local material

fencing made with local material: pau-a-pique or trunks of thin bulk trees such as the mopane

outdoor bathroom and toilet, made both in local material such as "caniĂ§o" or clay bricks, or in cement bricks homestead in local material Main house for the couple and their children. as the children grow, they are moved to life outside if they are male, or grow inside the house until married/move away for studies construction method of main house, if in cement bricks, is typically made of 3 roof inclinations as shown in the plan: the first two are for the living room and the third one is for the only bedroom the house has most of the types. the roofs follow the funcions of the rooms of the house local house in conventional building material quinina tree

local house in conventional building material

most families have cattle in their homes and these animals are kept within the plot, in special covered places or in open spaces

example of typical homestead based on homestead found in the oldest neighbourhood of Changara-Sede building layouts may differ

Bedroom belonging to the male sons. can be more than one; each room serves for one or two male children and are built when they are old enough to be independent depending on the financial status of the family, it can be made in either local mateiral or cement bricks

approximate aesthetics of "rooms" for rental in conventional housestead plots Changara is exposed to external dynamics, forcing the local community to adjust to the demands made by those who cross their routes on a daily basis on their way to and from the Zimbabwean border.

place for rental: bedrooms for people on the move for an average price and it price varies according to the materials in which the house is built. sense of "good conditions" for the house based on "modern" concepts: brick house, conventional windows, etc income serves to sustain the family

a new character is brought to this community and new ideas are implemented: modernized constructions and houses in one building and not separated as their traditional homes are, bedrooms for rental, etc.

GSPublisherVersion 0.0.100.100

Typical Example of a Local Homestead Layout. Materials may vary. Fencing may become non-existent. Model based on â&#x20AC;&#x153;Interviewee 7â&#x20AC;? homestead.

According to the government official which was interviewed, the government encourages the local population to improve their living conditions and to invest in bigger, single houses. This is done especially for those who are moved into the resettlement area, which has a regular layout made up of a grid, blocks

Source: Images made by author

b) The New Urban

However, the resettlement area functions mostly like the Old Settlement, ignoring the physical limits imposed by the government and using pathways that go through the plots to reach different destinations. Most of the youngsters found within the settlement also said they were attending

and 30x40m plots separated by wide roads.

schools and many girls feel aspire to pursue

The government does not, however, demand

their studies in other cities.

specific materials for construction. Initially prepared to resettle the population located close to the erosion craters, the resettlement area, according to “Interviewee 2” and sustained by “Interviewees 1” and “3”, is now an urbanized space which houses mainly people from places outside Luenha: foreigners (mainly Zimbabweans and people from outside Luenha who buy the plots from the local people, who sell and return to the old settlement, close to the river). This new group of people, mixed with the local people who live in the area, bring a new standard of living to the neighbourhood, encouraging the local community to invest more in their children’s education, their living conditions and making them aspire to modernized housing and living conditions. More houses are built in conventional material (corrugated steel sheets for roofing and cement blocks for walls), plot limits (whether in transparent, organic material or solid elements), etc.

Variations of occupation of plots within New Urban contexts

The in-between area, shows traits of both the “New Urban” and the “Local”. Plots are occasionally

found

delimitated

solid

material, enclosing houses composed of main houses in conventional material and few traits of small constructions in local material. Otherwise, the rest of the space is occupied

Source: Image made by author

c) The “In-Between”

without plot limits and the housing is made in homesteads built in conventional material. The families, like the family belonging to “Interviewee 4” are more structured and most have their children attending school either within the district or in the City of Tete, like the case of “Interviewee 7”. Tracing of an “In-Between” area in Luenha

Based on material gathered from fieldwork, the territory presents itself more organized in a grid-like system facing the main roads. These constructions are mostly made mostly in conventional material and are enclosed by solid material to delimitate the plots. This could be because the plots nearer to the roads are of more value and only citizens with better financial statuses can afford to live there, or because there is a need (also encouraged by the government) to present the roadsides as more â&#x20AC;&#x153;urbanizedâ&#x20AC;? spaces. Here, the population is more educated and less attached to traditional costums in terms of housing and social traditions.

Type of construction found along main roads

Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

d) The Independent

Luenhaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Population Identity

Looking at the population identities of Luenha through the framework of analysis has made it clear that there are not one but multiple identities which are felt within the territory, but whose essence does nto differ much from each other. As suggested by Licari (2011), any group that comes together to possess a territory has its common ground: a set of values, beliefs, living traditions, goals, fears or any other common ground; an identity of its own.

A place’s identity is often translated into the way they “possess” space; the way territory is occupied and this is what can designated “urban identity”. Urban identity can also be seen as the interpretation of character or image of a place. Luenha is officially characterized as urban, but its character is rural, defined by its social structure (still rooted in the local, ethnic tradition), the economic activities, etc. As said by Cheshmehzangi (2015), population identities influence the urban morphology of small cities for identity is found both in content (related to person or object) and context (culture or environment).

Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

04_Is the PopulationIdentity of Luenha Influencing its Urban Form Too?

Landuse of Luenha

Part of Luenha showing the dichotomy in occupation of space: the East is organic and every open space can be considered public and passing-through space and is accessible by all and the West side is defined by large veins which aim to structure the territory, encouraging the population to privatize their space

More than an area which was imposed on the population due to the expansion of the erosion along the riverbank, the resettlement area came with impositions of how the land should have been occupied. As informed by the government official, the resettlement area was seen as an opportunity to ensure the settlement was better organized (which can be subjective). Where the government saw an opportunity to invest on a settlement which would grow according to what is considered “organized” and “modernized”, the population saw an alien form of land occupation, thus the organic mesh of footpaths which defy the rectangular, rigid structure of the grid. What is seen, today, is a disregard of the structure of the new residential areas but an adaption of the individualist sense of space for some. The fence, whether solid or seethrough is a new, growing element that the population is adapting, slowly changing the passing-through dynamics, which consequently influence the shared space element which is predominant in the community. Based on what was observed on site, most “individualized” spaces within the resettlement area are owned by people foreign to the settlement: people from the City of Tete which seek a second home in the countryside and Zimbabweans, and this foreignism is found in every aspect of what was studied as part of what defined Luenha’s population identity.

Source: Google Earth, 2018

The Socio-Spatial Occupation of Luenha

Part of Luenha showing the dichotomy in occupation of space

With a growing clash between the traditional and the new identities (generally found attached to city growth and expansion and the foreign modus vivendi) which occupy Luenha, it is important to find ways to merge them, taking the best from both. As suggested by Licari (2011, p. 7), “It is necessary to underline that when cultures meet the relationship with the other enriches us and our culture, especially if we have all the tools to decode the messages.” This is to say that it is also the responsibility of the government to ensure that the settlement continues to grow, but doesn’t lose its soul, its core; its identity.

05_Reflections

“Are the identities of cities under threat as a result of urbanization and

It still needs the river, its main source of food; it still needs the forest

globalization?” (Vehaar, 2012)

and its resources. It still needs homesteads and the sense of community,

Can we consider Luenha a transitional settlement? Can we look at its

openness and independence; cattle nearby and different sources of

shifting identities and assume it is, indeed, a settlement in transition

shade to provide social meeting points which are not formal, but the

and that within years, the population will live within a more urbanized

places where everyone gathers, either as families or as communities.

setting, accepting grid-like settlement layouts, individualized plots, less

“While a new or transformed building or place may be highly distinctive

community-based type of living, etc?

or identifiable, it could undermine the particular character of a place that

According to the information supplied by “Interviewee 7”, the government

the community regard as a critical part of their identity. On the other hand,

implements systems of occupation based on grid-like occupation to try

that same distinctiveness could reinforce or even create an enhanced

to ensure less organic and more “structured” settlements, allowing for

sense of identity.” (Adam, 2012, p.176)

future infrastructure and easy accessibility. The population, however, seems to be torn between the two in its spatial occupation, but is very traditional in how it is organized (in life and livelihood). Even though the aspirations change as they have more contact with other cultures and more information, “home” is still a homestead (not a single house); the trees are extension of the house and are present in every compound and in social spaces; the women and the men still play very specific roles within both the society and their homes, etc. Identity is a powerful construct. It guides life paths and decisions (Schwartz, Luyckx, Vignoles, 2011, p.3, Kroger, 2007). Cities are settlements facing continuous social change (Beyhan & Gürkan, 2015, Keleş, 1998). This change is, preferably, coordinated by entities which ensure the best growth of cities. This is an invitation to re-think how the settlement should grow preserving what the local population most identifies itself with, instead imposing a system which is to be rejected, ignored, or misunderstood. “It takes a great deal of time and effort for a person to change their identity, and this applies to cities too” , and Luenha is no different. With all the changes it is undergoing due to its exposure to external forces, from by-passers to residents from other social realms or nationalities, its identity slowly shifts and absorbs what can be accommodated within its already existing identity.

LEGEND

Looking at Clashing Socio-Spatial Identities Increasing use of conventional materials; even with a vernacular architecture, the houses now use metal sheets for roofing instead of the thatched roofs. The space is not defined by roads; the territory is permeable and sense of propriety is defined by elements different from fencing New foreign element in the landscape: the solid wall. In the local areas occupied without a rectangular grip, the plots take different shapes and sizes Occupation of plots is dense and the enclosed space is still considered big enough for extended homesteads Structure of grid disappears and the occupation is very organic, dissolving the conventional perception of public and private space

Circulation remains organic, not following the structured grid of roads

Road structure is replaced by footpaths and swallowed by the settlements

05_References

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XAVIER ORDĂ&#x201C;Ă&#x2018;EZ-CARPIO

The role of the forest in a rural Mozambican community

Extractivism and local practices driving the cycles of the forest in Luenha.

Having carried out two weeks of fieldwork in the Mozambican province of Tete, the direct contact with many stakeholders and settlements, made me aware of the many ways in which the inhabitants are currently extracting what they need from their forests in order to survive under a combination of hard socio-economic and climatic conditions. Because of the predominant proportion of Mozambican people living in rural areas1 (Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M. 2013) this brief study focuses on the case of Luenha, a rural community in the Changara district of the province of Tete, which presents climatic conditions marked by high temperatures and lack of water. To face this reality, its inhabitants apply their indigenous knowledge to use the forest and some of its specific species; however, sometimes they emgage in extractivist processes that causes deforestation. This paper analyzes and describes these practices which give place to a special unity between climate, trees and their specific way to settle, emphasizing some specific functions and uses of certain species and also making a brief description of the exogenous drivers of deforestation like the wide scale coal mines case in Tete. All these activities from the small until the big scale, are performed under the same legal frame, thus this analysis searches for both, breaches allowing for deforestation and the opportunities that provide for a sustainable management of the forest. Finally, the comprehension of all these aspects is connected in order to provide possible ways in which the forest could be a sustainable resource for the rural populations in Mozambique. 1 Mozambique has over 63.9% of its population living in rural areas and over 53% of them undernourished.

1. Context of Luenha-Changara Luenha, one of the rural towns of Tete, perfectly exemplifies the aforementioned practices. Its geography marked between two topographic accidents, the mountains to the West and a cliff that leads to the river to the East; between these extremes, the current population close to 37.000 inhabitants2 little by little has been displaced in this plateau. The main road that crosses it marks the division between the new and the old settlement and constitutes the way of passage towards Zimbabwe and the neighboring province of Manica. The original settlement, is located in the area closest to the cliff from which they can access the Luenha River, its main source of water. This settlement can be understood as an organic element of this landscape, for its construction materials, but also for the way of articulating its spaces in a continuity-free of fences. As a result of a huge erosion process on the cliff, in 2010 the authorities decided to move part of this settlement inland, in order to clear this new area, they deforested a large area of

Xavier OrdĂłĂąez -Carpio

Old Settlement close to the cliff

native forest, keeping only some baobab and mopane trees.

Even though this resettlement area was inscribed in an orthogonal grid with plots of 30x40m, the logic of using the space has almost made it invisible, maintaining the organic flow of the old settlement. It is noteworthy that within this area is the village´s cemetery, which appears immersed in a forest patch that has not been deforested.

Ministério da Administração Estatal. (2012)

Luenha´s view from the riverbank

View of the resettlement area

Notational mapping. Luenha between the forest and the river

2. The role of the tree in the dwelling environment and the urban tissue The term forest has several definitions, depending

1.1 A catalogue of trees in Tete

on the vision of who issues them. So, whilst the UN

According to the report presented in the District

Framework Convention on Climate Change focuses

Profile of Changara, in this area, there are three main

on the percentage of canopy closure, FAO emphasizes

forest types: Forest mixed of Combretúm, Mopane

that forest is an area dominated by trees and includes

and Embondeiro, open forest from Ziziphu, and

areas for production, protection, multiple use or

Seminatural. Its character is primarily dry woodland,

conservation, and stands on agricultural land. Instead

dominated by the Brachystegia gender called “miombo”.

in the Mozambican Law on Forestry and Wildlife

(Ministério da Administração Estatal. 2012)

forests are defined as vegetation cover capable of

In order to show a small part of tree species, a selection

supplying wood or vegetative products, sheltering

of trees found in the province of Tete will be graphically

publication of the Miti Árvores do Projecto Carvão Moatize,

fauna and which exercise a direct or indirect effect

represented and classified according to their size

published by Gerência de Meio Ambiente e Gerência de

on soils, climate or hydrology regimes. (Norfolk, S.,

including their main uses in the area.

Comunicação da Vale em Moçambique.

The selection of trees and their specifications are based on the

& Cosijn, M.,2013)

Trees under 10m high

Scientific name. Albizia Harveyi Fourn.

Scientific name. Commiphora Mollis (Oliv.)

Local name. Mucahanga

Local name. Charato

Average size. 11m

Average size. 8m

Use. Leaves are food for the cattle. Local communities

Use. To make barnyards and firewood.

feed on a larva that lives exclusively on the leaves of

Specificities. Grows in rocky places.

the tree.

Scientific name. Acacia Nilotica

Scientific name. Albizia Anthelmintica

Scientific name. Dalbergia Melanoxilon Guill

Local name. Messine

Local name. Zanga

Local name. Pingo

Average size. 10m

Average size. 7m Use. To make stakes for construction.

Use. Edible fruits during the dry season

Scientific name. Dichrostachys Cinerea

Scientific name. Diospyros Quiloensis

Scientific name. Flacourtia Indica

Local name. Mangara

Local name. Ndodo

Local name. Tudza

Average size. 6m

Average size. 10m

Average size. 3-5m

Use. The roots are an antidote against the bite of snakes and

Use. Edible fruits in the dry season.

Use. Edible fruits and medicinal leaves.

scorpions

Trees between 10m -20m high

Scientific name. Acacia Nigrescens Oliv.

Scientific name. Afzelia Quanzensis Welw.

Local name. Namuno

Local name. Chanfuta

Average size. 8-20m

Average size. 15m

Specificities. Trunk with thorns.

Use. Construction and carpentry.

Scientific name. Barchemia Discolor (Klotach)

Scientific name. Colophorspermum Mopane

Local name. Mutรกtcha

Local name. Mopane

Average size. 20m

Average size. 10-30m

Use. Edible fruit in the dry season.

Specificities. Usually forms uniform groups called savannas of Mopane.

Scientific name. Kirkia Acuminata Oliv. Scientific name. Combretum Imberbe Wawra. Local name. Mangale Average size. 15m. Use. Firewood and stakes.

Local name. Mutumbul Average size. 15m. Specificities. Its roots form a structure capable to store water which is used by local communities in the dry season.

Scientific name. Sclerocarya Birrea

Scientific name. Sterculia Quiqueloba

Local name. Cheteco

Average size. 12m.

Average size. 17m. Use. Edible fruit in the dry season.

Trees over 20m high

Scientific name. Adansonia Digitata. Local name. Baobab, Embondeiro.

Scientific name. Cordyla Africana Lour.

Average size. 25m.

Local name. Ntondo

Use. All its parts have specific uses.

Average size. 25m.

Specificities. Its hollow trunk can get 28m. in diameter

Use. Edible fruit in the wet season, used by local

and can store 120.000 liters of rainwater.

Scientific name. Ficus Sycomorus

Scientific name. Kigelia Africana

Scientific name. Tamarindus Indica L.

Local name. Inkuyo

Local name. Nvumbo.

Local name. Matambarinho

Average size. 25m.

Average size. 24m.

Use. Edible fruit in the dry season. Bark is used as medicine against diarrhea.

Use. Edible fruit in the dry season.

reach many aspects of the daily life, for instance, the

species, through which I intend to introduce part of

selection and planting of specific tree species, as well as

the indigenous knowledge about the trees and the

The high percentage of malnutrition in rural areas is

their subsequent protection and shape manipulation in

intrinsic relationship that these practices establish

visible, in the case of Luenha the lack of food- related

order to create exterior spaces with livable conditions

with urban aspects of the settlements.

with water scarcity and high temperatures is surely

around the house. In this way the tree become a shady

Although it is possible to see many tree species close

the biggest problem this population must face but

extension of the house in which the inhabitants will

to households, a specific one which inhabitants call

not the only one. The inhabitants survive under

work, prepare food, be having rest in the warmer hours

â&#x20AC;&#x153;quininaâ&#x20AC;? is systematically planted and protected

these adverse conditions by using the forest to supply

of the day, gathering as a family group or even get an

from the abundant goats and cattle which circulate

part of the food they need as well as from familiar

income by placing some furniture in the shadow of the

freely through the place; using a barrier of branches

agricultural plots in the riverbanks.

tree to implement a trade in front of their households.

and thorns or such as bricks or cement blocks.

Forest considered as an ecological system has also

So, even though many of the actions to get resources

Manipulating the growth and shape of the tree is the

the ability to slow down and storage the rainwater

from the forest contribute to its deforestation, this

next step, is not uncommon finding wood trunks â&#x20AC;&#x201C;as

running during the wet season, however, due the

specific behavior within this rural settlement slowly

big stakes- holding the branches of young trees to give

immediate needs faced by this population these long-

is reforesting the area with species which inhabitants

them a specific shape, it usually aims to create a very

term processes are ignored even by the authorities.

consider the most suitable for their purposes.

broad canopy in the trees surrounding the house. But

(Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M. 2013).

During the fieldwork, my attention was caught by

this manipulation also relates to stopping the growth

But the role of the tree goes beyond the food and

some of these practices developed with specific tree

of other species interacting with spaces different than

2.1 The role of the tree in Luenha.

the household, like in the baobab tree case. However, the dominant species in all the region is the Mopane tree, local people know how to cut this tree which is properly used in many different ways. A detailed explanation of each of these trees, their manipulation and use will be presented in the next pages:

Uses. Rest

Uses. Preparing

Protection of the tree

Manipulation of the shape

Use for trade

2.2 Three species from the forest

2.2.1 Baobab tree (Adansonia digitata L.)

tolerance to harsh and dry growing conditions on a wide variety of soils as well as a trunk which can store

The Baobab tree also called Embondeiro is an exception

the rainwater of the wet season. Practically all the

within the species of the forest because in addition

parts of this tree can be used.

to its various uses has a sacred nature between the

Their acid pulp fruit is used to prepare juices and

inhabitants and therefore not anyone can manipulate

contains 10 times higher concentration of vitamin C

it (Buchmann, C., 2010, p.156). In the case observed

than oranges, the leaves are an important component

and described by the inhabitants of neighborhood #

of the diet and are often eaten as staple food providing

6 in Luenha, a new market would be built in an area

a significant protein and mineral source, leaves are

bordering a baobab, the inhabitants of the sector do not

also used as fodder. Baobab seeds are rich in protein,

cut it, but due to their large dimensions decide to prune

roasted and kernel they are eaten as a snack food or

their branches as this will prevent its roots continue to

pounded to produce flour. Oil can be extracted by

grow; the person in charge of doing it is the leader of

pounding or boiling the seeds. (Buchmann, C., 2010,

the community. It shows not only a local knowledge

p.149).

about this tree but its special role for the community.

in the construction of houses are manufactured, to

Probably that is why in Luenha most of the baobabs

obtain it they cut it from the bottom, up to about 2

within the settlement are located out of private plots

meters high.

acting as generators of public space, around which the

Baobab in the old settlement

The bark is soaked and with it fibers used

Access rights to baobab trees may be officially regulated by

meeting is done.

forestry laws. But in reality it is often at the village community

In the extensive literature about this tree it is possible to

level where access to baobab trees is regulated through informal

understand it is not only important due the magnificent

institutions and local rules usually set by the village chief and a

diameter of its trunk 5 , but because furthermore it has

group of village elders.

three hundred traditional documented uses, a broad

Baobab prunned

Usually has 5m of diameter but can get until 28m.

Using the bark of the baobab

2.2.2 Quinina tree (scientific name non identified) As stated the “Quinina” tree appears systematically planted close to the main house in the Luenha´s households, so in general, this tree goes creating a kind of repetitive pattern in the settlement area. There are many characteristics which explain this preference: This tree takes away the mosquito that spreads malaria and from its fruits and leaves a medicine is made to cure it; but also because of its resistance to drought and rapid growth, in just 2 years it grows from 4 to 5m providing a big shade due to its natural shape with a dense canopy. 2.2.3 Mopane tree (Colophorspermum Mopane) Its local name is Mopane, they only grow in Africa and are the predominant species in the center and south of this continent. In general, these trees are in groups that form the so-called savannas of mopane or “Miombo”, which give their characteristic appearance to the African savanna. In the settlement they use exclusively the wood of this tree; so as local people explained the tree´s trunk is cut in diagonal at more or less half meter high from the bottom, by this way it remains alive and can grow again. With the wood of the mopane they make structures for houses - it is very resistant and cannot be attacked by termites-, construct fences and produce charcoal. However, and even though they explain the tree will grow again, these practices are not sustainable.6 (Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M. 2013, p. 128). 6

An average consumption of wood-fuel of 2m3/person/year is

greater than the annual regeneration rates of miombo woodlands per hectare, thus it is estimated that if this practice continue, over

Group of “quinina” trees

80% of the forest biodiversity could be lost by 2025.

Mopane trees

3. The system of deforestation and the Legislation As explained, many of the activities carried out

•

The clearance of land for commercial

influences the status of the forest, its condition and

by the inhabitants in order to survive are linked

agriculture and forestry, the mining industry and

the way it is managed. Ownership also determines

with the forest. According to a study conducted in

urbanisation. Figures were not available, but these are

the parameters of the relationship of forest-local

Mozambique, the main drivers of forest ecosystem

increasingly substantial contributors to deforestation

communities with the forest” (Wily, L., & Mbaya,

change include:

in Mozambique”.

S.,2001, p.IX)

(Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M. 2013,

p.128)

Forest resources in Mozambique are governed by

“Subsistence agriculture, which is a key

In Tete coal mining is the driver of deforestation in big

the Law of Forestry and Wildlife and its respective

driver of deforestation in Mozambique. An average

scale and an intractable problem, due to the long-term

Regulations. This Law states:

Mozambican household cultivates 1 to 5ha of land

concessions of huge areas. Previous the extraction

The holders of land tenure, both acquired through

annually for subsistence Due to poor agricultural

of this mineral, big areas of forest are cleared and the

occupation or by authorization, should acquire

practices, new areas are cleared every 2 to 5 years,

exploitation goes by steps; it is supposed the exploiter

licenses for the exploration of the natural forest and

increasing deforestation. In most cases, fire is used as

company will take measures to remediate the ecological

fauna resources found in their areas, unless if it is for

a mechanism of clearance.

damage, but in the practice, their attempts are invisible

their own consumption (Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M.

in comparison with the ecological impact derived from

2013, p.134)

which is also a huge driver of change. an average

this activity.

To exploit the land, the law foresees two kind of

consumption of wood-fuel of 2m3/person/year.

This and other activities causing deforestation are

licenses, a long-term one -like in the case of the coal

This is greater than the annual regeneration rates

regulated by a law legislated immediately after the

mine- and a simple license which does not brings

of miombo woodlands per hectare. MICOA (2008)

Independence of Mozambique in 1975, by which all

obligation with respect to reforestation or duties

estimates that along key transport corridors, around

the land is owned by the state in order to do away with

toward local communities, nor the approval of a plan

urban settlements and most of the coastal zone, over

disparities in the countryside. (De Araujo, M. G.,1985)

for management of forest resources, is completely

80% of the forest biodiversity could be lost by 2025 if

It is substantial for the future of the forests in

unsustainable.

the status quo is maintained.

Mozambique if we consider the next statement:

critiques of the legal framework on forests is that it

“The way in which forest land is owned, directly

is overly focused on the use or exploitation of forest

•

Firewood

and

charcoal

consumption,

It explains why one of the main

resources, rather than on conservation. (Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M. 2013.) To address these fissures in legislation, there are some proposals that aim to change from a paradigm of distribution of benefits to a paradigm of shared power. It means involving local forest communities as stewards of their forests, especially since they are the groups most interested in the future of forestry. It represents a new way to develop sustainable forest use. Wily, L., & Mbaya, S. (2001) 7

VALE MINE COMPANY a Brazilian multinational corporation

engaged in metals and mining and one of the largest logistics

Coal mining images

operators in Brazil.

4. Conclusions This approach to a rural community has provided the opportunity to unravel some common practices more in detail and from it deduce that local communities tend to replicate successful practices based on indigenous knowledge. In fact, in the case of the systematic planting of one tree species, it crosses from the household scale to the whole settlement scale and draws a possibility to explore it in detail to combine this practice with agroforestry ones in order to obtain an adaptation strategy to tackle climate change from landscape levels. The relationship between the forest and the quality and quantity of water is broadly studied, however, in the case of Tete long-term visions to take advantage of this resource have not been developed by the authorities. A different vision, understanding the forest not only as a resource to exploit but as one capable to improve the climate conditions of this area, could be done through sharing the control of the forest with local communities in order to achieve a sustainable management of this resource, fixing by this way the many cracks of the current legislation allowing legal deforestation. Due to their special characteristics, some specific species should be specially studied, protected and maintained, but also should be part of the reforestation programs carried out by the government. By this way and using the indigenous knowledge about trees, an efficient solution to problems like the lack of food could be tackled. Summarizing a combination of good local practices derived from indigenous knowledge with local-forest communities managing their forests could be a scheme replicated in many different locations according to their specificities and needs.

5. Bibliography Buchmann, C., Prehsler, S., Hartl, A., & Vogl, C. R. (2010). The importance of baobab (Adansonia digitata L.) in rural West African subsistence—suggestion of a cautionary approach to international market export of baobab fruits. Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 49(3), 145-172. Chadare, F. J., Hounhouigan, J. D., Linnemann, A. R., Nout, M. J. R., & Van Boekel, M. A. J. S. (2008). Indigenous knowledge and processing of Adansonia digitata L. food products in Benin. Ecology of food and nutrition, 47(4), 338-362. De Araujo, M. G. (1985). Communal Villages and the Distribution of the Rural Population in the People’s Republic of Mozambique. Population and Development Projects in Africa, 153-62. Gerência de Meio Ambiente e Gerência de Comunicação da Vale em Moçambique. (2012). Miti Árvores do Projecto Carvão Moatize. Konijnendijk, C. C., Sadio, S., Randrup, T. B., & Schipperijn, J. (2004). Urban and peri-urban forestry in a development context-strategy and implementation. Journal of arboriculture, 30(5), 269-276. Kuchelmeister, G. (2000). Trees for the urban millennium: urban forestry update. UNASYLVA-FAO-, 49-55. Lasco, R. D., Delfino, R. J. P., Catacutan, D. C., Simelton, E. S., & Wilson, D. M. (2014). Climate risk adaptation by smallholder farmers: the roles of trees and agroforestry. Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 6, 83-88. Leahy, T., & Goforth, M. (2014). Best practice for rural food security projects in Southern Africa?. Development in Practice, 24(8), 933-947. Ministério da Administração Estatal. (2012). Perfil do distrito de Changara Província de Tete. Nelson, I. L. (2016). Sweeping as a site of temporal brokerage: Linking town and forest in Mozambique. Critique of Anthropology, 36(1), 44-60. Norfolk, S., & Cosijn, M. (2013). Towards the legal recognition and governance of forest ecosystem services in Mozambique. PER: Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad, 16(2), 00-00. Pag 126 Scoones, I. (1998). Sustainable rural livelihoods: a framework for analysis. Sunderlin, W. D., Angelsen, A., & Wunder, S. (2003). Forests and poverty alleviation. State of the World’s Forests, 61-73. Wily, L., & Mbaya, S. (2001). Land, people, and forests in eastern and southern Africa at the beginning of the 21st century: the impact of land relations on the role of communities in forest future (No. 7). Iucn.

6. Image references: pictures and drawings All the pictures and drawings has been taken and elaborated by the author of this paper.

ALFREDO MANHOTA ANTONIO

Subsistence economies

Contribution to urban and â&#x20AC;&#x153;ruralâ&#x20AC;? integration The present article analyzes the subsistence economy model having as parameter its spatial organizational relation with the landscape. The subsistence economy is a model of an economic system based on activities that aimed at the self-sufficiency of its practitioners, originating in the period prior to pre-industrialization. In this type of economy the activities that stand out are agriculture and livestock. In Mozambique, between 70% and 80% of the population lives in rural areas and has agriculture as their main source of subsistence. With high potential for promoting agriculture through irrigation in its territory , but most of its production that includes vegetables and cereals at subsistence level is a rain-fed production. This essay presents an analysis in the concepts of subsistence economy (essay one), and the effects of the subsistence on the deforestation of the landscape (essay two). As a working methodology to the accomplishment of this paper, the bibliographical consultation was carried out as well as the analysis of data collected in the field. Subsistence agriculture is practice since the earliest indigenous human settlements that settled along the rivers banks as a way to take advantage of this resource more favorable to the practice of agriculture than the plateau. The model of practice of this type of agriculture as well the climate of the semi-arid region jeopardize this activity; The discovery of mineral resources in the region and the growing urbanization process have led some of the population to abandon agricultural practice to seek for employment in the miners and the reduction of land available for agricultural practice. The introduction of new processes in this agriculture can demonstrate that it is possible for the families to remain in these regions and live with dignity in this way of life from working the land where families can produce food by ensuring and improving their diet and selling production is individual or collective. The objective of this research is to analyze the practice of farming as an activity in its various forms of income generation and self-sufficiency, taking into account its characteristics and the different types of organization (it individual or cooperative). From this research exercise, direct results are expected that can increase the yield of agricultural production and control of the animal mortality rate, taking into account the territorial constraints and the effects of the climatic changes.

01_Concept of subsistence economies

According to Parioma (2017), “subsistence economy is one of the oldest approaches to market management. Economic activity under this type of market does not have monetary value. In fact, wealth in a subsistence economy is determined by an individual or family’s ability to provide for themselves. This means that this market approach relies on natural resources. Activities like hunting, fishing, gathering, food cultivation and handmade homes are the primary drivers behind survival. In this type of economy, the goal is to maintain existence rather than create a surplus for investment and growth”. The underdeveloped and developed countries located in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are the places on planet earth where we can find subsistence economies. The inhabitants of these countries, mostly the indigenous people, continue to survive on the basis of the subsistence economy. As a way of preserving local culture, this practice allows cultures to maintain their traditional identity and knowledge. This type of economy is characterized by the absence of use of technology and, processing industry, use of traditional instruments and the lack of surpluses. This type of economy is characteristic of countries with a large rural community and underdeveloped industry. Benefit of this economy according to Parioma (2017): “ The members of this type of economy know in advance what they should receive for their services and economic decisions are taken by the community with a whole or by a particular family. It is an economic system where people have a voice in future economic plans.” We can consider this type of economy with as a less destructive economy to the environment compared to other economic models

02_Historical Contextualization

Colonial

cooperatives through this method had little success (Mosca, 1996). The failure of

According to Neves (as cited in Cossa, 1997), agriculture in Mozambique (as in

the cooperatives was due to several reasons:

other african countries) during colonialism was characterized by structural dualism,

- Fruit trees planted close to their places of residence are no longer in need of the

with the coexistence of one market-oriented sector (modern sector) with another

necessary assistance, which has led to a reduction in the production and marketing

predominantly subsistence (traditional sector), where most of the production was

of certain products (some of which are of great importance to the national economy,

destined to the consumption of the family group.

such as cashew and copra), and affected household income (Mosca, 1996);

In the year 1970 agriculture was the main economic activity, accounting for about

- According to Mosca (1996), the increase of the land occupation index as a result of

55% of gross domestic product. A large part of the labor force was occupied by this

the increase of the density of the housing in the villages transformed the dispersed

sector, and the family sector owned 99.7% of the farms and 93% of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

settlements based on the families in the villages.

cultivated area. Subsistence was the main purpose of the family sector which was characterized by the use of rudimentary technology, the non-application of fertilizers in the fields of production and nor adapted work tools such as implements. The poor soil conservation and the application of seeds not adapted to the agro-ecological conditions had the consequence of low productivity. This sector was mainly engaged in the production of food crops (such as maize, sorghum, beans, peanuts, manioc, among others). As for the traditional farming labor force, women were primarily responsible for household food production, due to the fact that men were arrested and taken to forced labor on plantations, settler farms and public services under the pretext of non-payment of tax (Akesson, 1989; Wuyts, 1978 as cited in Cossa, 1997) Post-Colonial After Independence, in the late 1970s, agricultural policies were dominated by centralized planning, which defined the directives that established the Central State Plan that included, among others, large-scale production through state-owned enterprises (Sitoe, SalomĂŁo & Wertz-Kanounnikoff, 2012). Based on the agroecological potential of the areas of the country, regions for large-scale agricultural production were identified, such as the Agro-Industrial Complex of AngĂłnia, to guarantee self-sufficiency in basic products. Meanwhile in the family sector, the government creates communal villages and collective farms cooperatives. Collective farms, for various reasons, had very small results and the formation of

03_Livelihoods

eighteen forms of life in Mozambican territory. The transect area consists of three zones of semi-arid life forms: Semi-Arid Life Forms Zone of North Zambezi Valley (17): It is characterized by having agricultural production as the main economic activity. With low rainfall, agricultural production remains largely Rainfed agriculture and to be carried out manually but with plans for irrigation. All districts are crossed by the Zambezi River and several tributaries.

Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

The Zambezi Basin Atlas for Disaster Preparedness and Response has classified

With the zone characteristics indicating a high potential for animal production, a series of small businesses and self-employment activities are also developed, such as the sale of wood, firewood and handicrafts Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

The population density in this zone is relatively low, except in the city of Tete.

Animals produced for consumption and sale

Semi-arid life forms zone of north of Manica (24): Characterized by a landscape dotted with large rocky concentrations where rainfed agriculture forms the basis of the economy. They also devote themselves to breeding animals that are sold during periods of scarcity.

Agriculture along the Revubue river

Semi-arid life forms zone of Chioco and Changara (23): Rainfed agriculture is the dominant economic activity where 10-25% of the family crop is traded. The poorest households produce about 50% of their own food needs and the remaining 50% are purchased. The Families are also engaged in raising animals for food and marketing. And they also consume wild foods and the surplus of the crops is also used to feed the animals

Source: USAID (2014)

Livelihoods zones in Mozambique

04_Agricultural and livestock activity

Agriculture With 1.5 million potentially irrigable hectares of 2.5 million hectares with potential

and income needs of their producers. It also depends on their impact on the land

for agriculture only 10 000 ha constitute the area currently irrigated, where it is

resources they use. The grasslands and browse in the pastoral areas of Africa are

practiced mostly by the family sector in a plot of machambas with a mean area

characterized by low levels of productivity and high variability in yields, both within

between 0.5 to 2 hectares the production with main purpose of self-sufficiency and

and across years. As human and therefore livestock populations increases, pressure

executed in the model of associations.

on these unpredictable resources grows, and with it the threat of environmental

Agricultural activity in this sector is characterized by manual force (80%) and

degradation leading to further decline. There is thus an urgent need to find ways

supported by short hairs and animal traction (15%). The region is endowed with

to accelerate livestock productivity and output, so that it not only keeps pace with

an agro-ecological diversity that allows the production of several crops: maize,

rising population but also creates surpluses for market disposal. Opportunities for

sorghum, millet, wheat, beans, peanut, reindeer potato, soybean, sunflower, sesame,

substantial progress exist: in the improvement of grazing lands, health control,

sugar cane, coconut, paprica , fruit, various vegetables, tobacco, cotton and rice.

animal management practices, and marketing and institutional in frastructure

(INGC-CENOE, 2011)

(Jahnke, 1982).

In the lower Zambezi area near the delta, families practice rice cultivation due to

The southern districts of Tete province as a result of the natural pastures they offer

the occurrence of soil and climate favorable to this crop and a system of irrigation

make Tete the province with the highest potential for livestock farming in the

while in the upper and middle Zambezi families develop rainfed agriculture with

Zambezi basin.

crops tolerant to dry. Dry farming is practiced in the south of the province of Tete

The incorporation of livestock farming in the various agricultural systems is

and in the south of the province of Zambézia.

particularly important in semi-arid areas where crop loss is frequent, for example in the south and center of the country. (INGC-CENOE, 2011)

Livestock

The incorporation of livestock farming into agriculture is a frequent system used in

Livestock are vital to subsistence and economic development in sub-Saharan

other climate regions similar to those occurring in the Zambezi basin. Among the

Africa. They provide a flow of essential food products throughout the year, are a

benefits of integrating livestock breeding are the increase in soil fertility

major source of government revenue and export earnings, sustain the employment

According to Bercelos and Vilela (1999) as cited in Moraes, Alves, Carvalho and

and income of millions of people in rural areas, contribute draught energy and

César (2000) integration takes place mainly in three ways:

manure for crop production and are the only food and cash security available to

- Recovery or renewal of pasture: recovery or renewal of degraded pastures by

many Africans. The sale of livestock and their products often constitutes the only

means of annual crops;

source of cash income in rural areas, and hence the only way in which subsistence

- Spatial integration: realization of agriculture activities (farming and livestock in

farmers can buy consumer goods and procure the improved seeds, fertilizers and

different areas of the same property and;

pesticides needed to increase crop yields. Where livestock development has been

- Temporal integration: rotation of annual crops with pastures, where the cycle of

successfully pursued, a steady increase in the productivity of food grain production

each component, crop and pasture, is at least two growing seasons.

and in the growth of service and consumer industries is clearly observable (Jahnke,

The system of incorporation agriculture and livestock generates benefits for both

1982).

activities to highlight:

Their future survival depends on enhancing their capacity to satisfy the subsistence

Agriculture along the Revubue river Cattle grazing

Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

05_Deforestation

According to DNTF (2007, as cited in MagalhĂŁes, 2014), Mozambique is a country

other infrastructures, S6 - Mining and S7 - Livestock.

rich in forest resources, with a forest area of approximately 40.6 million hectares

The table below adapted Sitoe (2016) represents a summary of the systems of

and 14.7 million hectares of other forested areas. The country has a population

deforestation and forest degradation, it contains only the systems related to

mostly rural and dependent on natural resources for its subsistence.

subsistence activity are shown in the table

According to Sitoe, et al. (2016) the causes of deforestation and forest degradation in Mozambique are in reality multiple and complex, and that many of the direct causes act in a combined way and are sometimes difficult to separate and can act in the same region in combination in the same period of time or in sequence. According to the analysis model Sitoe, et al. (2016), seven systems of multiple agents and causes of deforestation and forest degradation acting in interaction are proposed: S1 - Commercial agriculture, S2 - Small scale itinerant or family farming,

Source: Sitoe

(2016)

S3 - Forest products exploitation, S4 - Firewood and coal, S5 - Urban expansion and

Source: Justiรงa Ambiental (2017)

Use of charcoal to cook food

Deforestation Forest cover fo Mozambique in 2007

Source: Marzoli (2007, as cited in Sitoe, Salomรฃo, & Wertz-Kanounnikoff, 2012

Source: http://www.dw.com

06_”Rural” coexistance in the urban space

In the current conjuncture of urban spaces in Mozambique there is a predisposition

economic development of cities (FAO, 2009 as cited in Masquete and Matisa, xxxx);

for a coexistence between urban and rural. It is understood here by rural activities

- Generation of income and source of employment: the production, processing

of rural characteristics such as agricultural and livestock activities

and commercialization of food also contribute to the generation of income and

According to Masquete and Matias (2016), the urban is not restricted to the parcel

employment for many poor urban families (Dreasher, 2001 as cited in Masquete

that inhabits the city, as the rural way is not restricted to the parcel that inhabits the

and Matias, 2016);

countryside.

- Construction of resilient cities: considered a key issue for future urban

The UN-HABITAT report pointed out in 2007 that Mozambique is one of the

development. The city’s adaptation to climate change has become a growing concern

countries in the world where the poor living in the city’s space survived from

and a significant number of poor populations are exposed to floods and drought.

subsistence agriculture (UN-HABITAT, 2007, cited in Masquete and Matias, 2016).

Multifunctional landscape management, integrating agriculture, land and forests,

Masquete and Matias (xxxx), understand that the prevalence of a function in the

helps make cities more resilient (FAO, 2009 cited in Masquete and Matias, 2016).

city explains its proportion of socio-spatial relevance, and there may be part of the

During a field trip, we identified in the city of Tete the development of agricultural

population that engages in other types of activity, such as agriculture, even in a

activity as a source of improvement of the living conditions of low income local

small proportion.

populations. As a need to value local reality and potential in the definition of land

The city of Tete is characterized by a strong population growth, growth derived

uses, urban space planning should be focused on the needs and interests of the

from the rural-city and city-city migratory movements, attracted by the presence

population.

of multinationals from the area of exploitation of natural resources in search of job opportunities. Work that these companies generate. Masquete and Matias (2016) observe that it is in these conditions that there is a physical expansion of the agglomerations, of a generally horizontal character, often occupying environmentally inadequate areas and / or agricultural areas. The areas along the river banks of the Revúbue and its confluence with the myth Zambezi River, a transition space between urban and rural, is characterized by the presence of physical conditions conducive to the practice of agricultural productive activities that have as practitioners residents in the urban area as well in rural communities near the river. The pressure exerted by the urban expansion has invaded this intermediate space for the city’s breath. Agriculture in the urban space has had the following contributions: - Increasing food and nutritional security: urban agriculture as a means to increase the supply of fresh and nutritious products and improve the economic access of the poor to food (Mougeot, 20005; FAO, 2009 as cited in Masquete and Matias, 2016); - Sustainable livelihoods: urban and peri-urban horticulture provide livelihoods resilient to economic crises and increases in food prices, contributing to the

Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

The map beside indicates in green the area with potential for implementation of agricultural activities that begins to disappear due to the expansion of residential area. It is also where they pump groundwater and supply the plateau area. The construction of residences would put the groundwater at risk of contamination

Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018 Source: Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

Potential conditions for practicing agricultural activity with possibility for irrigation

The riverbed of the Revubue river as a place of integration between of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;ruralâ&#x20AC;? with the urban

07_Conclusion

The increase of population density in urban areas and consequently increase of urban expansion has led to the creation of a totally constructed and impermeable landscape and the loss of spaces with potentialities for the practice of agricultural activity. The practice of agricultural activity generates environmental, social and economic benefits. Having areas for the integration of agricultural activity in urban areas are important for sustainable development because they can function as a solution to the socioeconomic problems of lowest income class. These areas can work in addition to serving as a source of income for some can also function with leisure spaces and as a factor for the rescue of the landscape. As a way of continuously maintenance for the production capacity of these areas, the agriculture-livestock integration is an economical and environmentally viable solution because it is less honorable than the use of fertilizers and more environmentally friendly. Agriculture has always played a leading role in establishing pasture areas. The main intention of an integration of these two activities was always the search for the most correct condition of soil preparation, the amendment of the fertility and the reduction of costs of implantation. Although they knew that these two systems were complementary, the rotation system between the two activities was not practiced. Today with greater knowledge and understanding of the potential offered by the synergy of these two systems as for example in increasing productivity. The integration of this crop-livestock system seeks to overcome the problems resulting from excessive annual plantings

08_References

Cossa, A. F. (1997). Uma abordagem do Impacto da Agricultura Tradicional sobre

Mosca, J. (1996). Evolução da agricultura moçambicana no período pós-

a Dinâmica Demográfica de Moçambique. (Thesis in Geography, Universidade

independência. Instituto Superior de Agronomia, Departamento de Economia

Eduardo Mondlane). Maputo: UEM.

Agrária e sociologia Rural. Lisboa: Centro de Economia Agrária e sociologia Rural. Retrieved from http://www.isa.utl.pt/files/pub/deasr/docs/doctrab003/doctrab003.

de Moraes, A., Alves, S. J., Carvalho, P. C., & César, P. H. (2000). Avaliação de

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Identificação e análise dos agentes e causas directas e indirectas de desmatamentoe

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LHdescriptions%202013%20pt.pdf

files/Tema%204%20-%20Planejamento%20Regional%20e%20Urbano/Paper799. pd

RAYAN AL GHAREEB

The conservation of river corridors-water canals based on cultural aspect against rumbling infrastructure The Case of Zambeze: Tete Province

The relationship between humans and Nature, specifically water bodies, is an old

and the rivers, having a long history of activities, traditions and culture, sense of

relationship that goes back in the history to the beginning of civilizations, from

belonging, livelihood, dependency and collective values imprinted within the river

the day that humans started to settle next to water bodies till current situation

landscape, which can be considered representative practices of the Eco-Centric

several paradigm regarding water have been introduce and experienced. This paper

paradigm. Based on this acknowledgement, this paper build an argument that

addresses the two paradigms of human versus nation relationship as means to

considers the Zambezi and Revuboe rivers in Mozambique

approach the Development of Zembeze River Basin. First, I approach the Nature

as cultural landscape element, recognizing it as a main component of the settlements,

Colonize Paradigm, which displays an Anthropocentric attitude regarding nature

and its role in forming the identity, characteristics and sense of place of this region,

foreseeing it as a commodity for economic growth and as unlimited resource.

aiming to justify its conservation from capitalistic developments, that are solely

Secondly, I present its counterpoint, the Ecological sustainability paradigm (Eco-

based on nature colonization values

centric), that understands nature and humans as one part of the whole mother earth complex, both being limited and dependent on each other. After reflecting

keywords: nature colonization, nature preservation, nature conservation, indigenous, sustainable

on both theories with facts and examples around the world, statistics and advanced

communities, natural law, nature rights,

solutions on Nature Conservation, I introduce the Mozambican case study. Mozambique, having its independence year 1975, is considered a poor country due to lack of income and opportunities to health care and educational facilities, in need of a rapid economic growth, according to the World Bank Group study on the poverty reduction strategy in Mozambique year 2001. Departuring from the Nature Colonize Paradigm as a way out of the precarius economic situation, the countru intends to poromte mineral extractivism and build new urban infrastructure as a means to increase the GDP. In opposition to the current development paradigms, one can observe indigenous settlementsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; next to the Zambezi and Revuboe rivers, that present strong socio-spatial cultural relationship between the inhabitants

Zambezi River or the “Great River” in the local Tonga dialect, the native primary language spoken by the Tonga people living mainly in provinces of Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. It is the fourth longest river in Africa, after Nile, Congo, and Niger rivers, rising up from the wetlands of the Mwinilunga District of north-western Zambia, flowing through out six countries Angola, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique to settle in the Indian Ocean. Through out the history, the river was the attraction point for many indigenous people, defining where

source: “ ‘The Journal of the International Institute’

01_Introduction

they settled and becoming one of the main element of their livelihood, forging a deep relationship with it which is reflected in their activities, traditions and culture. Furthermore the Zambezi River is well known for its wide diversity of animal habitat, and aquatic life. Along Zambezi River ‘s 3 540 kilometres length, two dams were constructed, the kariba Dam between Zambia and Zimbabwe, and the Cahora Bassa Dam as a wide hydroelectrical power plants, projects that supply South Africa. However, with electricity, but the construction of these two dams reduced the Zambezi volume and natural regime, resulting in, disruption the rivers wildlife feeding and breeding patterns. Moreover it led to the inhabitation of the floodplains areas. Along the way of reaching the Indian Ocean, the Zambezi River is connected by many Tributaries, some are inhabited as the Revuboe river in Tete province, possessing a strong ethical-cultural relationship with indigenous people settling next to it.

Figure: 1. Zambezi River in relation to other Rivers and the African continent

Theory

Nature colonized paradigm

Eco- Centric Paradigm

Capitalist paradigm, Dominant social paradigm

Ecological sustainability paradigm, new environmental paradigm, earth jurisprudence

Living in harmony with nature, humans are integral parts of the whole living community that we call earth, enhancing our fitness to survive by progressively fine tuning our adaptation to earth

This model approaches Natural resources as commodity, as unlimited resources, a productive economic resource

Water Dams

Water reservoir

Water privatization

Mining companies

Nature conservation

Transforming Government

Nature exploitation

Indigenous territory Living well theory

Indigenous people Nature Rights

Preservation

Protected areas Self-governance for resource management

Constitution

No one gets in

Parks

No one gets out

Institutional mechanism -justice court

Social accountability

Small scale Cultural activities intervention

No developmentinvestment projects

Social-economicenvironmental

Promoting land/river-based livelihood as living cultural traditions and socially just, sustainable community

“A global assessment by restoration ecologists examined indicators of systemic stress in the world’s river and found that 65% of the world’s riverine systems are in trouble” (Vorosmarty, 2010-p. 2)

(EPA/Andre Kosters)

02_Theoretical Frame

As the concern for the natural environment and its relationship with human development has increased and the continuation of the ecological crises unravels, several theories and paradigms are held to examine experimental approach, that reflects on the old social dominant theory versus the New Ecological Sustainability theory.

Source:

and evaluate this crises, as part of a new ecological

The Nature Colonized Theory. Or the Old Social Dominant Theory, or the capitalist paradigm, anthropocentric paradigm, these are names that are embedded under the nature colonized paradigm, a model that approaches nature as a commodity, as an unlimited productive economic resource which exploitation produces a rapid increase on countries national GDP, “where contemporary governance systems reflect the fundamental belief of consumerist societies that -more is better- as well as enhancing human research and technologies to transcend the limitations of nature, where economic systems rewards those who extract natural resources and accumulate assets handsomely, and society rewards the financially wealthy with power and status.” (Cullinan, 2014-pp. 3-12.), this summarizes the era of Nature colonization, the era of capitalistic war on nature, recruiting biological sciences to the task of taming nature to make it more submissive to

figure: 2. Cahora Bassa Dam, Tete Mozambique, built year 1974, a colonization hydropower development project

human exploitation. (figure: 2)

having Four Methods for Nature Conservation starting with Preservation and

Two dimensions insured that this model go on until now, the first dimension which

protecting areas, ending up witha a more post modern approach as the Rights for

is the society lack of knowledge about the consequences of overexploitation of the

narture and the Indigneous territory or living well theory.

natural resources, believing in the indefinite natural resource existence, while the second dimension includes politics and economic systems fighting around the

Preservation: is the most common used method of nature conservation, which

world on extracting more and more natural resources.

demands on society to keep a distance with nature, preventing any encounter.

This capitalist war was obvious in the colonial enthusiasm for the large-scale

This method has a lot of critics framing it as a confliction with a lot of countries

developments re-ordering of nature in the field of water resources, in privatizing

constitution laws, stating that human have all the right to exist on the whole

water, in building dams and water reservoirs, “such as a series of barrages and dams

dimension of the country. As to the protected area it is an approach that transforms

were built on the Lower Nile, including the original Aswan Dam, Sudan dams, in

a specific area into a natural park open to the people, but not to developers and real

the 1970s, by which time the Aswan High Dam had been completed, and there were

estate projects.

also dams on the Niger, the Volta, the Zambezi and many smaller rivers” (Collins

The Rights for Nature approach: It is a part of the new paradigm in working with

et al, 1990-pp. 34-79)

nature, it recommends building laws and regulations recognizing the rights of

The New Ecological Sustainability theory.

nature, recognizing nature as a living being, thus giving the social movements the

The new ecological sustainability theory,

eco-centric paradigm or earth

capability to file law suits in on behalf of natural elements, who whenever there is

jurisprudence paradigm, new environmental paradigm, “in contrast to the capitalist

the over exploitation of natural resources

approach it is an approach that embraces the reality that humans are an integral

Bolivia, Ecuador and Bhutan, Australia are some countries that showed their

part of the whole living community that we call earth” (Cullinan, 2014-pp. 3-12)

enthusiasm towards this approach, thinking the unthinkable as stone (1972) argued

living in harmony with nature enhancing our ability to survive by adjusting our

that, in the same way as the widening of society’s circle of concern had led to the

behavior to work with nature and not against it.

recognition of more extensive legal rights for women, children, Native Americans,

It is an approach that advocates for new transforming governments systems and

and African-Americans, it could also lead to the recognition of rights for Nature.

regulations, in order to assure societies compatibility with natural environmental

Theses are parts of the Articles integrated to the new Ecuadorian constitution

order, this consensus can be reached by nature conservation.

showing the dedication of Ecuadorian people to enhance the rights of nature.

“if the proper functioning of the Earth community is essential to support human

“Every person, people, community or nationality, will be able to demand the

life, then the human right to life cannot be protected without protecting the rights

recognitions of rights for nature before the public organisms. The application and

of the Earth Community to exist and function” (Cullinan, 2014-p. 7)

interpretation of these rights will follow the related principles established in the

This nature conservation phenomena is divided into four different methods under

Constitution.

the title of transforming governments. Accordign to this paradigm, transforming

The State will motivate natural and juridical persons as well as collectives to protect

government means a fundamental reconceptualization of the governance systems

nature; it will promote respect towards all the elements that form an ecosystem.”

and public polices to shift from more is better, and from a vision of unlimited

(Ecuador, 2008)

resources that promotes economic growth, to a vision of compatibility and harmony

“Nature has the right to restoration. This integral restoration is independent of the

with nature.

obligation on natural and juridical persons or the State to indemnify the people

and the collectives that depend on the natural systems.” Ecuadorian constitution

human beings and Mother Earth. To Live Well is a holistic coexistence applied on

article(Ecuador, 2008)

various levels: material, cultural, social and spiritual” (Kenner , 2012-p. 6), where

As to Bolivia the “Law of Mother Earth and Integral Development for Living Well,”

Indigenous territories are the forest, jungles, valleys, hills, lakes, rivers and lagoons

was promulgated by Bolivian President Morales (2012), and this law states that it is:

providing livelihood to indigenous people who had inherited this territory from

1- The right of mother earth to life and to exist.

their ancestors, and due to history, time, social, economic activities, culture and

2- The right to continue her cycles and vital processes, free from human disturbance.

tradition, they forged a bond with nature, coexistence, attachments, understanding

3- The right to pure water as the source of life.

the reliance on each other. This model is an indigenous self-governance model

4- The right to reforestation.

where the nature conservation and protection is all designated for local people with

5- The right not to be affected by mega hydroelectric, infrastructure and development

all the rights of managing the resources in way that benefits their livelihood without

projects which affect the balance of the eco-systems and populations inhabiting the

overexploiting nature, where according to Kohen (1995) “Management” involves

territories concerned.

the utilization of the landscape without any long-term deterioration, whereas

These are five rights from a total of fourteen rights which all end up in the favor of

“Exploitation” involves long-term degradation to the detriment of the environment.

nature.

This model was welcomed by the indigenous people in different countries such

While giving rights for nature, this paradigm empowers social movements to

as Australia, New Zealand, Mexico, India, “Aboriginal leaders advocate that

defend any preach of humans towards nature under the law of mother earth, gaving

environmental protection and wildlife management depend upon the protection

the judiciary power the right to take actions against violation of this law; As a

of indigenous cultural values and lifestyles because of the co-dependency of the

result these three mechanism need to be found in order for this model to function,

natural world and indigenous use and management.” (Adams et al, 2003-p. 79)

a constitutional law, than institutional mechanism such as justice court, all this

Some of the known cases that adopted this model, where indigenous people

followed up by a right for social movements for accountability.

have developed regional plans for nature conservation are the Dhimurru land management corporation, The Kowanyama Aboriginal Land and Natural Resources

Indigenous territory paradigm or living well theory:

Management Office, New Mexico Acequia Association.

“Native, indigenous and campesino nations and peoples have the right to free, prior and informed consultation to decide how the blessings of nature (water, air,

“Dhimurru is an incorporated Aboriginal organization established by Yolngu

soil, forests, jungles and biodiversity) are exploited based on their own norms and

land-owners in Northeast Arnhem Land, Australia. Yolngu (Aboriginal people

customs, and to decide on construction and development of infrastructure in their

of Northeast Arnhem Land) are the traditional owners of lands consisting of

territories.” (Kenner , 2012-pp. 7-9)

approximately 550,000ha. The Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act of

Where natural resources are defined as blessing of nature and not just basic

1976 recognizes Yolngu as the owners of this land under Australian law. Dhimurru

economic resources, they are beings in themselves and are part of the complex set

has jurisdiction over approximately 8,500km2 of this land. Since time immemorial

of inter-connected ecosystems we depend on.

Yolngu have managed the natural and cultural resources and have achieved a

This model approach is an alternative model to capitalism, modernity based on

balance that ensured long term, sustainable resource use for the economic and

the Cosmo visions of native indigenous people, “it is an unconventional paradigm

social well-being of the landowners.” (Herdman, 2014)

defined as living well, stated as harmony, balance and complementarity among

Northeast of Australia, and the developers of the Dhimurru organization. This organization deals with the conservation, protection of the Northeast Arnhem land and sea, through maintaining and promoting the indigenous Yolngu traditions, activities, life style, education, norms, The Management activities that are included In the Dhimurru organization are fire management, weed management, flood repair, Baru (crocodile) management,

track

improvements,

visitors

management and permits where accessing the area passes by identification and safety procedures, marine

Source: http://culturecollege.org/

Yolngu are the Aboriginal people living in the

debris management, dolphin and turtle rescue, In addition to offering education on the Yolngu language, traditions and learningâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, and training and staff development. (figure: 3) But the most important thing in Dhimurru are the Yolngu spiritual laws and values and cultural aspect

figure: 3 Yolngu people protecting the sea life and practicing there cultural traditions with the help of the dhimurru organization

that the whole organization was built on, Yirritja and Dhuwa everything in the Yolngu world is divided into two Yirritja and Dhuwa, people are either Yirritja or Dhuwa, sun is Dhuwa, moon is Yirritjaâ&#x20AC;Ś. Thus everything that people could name and had discovered is either Yirritja or Dhuwa, natural elements are part of this divisions, insects, birds, animals. Yirritja and Dhuwa are reflected in Yolngu art, painting, stories, songs, names, dance, and cook. Furthermore every child is given a totem (a natural object or animal that is believed by a particular society to have spiritual significance and that is adopted by it as an emblem) related to Yirritja or Dhuwa.

These spiritual rituals in addition to the cultural activities are protected under the Yolngu Madayin law a law that covers the ownership of water and land, the resources that are within or on these lands and waters. It regulates and manages production and trade and the moral, social and religious law, Where Kinship relations are also mapped onto the lands owned by the Yolngu in order to enable the equitable distribution of resources. Some of the activities that are mainly outdoor activities making more interaction with the nature, fish hunting, farming, bee products, grazing, nomadic movements to leave the nature to regenerate it self, goose hunting, wood sculpture, craft and fine artworks, such as weaving like Necklaces made from beads of seeds, fish vertebrae or shells, where Colors determine where artwork comes from and which clan created it. These are few of the Yolngu cultural, spiritual values and laws, to show that the indigenous territory theory doesn’t enter in the debate of the Yolngu spiritual beliefs, activities, traditions but in its power or end result of making a sustainable community, respect nature and deal with nature as a living being which have rights and should be conserved. “For indigenous peoples, their lands and waters underpin who they are and are the foundation of their very survival as peoples. Over and over again, when reflecting on biodiversity or indigenous knowledge, indigenous people from all over the globe insist that living things cannot be separated from the land they grow on, and that peoples’ knowledge and myriad uses of natural resources cannot be separated from their culture, and their survival as peoples on the land.” (Christie, 1996), that’s what makes indigenous the most qualified members to conserve nature.

03_The Indigenous Territory Paradigm:

This part analyses the Zambezi River and its tributary Revuboe in Tete province, examining if the Zambezi River and the Revuboe are livelihood

google map

The Case of Zambeze: Tete

for the indigenous settlements that exist next to it,

Tete- Air Port Zambezi river

By conducting field work along the trajectory of the Rivers, I unravel the socio-spatial relationship between settlements and the rivers, examining elements such as accessibility, activities done in the river and on the riverbed, construction materials and its relation addition to the relation of the river orginated in Mozambicians sur names as part of the identity. The departure was from studying the accessibility

Source:

to water and land, the traditional ceremonies in

Vale-Mining

to the Zambezi and Revuboe Rivers, more than six public accessibilities were noticed with few lands are privatized as residential unities or compounds

Revuboe river

(figure 4), every access was crowded with people at

Figure: 4. Map of Tete showing the natural element with repect to public accessibility versus the capitalst developments

of activities. Moving from the Zambezi River to the Revuboe the number of accessibility increased with much more activities and dynamic come into sight, where the Revuboe river is characterized by the large density of indigenous people that settled next to it for years becoming one of their daily basic needs and activities, such as showering, many people attend to the river just to shower, usually it is a family program where the mother and the kids shower, in addition

The Journal of the International Institute

different time of the day, perfoming various amount

the mother do laundry leaving the kids swimming, spot, it is a program that repeats itself every few days. Fishery and agriculture are mainly the livelihood activities of the locals ,â&#x20AC;&#x153;Agriculture for subsistence

Source:

whereas the father can fish in a close by more quite FIGURE: 5. Zambezi River trajectory from Angola passing through Tete reaching the Indian Ocean

population is able to feed themselves, and therefore responsibility of the government to provide a large portion of the population with services is reduced” (Praagman, 2013-p. 48). Mozambicans have different kind of vegetation that they benefit from during the wet and the dry season, depending on the seasonal flood cycle as a primary irrigation for their crops, but

field work/ human rights report 2014

is the backbone of Mozambique, because the

since the constructing of the two dams Kariba dam “floodplains are not flooded seasonally, only during major floods, influencing agriculture, fishery, wildlife and vegetation, endangering the livelihoods of the

Source:

and Cabora Bassa dam flood plains were effected,

rural population.” (Beilfuss, 2002-p 49), “The most cultivated crops for subsistence are sweet potato, millet, sorghum, maize and cassava” (Turpie, 1999). Before the building of the two dams agriculture was being practiced using flood irrigation in the flood plains, but after the dams and the reduction in the river floods this kind of agriculture was not possible, “as to the riverine fisheries depend highly on the flooding season, which stimulates the production of food sources and habitat for breeding. Riverine fish migrate from the rivers into the floodplains to breed” (Praagman, 2013-p 50), where fish provide the main income for most of the rural population, and its main source of protein. Another type of activities that is recognized on the Revuboe river is the grazing, another source of food supply for most of the indigenous people next to the river. In addition to all the activities above, mud extraction from the Revoube Riverbed is a common activity done by the

Figure: 6. Pictures showing some of the activities done in and the along the river side

settlements, not only sand but also mud. (figure: 6-7) knowing that the relationship with the river is not limited to daily basic activities, there is a big part for the cultural spiritual relationship where many children were given names related to water as part of the river identity in their life, as a part of blessing in their lifes, also the knowledge of the communities

field work/ human rights report 2014

locals as an important element in the construction of

in sharing a wide range vocabulary related to water water as “In our world water is conceived as the blood of Mother Earth. Water is a living being and a blessing of nature. Water flows generate and regenerate the

Source:

and riverscapes , for instance one of the locals define

life of all beings, ecosystems, biodiversity and the life cycles of Mother Earth.” As for Leonildo (2018) a local man living next to the Revuboe river, speaks about ceremony done greeting the rainy season and the floodplains “During the rainy season when the plain is in flood a ceremony known as the Ku-omboka

Figure: 7. Pictures showing some of the activities done in and the along the river side,brick construction,grazing,farming,sand extraction

Ceremony take place as the local people move to higher ground to escape the flood waters.” Another spiritual law is the “local folk law” revealing that the Zambezi River has a spirit called Nyami Nyami – this spirit provide us with water to grow our crops and fish to eat – and so we call the river “the river of life” as to Lucia (2018) a mother of three children where they was displaced by vale mining company “All what we want a good land with good soil next to the river to farm, because farming is the only way we know to survive if we have to work in another field rather agriculture than when do we will have the time to farm our lands and keep our self-sufficient system

04_Conclusion

“The vast majority of the world’s biological diversity is not in gene banks, zoos, national parks, or protected areas. Most biological diversity is in landscapes and seascapes inhabited and used by local peoples, mostly indigenous, whose great collective accomplishment is to have conserved the great variety of remaining life forms, using culture, the most powerful and valuable human resource, to do so.” (Nietschmann, 1992-p 23). This paper addressed the topic of human behavior towards nature,while considering that the Anthropocene Paradigm needs revision, a series of new ecological paradigms were addressed, in order to provide a shift in human adaptation whith nature at the governmental level and public level, to reach a realtion of compatibility between nature and humans, learning from the past traditions culture of our ancestors on how to treat nature. Given the observed string relationship between the local population ways of life is possible to acknolowdge the Zambezi-Revuboe River as a cultural landscape element for the Mozambican people based on their culturalspiritual, values relationship with it, giving the right for the indigenous people to conserve and protect it based on their own cultures, values and norms, without changing any of their activities which are sustainable and related to the eco-centric paradigm, with introducing new economic developments that not only helps in maintaining this relationship, but also promote this land-river –based livelihood as living cultural traditions and socially just, sustainable community, in order for the Indigenous territory paradigm to reach a wide implementation in various countries as a suitable nature conservation methode

Bibliography

Books Cormac, C. (1990).William, A. (1992). Martin, M. (2003). Decolonizing Nature: Strategies for Conservation in a Post-colonial Era. London, UK: Earthscan Publications Ltd, (34-79) Cormac, C. (2002). wild law. London, UK: Siber Ink & Green Books James Kohen, (1995), Aboriginal Environmental Impacts. Australia, Sydney: University of New South Wales Press Articles World Bank Group (2001). ACTION PLAN FOR THE REDUCTION OF ABSOLUTE POVERTY (2001-2005), (2). Charles, V. (2010). Human needs and environmental rights to water: a biocultural systems approach to hydrodevelopment and management, (2). Cormac, C. (2014). Governing People as Members of the Earth Community, 7(3-12) Christopher, S. (1972). Should Trees Have Standing Rights of Nature Articles in Ecuadorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Constitution(2008): Fundamental Rights., Entitlement, Application and Interpretation Principles of the Fundamental Rights, Article (71-72) Dario Kenner. (2012), Proposal For a Law of Mother Earth. (6), (7-9) Elke Praagman, (2013) Richard B. (2002), 2002), Jane, T. (1999) Trade-offs between Ecosystem Services and a changing glow regime in the Zambezi Delta,Mozambique. (48-49), (50-51) Stan Stevens (2014). Nietschmann (1992) , Indigenous Peoples, National Parks, and Protected Areas: A New Paradigm. (23)

websites: Herdman, (2014, December 5) Dhimurru Aboriginal Corporation. http://www. dhimurru.com.au/. Benny, L (2018, February 28). Personal Interview Sifa, L (2018, February 27). Personal Interview

NGUYEN THI THUY

Planning and Mining in the Zambezi: Unravelling the nexus

Case study of the urban planning practice in the City of Tete and the Zambezi River Basin.

In Tete, mining can be identified as the dominant economic activity affecting urban dynamics and urban planning. As the city experiences fast development of industrial infrastructures and increasing anthropogenic pressure in urban areas, the governance and urban planning face a wide range of challenges. Recognizing that these changes and trends can be difficult to reverse, there is a demand to understand in what way the mining industry affects the urban planning practice. This paper presents the most relevant features of the 2012 Urban Structure Plan of the City of Tete (PEUT), by comparing the plan to the current situation, analyzing changes, differences and tendencies due to the development context (mining booms, mining deceleration and expected expansion in the future) given for the city. It focuses on the analysis of the urban planning practice within the changing development context in relation to coal mining industry, from the socio-economic and the physical point of view. This paper is also a reflection on the shared applicability in dealing with future changes in the territory by looking at the Special development plan for part of the Zambezi River Basin in 2016 (PEOT).

01_Introduction

Objectives

Methodology

In Tete, mining can be identified as the dominant economic activity affecting

Use of source documents consisted of planning documents, notably plans, policies,

urban dynamics and urban planning. As the city experiences fast development of

strategies and development frameworks prepared by the Municipality of the City

industrial infrastructures and increasing anthropogenic pressure in urban areas,

of Tete (PEUT, 2012), Council of Ministers of Mozambique (PEOT, 2016); and

the governance and urban planning face a wide range of challenges. Recognizing

information on the activities of mining companies as provided on the websites of

that these changes and trends can be difficult to reverse, there is a demand to

mining companies.

understand in what way the mining industry affects the urban planning practice. In

The approach taken in this study was to first analyses existing publications (technical

other words, how the urban planning and its implementation is responding to the

reports, legislation) and data sets that describe the urban planning practice and

mining activity cycles.

address coal mining issues. Then, relevant information was compiled from this

It is within this context that the present research emerged. It contributes to

material and employed to describe the development context and the main processes

increasing the knowledge about coal mining in Mozambique, its processes, and the

governing mining evolution. Also, for the description of changes, a sequence of

urban planning measures adopted to deal with a changing and dynamic context.

interpretative mapping was done, identifying the materialized elements. Finally, a

This paper focuses on the analysis of the urban planning practice, assess the

critical analysis of the main findings was performed, aiming to understand better

development factors and evaluate the practices currently implemented to adapt

the applicability of the urban planning practice in dealing with future changes in

their effects, within the changing development context based on the coal mining

the territory.

industry, from the socio-economic and the physical perspectives.

100

The municipality of Tete is located on a plateau 500 meters above sea level along the banks of the

(PEUT, 2012)

General context

Zambezi river valley, more than 200 km from the Mozambican coast. It is the capital of Tete Province, the territory is confined by Malawi to the North, Zambia to the West and Zimbabwe to the Southwest. The municipality has an area of 286 km2 and borders to the North and East with the district of Moatize, and to the South and West with the district of Changara. According to the diagnostic of the current situation from PEUT (2012), since 2005, the municipality of Tete has become the base for mining companies, particularly coal mining. This activity has already begun to generate profound changes in the city of Tete, including the private-led construction of housing and condominiums for company personnel and the development of the service sector. Other influences include rising prices, especially in the rental housing market and hotel services with the flow of domestic and foreign technicians to Tete, and consequently, there is a strong demand for land for the housing of all levels. The city of Tete serves as the main regional administrative and commercial center as well as other excel vocations such as being the center of transport, due to its location at the crossing point of the Zambezi, a center for processing agricultural products.

Figure 1: General context of the City of Tete, Mozambique

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Minning Investments

In the last decade, Tete´s urban dynamic is directly related to the expansion and stagnation of the mining industry (Wiegink, 2018:249). The coal mining industry had tremendous social and infrastructural impact on their surroundings, characterized by rapid urban development and the construction of infrastructure such as roads, bridges and railways. One of the most disruptive social and economic changes has been the involuntary resettlement of entire villages to make way for the open-pit mines. Recent mining-induced resettlement

https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/05/23/mozambique-mining-resettlements-disrupt-food-water

02_Mining activities in the Tete Region

presents a new element: the large-scale investments by multinational companies that come with extractive projects and the particular expectations of

Figure 2: Companies with Mining Licenses in Moatize District, Tete Province

2018:247). The exploration and exploitation of coal involves international capital and several international companies. There are three coal basins identified in Tete province which are located near the mainstream of Zambezi River and almost 30 companies holding licenses to prospect and extract coal in these basins. The Chicôa-Mecúcoè basin located more to the west of Cahora-Bassa dam and do not have any coal mine in operation until now. The other two basins, Sanângoè-Mefídezi and Moatize-Minjova, are located more to the east of the Cahorabassa dam and

https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/05/23/mozambique-mining-resettlements-disrupt-food-water

“development” that these projects inspire (Wiegink,

there are already seven mines in operation in these coal basins (Figure 2, 3). Figure 3: Map of Mining Licenses in Tete Province, Mozambique

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03_PEUT 2012

Description

How PEUT relates to the recent mining cyle

PEUT is the territorial Planning of the City of Tete, was developed by the Municipal

The drawing up of the PEUT was based on the fact that the exact location of the

Council due to the rapid and unpredictable changes currently occurring in the

perimeter for the mining industry had not yet been defined (PEUT, 2012), which

city mainly as a consequence of the large-scale coal mining activities initiated in

determines to a certain extent its temporariness character. Another challenge of the

Moatize in 2011, and the emergence of several related activities and investments.

PEUT was the identification of urban expansion zones to accommodate the city’s

One of the main objectives formulated in the PEUT is the structuring of the existing

growing population. Demographic growth and the future labor market availability

city and its growth, making it globally more functional and more noticeable to the

are triggers to promote this expansion. From the analysis of the documents and the

citizen. Its implementation takes place through the organization and articulation

synthesis drawings, the two main concerns of the planning which related to mining

of a road structure, the creation of centralities, equipment and urban green area,

activity in the region were recognized as urban expansion and mobility.

which will constitute structuring and aggregating axes of all other land use, mainly

Urban expansion

residential area. The PEUT determines the spaces destined to constitute the large,

The vast majority of new jobs generated as a result of exploration and mining

local centers with multifunctional characteristics that contribute to the expansion

activities and support industries. There is a large influx of population in the

and progress of the integrated functioning of the urban structure of the Municipality,

province, from other parts of the country and even to some extent from the

representing the driving nuclei for increasing urbanization levels in the city. It is

neighboring countries in search of employment and business opportunities in

also proposed the creation of small centers within the neighborhoods, grouping as

the area, resulting in demographic densification and rapid occupation of land for

much as possible, public spaces, tertiary functions and equipment to support the

habitation and business especially along of N7-that links Malawi-Zimbabwe via

housing function.

Tete- and urban centers (PEUT, 2012). There is a trend of growth and increasing

As reported by the PEUT (2012), it also aims to guide the development and

density of settlements especially in the north of the district of Changara near the

spatial growth of the entire city, particularly towards very low density urbanized

boundary of the city of Tete and along the N7 (Figure 6). As stated in the PEUT

neighborhoods without neglecting the redevelopment and reordering of the

(2012), the District of Changara is not yet subject to the direct exploitation of coal

currently urbanized areas over a period of 10 years, mirroring the current situation,

although this resource exists in the district. Civil construction is also very active in

potentialities, trends of physical expansion, infrastructure design, areas for the

the city in response to the demand of mining companies and their personnel. At

development of different economic activities, as well as areas for environmental

the time of writing the plan, several large-scale projects were under construction,

protection.

including hotels, shopping centers and condominiums. The plan proposed typologies of urbanization and target densities that, according to the current organizational characteristics, would made possible to predict the increase of dwellings. Particularly at the Area for Urban Expansion, which mainly presented in the neighborhoods of M’Padwe and Déguè, urbanization, land tenure and technical regularization (infrastructure endowment) essential for the expansion of the city were recommended to be supplemented with all categories of space suitable for the development of the city (PEUT, 2012). In the District of Matundo, Riversdale, a multinational mining company, verified

103

the reason why the company asked the Central Government the authorization for development of mining industry that would cover a vast zone that extends in an arc to the north of the city from the N7 road, before the Revuboè bridge, practically up to the Zambezi River, including Chingodzi Airport, part of the road to Zambia and much of the Matundo area, previously considered to be the city’s preferred urban

(PEUT, 2012) - translated by the author

the existence of deposits of high-quality coal,

expansion zone (PEUT, 2012)(Figure 4, 5). Mobility network The main road in the region is the N7. This nationallevel road crosses the city of Tete, from the M’Padwè District to the Chingodzi Quarter, crossing the city center and crossing the Zambezi River along the Samora Machel Bridge. This Road connects the city to Moatize and Malawi to the north, and Changara, Chimoio and Zimbabwe to the south. Another important road is the onshore road (N9) that connects to Zambia. National and international long-distance traffic goes through these routes (PEUT,2012). During the last few years, heavy traffic increased considerably with the development of mining activity in the area, and the car fleet is also increasing with credit facilities from financial institutions. With only one lane in each direction the bridge and main roads are not dimensioned for traffic volume. In response to these problems, a new bridge, already in the initial stage of construction, was designed for heavy and long haul vehicles in order to withdraw heavy traffic from the Samora Machel Bridge and the central part of the city.

104

Figure 4: the PEUT - Map of Existing Condition - Synthesis (Land use, Mobility and Acessibility)

systems of transportation (Figure 5): Primary level link from the new settlement in M’Padwe with Samson Mutemba passing through the Samora Machel neighborhood. In the crossing of this new route with the N7 the plan considers three alternatives as can be observed in the Mobility and Accessibility Plan. Another important proposal is the connection

(PEUT, 2012) - translated by the author

For improving accessibility, the Plan proposed new

between the Samora Machel neighborhood and the road to Déguè crossing the Sansão Mutemba neighborhood along the bank of the Valley of Nhartanda. Within the neighborhood of Sansão Mutemba, internal roads linking it to the urbanized center should be proposed or improved, and this may represent an opportunity for local upgrading, whose growth is currently disordered. Tete Airport is another infrastructure with regional importance located near the northern border of the city of Tete. In addition to domestic flights, the airport now also receives scheduled flights from South Africa mainly as a result of the mining activity in the area. In the future, depending on the mining activity, it may be necessary to relocate the Airport.

Figure 5: the PEUT - Map of proposed Land use, Mobility and Acessibility

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(ÂŠ 2018 - produced by the author)

03_PEUT 2012

N7 Moatize Changara

Tete Location of Mining licenses Site 3 Site 2

Built area in 2010 Built area between 2010 and 2016

Figure 6: Notation Map of Urban expansion between 2010 and 2016 - (Field trip - Site 2)

106

(ÂŠ 2018 - produced by the author)

Built area in 2010 Built area between 2010 and 2016

Figure 7: Notation Map of Urban expansion between 2010 and 2016 - (Field trip - Site 3)

107

03_PEUT 2012

ếng

Revuboe Mine

Nacala Logistic Corri

Malabwe

boe

u Rev

Tete Airport

25 de Setembro

Matundo

Tete City

Moatize Mine

Moatize

m Za

Capanga

Rio Tinto ‘Benga’ Mine

Chapanga Vale ‘Moatize’ Coal Mine

Benga Mithete

Nhambalualu

Figure 8: Notation Map of Materialized elements of the PEUT (between 2012 and 2018)

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The planning process and the social environment: what did materialize?

Investment were applied in infrastructural updates related to the supply factors that support the economic activities of mining sector. According to the PEUT (2012), the Government and mining companies invested Sena Line

in new transport infrastructures for the disposal of coal, in particular the rehabilitation of the Sena line, the construction of a railway line to the port of Nacala, and infrastructures for the disposal of coal by the Zambezi

idor

River. The District and Municipality of Moatize are directly affected by coal mining, investment in outflow and

ati Mo

communication infrastructure and the construction of the Benga thermal power station (based on coal) to generate electricity for domestic export and consumption, transforming this region from a rural area into an

Cateme Mwaladzi

industrial zone predominantly through coal mining. Apart from these there is construction of offices, housing and condominiums for corporate personnel.

Legend

At the same time, there are indirect investments and economic activities, including hotels, restaurants, commerce,

Border coal mining concession

transport, etc. In view of the scarcity of local and national skilled labour, coal companies form professional workers

Coal ming operation

and generate many jobs, especially in the construction phase of mines (PEUT, 2012). From the combination of

Location of existing villages

fieldwork observation and mapping exercise, critical issues related to the negative effects of mining activities

Original location of villages Location of resettled villages

were identified, mainly in terms of resettlement of local communities and environmental factors. Moreover, the

Tete municipal territory (PEUT)

indicate exactly how this structural transformation is to be achieved (Figure 6, 7, 8).

PEUT presented scenarios developing the multifunctional urbanized areas, with almost no tangible proposals to Proposed

Existing

Road

Materialized

The high expectations of “development” never really materialized, not even in the heydays of the coal boom. The inﬂux of foreign and Mozambican workers and business people was less than expected and the new workforce was to a large extent accommodated by the housing facilities of the companies themselves (Kirshner and Power,

Rail line

2015:76). Due to the bust in coal prices most of the expats had left, business services to the mining industry were halted, and

Multifuncional Urbanized area

many construction projects were suspended. This downfall was not only a consequence of ﬂuctuating markets,

Urbanized area

however. It is also inherent to the life cycle of coal mines, as such projects are especially work-demanding in the initial construction phase, when the mine is fully operational the workforce and number of sub-contracted

Industrial area 0

companies needed generally declines (Wiegink, 2018:249). 10 km

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04_PEOT 2016

Description

PEOT and the mining cycle

The PEOT for the Zambezi River Basin is a regional planning instrument of 30 years

The Mining sector has gradually taken a leading position in the Mozambican

integrated vision and strategic guidelines which constitute a general organizational

economy, mainly due to the development of world-class projects in the coal area,

structure for the development of the territory.

concentrated in the districts of Moatize, Cahora Bassa, Changara, ChiĂşta and City

Considering that the Zambezi River Basin region in Mozambique has agro-

of Tete, contributed to the social and economic change of the region. The second

ecological, tourist, water, fishing and navigability conditions that, if well exploited,

planning document-PEOT for the Valley of Zambeze (2016), was also very much

can contribute to its social and economic development, this plan aimed to define

influenced by the dynamism of the mining activity. Many current situations of the

the spatial planning parameters of identified main systems, networks, points and

region are recognized having much relation to the growth prospect of the mining

nuclei within the Zambezi Valley and conditions of use of natural resources in

sector, as is its multisectoral scenarios, which comprise various sectors of social,

order to contribute to the improvement of the quality of life of all present and future

economic and environmental intervention to promote sustainable development in

inhabitants in the study area and; determine the fundamental characteristics of the

the Zambezi Valley region.

land and improve the utilization and development of the resources associated with

Availability of land and nature resource: patterns of use and occupation

this land (PEOT, 2016).

Most of the coal basins known in the country occur in the Zambezi valley.

As stated in the PEOT (2016), the plan was established by the following

According to Cadastro Mineiro-mining record (PEOT, 2016), in October 2012 the

determinants: population growth; economic and ecological potential of the region;

mining concessions and operating licenses occupied about 33% of the territory

high investment in key sectors of development; various sectoral interests with

of the study area, with the highest concentration in the Province of Tete. In this

spatial implications; absence of a territorial framework combining the various

Province, the 321 assigned mining titles occupy 44% of the territory, especially

activities; poorly planned and poorly coordinated development initiatives; the need

located in the southern region of the Moatize district, where the mega-projects of

for consensus on the occupation of space; lack of community empowerment. It was

industrial exploitation of coal, which represent about 93% of the reserves of this ore

elaborated based on the belief that the development of the Zambezi Valley - as a

in Mozambique. About 80% of the territory of the district was occupied for mining

sustainable resource management process - will be based on productive systems

purposes.

supported in local communities, aiming at a networked economy, taking into

Availability of infrastructure: in the field of transport

account the conservation of environmental and cultural values and improving the

In view of the existing resources as well as the current and projected rates of

safety and quality of life of the inhabitants.

exploitation, a long-term horizon was foreseen for this activity, however, as stated

Given the chosen scenario and the vocation of the areas identified for the

in the PEOT (2016), the existing infrastructure in this region is insufficient, given

development of Zambezi Valley, PEOT for the Zambezi Basin defines the following

the particularly in the transport component.

priority sectors of intervention: agriculture, forestry, fishing, mining, energy,

Road transport plays a key role in access to other modes of transport and local

industry, tourism, transport.

accessibility, and is deficient in many places in the region, with poor transitory conditions. The current railway was characterized by the inability to transport goods due to the need to dispose of coal in the region of Tete and Moatize. Therefore, the plan proposed the establishment of several railway lines (upgrading of the Sena Line and construction of the Nacala Line - Via Malawi) (Figure 9), offering excellent

110

(ÂŠ 2018 - produced by the author)

opportunity to develop the manufacturing industry and lower income activities in these axes development, such as agro-business and forestry production (PEOT, 2016). The feasibility of complementary North-South axes in articulation with the envisaged railway lines is expected to be the fundamental element of accessibility for people

Zambia

Malawi Nacala Logistic Corridor Nacala

Proposed rail link N9 Tete

and companies for the development axis, thus contributing to greater territorial cohesion and more

Nampula Mozambique

structured and balanced economy development. Regional sustainable development scenarios over 30 years

Sena Rail Line

For the purpose of designing the PEOT for

Zimbabwe

the Zambezi Valley, the choice of sustainable

Beira

development scenarios for the region was based on two fundamental dimensions: ecological (environmental sustainability) and socio-economic. Scenarios around the socio-economic dimension comprise the performance of the main productive sectors, namely agriculture, forestry, fisheries, mining, energy, industry, tourism and transport.

Inhambane

The development perspectives identified allowed

South Africa

to define first a Multisectoral Reference Scenario, resulting from individual development of each

Maputo

sector, without taking into account the coordinating,

Swaziland

integrating and sustainability effect of the other sectors and of a strategic environmental assessment.

150 Kilometers

Figure 9: Regional transport infrastructure from Tete, Mozambique

Second, the Common Multisectoral Scenario is defined, which, for the purposes of this plan, takes

and mining, there are consistent cause-and-effect relationships.

into account the identified conflicts and synergies

However, the major extractive industry seems to be still very much focused on a single mineral product, coal,

and theoretical principles of regional sustainability

most of it is exported and the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy is strongly susceptible to price fluctuations and possible changes

over a period of 30 years. It must be considered in

in consumption patterns and world trade networks, which influences the sustainable development as the plan

this process that in some sectors, such as energy

claims.

regional transport infrastructure in Mozambique.

Sena Rail Line

111

(PEOT, 2016) - translated by the author

04_PEOT 2016

Figure 10: the PEOT - Synthesis Map

112

113

05_Conclusion

Coal mining extraction is one of the primary sector activities in Tete and Mozambique in general and the dynamic nature suggest that it is one of the factor linking between the past, the present and the future of the region. This notion was further supported in Abbott (2005). Mining is a dynamic activity and planning activities try to cope with this dynamism. The coal bonanza is creating particular landscapes, spaces and sites of development in Tete as some groups benefit from and are integrated into global circuits of production whilst others suffer displacement and dispossession (Kirshner and Power, 2015:69). It involves the phases of resettlement, the rhythms of the markets or the “extractive pace”, the booms and inevitable busts, the life cycle of the mine, the forward looking aspirations of “development”, and the various stages of “eviction time”(Wiegink, 2018:251). The two planning documents analysed in this paper reveal the intertwinement of mining extractive expectations and planning practices, providing an analytical lens to uncover the uneven “development” that is created in relation to the extraction “development” scenarios. Moreover, this points out the vision of future development, with some extractive scenarios are approved having more desirable than others, for example, while infrastructures support economic activities of coal mining industry are materialized, the planning documents present vague scenarios for the other sectors, with almost no concrete proposals to suggest exactly how this structural transformation is to be realised.

114

06_References

•Conselho Municipal de Tete (CMT). (2012). Relatório de Fundamentação

Articles:

das Opções Tomadas no Plano de Estrutura Urbana da Cidade de Tete, Plano de

•Abbott, J. (2005). Understanding and managing the unknown: the Nature of

Estrutura Urbana da Cidade de Tete (PEUT)

uncertainty in planning. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 24, 237-251.

Municipal Council of Tete (CMT). (2012). Report on the Rationale of Options

Doi: 10.1177/0739456X04267710

Taken in the Urban Structure Plan of the City of Tete, (PEUT)

•Hatton, W., Fardell, A. (2011). New discoveries of coal in Mozambique —

•Conselho Municipal de Tete (CMT). (2012). Relatório da Situação Actual da

Development of the coal resource estimation methodology for International

Cidade de Tete, Plano de Estrutura Urbana da Cidade de Tete (PEUT)

Resource Reporting Standards. International Journal of Coal Geology, 89, 2-12.

Municipal Council of Tete (CMT). (2012). Current Situation Report of the City of

Doi:10.1016/j.coal.2011.02.010

Tete, Urban Structure Plan of the City of Tete (PEUT)

•Kirshner, J., Power, M. (2015). Mining and extractive urbanism: Postdevelopment

•Conselho Municipal de Tete (CMT). (2012). Regulamento do Plano de Estrutura

in a Mozambican boomtown. Geoforum, 61, 67-78. Retrieved from https://doi.

Urbana da Cidade de Tete.

org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2015.02.019.

Municipal Council of Tete (CMT). (2012). Regulation of the Urban Structure Plan

•Wiegink, N. (2018). Imagining Booms and Busts: Conﬂicting Temporalities and

of the City of Tete.

the Extraction“Development” nexus in Mozambique. The Extractive Industries and

•Conselho Municipal de Tete (CMT). (2012). Planta da Situação Actual (Sintese),

Society 5, 245–252

I - 04, Escala: 1/35.000. Plano de estrutura Urbana (PEUT)

Abbreviation

Municipal Council of Tete (CMT). (2012). Existing condition Map (Synthesis), I -

PEOT - Plano Especial de Ordenamento do Território - Special plan for the

04, Scale: 1/35.000. Urban Structure Plan (PEUT).

ordination of the territory

•Conselho Municipal de Tete (CMT). (2012). Planta de Ordemamento (Proposta),

PEUT - Plano de Estrutura Urbana da Cidade de

II- 03, Escala: 1/35.000. Plano de estrutura Urbana (PEUT)

Tete - Urban Structure Plan of the City of Tete

Municipal Council of Tete (CMT). (2012). Land use Plan (Synthesis), II - 03, Scale: 1/35.000. Urban Structure Plan (PEUT). •Conselho de Ministros. (2016). Plano especial de ordenamento do território de parte do vale do Zambeze (PEOT). Maputo. Council of Ministers. (2016). Special land planning plan for part of the Zambezi valley (PEOT). Maputo. •Conselho de Ministros. (2016). Planta Syntase, Escala 1/1250000. Plano especial de ordenamento do território de parte do vale do Zambeze (PEOT). Maputo. Council of Ministers. (2016). Synthesis Plan, Scale: 1/1250000. Special land planning plan for part of the Zambezi valley (PEOT). Maputo. Websites: •https://ejatlas.org/conflict/resettlements-for-mining-projects-in-tete-province •https://www.slideshare.net/TristanWiggill/mozambiques-rail-industry

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116

NADIA NUSRAT

Envisioning Transitional Land Use In Mining Simultaneity between mining phases towards water harvesting and landscape reclamation A study of Tete, Mozambique

In the Tete - Moatize Region, large scale open pit coal mining is taking over the climatic balance and destroying the landscape of surrounding. A lush forest landscape is transforming into a hot, dry and dusty settlements, mainly due to the mining activity expansion and its interventions. While in formation and expansion, the scattered rural settlements are creating its own internal economies to strive in the previously forested landscape, since most are disconnected from the main regional centrality. The area is characterized by dichotomies like rural urbanity, extreme contrasts of dry season and wet season and exogenous forces of mining contrasted by endogenous forces of subsistence economies. By perceiving mining as a transitional land use that would develop, integrate and benefit the surrounding landscape, the affects of mining is reducible. Therefore this paper aims at rethinking the mining process, enabling the emergence of a survivable landscape, that could be properly reclaimed by the surrounding inhabitants. The major problem of the site is related to the water scarcity mainly in the dry season, increased by mining and thereby the loss of green and balance. This paper reflects upon a design strategy that tests the transitional land use concepts on a prospect mining site, promoting water harvesting in its surrounding areas so that the already existing problem of drought can be addressed in the a long run.

117

photo taken by author colleague Clara Medina during Study Trip

photo taken by author during study trip

Existing situation before mining: rural settlements towards the river

Landscape transformation at Vale coal mine excavated concessions

“Pedra a pedra construindo um novo dia.”

Mozambique has lost 2.52 Mha of tree cover equivalent to 8.7 percent of decrease

(Stone by stone, building a new tomorrow)

since 2000 and created 186Mt of Carbo-di-Oxide emissions. The land use change is

(Mozambique, 2002)

a net source of Carbon-di-Oxide, emitting an average of 53.6 tonnes of the gas per year from 1990 to 2014, which represents 89% of Mozambiques total greenhouse

Prologue:

Tete, Mozambique: from lush forest to a mining territorry

gas over the same period. Between 2001 and 2016, 403 Metric tonnes of carbon was released into the atmosphere as a result of tree cover loss and land use change (Mozambique, 2018).

The river basin Zambeze is the major river basin in Southern Africa serving a

This is the situation, bearing in mind that it is the start of mining exploration, in

catchment of approximately 30 million people covering eight riparian countries

a territory densely forested. The impacts of mining tend to worsen once mining

(Britannica) (Nhantumbo, 2013) Among this eight countries, Mozambique has

exploration reaches its full potential, given the transformative dichotomies of

attracted international attention in recent years for having huge reserves of coal

mining and its supporting subsistence economies and encroaching urbanity

and gas around Moatize-Minjova- the third basin of Zambeze. Tete, a district of

replacing rural and forestry landscapes.

the Portugese colony at west central Mozambique, is situated in the right bank of Zambezi river near the rich coal mines of Moatize. (Nhantumbo, 2013) (Joshua

Problem formulation and research question

Kirshner, 2015). The visiting geologists in the central province of Tete discovered

Mining operations have exclusively started through coal basins of Moatize at 2011.

that the coal seam beneath Moatize basin is part of the largest undeveloped coal

The operations are just at the beginning in its long term process, that normally

basin in world, known to hold over 23 billion metric tonnes of coal- an amount

takes place for minimum 35 years. Since its starting years, it has diversely changed

enough to fire all the coal based plants in the United States for 25 years.(Gerety,

the area. The tree coverage decreased, further weather and climate changes are yet

2013) Moatize can be perceived as one of the world’s top ten coal exporters, by

to take place, such as temperature increase and air pollution. The operations has

exporting 100 million tonnes of coal per annum at peak (Worldbank, 2014).

been influencing the country’s infrastructural endeavours, has had massive change

Besides being a news for the world, the coal seam is introducing environmental

in housing by resettling people and attracting new sort of urbanity, which is yet to

negative impact on Mozambique and the overall climate. Between 2001 and 2016,

integrate inside the new infrastructural setup.

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introduced internal economies that can be considered as a resource. Along with this , there is another existing long term problem of water shortage and erosion, triggered by the changes of dry and wet season. Lack of water is an already existing problem here. The research question here formulated departures from understanding the gigantic mining operation open pits as a potential for further reclamation on forest based landscape, while addressing the issue of shortage of water. How the drastic landscape transformation promoted by mining can be addressed,

Photo from the institutional presentation by Vale(Vicente, 2018)

The urbanity influence in rural setup along with the mining operations has

Figure: Landscape transformation through mining

preparing the terrain for future reclamation while mining is still operating, preventing adverse environmental affects? How to create a smooth system of reclaiming the landscape that can address the major problem of water shortage increased by mining? Open pit Mining : The transformation phases To visualize how mining operations can be translated to reclaim the lost vegetative Methodology

landscape, it is necessary to understand how the operations transform the landscape

At first we analyse the rural-urban tissue, the relation between dry wet season and

and the phases of this transformation. As this paper deals specifically with the issue

the external and internal forces changing the tissue, while searching for a vision the

of open pit mining around Zambeze river basin, a brief description on the long term

Zambeze river development.

procedure is followed in this chapter, based on literature review and interviews with local stakeholders.

By means of interpretative cartographies and notational drawings, I interpret the

Open pit mine is an excavation or cut made on the ground for extracting ore from

transformation cause by mining. The cartographic analysis was complemented by

beneath the soil and which is open to the surface for the duration of mineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life.

interviews done during fieldwork, combining the vision of local inhabitants and

The main objective in any commercial mining operation is the exploitation of the

engaged professionals. The analysis has been carried out through data collection

mineral deposit at the lowest possible cost with a view of maximizing profits. The

and drawings to develop a better understanding of the existing situation and to

selection of physical design parameters and the scheduling of the ore and waste

explore further possibilities.

extraction program are complex engineering decisions of enormous economic

A sequence of questions derived from the exploratory analytical exercise, building

significance. The planning of an open pit mine is, therefore, an exercise in

a hypothesis that deals with the dichotomy present and envisioned in the area. How

economics, constrained by certain geologic and mining engineering aspects. This

the urbanization followed the logic or mining? How the agriculture follows the

procedure is elaborated in following steps for better understanding.

riverside and interacts with the urban tissue? How the introduction of mining has shaped the urbanity and can continue to shape the urbanism in equitable ways?

1. Remove soil layers and wastage

The hypothesis is further exercised in detail design phase for specific issues and

Vegetation is removed through mass deforestation. In the case of Tete-Moatize,

conditions, caused by massive transformation from mining which is important

around 37-40 species are affected by deforestation each time they start a new section.

when dealing with the adversities of mining.

Top soil is removed and dumped on a previous mine site without any further use.

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was in before. Sandstone is drilled or blasted to break off the stone to access the ore. The wastage and stones are removed to dig out the ore. A mining pit can be excavated up to 150 meter divided in benches of 10-15 meter with a slope of 30 degrees which is dug out with the help of excavators. There are broadly two types of coal naming thermal coal and metallurgical coal. Thermal coal

(Human Rights Watch, 2013)

When taken out the soil expands in volume. It usually takes 50 times of the area it

is for industrial use or producing electric energy and metallurgical coal is used to fire iron and steel plants. A large amount of water is used in extracting coal. The machinery and dust removal from the coal requires an amount of 250 litre per ton of which 25% is recycled and reused in the machinery. The coal bench road is covered with organic dust and water to prevent dust. (Vicente, 2018) 3. Producing, storing and transporting coal The present rate of coal producing in already started mines of Moatize is equal to 10 trucks per hour. The amount of coal to produced is determined by the pitches defined by the faults between formations. The coal is transported to the belts from the bins for transportation. The depositing belts are prepared with clay to prevent

Figure: This map is based on data from the Mozambican government’s mining registry in October 212. Not all exploration activity leads to the discovery of commercially viable deposits and to the development of mines, so this map not imply that all of the shaded areas will eventually be covered by mining operations.

infiltration and pollution. Deposit belts vary in size, as for Moatize the present size of deposit belts is for 1,000,000 tonnes and they dont have plans to extend the size. (Vicente, 2018) 4. Rehabilitation of waste dumps What waste will be piled from one pit, will fill the previous pit. The last pit of the mine stays empty because there is no material to fill it up. the dump areas are prepared for waterproofing to avoid polluted chemicals and water infiltrating into groundwater tables. The later landscape will never be higher than the surrounding area. (Vicente, 2018) 5. Reforestation There is plan for restructuring the green in 10 years periods. Nurseries are introduced and taken care of to produce the plants for reforesting the waste dump areas. The species that are good dust collectors like acacia, eucalyptus are planted in the rainy season to plant later on the waste dumps. Special geo textiles are used on top of the the waste tailing dumps to hold the seedlings to the landscape. Presently 5000 plants per year to planted is planned for Moatize with a vision of extending it to 10,000 plants per year in time. (Vicente, 2018)

The Geography of mining: The transition Though this paper deals with mining operations promoted by Vale, it present similarities with all the leading mining company in the similar surrounding areas. The exercise is a prototype that could be applied for the concession areas generally. To understand the relevance of mining in the region, an elaboration of mining concession areas in Tete is necessary to start with. According to Mozambiquan governments’ mining registry from October 2012, at least 245 mining concessions and exploration licenses has been approved, covering approximately 3.4 million hectares or 34 percent of the country’s area. Coal mining is roughly one- third of this. Including the pending application areas the total area includes approximately 6 million hectares which is 60 percent of country’s area. Though not all exploration activity will lead to mining development projects, the high concentration of land designated for mining licenses in Tete province (Figure) has profoundly limited the availability of appropriate resettlement sites for displaced communities which will be discussed in the impacts section. The earliest to start coal mining operations include two of the world’s three largest mining companies: Vale, a Brazilian firm, and Rio Tinto, and Anglo- Australian firm that acquired the Australian company Riversdale and its holdings in Tete province. Jindal Steel and power limited, an Indian Company, and Beacon Hill Resources, a British Firm, also started mining coal in 2012. (Human Rights Watch, 2013)

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timeline extracted from the provided information by authour’s colleague Julia Paiva and Vincent Van Praet.

We can take into consideration the following timeline data provided by Vale for Tete province to cover the area with mine operations in time if we opt to visualize the transition beforehand. Socio Economic Impact: Scenario Tete in Vale’s influence New urban geographies are taking place in once upon a time Portugese colonial “backwater” Tete, with practically no roads and vast majority of the populations migrating to abroad in more developed african countries for mining and farm jobs. (Allen F. Isaacman, 2013) .Tete is historically not important mineral producer and largely unknown place to global mining companies before 2000s. (Deborah Bryceson, 2012) It is unknown when Tete’s coal was first discovered, but the artist and explorer Thomas Baines first captured onto canvass a coal outcrop on the banks of Zambeze in late 1850s. The first geological works in Tete referred to the studies of coal

Photo from the institutional presentation by Vale(Vicente, 2018)

Figure: Mining concession coverage timeline information provided by Vale,

Figure: All concession areas in Tete province by Mine company Vale.

occurrence and were undertaken in 1859 by Richard Thornton, a geologist on the Zambeze expedition under Dr. David Livingstone and Guyot. (W. Hatton, 2011)

coal production chain. Currently, the only route linking Tete to the coast is Sena

Coal has been mined intermittently in Moatize since 1930s, but before 21st century

line, a single track railway which runs from Moatize to the port of Beira. Mining

transformation, it was only confined to villagers who fired bricks using coal from

corporations are pursuing two alternative scenarios by constructing new private

the abandoned mines of Carbomoc. (Gerety, 2013)

infrastructure networks. First, constructing an entirely new railway and deep water

But in the past decade, mining company Vale and Rio Tinto have invested nearly

port identified as Macuse in Zambezia province as an optimal port site. Second,

US$12 billion in mines of Tete since 2008, directly employing some 7500 workers

Vale dedicated themselves to the Nacala Corridor Project that involves constructing

and sparking a sudden transformation of the region into Mozambique’s El Dorado.

and rehabilitating 912 km railway that will link Moatize to the new coal terminal it

(João Mosca, 2011)

is building in the northern part of Nacala, passing via southern Malawi.

Three particular spatiality include the result of this emerging resource economy 1. The infrastructure networks being constructed around the extractive

2. The enclave spaces arising from the coal boom and the particular labour geographies that shape them. Being a hydrocarbon industry,

industries. Exported at high volumes, coal mining demands extensive infrastructure

open cast coal mining is dominated by specific group of players, generating few

to move output to market. Yet regional transport networks are a weak link in Tete’s

employment opportunities for directly affected communities. Mining companies rely on expatriates blaming

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(Joshua Kirshner, 2015)

Figure: The original and resettlement villages

and still struggling to re-establish their self-sufficiency. (Human Rights Watch, 2013) Resettled people cannot avail water for domestic and agriculture from the river anymore and the infrastructure provided by Vale is not so functional, they cannot make their own food in farmland because of poor quality land and has to buy food. Environmental Impact of Mining Operations Caused by the opencast pit mining, environmental impacts are quite severe. The deforestation of the mining procedure, causes biodiversity loss by losing 37-40 species during each period of mine excavation. Excavation by digging and blasting Figure: Coal extraction sites and regional transport infrastructure in Mozambique

pollutes the air. The blasting of stone layer coupled with deforestation causes coal island effect by increasing the surrounding temparature to 2-3 degrees than existing. The acid mine drainage from used water in coal mines is harmful for the

the low skills of locals for their lack of employment. Labor importation, rising

groundwater table. The waste tailing dump site is a place of chemical pollution. If

income disparities and the perception that educated workers from southern

the waste dumps are not properly guarded from infiltration, the waste can cause

provinces are gaining favorable terms of mining employment, which is beyond

severe damage to the surrounding soil, air and water. Mine tailings are structurally

reach of most Tete residents, have created tensions. In response to this tension,

fragile than compacted earth and the tailing dams can face erosion because of that.

several mining companies have begun offering training programs geared to local

Mine operations operation needs a gigantic amount of water which makes the

labour market. (Joshua Kirshner, 2015)

already existing problem of water shortage even worse (Vicente, 2018)

3. The new urban geographies unfolding in Tete along with the process of

displacement and dispossession that characterizes rapid urbanization.

Analyzing the socio economic and environmental impact sums up the problems of

(Joshua Kirshner, 2015) The high concentration of land designated for mining

environmental water shortage, lowered and polluted ground water table, increased

licenses has limited the availability of appropriate resettlement sites for displaced

hot climate, polluted air, food security, lack of water for domestic and agricultural

communities. People resettled to Vale resettlement village Cateme and Rio Tinto

use and rejection of community disposition. The design exercise is carried out

Resettlement village Mwaladzi, experience a major disruption to their livelihoods

having these problems as questions to answer with interventions.

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Case study 01: How mining can be conceived for transitional land use?

(Carve, 2016)

Figure: Drawn by Carve+ OMGEVING

(Carve, 2016)

Beringen, Belgium The project is an adventurous play-scape and landmark built on a mine tailing dump in Beringen, finished on January 2015. The adventure mountain is part of the touristic, re-creative project be-MINE, which aims to breathe new life into the monumental coal mine tail dump in Beringen. A new function for the 60 meter high rubble mountain, and to redevelop the old industrial buildings into a cultural hotspot were asked as design intervention where its history can be experienced in a playful way. (Carve, 2016) The spectacular scale of this site in both height and industrial heritage is unique in the relatively flat surrounding landscape. The intervention is a landmark in large scale, but through its playable character it also reflects the small scale of child. The mining terril has been given a new meaning, rooted both in the past and future. The design consists of three parts, that create a unity with the mountain and its past; a pole forest resembling previous forest, and adventurous prismatic play surface on the planes of mountain to reflect the geometrical mining procedure and a coal square on top of the terril to reflect the achievement of the procedure. Apart from the adaptation of the mining transition, this case study is eye opening in one sense that even if it did not utilize any drainage or water harvesting system, this project has opportunities to catch water from the coal square on top and drain them with the roads following the contour to percolate the dry areas that does not receive water. This project is not in a context of water shortage but if it would be in such a place where lack of water is an issue for surrounding vegetation, harvested rainwater from coal square with rocks could be flown down along the surrounding contours to water the vegetation. By perceiving such water harvesting procedure in a post mine site for transitional land use could be really a solution for the persisting problems in Tete context.

(Carve, 2016)

PLAYLANDSCAPE BE-MINE

Surrounding area: photos taken by Benoit Meeus

Figure:Overview drawn by Carve+ OMGEVING

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Case study 02: How mining can be conceived as a treatment measure of persisting water shortage? DOWN TO EARTH Negev Desert, Israel

A water management project aimed at providing water for domestic use in an Israeli desert with water shortage. Around 100 new reservoirs are planned to be built, by locating new inhabitable platforms near or in place of the planned reservoirs to develop a water infrastructure that branches from the centralized water system so that the households do not need to be dependent policies or other infrastructure to support their water demand. The project by Ruth Kedar proposes a stormwater or rainwater runoff collection system for seminomadic communities, whom not always have full access to public water infrastructure. The depth of local aquifers and their brackish water prevent construction of conventional wells. In response, this project proposes an underground cistern, integrated into the foundation of each individual house to capture stormwater runoff during the rainy season in order to increase water reserves. (Kedar, 2015)

Figure: Plan of Underground pipes (Kedar,2015)

The design of cistern represents a contemporary adaptation of historical and regional desert technologies, including a horizontal tunnel that taps underground water in an alluvial fan without pumps and brings it to the surface so that the water can be used. These tunnels typically have a minimal slope and can run for upto 30km. (Lightfoot, 1997) (Prinz, 2002) The project also borrow from ancient Nabatean systems of runoff irrigation, which employed shallow channels, minor topographic grading, rock lined soil and stone weirs to redirect and retain water in low lying agricultural fields. (M. Evaneri, 1968)

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Rethinking the mining concessions as a transitional land use introducing water harvesting: Vision and Strategy

Analysing the major issues related mining, formulating existing and probable

can settle down there and make use of the to be constructed first water sponge to

future problems and the learning from case studies dealing with similar

serve themselves with food and water as the mining advances downwards.

problems has enabled to come up with few strategies to achieve the vision of activating a transitional land use in the mining areas that is able to address

3. Phases in between next mining pits:

existing issues and also address on mitigating negative impacts caused by the

Mining at the topmost topography uses previous mine concession as waste dump site.

massive transition.

After the mining at the topmost topography finishes, it is prepared for waterproofing

The quest of this started with the search of looking for solutions to dump the

until almost the level of established water connections. The mining excavation in

topsoil and stones (overburden) in a way that does not lessen the soil quality

the next level starts and the topsoil is used to make the clay waterproofing of the

to initiate vegetation. Several tryouts were carried in design phase for the

previously used hole this time along with making the surrounding heightened dust

location of dumping the overburden. The proposal consists of â&#x20AC;Ś

controlling barrier and making walls for next water flow network. This new pit

the used mining pits are transformed to use as a water sponge that stores

uses the previous water proofed pit as dumpsite for mining wastage. As soon as

and supplies rainwater runoff for surrounding vegetation. As food security

the second pit finishes dumping mining waste on the first pit, the first pit is closed

and lack of water are identified as the major existing problem to address, the

to a waterproofing clay layer leaving calculated height clear under ground level to

mining holes are perceived as a way to mitigate these problems. The phases of

collect water. The stones collected from the second pit is used to cover the first

the intervention of transforming mining holes to water sponges are discussed

mine pit to create a water collection basin that will prevent evaporation of water.

schematically as follows. The phases of the intervention are also illustrated in

A thin layer of topsoil is added on top of the stone layer for vegetation extension

the notational image provided.

which is added from the overburden of third excavated pit. The created rock and

1. Pre mining phase:

topsoil basin acts as a water sponge that pumps water to the surrounding area. The

It is visualized that the mining concession excavations are started at the

water stops and percolates in the following contours as it collects rainwater runoff at

topmost topography of the addressed concession area. Water connection

the rainy season and keep water flowing from the storage during dry season. When

locations are selected and water connection infrastructure should be installed

it is driest the nearest contours of soil are watered which is otherwise dry in the rest

prior to start the excavation. Water flow network from the pit should be laid

of the year and it facilitates for agriculture for the resettlement.

down considering the slopes and marked. 2. Mining phase:

3. Post mining phase: This cyclic process of using the topsoil and stones to create heightened contour

After the start of excavation, the topsoil is reserved in the sides of the excavated

and water basin from the topmost topography to the down, creates an autonomous

pit to a height of two or three benches. Also the top soil and stone is to be used

system of water harvesting in the surrounding area from rainwater runoff facilitates

to build up small wall like mounds to slow down water flow in the lowering

vegetation for the surrounding people living. As the resettlement also starts living

slopes previously marked for water flow network. While advancing with the

from the topmost topography, the water harvesting keeps the displaced people from

excavation, dust collector species plants are planted in the newly heightened

going to a place totally alien and unwanted to them, rather they can live and work

soil to preserve the soil quality and to mitigate the air pollution. Surrounding

in the mining with mining training operation at the same time can be self sufficient

settlements resettled at the topmost topography of the mining site so that they

with the harvesting food facilitating from the rainwater runoff system.

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Figure: Envisioning the intervention considering the simultaneity of pre mining, mining and post mining phases.

Conclusion

Tete is a town full of dichotomies and contrasts after the initiation of mining, the an activity that is going to promote a major shift in the landscape in the upcoming years. It is only logical to anticipate the adversities from the start and take action that will mitigate the impacts, introducing a more equitable transition to the landscape. Additionally, interventions in the mining industry can also contribute to address some other existing problems.. The approach of using mine holes as water sponges in a cyclical system to serve the upcoming resettlement that is perceived to be an agrarian (r)urbanism is a logical response to deal with the transformation. It is only a quest of starting to think how the rest of the mining operations can transform to a healthy habitable landscape urbanism venture.

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(2013). “What is a House without Food?” Mozambique’s Coal Mining Boom and Resettlements. United States of America: Human Rights Watch.

Vicente, E. M. (2018, February). Institutional presentation of Vale for Studio Zambeze, KU Leuven. Tete, Mozambique: Vale.

Allen F. Isaacman, B. S. (2013). Dams, displacement, and the delusion of development: Cahora Bassa and its legacies in Mozambique, 1965-2007. Swallow Press.

W. Hatton, A. F. (2011). New discoveries of coal in Mozambique: development of the coal resource estimation methodology for international resource reporting standards. International Journal of Coal Geology, 2-12.

Basics of an open pit mine. (n.d.). Retrieved June 2018, from Mine-engineer.com: http:// www.mine-engineer.com/mining/open_pit.htm Britannica, T. E. (Ed.). (n.d.). Tete, Mozambique. Retrieved June 2018, from Britannica: https://www.britannica.com/place/Tete Carve, O. (2016, October). Play Landscape be-MINE / Carve + OMGEVING. Retrieved May 2018, from archdaily: https://www.archdaily.com/796396/play-landscape-be-minecarve-plus-omgeving Deborah Bryceson, D. M. (2012). Eureka and beyond: mining’s impact on African urbanisation. Jounal of Contemporary African Studies, 513-537. Gerety, R. M. (2013, May). Mozambique’s Mining Boomtown. Guernica Magazine: a magazine of global arts and politics. João Mosca, T. S. (2011). EL DORADO TETE:OS MEGA PROJECTOS DE MINERAÇÃO. Maputo: Centro de Integridade Pública, 2011 . Joshua Kirshner, M. P. (2015). Mining and extractive urbanism: Postdevelopment in a Mozambican. Geoforum, 67-78. Kedar, R. (2015). Down to Earth. In A. C. Liat Margolis, Out of Water Design Solutions for Arid Regions (pp. 87- 89). Lightfoot, D. R. (1997). Qanats in the Levant: Hydraulic Technology at the Periphery of Early. Technology and Culture Vol. 38, 432- 451. M. Evaneri, L. S. (1968). Runoff Farming in the Desert. I. Experimental Layout.”. Agronomy Journal 60:, 29-32. Mozambique. (2002). Retrieved from nationalanthems.info: http://www.nationalanthems. info/mz.htm Mozambique. (2018, June). Retrieved from globalforestwatch: globalforestwatch.org/dashboards/country/MOZ?category=climate

https://www.

Mozambique’s Mining Boomtown. (2013, May 15). Retrieved June 2018, from Guernica Magazine: https://www.guernicamag.com/mozambiques-mining-boomtown/ Nhantumbo, C. M. (2013). Evaluation of Long-term Impact of Coal Mining in Zambezi River Basin in Mozambique. Lund: Division of Water Resources Engineering, Department of Building and Environmental Technology, Lund University. Presentation of mining for Studio Zambeze, KU Leuven. (2018, February). Tete, Mozambique: Vale. Prinz, P. D. (n.d.). THE ROLE OF WATER HARVESTING IN ALLEVIATING WATER SCARCITY IN ARID AREAS. Proceedings, International Conference on Water Resources Management in Arid Regions 23-27 March,2002, Vol. III. (pp. 107-122). Kuwait: Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research.

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Watch, H. R. (2013). “What is a house without food?” Mozambiques Coal Mining Boom and Resettlements. United States of America: Human Rights Watch. worldbank. (2014, January). Generating sustainable wealth from Mozambique’s natural resource boom. Retrieved June 2018, from The World Bank: http://documents. worldbank.org/curated/en/679901468057844635/Generating-sustainable-wealth-fromMozambiques-natural-resource-boom

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130

MAHER NIMER ALABED

The Road to Sustainability “Runoff Farming” Water Harvesting at the city of Tete, Mozambique

Due to the rapid population growth in Tete province, Mozambique, where the annual growth rate is more than 4%, the population will double in the next 20 years, the demand for food and water will increase. A problem that the region is experiencing now and will increase in the future as a result of climate change, which will lead to increased periods of drought, lack of water resources, and change and unpredictability of rainfall. To meet people’s needs for water and food on this wide scale, radical policies and strategies must be applied to water management. The most important of which is the recharge of groundwater, lakes, and rivers by harvesting, storing, managing and using rainwater in the dry months and significantly improving food production. Agriculture depends heavily on rainwater, but most of it evaporates before it is used or harvested. Or before penetrating the soil, or becomes runoff causing soil erosion. This paper discusses one of the harvesting rainwater methods and employing it in agriculture “runoff farming”. The method directs runoff water from rainwater harvested in non-planted areas into a restricted area for storage and residual use in irrigation during dry periods. Runoff farming has proven to be a valuable tool in dry areas to increase crop yields, promote reforestation, equal soil erosion, maximize available water resources And recharge local groundwater.The paper will review a number of examples of Runoff farming water harvesting in the world in similar conditions to Tete Province, its different techniques and results. in addition to a proposal draft demonstrating the applicability of the technology within the city of Tete.

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01_Introduction Increasing population and urbanization in sub-Saharan Africa puts increasing pressure on freshwater and food demand, with the region’s population projected to 2015). To meet the population’s needs for water and food on this scale, global water management strategies and policies need to be fundamentally rethought . Tete is one of the poorest cities in the region. It is located in a hot and dry area in the northwestern part of Mozambique, on one of the banks of the Zambezi River. Freshwater resources and fertile agricultural areas are concentrated in the Nhartanda valley,

https://www.citypopulation.de

more than double by 2050 to nearly 2.5 billion people (Rockström,J & Falkenmark,M

one of the river’s former branch. Tete has been seen since Portuguese colonization as a rural area, but since the discovery of one of the largest untapped coal areas in the world in 2008 around the city of Tete, one of the largest mining companies began to work and benefit from them. The existence of two bridge crossing the Zambezi River and its proximity to the borders of Malawi and Zambia were all reasons for its rapid growth and its transformation into a regional capital attracting more rural migration to the city. Where the city’s population has increased by more than 35 percent in the last 10 years, which is expected to increase in the future.

Fig 1:Population development in the province ofTete

132

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

Fig 2:Zambezi River, Tete

Fig 3:Urban expansion in Tete

133

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

02_The need for water and food

This area is subject to pressure and threat to its groundwater resources, pollution

During the post-colonial disturbances of Portugal to Mozambique, rural areas

and encroachment due to increases in urbanization rates and lack of basic facilities,

became isolated and food production of cities became unsafe. To contribute to the

As well as the impact of climate change as the region is affected by more and more

production of food and security for the cities, green areas were established all over

heat waves and drought. It is expected to increase the risk of occurrence and change

the country “Zonas Verdes”. Thus, citizens have been able to cultivate their own

the patterns of rainfall and unpredictability. Africa will be the most vulnerable

product with some government assistance. So was the case in Tete, one of these

to climate change due to its geographical location, economic vulnerability and

zones was created in the valley of the Nerthanda. Side (Sideway 1993).

worsening poverty problems. Water stress will affect more than 100 million people in the continent by 2020 due to climate change and will reduce the productivity of rainforests to half, the UN environment website said. Even with global efforts to reduce global temperatures, Africa will face financial costs of up to 50 billion a year

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

by 2050, the website added.

Fig 5 Nhartanda valley, Tete

Fig 4 One of the dry river branch The climate in Tete is semi-arid and temperatures reach 40 ° C. Rainfall measures were limited to only two months and with total annual rainfall dropping, pressure on water sources increased. Affected the quality of the soil and its success and could cause the marginalization of certain areas.

134

during the civil war despite its agricultural function. the ARA Zambezi said that the region is exposed to many harmful activities such as the widespread use of chemical fertilizers and illegal practices to remove mud. The migration to the city has resulted in many

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

At present, the area is no longer as large as it was

illegal settlements and increased infringement On wetlands and open green areas. Agriculture has renewed interest because of the increasing drought, which has led to a decline in the quality of agriculture, which is no longer reliable in food production, despite the lack of clear water management policies (Vlaar, R 2017).

Fig 6: Zambezi River, Tete

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03_Runoff farming water harvesting

Agriculture depends heavily on rainwater, but most of it evaporates before it is

agriculture and pastures. In many dry areas around the world, runoff farming has

used and thus reduces the recharge of rivers, lakes, and groundwater. Field research

been an important tool in agriculture thousands of years ago. The system is still

shows that 50-70% of rain does not reach crops, either evaporate or becomes dry

functioning in some arid and semi-arid regions to this day but at lower rates. Even

on the surface, leading to Soil erosion. Harvesting rainwater for irrigation increases

in areas where rain rates are estimated at 200 mm (Malik, A, Prinz, D 2006).The

water and food production in the region significantly (Rockström, J & Falkenmark,

ratio of the assembly area to the field can vary 1: 1 or 1: for a large number of

M 2015).

kilometers, depending on the ratio of rainfall. (Prinz, D 1994), However, the lower the rainfall, the greater the area of the collection areas. As a result of the success

Source : D. MOLDEN (ED.) WATER FOR FOOD, WATER FOR LIFE (IWMI, 2007)

of runoff farming in the food production of the local population, it has been used in several countries including Egypt, Tunisia, and some sub-Saharan countries as well as countries outside the African continent such as Jordan, India, and Pakistan. The system requires large labor and large areas of land sometimes, in addition to the coefficient of high flow. Depending on the type of soil and depth, it determines the ability to infiltrate water and storage capacity. Surface runoff converted and managed through simple earth or rock bands in the surrounding hills and potential terraces areas. Areas with rainfall between 300 and 600 mm are considered suitable for the harvesting of running water and agriculture (Lorena, Vincenza, N, & Gabriele, F 2016).

“Runoff farming” is a process parallel to the harvesting of water but for irrigation purposes, where runoff water is diverted from non-cultivated areas into confined areas where the soil acts as a natural reservoir for water and can be stored in pools and reservoirs, so it can be used directly or later. The “runoff farming” system includes watersheds of several square kilometers, where the flow is collected through a major valley and directed to cultivable areas where the water infiltrates the soil to improve

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Fig 8: Runoff farming

“Runoff farming water harvesting” is defined in two

like Terraces or in flat terrain and requires complex

groups:

foundations,see Fig 9 c , It can be classified into two

1- Rainwater harvesting is also divided into two

types:

scales: “micro-catchment” where the flowing water is

1. Floodwater harvesting within the stream bed,

collected from a small area and infiltrated into the soil

In which the running water is filled within the flow of

and stored in an adjacent area. Its advantages are the

the stream, flooding the area and using wetlands for

agriculture. 2.

Floodwater diversion where Changing

the natural running water

path to Neighboring

agricultural areas and adjacent crops.

simplicity of design, low cost and repeatability, high flow efficiency due to the small spaces and distances applied to it, and consequently the lack of water losses, in addition to the corrosion control, and finally, it can be implemented on any slope to semi-level lands. see Fig. (part A) . In order to apply this, the rainfall must not be less than 200 mm yearly, soil depth not less than 1 m. The site conditions determine the ratio of see Fig 9 a. The other scale of Rainwater harvesting is “macro catchment” with an area of more than 1,000 square kilometers, including long slopes and sometimes a steep slope up to 50 percent. The ratio of watersheds to crop ratio varies from 10: 1 to 1000: 1, and catchment areas are located outside cultivable areas, and the

Source : A: Rocheleau (1988), B and C :Prinz(1996)

the watershed to crop ratio, ranging from 1: 1 to 5:1.

amount of running water is much higher than the hills and small catchments (Malik, A, Prinz, D 2006). see Fig 9 b. 2-Floodwater harvesting is many kilometers in excess of 200 hectares with ratio of watersheds to crop ratio varies from 100: 1 to 1000,And Precipitation: 100 to 600 mm yearly ,where running water flows into a main valley or river called “large catchment water harvesting” (Prinz 2002) to a Cropping Area

Fig 9:Runoff farming water harvesting A: microcatchment , B:macrocatchment, C : flood water harvesting

137

Source : Amami 1983

“Runoff farming” had an important role in the past For the well-being of the people in the dry areas than our time, there was no pumping of groundwater from its sources, running water distances are short and Due to the cheap labor in the past as many of them in the field of agriculture, there was great interest and periodic maintenance of channels, reservoirs and structures. Despite the importance and proof that this technique helps to self-sufficiency the food production of the local population in many of the dry areas in Africa and abroad, the use of technology is

Fig 11: “Jessour“ microcatchment system

limited.

Traditional techniques of runoff farming water harvesting have been reported from For example, in Tunisia where a semiarid to arid climate with mean annual rainfall of about 300 mm, techniques such as “meskat” and “jessour” are used, the microcatchment system “meskat” in an area of 500 m2 of its system can provide 2000m3 of rainwater to irrigate fruit trees. see fig 10 . As for Jessour, runoff system containing earth dams called “sabia” reinforced with “sirra” walls, where the sediment behind

many regions of Sub Saharan Africa (Reij 1988, Critchley 1992, Critchley ,1992b, van Dijk and Reij 1993 ,Malik,A , Prinz,D 2006). The “Zay” system In Burkina Faso, holes were drilled 5-15 cm long and 10-30 cm in diameter, 50-100 cm apart, resulting in CCR 3: 1. See fig12, A mixture of manure and grass is placed inside it. The excavated soil is used in a small dam beneath the slope of the crater.

the dam is used in agriculture and has either one or two side streams (Prinz 1996)

138

Source : Reijntjes et al 1992

Source : Amami 1983

.see fig 11.

Fig 10: “Meskat“ microcatchment system

Fig 12: “zay” microcatchment system

In the Middle East archaeological evidence of water harvesting structures appears

floodwater to irrigate 20,000 hectares (50,000 acres) producing agricultural

in Jordan, Israel, Palestine, Syria, Iraq

products that may have fed as many as 300,000 people . Farmers in this same area

The outstanding importance of the Middle East in the development of ancient runoff

are still irrigating with floodwater, making the region perhaps one of the few places

farming water harvesting techniques is unquestioned (Prinz 1996). In Jordan, there

on earth where runoff agriculture has been continuously used since the earliest

is indication of early runoff farming water harvesting structures believed to have

settlement (Bamatraf 1994).

been constructed over 9,000 years ago. In Yemen, small dams storing runoff for later use in irrigation or rural supply have been constructed since the beginning of the eighties; the total storage capacity is between 50,000 to 90,000 m3. Internationally, the most widely known runoffirrigation systems have been found in the semi-arid to arid Negev desert region of palestine (Malik, A, Prinz, D 2006).

Source : Prinz

In North Yemen, a system dating back to at least 1,000 B.C. diverted enough

Fig 13: runoff farming water harvesting system in negev desert

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04_Conclusion and proposed project

As a result of the problems facing the city of Tete : - Drought and water scarcity - Poverty and difficult economic conditions - The rate of high population growth and increasing urbanization and migration

The slope has three different tendencies:

- Violations of agricultural lands and the construction of informal settlements

The upper part has a slope of up to 35%. The area is affected by some soil erosion

- Soil erosion and desertification

because of the speed and amount of water running on it. It is proposed that macro-

- Elimination of forests and floods

catchment is applied to build successive rock dikes at short distances between them to reduce the speed and regulation of running water, as well as infiltrating

Fielwork and subequent desk research form the basis of this analysis. The mountain

some of them into the soil, protecting the lower area from drifts and flooding, and

in Tete was one of the sites that attracted my attention. I saw great potential for

increasing afforestation.

rainwater harvesting and management. Water is the main problem, and solving it can reduce or limit some other problems.

The middle part, with a slope of up to 20%, also suffers from soil erosion, encroachment on trees and urban expansion. According to the analysis of the site during the visit, we found that the population condenses on the slopes because of the

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

rocky soil which serves as free foundations for houses, and the slope protects them from flooding. It is proposed to apply terraces to complete the water harvesting process, in addition to the possibility of being foundations on which to build it. So people can settle on the slope but in dedicated places. In addition to the reclamation of some land for agriculture if possible. The lower part (the beginning of the valley) with a slope of between 5-15%, suffers Fig 14: Mountain in Tete.

from water flooding from the mountain and is randomly lost in soil or evaporated. Although it is a planned neighborhood, it does contain some spontaneous settlements. It is proposed to complete the construction of dikes to complement and

Part of the mountain was taken to study and understand the topography and slope

direct water collection and will promote and recharge underground wells and soil.

and the area of the surrounding valley to know its advantages and problems and the

This allows the reclamation of neighboring lands. It will also protect spontaneous

type of rainwater harvesting techniques that can be applied in it.

settlements from flooding, where they will act as a wall and can be built on.

140

Source : Zambezi Studio, Spring 2018

Source : google earth

rocky dikes anti erosion trees

Fig 17: The proposed project new settelments on the terreces

terraces

microchatchment farming

productive trees

main water canal well

rocky dikes

Runoff farming water harvesting can be a valuable tool, especially in dry marginal microchatchment farming

seconday water canal

areas to increase crop yields and reduce crop risks, improve rangeland growth, promote reforestation, allow higher food production, to combat soil erosion and optimize the use of available water resources to suppress soil salinity, and

well

the recharge of local groundwater. There should be global cooperation between scientists and practitioners involved in water harvesting and groundwater flow. By learning from failure and success, a high degree of sustainability can be achieved, similar to that of the past thousand years.

Fig 15: The current status of the site

Fig 16: The proposed project

141

05_Refrences

Biazin, Sterk, Temesgen, Abdulkedir, & Stroosnijder. (2012). Rainwater harvesting

Nature. (2015) Mar 19;519(7543):283-5. doi: 10.1038/519283a.

and management in rainfed agricultural systems in sub-Saharan Africa â&#x20AC;&#x201C; A review. Physics and Chemistry of the Earth, 47-48(C), 139-151.

Sidaway, J. (1994). Introduction. Geoforum, 25(4), 401-402.

Bitterman, Tate, Van Meter, & Basu. (2016). Water security and rainwater harvesting:

Zakaria, Saleh, Al-Ansari, Nadhir, Ezz-Aldeen, Mohammad, & Knutsson, Sven.

A conceptual framework and candidate indicators. Applied Geography, 76, 75-84.

(2012). Rain water harvesting at eastern Sinjar mountain, Iraq. Geoscience Research, 3(2), 100-108.

Bruins, Evenari, & Nessler. (1986). Rainwater-harvesting agriculture for food production in arid zones: The challenge of the African famine. Applied Geography, 6(1), 13-32. De Winnaar, Jewitt, & Horan. (2007). A GIS-based approach for identifying potential runoff harvesting sites in the Thukela River basin, South Africa. Physics and Chemistry of the Earth, 32(15), 1058-1067. Leal Filho, Walter ; de Trincheria Gomez, Josep. (2018). Rainwater-Smart Agriculture in Arid and Semi-Arid Areas. Cham: Springer International Publishing. Lorena Liuzzo, Vincenza Notaro, & Gabriele Freni. (2016). A Reliability Analysis of a Rainfall Harvesting System in Southern Italy. Water, 8(1), 18-18. Prinz, D. 1996, Water Harvesting: Past and Future. In: Pereira, L. S. (ed.), Sustainability of Irrigated Agriculture. Proceedings, NATO Advanced Research Workshop, Vimeiro, 21- 26.03.1994, Balkema, Rotterdam, 135-144 Prinz, D. 2002, The Role of Water Harvesting in Alleviating Water Scarcity in Arid Areas. Keynote Lecture, Proceedings, International Conference on Water Resources Management in Arid Regions. 23-27 March, 2002, Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research, Kuwait, (Vol. III, 107-122).

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144

DAVID NJENGA MUIRURI

Creating New Productive Landscapes through Erosion Process The Case of Luehna-Changara Settlement, Mozambique

This paper focuses on soil erosion by delayering the landscape processes of erosion; as a natural process and also as a social-cultural issue affecting most of Sub-Saharan Africa. The African continent is said to have the most pronounced rates of soil erosion in the world that has led to reduced yield production to an approximate rate of 2-40% annually (Drechsel, Gyiele, Kunze & Cofie, 2001). The discussion in this paper revolves around understanding causes of soil erosion, how to identify erosion and its various forms of classification and mitigation measures that can be used to reclaim these landscapes. The paper transcends beyond the negativities of erosion in the landscape but as an opportunity of creating new productive landscapes by utilizing its intricate sedimentation process and water retention capacities. It is an invitation to exploring the capacity of the erosion process and working with it through measures guided by two main principles; reducing water surface run-off by increasing infiltration rate of the soils and reducing the gradient or the slope length in order to decelerate the transportation and movement of water and sediments. This discussion is based on a semi-arid context of Luenha-Changara, a rural settlement in Tete, Mozambique, of a catchment population of approximately 18000 inhabitants that survive mainly on subsistence agriculture and rearing livestock (2014 Census). Changara is adversely affected by soil erosion and the settlement landscape is choreographed by bold gully erosions on the edge of the riverscape and the plateau, where the oldest settlement is based. The gully fingers continue protruding and invading the plateau.

145

01_ Soil Erosion overview

Most of the African rural populations depend on soil productivity to provide food

1998). On a different report enquiring on Land Degradation Index (LDI) of the

for their families, fodder for animals, fuel for cooking, crops for market activities that

country, from 1998 to 2006, it was recorded that 42% of the soils were degraded.

are fundamental to the economies of most African countries and even extraction

More importantly, 19% of the soils were still undergoing active degradation. Soil

of materials to build walls for their homes. This has increased the pressure on the

degradation is particularly intense in the provinces of Manica, Nampula, Sofala and

resource of soils as more and more exploitation is witnessed on this resource. With

Zambezia. (“Degradação dos solos em Moçambique”, 2018).

the challenge of not having carried out a coordinated systematic assessment of soil

Erosion issues are quite prevalent on Mozambique landscape with its 2800-km-long

erosion in Africa as a whole, it is projected that the most pronounced kind of soil

coastline being one of the most vulnerable to coastal erosion. According to a report

erosion experienced in the continent is by water, especially in Northern Africa,

done in September 1985 in the first phase of the work programme of the SADCC

Madagascar and Southern Africa contexts, with the rural populations being the

Coordination Unit for Soil and Water Conservation and Land Utilization, erosion

most affected. (Drechsel, Gyiele, Kunze & Cofie, 2001).

hazard mapping of Mozambique was carried out considering four factors of rainfall

1.1

erosivity, soil erodibility, slope steepness and land use/vegetation. This exercise

Erosion (Sub-Saharan Africa context)

It is recorded that the biggest form of land degradation within Sub-Saharan Africa

helped in raising awareness of erosion as a problem to the country’s development,

(SSA) is soil erosion that causes detrimental effects to agricultural productivity.

and also guiding its afforestation programs as well as land productivity assessments.

Annually, about 5 kg per hectare of productive soils is carried away. This is more

(WAMBEKE, 1985). The erosion hazard map identified probabilities of very high

so because of the continent’s environmental vulnerability (Angima 2003). Erosion

erosion rates on areas bordering Zambia, North of Cahora Bassa, the western

has caused far reaching environmental, social, political and economic implications,

sides of Manica province bordering Zimbabwe, and areas on the northern Niassa

which results either onsite or offsite damages (Chen 2011; Dabral 2008). For

province bordering Lake Malawi.

instance, severe soil erosion is said to be the main contributor to declining soil

1.3

fertility, ultimately increasing poverty levels and food insecurity (Cohen 2006).

Just as most of the Mozambique landscape, Tete and Changara context face different

Traditional agrarian systems of shifting cultivation and local soil conservation

scales and types of erosions. The erodibility of the site in discussion is without saying

measures have been abandoned and replaced with generic unsustainable systems

determined by its physiographic character. The most prevalent erosion is by water

that concentrate on shorter-duration fallows, sedentary agriculture on small-scale

which manifests itself as river erosion. Most of the dry river beds in Tete vicinity are

land holdings and expansion of agriculture into marginal areas. (Cohen et al, 2006).

filled with sandy sediments deposited from upstream. The river banks show marks

1.2

of having undergone abrasive river erosion which continually changes the water

Mozambique Context

Tete transect and Changara context

According to a report done in 1998 on soil fertility of Mozambique territory, it is

courses over the years. In overview of the transect chosen for the Mozambique

observed that most parts of the country are scarcely populated and agricultural

design studio 2018, Changara context is the most exposed area to erosion. The rural

land use is agglomerated around urban centers and their peripheries, rivers and

landscape is marked with pronounced gullies along its riverbank of River Luenha

infrastructures. This was mainly attributed by the fact that the country faced civil

which flows from Zimbabwe. This can be justified by the fact that the settlement sits

war from the eighties until 1992. This accustomed the inhabitants to shifting

in a very soft sandy soil plateau which is cushioned in between rocky landscapes of

cultivation in order to keep safe and avoid attacks (Folmer, Geurts & Francisco,

mountains and hills. River Luenha flows along the plateau increasingly eating away

146

(Mozambique Administrative boundary SADCC 1985)

(Fieldwork survey 2018)

gullies. Also a gorge-like pressure point in between the mountains of Mongomane

(Studio Tete Transect, Zambeze Studio 2018)

its edge and thus the evidence of the beautifully choreographed 45m high erosion increases river Luenha flow therefore its assumed curvilinear shape of the river as it

(Fieldwork survey 2018)

continuously eats away the plateau.

Erosion Hazzard Map A 1985 SADCC inventory mapping of Mozambique to assess erosion hazzard on the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s landscape in relation to its potential land productivity

147

(Explanatory diagram of Changara settlement erosion cycles, Fieldwork survey Zambeze Studio 2018)

148 (Topography Changara Transect, Zambeze Studio 2018)

(Maria, R., & Yost, R. 2006)

02_ Understanding soil erosion as a process of landscape formation

As a process of nature, Erosion continually causes topographical changes which

2.1.2

Types of soil Erosion

have been taking place from the very earliest geological times. Principally, erosion

For both classifications of wind and water erosions, further types of erosions can

is fostered by four main agents namely: wind, water, ice and gravity which have

be identified. For the case of wind erosion, three types are recognizable which are;

different rates on soils with different soil texture and moisture, different vegetation

◊

cover, land use, slope and climate; especially rainfall patterns, wind direction and

strong currents and then drop to the ground when the wind subsides or with

strength (Soil atlas of Africa, 2013).

precipitation.

2.1

◊

Erosion types and Classification

Suspension: Fine particles of soil are moved upwards above ground by

Saltation: Small sand particles bounce along the surface, breaking further

The causes of accelerated soil erosion are more numerous and divergent than just

with each other. This process accounts for 50 to 90% of the total movement of

the physical processes. One is inclined to assume it’s just a natural process whereby

soil by wind.

the earth is being washed away by the rain, that it collects somewhere else and

◊

supports a vegetation either cultivated or uncultivated in its new position. But on

often aided by impacts of saltation particles.

Soil Creep: Larger soil particles roll and slide along the ground surface,

a closer view, erosion can be classified more in relation to the agents that cause it

For the case of erosion by water, four types can be identified that fall under this

e.g. for this SSA context it would be a description more focused on wind and water

classification;

erosions types as shown below;

•

2.1.1

of rain.

Classifications of soil erosion

Splash Erosion: involves direct movement of soil by the impact of downpour

Soil erosion by wind- this occurs when strong currents blow across dry uncovered

•

soils. The wind disintegrates the soil particles and they get transfered to new areas.

occurs when soil is saturated.

Wind erosion mostly happens in areas receiving less than 600 mm of rainfall

•

annually. It is common in the regions of Sahel, the Mediterranean and parts of

small channels or rills, often interconnected.

southern Africa. It is a major source of land degradation and causes crop failure.

•

Soil erosion by water- It is among the largest contributors to low agricultural

water runoff on them.

Sheet Erosion: is the removal of a thin layer of soil from a large area which Rill Erosion: Increased speed of sheet erosion leads to the formation of Gully Erosion: these are deepened rills that become so large after continous

productivity, especially in the humid tropical regions. Caused by impact of raindrops

2.2

on the soil particles. If the infiltration rate is supersed by precipitation , the excess

With an overview of different classification and types of erosion, then the question

water flows down-slope i.e. as run off, carrying detached soil particles with it which

would be what causes erosion? Bearing in mind that soil erosion is foremost caused

subsequently causes ssoil sealing that further reduce infiltration. As surface water

by natural processes, these physical factors are known as ‘geologic/normal’ erosion

velocity reduces, the energy needed to continue carrying the suspended sediment

causes. Just like all other natural processes, it happens in a slow way that is self-

is lost causing the subsequent soil sealing process that makes it impermeable and

generative. It is estimated that the time taken for the rate of soil formation is almost

encourages surface run-off.

the same as the erosion rate. (Bennett and Chapline, 1928).

Causes of soil erosion

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(Changara,soil profile along River, FS 2018)

(Changara,sub-surface profile, FS 2018)

According to Foster and Meyer (1972), soil erosion

transported by the agencies of denudation. Many

•

can be viewed as a result of four processes namely;

sandy soils have little bond in them, the finer particles

underlying rocks- When in sedimentary series and the

are dissolved and the grains of the sand transported.

dip of the rock is coincident with the normal level of

impact

The ground becomes devoid of vegetation or assumes

a mountain slope, erosion is thereby accelerated and

◊

desert conditions. The former may be carried in

the soil slides either by a slow creeping motion or in

impact (splash erosion)

solution or suspension to the sea by the swift-flowing

the form of landslides. Where rocks are tilted at a high

◊

rivers which are a characteristic feature of the African

angle the percolation of water is much assisted and

shearing forces of flowing water

continent, whilst the latter being heavier soon sink as

the underground supplies much augmented, often

◊

the force of the current decreases, and thus silt up the

giving rise to springs which minimize the effects of

river courses often to a depth of 30 or 40 feet.

drought on local vegetation. Jointing too in all rocks

◊

Detachment of soil particles by raindrop Transportation of soil particles by raindrop Detachment of the soil particles by the Transportation of the soil particles in surface

runoff (sheet or interrill erosion, rill and gully erosion) natural and human induced factors that accentuate the erosion process. This helps in understanding on how to control erosion or how to adopt to its natural processes. 2.2.1

As a natural phenomenon

From the argument aforementioned of erosion as a geologic process, then it is necessary to understand what properties or elements of the natural processes are more susceptible to the erosion process and those that are not. It is basically identification of which landscapes are more prone to erosion. The discussion below dwells into different particulars of physical settings that determine soil erosion; •

Soil morphology. – different soils are more

exposed to erosion than others. For example, Clay soils are firmly set and are not easily washed away; those less heavy in texture and more easily permeated by moisture break up or disintegrate and are readily

150

facilitates erosion. (Bolchover & Lin 2014: 131)

Therefore, it becomes important to distinguish

The formation and geological structure of the

(Changara Geomorphology, Studio Zambeze 2018)

(Moatize open cast coal minings as human induced erosion processes, Studio Zambeze 2018)

^ Chicomphende

^ Cancune

^ Nhamassonge

^ Changara

•

Water cycle process

The gradient on which the soil rests. – The steeper the slope the more the

area is prone to erosion processes. •

Atmospheric conditions: Rain is the main agent in erosion process but its

be absorbed by the soil, “run-off ” takes place and, except surfaces, erosion results, and growing in volume carries the soil to the streams and rivers. The long droughts result in a wilting of the vegetal drying and crumbling of the surface of the soil, so that when the rain falls, which it often does in the form of a violent storm, the loose particles are protected from being washed away. With the first few showers in the wet season the erosion is generally much heavier and the soil becomes saturated. •

(Fieldwork Survey 2018)

intensity more than its quantity brings about the erosion. When rain falls more it can

The existence or absence of vegetation and its nature. - The vegetation

covers protect the soils from the violence of the rain. The trees supply a covering of loam which not only retains moisture but allows it to percolate more downwards and be absorbed by the soil and subsoil. This vegetation filters make sure the soil contains none of the mud which tend to seal the surface of a soil over which they are covering.

2.2.2

As an effect of human activities

Nature and extent to which the land is cultivated. – Most of the tribes of Central and Southern Africa have been perpetually cultivating an area till it became exhausted, moving on by warlike penetration, cultivating the newly gained land in the same way. Cultivation has increased up to the mountain sides and quickly washed down to the rivers. The humus, the forest litter, are all being rapidly denuded away and soil productivity is decreasing. Also, some cultivation practices such as burning the farms before planting affect soils nutrients and stability which results to more

Over grazing Livestock herds in Pacassa that cause soil erosion when they are allowed to graze anywhere and they reduce vegetation cover

cover on the soils leaves the surface bare and more prone to erosion. During the dry seasons, grazing pastures become insufficient and there is consequently a rush for new areas with grass and, they too will soon get depleted and amount of ground cover keeps getting lost and more erosion witnessed.

exposure to erosion. Overgrazing by stock. – This is one of the largest contributors to soil erosion. The hooves of the animals and the continuous feeding of the livestock on the vegetation

151

03_ Erosion control techniques and practices (Changara eucalyptus erosion control Project, field survey, 2018)

(Failed gabion structure as erosion control measure in Changara, field survey 2018)

Most of soil conservation projects/erosion control projects tend to fail even though

banking that increases suitability in soil temperature, humidity and thereby

they possess technically sound practices (Hudson, 1991). Other measures are

biological activities that eventually improve the soil structure and infiltration. This

only reduced to planting exercise that donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t in the end control erosion but just

technique is among the most efficient measures for soil conservation in the sense

become part of the erosion terrain. (As of the case of Changara settlement and the

that it protects the soil from the pounding drops and prevents soil sealing that

government project of planting eucalyptus trees in the riverscape to control erosion

increases runoff. The organic mulch can be formed from easily available organic

but it was not effective).

wastes such as remains of the previous vegetation covers, weeds and additional

Two kinds of logic become interesting to look at if one thinks of erosion control

mulch material imported from elsewhere that can be used. It can also be made

measures. Its about how much one can reduce surface run-off and sediments

from household organic wastes that can be seen as a form of recycling waste in a

transportation and also how to reduce slope length. A brief inventory is discussed

more sustainable way.

below in regards to these two logics for a more-clear insight of a potential proposal.

3.1.3

3.1

These techniques are involved in installation of physical barriers that reduce slope

Techniques based on reducing surface water run-off

Surface forming practices

These are techniques predominated by measures of increasing water infiltration rate

length that consequently reduces surface runoff. They either stop, deviated or

so as to reduce surface run-off of water and the amount of sediments transported.

reduce gradient that decreases the velocity of the runoff.

Its also measures that increase ground cover in order to reduce impact caused by

3.2

wind and raindrops on soil particles. It goes without mentioning that vegetation

These methods are involved in diverting or depositing of transported soils or

and planting schemes work best for this kind of measures. Several techniques apply

materials. They work in almost similar way as the surface forming practices

this logic as shown below;

discussed beforehand. Their effectiveness and application are largely determined by

3.1.1 Contouring

the gradient they intervene. Some of the techniques are discussed below;

Contouring ensures that all tillage is carried out in an evenly distributed manner

3.2.1

across the slope. This is to spread the pressure that tillage impacts on the slope of

Also known as contour bunds, they are a form of ridges that work best in a gradient

loosening the soil particles that makes them more susceptible to erosion. It ensures

slope of less than 12%. They can be constructed from stones or earth materials

that runoff is slowed down and the surface storage is enhanced. With an increasing

or both. They are also permeable or impermeable structures that also play part in

gradient, the surface storage capacity decreases and the risk of spilling over with

capturing sediments. They are normally used as soil erosion control structures and

consequent rill formation increases. Therefore, the effectiveness of contouring is

water conservation elements in the landscape. They are usually reinforced with

advocated for slope gradients not exceeding 8% and not less than 3% (Wischmeier

permanent vegetation such as woody species of trees and grasses.

& Smith, 1978).

3.2.2

3.1.2

Different kind of ditches are used to reduce slope length and increase sedimentation

Soil cover

Surface cover by organic mulch reduces runoff. It additionally increases residue

152

Techniques based on reducing slope length

Earthen and stone bunds

Hill-side ditches

of eroded soils upstream. They can be either drainage ditches which are excavated

(Schwertmann, Koschella, M & Breuer, 1996)

and done by throwing soil downhill or can be by moving soils uphill as the case of fanya juu terraces widely used in East Africa. They are usually laid out in a terrain of 0.4 to 0.5% gradient. Drainage ditches are used for reducing slope gradient into smaller segments and the downstream accumulation of runoff is thereby avoided. The sediments are spilled-over into the ditches downwards and regular excavation of the sediments is required to maintain the function of the ditches. For the Fanya Juu terraces the excavated soils are disposed up-slope thereby forming an earthen bund which traps further sediments. They work best as reverse slope for creation of level benches that are full of spread arable sediments captured by the earth bunds. 3.2.3 Terraces As with the ditches, there are different types of terraces used for reducing slope length. Key functions of terraces include; dividing a steep slope into shorter and less inclined segments, conveying the surface runoff to concentrated water canals at a non-abrasive rate, to enable water harvesting from

(Contouring,Chikukwa, Zimbabwe, 1992)

intertrack intervals, to store water and sediments eroded from the inter-terrace for possible cultivation. The conservation bench terrace is used in arid areas for water harvesting. Bench terraces are the most commonly used on slopes of between 12 and 50% gradient.

153

04_ Reflections and conclusion

(Zambeze studio, 2018)

Changara settlement: Proposed Vision A view from the Leuhna riverscape over the plateau showing a re-enforced belt along its edge with erosion control vegetation of woody plants such as Kirka Accuminata and Acacia Dychrostachys. The proposed model shows a scenerio for reactivated plateau landscape with water harvesting project on the foothills of Monngomane mountains, mixed farming in the settlements and intensive cultivaation in the reclaimed erosion gullies.

(Zambeze studio, 2018)

In search of different erosion control techniques that can apply in Changara context of arid and semi-arid areas, it is essential to think on rainwater harvesting methods that can apply to the mountains of Mongomane, utilizing the water downstream as it passes through the settlement and making use of the sediments deposited downslope in the erosion gullies next to river Luenha. Emphasis should be laid on how to reduce the surface runoff from the mountains using earth bunds in a similar connotation as dykes. The dykes work as a the bunds which are especially used in similar contexts to harbor water and slow down surface runoff. Upstream, the water runoff velocity should be decreased and allowed to percolate through the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;dykesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; system in which this expands the catchment basin for the water harvesting project. Then gradually as one approaches the settlements the surface runoff is reduced further and temporarily stored in smaller versions earth bunds and bio-swales. The overflows of these earth bunds are conveyed by small weirs within the settlements or green corridors. Behind the earth dams and swales, water infiltration is increased and sediments are banked. These bunds later become embeded in the landscape and become new structuring elements for the settlements. The deposits can either be used for irrigated cultivation or watering the livestock. Excess clayey deposits

(Concept diagram for Changara Proposals, M.C 1938)

can be used for brick construction. Changara settlement: Living within the landscape A view from the intensified cultivation in the reaclaimed erosion landscape and how it grows into the settlement through agro-forestry corridors (yellow), that start to absorb the settlement structure. The green belt on the river edge protects the settlement from wind erosion (that blows from the river) and also stabilizing the soils and controlling erosion. These interventions strive to create a more conducive micro climate that makes the settlement more habitable to live with the harsh realities of hot climate conditions for most parts of the year.

154

(Proposed soil conservation and water harvesting strategies, Studio Zambeze, 2018 )

A prototype for reclaiming and preparing erosion gullies for productive

(Proposed scheme for the erosion gully, Studio Zambeze 2018)

4.1

landscape; a case of Luenha-Changara settlement As an attempt to design a mechanism of creating landscapes through erosion process, an exercise was undertaken in one of the most pronounced bank gullies in Changara settlements. The project is about preparing erosion landscapes for future productive purposes. Its about looking at erosion landscapes as water and soil conservation sites. For Changara case, the erosion landscapes manifest themselves as extensions of river Luenha that eats into the raised plateau. This provokes the thought of seeing the gully erosions as intermediate geographies and capitalize on their potentially productive edge that is a prominent feature of sharply inclined gully cliffs of 45m or so difference. Issues that were tackled by the project were how to reduce water surface run-off that runs down through the gullies as it flows from the mountains of Mongomane to the riverscape of Luenha, how to capitalize on the sediments deposited downstream that contain fertile clay silts deposits that can be used for farming, how to work with erosion

155

( Proposed scheme, Studio Zambeze 2018) ( Stabilizing belts design materials, Studio Zambeze 2018)

cracks and the topographical differences to create different vegetation floors through the sedimentation process. Its about using intermediate strategies that fall between hard and soft engineering (stabilizing belts and erosion control vegetation respectively) to stabilize the erosion landscapes, in preparation of creating more stable landscapes that can be utilized by the community. the project is an attempt of creating new productive landscape through the natural process of regenerative sedimentations or biomimicking the geologic erosion process. Strategies used; The project focuses on;

◊

Treatment of Gully heads/fingers- this is by using filtration systems in

form of small check dams in order to reduce surface run-off downstream, capture sediments, especially coarse ones upstream. The idea is not to stop the water but slow it as it flows downstream. The sediments can be captured and spread upstream. Next to the gully heads is to re-enforce the perimeters of the gully heads with erosion control trees that grow quickly and can be harvested time to time.

◊

Stabilizing belts (snakes)- these are the harder structures with gravels,

erosion trajectories/fingers. The concept is based on stabilizing the bottom to catch sediments that are not captured by the filter systems at the gully heads. They are also enablers of having more activities at the plateau level like farming and ensuring the erosion walls don’t crumble. They are also water retention structures that can enable water extraction in the future. The belts are placed in oscillating downwards to the riverscape where they will form steps and eventually create land tables/floors in the erosion scapes.

◊

Dark and light agriculture- this is planting and farming in between the

erosion scapes, using banked sediments captured on the stabilizing belts and spreading them to form floors. The higher you go in terms of distance from the riverscape, the different floors are formed with more exposure to the glaring sunlight witnessed for the most part of the year. Dark agriculture symbolizes more wet agriculture that can be done at the base of the erosion cracks e.g. horticulture

156

◊

Underground sand dam (Sand river harvesting)- this is one of the most

common water harvesting techniques used in arid areas where storage system is installed on the dry river bed to store all the excess water that flows back into the river during wet season. During dry season, residents can extract the water from the dam, hence stretching water availability during the extreme dry and wet seasons. ( Sub-surface dam design, FAO 2006)

wire mesh, soils and small retention walls that are installed at the base of the

and more light agriculture can be done as you move closer to the plateau level.

157

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References Champion, A. (1938). Soil Erosion in Africa. Africa, 11(02), 234-235. doi: 10.1017/ s0001972000006677 De Baets, S., Poesen, J., Reubens, B., Muys, B., De Baerdemaeker, J., & Meersmans, J. (2009). Methodological framework to select plant species for controlling rill and gully erosion: application to a Mediterranean ecosystem. Earth Surface Processes And Landforms, 34(10), 1374-1392. doi: 10.1002/esp.1826 Degradação dos solos em Moçambique. (2018). Retrieved from https://www.esa.int/ spaceinimages/Images/2011/10/Degradacao_dos_solos_em_Mocambique Drechsel, P., Gyiele, L., Kunze, D., & Cofie, O. (2001). Population density, soil nutrient depletion, and economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa. Ecological Economics, 38(2), 251258. doi: 10.1016/s0921-8009(01)00167-7 Folmer, E., Geurts, P., & Francisco, J. (1998). Assessment of soil fertility depletion in Mozambique. Agriculture, Ecosystems & Environment, 71(1-3), 159-167. doi: 10.1016/ s0167-8809(98)00138-8 Forster, G. (1992). Modeling the erosion process over steep slopes: approximate analytical solutions. International Journal Of Rock Mechanics And Mining Sciences & Geomechanics Abstracts, 29(3), A140. doi: 10.1016/0148-9062(92)93675-a Maria, R., & Yost, R. (2006). A SURVEY OF SOIL FERTILITY STATUS OF FOUR AGROECOLOGICAL ZONES OF MOZAMBIQUE. Soil Science, 171(11), 902-914. doi: 10.1097/01.ss.0000228058.38581.de Hartemink, A., & van Keulen, H. (2005). Soil degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa. Land Use Policy, 22(1), 1. doi: 10.1016/j.landusepol.2004.01.001 Land and environmental degradation and desertification in Africa. (1995). FAO Corporate Document Repository, FAO (1995). Nill, D., Schwertmann, U., Koschella, S., Bernhard, M., & Breuer, J. (1996). Soil Erosion by Water in Africa. [Deutsche Gesellschaft Fiir Technische Zusarnmenarlxit (GTZ), Kossdorf: TZ-Verl.-Ges. 1996(ISBN 3-88085-5 14-5 (GTZ). Nyssen, J., Frankl, A., Zenebe, A., Poesen, J., & Deckers, J. (2015). Environmental Conservation for Food Production and Sustainable Livelihood in Tropical Africa. Land Degradation & Development, 26(7), 629-631. doi: 10.1002/ldr.2379 R. J. M. S. (1963). FAO Africa Survey. African Affairs, 62(247), 165-166. doi: 10.1093/ oxfordjournals.afraf.a095100 Seutloali, K., Dube, T., & Sibanda, M. (2018). Developments in the remote sensing of soil erosion in the perspective of sub-Saharan Africa. Implications on future food security and biodiversity. Remote Sensing Applications: Society And Environment, 9, 100-106. doi: 10.1016/j.rsase.2017.12.002 Singer, M. (1991). Soil Conservation for Small Farmers in the Humid Tropics (FAO Soils Bulletin 60). Journal Of Environment Quality, 20(1), 311. doi: 10.2134/ jeq1991.00472425002000010055x Soil Metadata Catalogue - ISRIC - World Soil Information. (2018).

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Retrieved from http://data.isric.org/geonetwork/srv/eng/catalog. search;jsessionid=03D8B6B670B071B12BDC747ED85A9EA5#/metadata/6eb4dafe-a18444e3-9ed1-d2f73020725d Symeonakis, E., & Drake, N. (2009). 10-Daily soil erosion modelling over sub-Saharan Africa. Environmental Monitoring And Assessment, 161(1-4), 369-387. doi: 10.1007/ s10661-009-0754-7 Tamene, L., & Le, Q. (2015). Estimating soil erosion in sub-Saharan Africa based on landscape similarity mapping and using the revised universal soil loss equation (RUSLE). Nutrient Cycling In Agroecosystems, 102(1), 17-31. doi: 10.1007/s10705-015-9674-9 Tittonell, P., Muriuki, A., Shepherd, K., Mugendi, D., Kaizzi, K., & Okeyo, J. et al. (2010). The diversity of rural livelihoods and their influence on soil fertility in agricultural systems of East Africa – A typology of smallholder farms. Agricultural Systems, 103(2), 83-97. doi: 10.1016/j.agsy.2009.10.001 WAMBEKE, J. (1985). SOIL AND HATER CONSERVATION AND LAND UTILIZATION PROGRAMME. SADCC, (Erosion Hazard Mapping, XX.).

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JĂ&#x161;LIA DE SOUZA CAMPOS PAIVA

Water harvesting system as the means to enable community driven development Description of a water management solution to decrease community vulnerability and external dependency

The objective of the present project is to propose a water harvesting system, that can reduce damages of strong storms during wet season, floods and erosion, as well as collect water to be used in dry season. The location is Moatize, a city in Teteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s district, Mozambique, presently facing a context of growing population and enormous impacts provoked by mining activities. The proposed system also aims to increase agriculture productivity by creating different micro climates and introducing new farming techniques. These interventions intent to increase landscape resilience and reduce dependency in outside disruptive interferences, with less impact as possible in socio-cultural dynamics. The construction is proposed to be done in a collective way, applying concepts of community driven development. As a result, it aims to reduce community vulnerability. By the analyses of fieldwork observation in the light of vulnerability indicators, it is proposed a solution that mitigates such problems. It will be made a detailed description of the chosen solution, from its bottom up approach to the design of the systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s components, in accordance to soil properties, hydrological dynamics, local techniques and materials availability.

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01_Introduction

Mozambique is an African country enriched with extensive natural resources. Among them is Zambezi River, the fourth biggest of its continent, crossing different countries until Mozambique, where it flows into Indian Ocean. An important part of Zambezi river in Mozambican territory is on top of a carboniferous basin. This area became a point of interest for international companies that intended to exploit coal. With the apparent purpose of developing Mozambique, different multinationals gained concessions from the government to exploit the area. The focus of this study is Moatize, the center of the coal mining activity of Vale, a Brazilian multinational company. Moatize is a city of Teteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s district, with more than 80% of its population living in rural areas. The interventions of the mining companies are provoking, firstly, environmental impacts: deforestation, biodiversity loss, pollution of water and air, generation of waste, among others. In addition, they are expanding erosion process, modifying topography and water regimes, increasing average temperature and reducing the volume of rain. However, there are not only disturbances in the ecosystem, but also in social and economic activities, as a result of new markets and new occupation patterns, resettlement of local communities and new migration flows to Moatize. This project aims to minimize the described impacts for the local population. It will be developed a strategy that increase resilience and reduce vulnerability by introducing a suitable infrastructure. Moreover, this paper will firstly describe indicators to analyze community vulnerability and propose adequate strategies to minimize it. Furthermore, it will be explained how the various actors influencing the territory play different roles, and why some of these actions are more outstanding and dominant. In order to reverse this process of increasing inequities, it will be proposed a project implemented in community basis, giving to the local population the leading role in decision making. Therefore, the development will be community driven.

Figure 1 Map of Mozambique Source: https://racismoambiental.net.br/2016/02/29/a-multinacional-que-veio-do-brasil/

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02_Community vulnerability

In order to choose the suitable infrastructure to introduce in the rural area of Moatize,

The present project will focus on engineering improvements, without disregarding

it was firstly analyzed the current situation in light of community vulnerability

that other problems related to community dynamics, can be tackled on choosing

indicators produced by a study made in a similar condition: the savanna regions

technology, constructive techniques and implementation approach that are suitable

of Northern Ghana. Both contexts, in Northern Ghana and Central Mozambique,

to the local context.

are characterized by “smallholder farming systems and high levels of poverty” (ANTWI, 2015 – pp.56). The two communities have to deal with problems of

Irrigation system, potable water and dry season farming

floods and droughts due to climate and human-induced disasters. These indicators for community vulnerability were divided into four categories:

In the area of study, there is no irrigation system. Machambas are made where

socio-economic, ecological, engineering and political. By a participatory research

plants can naturally grow, fed by rain water, surface runoff or ground water. Among

approach, it was aimed to “aid the calculation of total community vulnerability

the houses, the most fertile areas are the ones naturally irrigated by creeks.

index for each community” (ANTWI, 2015 – pp.56). ANTWI (2015) describes each vulnerability indicator when analyzing the current situation of Ghana. The summary of this study, made for engineering category, is presented in the following table. Analogously, in sequence, it will be presented a description of the Moatize rural area using the same indicators.

Table 1 Community vulnerability indicators – Engineering category Source: ANTWI (2015-pp.60) PROJECT

SOCIOECONOMICAL

ENGINEERING

Figure 3 Surface runoff producing fertile land Source: Fieldwork picture – Clara Garcia POLITICAL

ECOLOGICAL

Figure 2 Scope of the project Source: from the author

Machamba – local term used for plantation and crop production

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Landscape elevation There are houses constructed in the proximity of Moatize riverbed, but the majority is settled approximately 300m away. This in-between space is used for brick making activities and agriculture, depending on the season.

Figure 6 Corn flour drying in a mat Source: Fieldwork picture – Nadia Nusrat

phosphorus and potassium. Nonetheless, during fieldwork, it was possible to observe that there is no use of fertilizers in the soil, neither organic or inorganic. The maintenance of nutrients in the soil results from natural decomposing processes. Furthermore, the mixture of plantations and the increase of crop variety will enhance the

Figure 4 Moatize riverbed Source: Fieldwork picture – Nadia Nusrat

fertility of the soil.

Therefore, most of the population does not suffer risk of flooding due to changes in the Moatize river level. However, other problems with topography are seen among the settlement in steep areas. Crop variety and soil improvement technologies

Figure 5 House settled in steep area Source: Fieldwork picture – Júlia Paiva

than five different types of vegetables. During fieldwork, it was observed the low variety

Each plantation specie needs a different amount of

of crops. The main plantation in the area is corn,

water to grow. Thus, having soil with different moisture

which is further milled to produce flour. In the small

content can increase crop variety. It is important

markets and selling tends among the houses, it is

to notice that not only water is necessary, but also

mainly seen corn, tomato and potato, hardly more

different nutrients to guarantee fertility, as nitrogen,

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Figure 7 Market - Moatize rural area Source: Fieldwork picture – Nadia Nusrat

03_ Problem description

Facing the problems before presented, it was chosen

soil erosion to happen” (Wambeke, pp.3) with the

structures are dispersed and better integrated on the

to develop a project that deals with water, once

analyses of five control variables: energy interception,

communities’ settlements. Mansuri (2004) presented

there is a disparity in its availability. When it is rainy

rainfall erosivity, soil erodibility, slope steepness and

an analysis made by Finsterbusch and Van Wincklin

season, the huge amount of water provokes problems

slope length. The results showed that the erosion

(1989) that showed that, among 52 USAID’s projects,

of erosion and landslides. On the other hand, when it

hazard for Moatize region is high.

the ones using less technical complexity and smaller

is dry season, the lack of water diminishes agriculture

Finally, problems related to agriculture decrease

interventions were more effective.

production.

during dry season was described by Macie (2016). She explained that the central zone of Mozambique (Manica, Sofala and Tete) has a probability of only 60% to fulfil naturally water requirements for a vegetative cycle. However, the majority of Moatize have its main economic activity based in agriculture, silviculture and fishing. In Tete’s province, 84.6%, according to census. On the other hand, George Petersen (2012) points out the potential, in dry areas of Zambezi Valley, of “additional irrigation through small dams and dams. Conservation agriculture and water harvesting may be helpful in improving soil moisture and thereby raising the level and safety of production during the

Figure 8 Landslide after rain storm Source: Fieldwork picture – Júlia Paiva

rainy season.” In addition, he explains that depending on the soil, water harvesting and irrigation systems

Figure 9 Adaquacy to irrigation Source: Answering to climate change in Mozambique

may or may not be adequate. As shown in the Problems of landslides in tropical soils were studied

following graphic, Moatize’s soil is very suitable (muito

by Carsoso Junior (2006). He explained with

adequado) for irrigation systems.

geotechnical experiments how the wetting due to

Therefore, the system proposed will deal with disparity

rainfall aggravate this process by increasing pore

in water availability intervening in natural water creeks

water pressure and thus reducing the shear strength

as a way to structure future development in a community

of the soil.

basis. It is preferable a decentralized system in this

Additionally, increase of erosion can be understood

situation to better relate to the scattered occupation

with National Institute of Agronomical Investigation

of the territory, as well as to the decentralized social-

erosion hazard index. This index was made to describe

political organizations. Moreover, the maintenance

“the natural propensity of the environment to allow

and management of the system will be easier if its

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04_Less vulnerability, less dependency

This section will describe the development strategies implemented in Zambeze

definitions and found that in most of them, development “designates a process

Valley region, as well as their results. Furthermore, it will be explained the

of gradual social change”. However, he attempts for the fact that commonly,

definition of development imposed by these projects, and how disturbing it was

development is use as tool of westernization. Furtado (1986) apud Mungói (2008),

for the ongoing territorial dynamics. As a possible alternative to reduce outside

explains that the advent of an industry in eighteenth-century Europe provoked a

dependency and simultaneously decrease community vulnerability, it is possible to

qualitative change in the world economy, which conditioned subsequent economic

promote a community driven development, concept that will be further on clarified.

development in almost all regions of the world. When reaching Africa, Asia, and South America, the secular European economic systems ended up creating a dualistic

Mungói (2008) analyzes the different historical stages that determines specific ways

structure. One part organized on the basis of profit maximization, while preserving

of political and economic use of the territory in the Zambezi Valley, as well as the

the other part within pre-capitalist forms of production. “This type of dualistic

participation of private sector, civil society and rural families in promoting the

economy is, in particular, the phenomenon of contemporary underdevelopment.

community development in the region. Finally, he describes the ongoing dynamics

The capitalist enterprise that penetrates a region of archaic economic structure is

of family-based agriculture in order to explain how different multiscale actors

not effectively linked to it, simply because the mass of profits generated by it does

promote development projects in the Zambezi Valley region.

not belong to the local economy” (Mungói, 2008 – pp.29)

His central hypothesis is based two concepts, given by Santos (1996): vertical and

In the case of Mozambique, it occurred a substantial GDP growth after policies to

horizontal actions. The firsts “are those that characterize the spaces in which a

open the market to external enterprises. However, it was not converted in reduction

single temporality and particular objectives are considered: the use of the territory

of poverty indexes. In the case of Cahora Bassa dam, even though it is responsible

as a resource to enable actions of interests outside the region. They are, therefore,

for the largest production of electrical energy in Mozambique, according to GPZ

centrifugal forces that (...) remove or displace elements of their own command that

(2003), only 3% of Tete’s district population has electrical power in their houses.

are then sought out and far away. Horizontal actions are those that characterize

Additionally, dynamics imposed by new infrastructures provoke a disruption of local

the spaces in which daily life encompasses various temporalities, considering the

economic and social relations by their interference in the territory. Sánchez (1992)

existence and interest of each and every one, emphasizing interdependencies and

apud Mungói (2008 – pp.33) affirms that every action that have a social impact

networks of solidarity among people, groups, social and economic organizations

has a “territorial base” in two dimensions. Firstly, the preliminary characteristics

located in the region (Santos, 1996 apud Mungói, 2008-pp.24-25).”

of the territory in which they are interfering and, secondly, the “derived effects that

Mungói (2008) defends that “verticalization of the actions are more expressive and

take place on it”. It that sense, the territory should be analyzed in its complexity,

dominant in the region. The horizontalities, when eventually imprinting specific

understanding the natural resources and social relations determined by them.

forms of land use, still manifest in a rather timid way” (Mungói, 2008-pp.24). In

Santos (1999) apud Mungói (2008 – pp.53) describes it as “a field of forces, as the

addition, there are two secondary hypotheses: the territory is used to satisfy interests

place of exercise of dialectics and contradictions between vertical and horizontal,

that are mainly external to the region; and the implementation of agricultural

(...), between economic use and social use of resources”. In Moatize’s context, it is

politics and development actions have a huge external dependency. As a result,

clear the dominance of economic use of the territory and vertical actions.

Mozambique’s population does not drive its country’s development process.

Hirschman (w/d) apud Mungói (2008), explains that to achieve economic

It is important to understand the meaning of development in order to propose

development, it is important to consider the capacity of organizing as much as

suitable alternatives and better plan actions. Mungói (2008-pp.28) revised various

the availability of capital. Therefore, development is not only about resources and

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production but also about stimulating and mobilizing, with a development purpose,

based development, and its more recent variant community-driven development,

resources and skills that were before hidden, disperse or subtilized.

as “the fastest growing mechanisms for channeling development assistance” and

As a conclusion, the previous projects introduced in Zambezi Valley has shown

the way for “communities to use their social capital to organize themselves and

the incapacity of vertical actions on changing communities’ vulnerability. For the

participate in development processes”.

contrary, in many cases, it was seen its aggravation. As barriers to development in

There is, however, a difference between the two terms. Community-based

Zambezi Valley region, Mungói (2008-pp.19) points out “heritage of a colonization

development has a wider significance and includes projects that actively involve

that underestimated the development of human capital” and “low agricultural

their beneficiaries in the design and management process, while community-driven

production and productivity coupled with natural disasters”.

development is used for community-based projects in which “communities have

Thus, there is a need for alternative interventions, that prioritize the needs of the

direct control over key project decisions, including management of investment

local communities, as well as the protection of the ecosystem, increasing resilience

funds” (Mansuri and Rao, 2004 – pp.2).

by better managing the local resources. It should also enhance horizontalities, and

World Bank (w/d, online) recognizes “that community-driven development

therefore, work with bottom-up approaches, in which the promoters of the projects

approaches and actions are important elements of an effective poverty-reduction

are facilitators of the development process, letting the protagonism for the local

and sustainable development strategy”, as well as a “mechanism for enhancing

communities. Specially in the Zambezi Valley, there is a need for alternative forms

sustainability, improving efficiency and effectiveness, allowing poverty reduction

of development not only to reduce poverty and communities’ vulnerability, but as

efforts to be taken to scale, making development more inclusive, empowering poor

an alternative development to minimize negative impacts of outside interventions,

people, building social capital, strengthening governance, and complementing

which are plundering the natural resources and disturbing the social and economic

market and public-sector activities” (World Bank apud Mansuri and Rao, 2004 –

order. Accordingly, the reduction of vulnerability in its complex multi-faceted

pp.2). This organization notes that community driven development “has the explicit

definition, can reduce reliance in outside aid and interference.

objective of reversing power relations in a manner that creates agency and voice for poor people, allowing them to have more control over development assistance”

In order to fortify the horizontal actions in the territory, it is possible to promote a

(World Bank, w/d - online). In accordance, Mansuri and Rao (2004 – pp.10) say that

participatory development. This concept was born in 1950 and further on spread

community-based and -driven development “turns the pyramid of development

into 60 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Firstly, it was propelled by

mechanisms upside down”.

the cooperative movement and Gandhian notions of village self-resilience and

Katz and Sara (1997 apud Mansuri and Rao, 2004), when analyzing water systems

development in small scale. “Gandhi saw an antidote to the corrosive effects of

in different countries, concluded that in communities where there were greater

modernization and colonial rule” (Mansuri and Rao, 2004 -pp.4). Secondly, another

participance, from the project to its construction, the results were noticeable better.

important author in this process was Paulo Freire, who argues in his book Pedagogy

The reverse was also observed: without community supervision, the projects had a

of the Oppressed that the oppressed need to be united in order to find alternatives

tendency to be poorly constructed.

to improve their own destinies (Mansuri and Rao, 2004-pp.4).

However, it is important to point out that a community-based development requires

As the years passed, community development has had many different definitions,

a slower process, integrated in the local cultural and social systems. Therefore, it is

depending on the promoting agency and context of the project, varying from

based in a “gradual, persistent learning by doing, with a project design that gradually

consultation to empowerment. Mansuri and Rao (2004-pp.1), see community-

adapts to local conditions” (Mansuri and Rao, 2004 – pp.28).

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05_Detailing the project

The system proposed will intervene in natural water creeks as a way to enhance the ongoing relations of social-economic and ecological systems and create new economic opportunities. The manipulation of natural rhythms and fluctuations can reinforce the natural potentials and intensify resilience of ecosystems. Furthermore, it can reduce unsustainable use of the territory, as well as prevent human and ecosystem exploitation. Therefore, it will be introduced small dams and obstacles that can slow down the runoff flows, enlarge its reachability and store water in strategic points. Thus, it will be possible to increase infiltration and make water available in longer periods of the year. In addition, erosion, landslides and food production problems can also be tackled. In order to promote community driven development, the project was designed to be implemented by the local population, with less external interference as possible. It is aimed to take advantage of the available resources and not introduce outside mechanical processes. It will be used local materials and available tools. From the combined analyses of topography and vegetation, it was possible to define the extension of this creek: 3500m. It starts in the plateau where Moatize city is located and runs until Moatize river. Where two ramifications of the creek get together, there is a higher availability of water and, therefore, a possibility of storage. For this creek, it is proposed four tanks feeding, each one, its corresponding canal and irrigating machambas among the settlements. The storage tank is designed to be introduced where the distance of contour lines is bigger, and thus the water naturally has a lower velocity. As a conclusion, in this creek it will be introduced a series of small retention obstacles, called in this paper SRO, four storage tanks and four small canals.

170

Figure 10 Strategic water harvesting points Source: from the author

06_Hydrological analysis

Due to the size of the system, it was chosen the Rational Method to estimate the surface runoff. This method is largely used in small catchment areas, as in a drainage system developed by Mahunguana (2014) for Maputo, capital of Mozambique. As a result of the calculations done for Moatize’s context, , the annual effective precipitation in the creek before described is 203 mm. For the sizing of the system, it was considered the extreme result. The highest pic flow obtained was 0.77 m³/s, referring to an event of rain that happened in 16/12/2015. It is aimed that the proposed system is able to retain and reduce this flow. The calculations of effective surface runoff were made based in a daily data for the year of 2015. In the month of January, the wettest of this year, 313mm of precipitation where converted into 90.45mm of surface runoff. This low conversion rate demonstrates that there is a big potential in collecting not only runoff flow but precipitation. The system is designed to mainly deal with runoff, in order to slow it down, reducing its erosion potential and increasing infiltration. Moreover, this will generate a change in the creek path, diverting the water and enlarging the runoff width: it is intended that the water will no longer flow in an engraved line path, but in a larger dispersed area. However, this also provokes a lower availability of water to be stored. It is not possible to count that most of the runoff will be collected by the structures, once they function also as diverting obstacles. The system was designed to collect half of the runoff, while the other half will infiltrate or evaporate. On the other hand, since the surface runoff width is larger, its contribution area will increase as well as the contribution of the rain water in the surface runoff. It is estimated that it will be, other than 50% of the original runoff, an additional 5-10% of the precipitation, what constitutes 2,500 m³ in January.

The system has a capacity of storing this amount of water, divided in the showed four strategic point. In each one of them, it will be introduced: a series of 6 SROs, separated by 25m; a storage tank and an irrigation canal. The size and quantity of elements suit the rural condition of the settlements, the landscape topography and the security for the local population.

Figure 11 Children playing in Moatize river Source: Fieldwork picture – Nadia Nusrat

171

07_Dimensioning the proposed elements

general section

and a pile of soil covered by broken bricks. In the sides of the catchment hole, it will be dug small holes to increase infiltration. During wet season, the crops can grow around the catchment hole and surrounding the small infiltration holes. These elements will be recurrently filled with water, being able to irrigate -by water

plan - dry season

The SRO is composed by three elements: one planted tree, a catchment water hole

infiltration or eventual overflow- its environs. In dry season, the situation is reversed: inside the catchment hole and the small infiltration holes it will be possible to grow

plan - wet season

crops, once these will be the wetter soils.

Figure 12 SRO general drawing Source: from the author

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The canals will enlarge the irrigation area and connect adjacent creeks, by being fed

The dimensions of the tank were based in difference of input and output flow.

simultaneously by both creeks. The available water in the creek in analyses allows

Therefore, the calculated volume is 358.72 m続. According to the difference of

the irrigation of four canals of 0.5 x 0.5 x 125m, each one with a volume of 31.25 m続.

topography and in order to have a natural outflow, the tank will have a depth of

Each canal, however, will have its own length depending on the distance between

1.5m, with width and length of 15 x 16 m. Furthermore, to provide a cleaner water

creeks and the water availability of the adjacent creeks.

flowing from the tank, it will be added two filter layers, one made by broken bricks

The tank was dimensioned to fed the canal, filling it each 40h, with a constant

and another of sand.

outflow of 18m続/day. During this 40h, it is expected that the local population will

As explained before, the calculated water harvesting was made just for one creek.

collected this water, or that it will evaporate. The eventual overflow of the canal

With the integration of other creeks, the potential of this strategy is even bigger.

does not constitute a problem or a risk for the surrounding area, but a possibility

In its pic, the harvesting water system introduced in the analyzed creek can collect

of irrigating it.

2.500m続. This constitutes more than 80,000 liters of water per day, and an estimative of 120l per family daily.

Figure 13 Tank general drawing Source: from the author

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08_Conclusion

The numerical and conceptual analyses of Moatize rural area showed that there is a considerable amount of water flow that causes problems of erosion and landslides, but with the potential to be harvest. Moreover, the proposed system will collect runoff, dealing with lack of water availability during dry season, but also will reduce problems of soil instability during rainy season. In addition, it will propitiate infiltration in upper hill lands, making available for agriculture other pieces of the territory. The design process was result of learning from local knowledge and applying it in infrastructural solutions. Moreover, it was proposed small scale elements with a scattered management. As better integrate with the landscape, the system will more likely have a successful community maintenance. If the infrastructure uses local materials and local techniques, there will be less dependency on technicians to repairs operational problems or change broken pieces. Finally, once it is controlled by the community, they can drive their own development process, with less outside intervention. As a result, there will be a reduction in outside dependency and lower reliance in western models of development. Furthermore, the elements of the system were designed to be constructed only with local materials, prioritizing the ones that does not have use nowadays, as the broken bricks. Moreover, it will be made an integration with natural cycles, seeking resilience against climate change. The proposed soft-engineering solution does not breake the continuity of natural cycles, but enhance their dynamics, avoiding further problems provoked by unsustainable interventions. However, since the project follows the described principles of community driven development, it should not be understood as final result, but as a starting point of discussion. It should be read as a technical guidance, that can be adapted in accordance to community response and implementation results. Community driven development is a complex process that involves not only engineering interventions, but a range of interdisciplinary actions. In order to tackle the multifaceted aspect of community vulnerability that involves socio-economical, engineering, ecological and political aspects, this project cannot be implemented alone, but as part of a bigger integrated strategy.

174

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Van Wambeke, J. (Coord.) (w/d) Erosion hazard mapping: Mozambique - Report XX. Maputo: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Agronômica. Available at <//

Instituto Nacional de Estatística. (2007). Indicadores Sócio Demográficos Província

library.wur.nl/isric/fulltext/ISRIC_936.pdf>

de Tete: RGPH 2007. Maputo: INE. Available at <www.ine.gov.mz/operacoesestatisticas/censos/censo-2007/rgph-2007/indicadores-socio-demograficos-

World Bank. (2018). Community-Driven Development - CDD. Site. Available at

provincia-de-tete-2007.pdf/view>

<www.worldbank.org/en/topic/communitydrivendevelopment#1>

Macie, O. A. A. (2016). Características da estação chuvosa em Moçambique: Probabilidade de ocorrência de períodos secos e padrões atmosféricos associados (Master Thesis). Programa de Meteorologia do Instituto de Astronomia, Geofísica e Ciências Atmosféricas, da Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo. Mahunguana, M. J. (2014). Efeito da discretização espaço-temporal no manejo de águas pluviais (Master Thesis). Programa de Pós-Graduação em Recursos Hídricos e Saneamento Ambiental, da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre. Mansuri, G., Rao, V. (2004). Community-Based and -Driven Development: A critical review. World Bank Research Observer, 19 (1), 1-40. doi: 10.1093/wbro/ lkh012.

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NATHAN DE FEYTER

Circular Economy What can the emerging urban form of Moatize gain from the circular economy model?

This research paper is an investigation on how the emerging mining city of Moatize in Western Mozambique could benefit from the circular economy model. It is subdivided into four parts. The first part is an analysis of the circular economy model, done through literature review. The consulted sources, mainly books, articles and websites helped constructing a definition of what a circular economy, in summary, is about. Some (Western) examples are given to clarify the concept. The second part discusses circular economies in Africa. The concept is being introduced in the African continent, with the establishment of the African Circular Economy Network in 2017 as a promising example. A theoretical South African case study is briefly presented at the end of part two. Part three zooms in at my case study area of the studio this year: Moatize. After analysing the components of the local economy, the opportunities offered by a circular economy approach are examined. The last part of this paper takes a closer look at my individual design project, connected to this paper. For this I worked on the brick making economy of Moatize. The design is used as a projective example to explain how the circular economy principles I was reading about helped me with deciding and designing.

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01_The circular economy model

The circular economy model is nowadays receiving rising attention in global

In “The Performance economy” the holistic approach of a circular economy is

environmental and economical debates. Only recent, for example, the European

explained: ‘The circular economy includes products, infrastructure, equipment

Commission implemented a new set of rules and measures to transform Europe’s

and services, and applies to every industry sector. It includes ‘technical’ resources

economy into a more sustainable one. Their ambitious Circular Economy Action

(metals, minerals, fossil resources) and ‘biological’ resources (food, fibres, timber,

Plan called “Closing the loop” was launched in January 2018 stating for instance

etc). Most schools of thought advocate a shift from fossil fuels to the use of

that by 2030, all plastics packaging should be recyclable. (European Commission,

renewable energy, and emphasize the role of diversity as a characteristic of resilient

2018, §1).

and sustainable systems’ (Stahel, 2010, p. 84-85).

The circular economy model intends to offer a comprehensive alternative for the

By maintaining a sustainable circular flow, the resource input and the waste output

way the world economy is now working and tackle the problems associated with

is drastically reduced, what flattens the way to an economically and environmentally

it, like climate change, waste production and exhaustion of natural resources.

sustainable model. Examples following the basic circular economy principles can

The holistic approach was co-developed and strongly supported by the Ellen

be found in theory in practice. One strategy is to rethink and redesign products

MacArthur Foundation, releasing funds for research and publications to promote -

to expand their lifespan. More durable products enter a cycle of use, maintenance,

and accelerate the transition to - a circular economy.

repair, reuse, remanufacturing, refurbishing and recycling in which “consumers” become “users”. Recycling initiatives are probably the most widespread examples

The contemporary economic model is often seen as linear, summarizable as ‘take,

of the circular economy model. Next to that also renting and sharing models gain

make, dispose’ (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2015, p. 2) and it relies on large

importance when it comes to durable goods and real estate, like car sharing and

quantities of resources and energy. The extraction of raw materials has been the

cohousing, replacing the traditional ownership situation, increasing revenues per

core of industrial development and generated an unprecedented level of growth of

unit and thus reducing the need to produce more.

the global market. Today it is clear that this linear model reached its limits and ‘the time is right […] to take advantage of the potential benefits of a circular economy’ (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2015, p. 2). In contrast to a linear economy, ‘a circular economy is a regenerative system in which resource input as well as waste, emission and energy leakage are minimized by slowing, closing and narrowing energy and material loops’ (Geissdoerfer, Savaget, Bocken & Hultink, 2016, p. 757-768). ‘This comprises recycling measures (closing), efficiency improvements (narrowing), use phase extensions (slowing or extending), a more intense use phase (intensifying) and the substitution of product utility by service and software solutions (dematerializing)’ (Geissdoerfer, Morioka, de Carvalho, Evans, 2018, p. 712-721).

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Ellen MacArthur Foundation, copy by Nathan De Feyter

The circular economy scheme: a regenerative system in which resource input as well as waste, emission and energy leakage are minimized by slowing, closing and narrowing energy and material loops

179

02_Circular economies in Africa

The theoretical framework of the circular economy is mostly Western, nevertheless

Chaussade describes is called “leapfrogging”, a concept currently receiving more and

the impact is global. European organizations like “Ellen MacArthur Foundation”,

more attention in the academic world that could be the key to Africa’s development.

“Circular Economy Club (CEC)”, “Circle Economy” and “Circular Economy Forum” are doing all they can to widely spread the circular economy ideas and

Implemented circular economy case studies in Sub-Saharan Africa are difficult to

move towards an all-encompassing substitute model for post-industrial, industrial

find, but as mentioned before, a lot of local African economies are already circular

and agrarian economies, as the model proves even more promising in developing

in the way they function. Most theoretical research is therefore handling the

countries.

problems African countries face concerned to waste management and recycling initiatives. South Africa is the country most advanced in looking for alternatives

In 2017 the African Circular Economy Network - ACEN - was founded by a group

towards a circular economy. An interesting example can be found in the research

of European and South African specialists. With setting up this system, the network

paper of Peter Desmond: “Towards a circular economy in South Africa – what are

wants ‘to build a restorative African economy […] through new forms of economic

the constraints to recycling mobile phones?” in which he describes the current

production and consumption which maintain and regenerate its environmental

linear economy for mobile phones as ‘Designed in the USA, made in China, used in

resources’ (ACEN, 2018, §1). In an interview with Alexandre Lemille, co-founder

Europe, disposed in landfill or by incineration’ (Desmond, 2015, p. 9). In a circular

of the ACEN, he stated that: ‘To me, the African continent right now has the best

economy it could become ‘Designed in the USA, made in China, used in Europe,

opportunity in its lifetime to lead by example. This continent has everything it takes

reused in Nigeria, disassembled in South Africa, material extracted in Taiwan,

to show the world what a Circular Economy is all about. The sharing economy has

material sold in global markets, and loops closed wherever possible; and only when

always existed in Africa. It is called the survival economy, nothing is wasted and

there is no more use for any remaining part, the residue, disposed of responsibly’

everything is constantly used and reused. […] [I]t is easier to adopt a new economic

(Desmond, 2015, p. 9). For now most initiatives remain theoretical exercises, first a

model in the first place than following the wrongly designed Western one. […] The

lot of constraints at local levels must be tackled, like the poor return rates of phones

future of Africa is bright if its leaders act on it’ (Garrigou, 2017, §8).

in South Africa or the fact that most mobile phones are not designed to be repaired.

Although circular principles are embedded in the African economies, the transition to a circular economy without waste and pollution is still yet to gain ground, as the continent is struggling to balance the economic growth with a responsible sustainable development. Weak national policies are harming the circular economy path by not promoting the reduction and reuse of waste (Otieno, 2018). Jean-Louis Chaussade, the CEO of SUEZ, a French company active in the environmental sector that deals with water treatment, waste management and soil remediation, mentioned that ‘Africa will go directly from an undeveloped situation to one that is developed and therefore for Africa to reach the technological age, circular economy will be a strong help for them’ (Africa News, 2016). The process

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ACEN, copy by Nathan De Feyter

The African Circular Economy Network - ACEN - was founded in 2017 to ‘build a restorative African economy’

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03_Exploring the potentials of the circular economy scheme in Moatize, Mozambique

Moatize is the emerging principal town and administrative center of Moatize

consumption. Besides soil crops also fruit trees, like mango and banana provide

district, located at the confluence of the Revuboe and Moatize rivers in Tete Province,

crops to sell and eat. The farmlands along the river are passed on generation by

Western Mozambique. After Tete, it is the second city of the province with about

generation and sometimes enclosed with self-made fences of plants with thorns and

forty thousand inhabitants. The region is in rapid transition, at the turning point

spines. This hedging is necessary to protect the crops against people and grazing

between tradition and globalization.

cattle.

The economy of Moatize is primary based on coal mining. With a coal supply of

Fisherman use nets, handmade fishing lines and fykes, traps made of nets or willows,

2.4 billion tons, the coal stockpile is regarded as the biggest in Africa. In 2004 the

to catch fish in the rivers that surround Moatize. Most fishermen are working along

Brazilian mining company Vale received a mining concession in the area until

the banks of the Revuboe and Moatize river, seated on a preferably rocky and shady

2032, a concession that even can be extended. The open-pit coal mine commenced

spot. During the fieldwork only one boat was noticed, a wooden canoe used to cross

operations in July 2011 and since then the coal exploitation is rising. In 2017, eleven

the Revuboe river.

million tons of coal was extracted. Moatize mine produces both metallurgical coal, used for steel production, and thermal coal, to generate heat and power in thermal

Because of the extreme differences in weather conditions between the dry and the

power plants. All excavated coal is first transported by train to Beira and Nacala,

wet season, Moatize presents an alternating economy. Rainfall in the dry months

two port cities at the Indian Ocean, to be exported to China, the Americas, Eastern

(April to October) is very low and almost reaches zero in the period between May

Asia and Europe.

and September. In wet months (November to March), rainfall is remarkably high: for example in the wettest month, January, up to 180 liter of rain per square meter

The scale of mining is definitely global; the Vale mine in Moatize is currently the

is average. To compare: the wettest month in Leuven is June with 75 liter per square

fourth biggest coal mine in the world. But the global demand for coal is unsteady

meter. With an average annual rainfall of 685 liter per square meter, Moatize finds

and seriously influences Moatizeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy, which is almost fully dependent on

itself in the same range as Leuven, where the total annual rainfall is similar but

the jobs created by the mine and its sub economies, like the small-scale businesses

more spread throughout the whole year (Climate-Data.org).

that cater the international businessmen engaged in the coal mining industry. If the global demand for coal drops, the population of Moatize stabilizes or even shrinks,

During the wet season, crops are grown and fertile lands are large. When the earth

as been seen in 2008 when the global crisis also struck the coal market (World Coal

dries out in dry season, people look for other sources of income and start to produce

Association & National Institute of Statistics, Mozambique, 2018).

clay bricks and chop wood in the surrounding forests.

Next to the mining economy, Moatizeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s local endogenous economy mainly exists

The bricks are produced on site, preferably close to a source of water. After removing

out of farming, fishing, brick making, keeping cattle and timber production.

a small layer of sandy top soil, a reddish clay soil is reached. The clay is stirred and mixed with water before it gets shaped into a brick by a wooden mould. The bricks

Most of the crops are grown next to the rivers and creeks, in the fertile flood

are then laid on the ground to sundry for some days. When the bricks are dried, they

zones of the Moatize river and its tributaries. Many of the households also have

gat baked in a field oven. The bricks are piled in strokes with spaces in between that

small agricultural lands close to their houses to grow fruit and vegetables for own

are filled with coal and firewood. The ovens can reach sizes of five by five meters,

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Nathan De Feyter, 04/03/2018

Vincent Van Praet, 03/09/2017

Nathan De Feyter, 03/03/2018

In front of a large mango tree, corn is planted in the fertile riverbanks of the Revuboe, Moatize

Bricks sundry for a few days before they get baked in a field oven, Moatize

Fisherman at the Moatize river

Nathan De Feyter, 04/03/2018

Nathan De Feyter, 21/02/2018

Open-pit coal mine, Moatize

Smaller, individual brick pits can be found in the urban areas, Moatize

A herdsman leads his goats to the Revuboe river, Moatize

with a height of two meters. The stacks are covered with an earth layer to trap all the

The design projective example that will be presented in the following chapter, intends

heat inside. The bricks are slowly baked for four to six days. When they are ready,

to move towards a circular economy, focusing on the inner or local economy cycle,

the bricks can be sold and used for construction. Bricks find many purposes in

without ignoring the mining and the recycling initiatives. To upgrade the inner

Moatize; they are used as a building material (to build houses, walls, cooking ovens,

cycle without losing its sustainable aspects more radical actions are needed. The

etcetera), to protect young trees from cattle, to cover sand pilesâ&#x20AC;Ś Next to the bigger

endogenous forces on site can learn from the exogenous forces, but also the other

scale brick making along the Moatize river, also smaller, individual brick pits can be

way around. The process of brick making can for example be upgraded and be more

found in the urban areas.

efficient by looking at the way the mines are organising their production. The more cyclical and sustainable ways of producing can be useful to see how the exogenous

Some people try to make a living in keeping livestock, mostly goats and cows are seen

forces on site can be improved. To prepare the land for the next five investment

in Moatize. Big herds of up to two hundred animals are moved over the landscape

waves, a solid base should be prepared to built on in the future.

to graze the savanna grasslands. Climate change is threatening the animals in an upward trend, as the dry season is getting longer and drier. More and more animals do not make it until the start of the wet season, as one of the herdsman in Moatize explained during the fieldwork. Other livestock animals spotted on site are chickens and ducks, living in the urban areas around the houses. Another important aspect to mention about the local economy are the recycling initiatives. This takes place at an intermediate level, between the exogenous and the endogenous economies. A lot of waste to be found in Moatize, like plastic bottles or metal parts, is exogenous: not locally produced but imported and sold in the shops, mainly on the main road. After consumption this waste has to be taken care of and this created a whole recycling economy. Kids are for example paid to gather plastic or glass bottles and bring them to a collection point. The bottles are sold and recycled in Beira or Maputo. As mentioned in the first paragraph, the circular economy model wants to ban the extremely polluting ways of producing energy and invest in renewable energy. A switch in energy production with a move towards a more sustainable model should be made now and in this transition the circular economy principles can be useful. Therefore the focus in this paper will be on Moatizeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s local endogenous economy.

184

Drawing by Nathan De Feyter

Economy scheme of Moatize

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04_Projective design example: the brick making case in Moatize

From all elements that are part of the economy of Moatize, the brick economy was

change of producing is implemented to boost the after use of the brick production

chosen as a case study to elaborate on for the design exercise. While methodologies

sites that now become wastelands and to improve and upscale without losing

which rely upon awareness-raising, legislation and organizational theories are well-

the cyclical effect. The design wants to learn from local knowledge and practice

known, approaches which include design are relatively young and lesser known.

to be more efficient, sustainable and resilient. To better protect the village against

Moreover, there is an almost complete under-acknowledgement of design as a

the extensive mining operations, the local communities and their economies are

projective and anticipatory practice, which is facilitating negotiation between actors,

strengthened and better embedded in the natural landscape.

but also as an evaluation tool, visualising possible environmental consequences of policy decisions and private initiatives, and finally, as an inspirational practice,

The actual proposal is to move the brick making away from the riverbed, to the

opening up minds to innovative low-tech solutions, which one could not think of

slopes between the urbanised plateau and the riverbed. The slopes are characterized

before, and which are often overseen by an immediate reliance upon prevailing

by multiple creeks, green corridors that are worn out in the landscape and natural

“well-known” (Western) technology.

collectors of water. Because of the deforestation of the area, erosion is a major problem that is even aggravated by the changing seasonal climate with very intense

The brick making technique in Moatize is an authentic and traditional cultural

rainfall alternated by acute droughts. Flush floods arise is just minutes and wash

embedded practice that is, next to the other dry season activities, important for the

away tonnes of soil, crops and even houses. The water runs off through the creeks

population to sustain a permanent income throughout the year. The excavation of

to the river and hardly infiltrates the soil. By carving out several terraces in the

clay soil on a small scale is harmless for the environment and the cyclical process of

landscape around these creeks, the design intends to slow down the water and

using local materials to construct, suits the circular economy ideas. The holes that

make it infiltrate more. The excavated clay to make these terraces is used to produce

remain after the clay is excavated are often used by families as a plantation ground.

bricks (for export and local construction). The remaining landscape is structured

Plants and crops thrive well in those pits because they are protected and the ground

by flattened terraces, suitable for growing crops, dense forests and agroforestry.

is more humid and fertile. The natural creek patterns are interweaved with an imposed mechanical excavation. But as the population of Moatize is rising, the brick production is scaling up and

The design tries to better integrate the manmade forms within the nature given

this moved the fabrication from “next to the house” to “next to the river”, because

forms. Currently manmade forms are taking over in Moatize, like the straight

more water and space was needed. Currently the fertile banks of the Moatize river

asphalted roads and the aligned residential areas. It is in a reaction against the

are being largely exploited for clay brick making, reducing the productiveness for

incapability of the top-down planning policy that the project enhances creeks and

farming and leaving the area behind as an unworkable warzone. Big brickfields turn

paths that follow the logic of the topography and the landscape.

strategic locations close to the river into wastelands, by leaving behind small craters and bricks that are leftover, not well baked or broken. In this way the alternating use of the land is no longer possible and the cyclical way of working is broken. By literally and figuratively lifting up the brick making process, the project intends to scale up the process on the elevated plateau, next to the river valley. A radical

186

Nathan De Feyter, 26/02/2018

Drawing by Nathan De Feyter

Vincent Van Praet, 03/09/2017

In the wet season, most brickfields are abandoned, Moatize

Plants thrive well in brick pits because they are protected and more humid, Moatize

During dry season, the brickfields become lively spots, Moatize Nathan De Feyter, 25/02/2018

Clara Medina, 27/02/2018

Clara Medina, 26/02/2018

Scheme of brickfields along the Moatize river, flowing to the Revuboe in the upper left corner

Currently the fertile banks of the Moatize river are being largely exploited for clay brick making

Big brickfields turn strategic locations close to the river into wastelands, Moatize

187

The area around the new productive landscape can be densified with new houses.

two parallel worlds exist, one covered by a large canopy of trees, hidden in the

A dense forest will grow in the creeks and plants will flourish in the enlarged and

extended creeks, the second one standing out on the peaks of the terrain, looking

humid excavated creeks. The forests will prevent the water in the creeks from

over the landscape under the shadow of the mighty Baobabs.

evaporation and control the climate inside the excavations. The new carved out landscape has a continuous slope, to have a more persistent flow of water. As the

All proposed actions take systematic steps towards a new system of living and

slope of the terrain is not continuous, the designed area has a changing depth in

working like in an ecology, a sustainable regenerative system that is better integrated

comparison to the surroundings.

in the landscape, more resilient towards future changes and better resistant to the expected population growth. According to the principles of the circular economy,

Elevated islands, created by the Baobab roots that retain the soil in an eroding

the resource input and the waste, emission and energy leakage are minimized by

landscape, organize life on the higher points of the terrain, houses and other

slowing, closing and narrowing loops of resources and energy.

Model of the project by Nathan De Feyter

functions will be centred around these already present Baobab trees. In this way

188

Drawing by Nathan De Feyter

Section of the project showing the infiltrating water and the flattened terraces, suitable for growing crops, dense forests and agroforestry

Plan of the project showing how the brickfields move from the riverbed to the creeks on the slope

189

05_Conclusion

The contemporary economic model relies on large quantities of resources and

The main goal of the design proposal is not to “densify” but to “intensify”

energy. A shift is needed. The earth’s natural resources are not infinite and as people

the landscape. By creating stronger networks of people, vegetation and water,

are faced with this invincible truth, new ways of developing our economy are been

concentrated around green corridors, the remaining landscape can restore and help

sought of. A move towards a so-called circular economy is a promising way of

sustaining the circular economies of making bricks, growing crops, planting trees

approaching the problems we are facing. Important in the model is that “consumers”

and keeping cattle in a naturally acclimatized area. As supported by Tony Juniper, a

become “users”, a phrase that is already applicable if you relate it to the endogenous

British professor and environmentalist, who said: ‘Nature is not a drag on growth –

circular economies and existing cyclical processes in Moatize. Everything is more

its protection is an unavoidable prerequisite for sustaining economic development’

than one thing at the same time, the Baobab for example functions as a landmark,

(Juniper, 2013, §1), the project is not choosing for economic development or

defines a shady space for important events, bears fruit that can be eaten, its trunk

sustaining nature, but trying to combine them.

can store up to one hundred thousand litres of water and its roots hold together the soil. Everything has multiple functions, uses and reuses what contributes to the

Finally, this exercise used the model of circular economy as a departing point

cyclical processes.

of a design exercise. The proposal should be seen as a suggestion, as a projective and anticipatory practice. It is not presented as final solution, rather a base for

Next to many other African cities, Moatize is in rapid transition, at a turning point between tradition and globalization. This is shown by the brick making case, a local production system that suffers from its growth and needs to be rethought in order to maintain sustainable and circular. Deliberate choices have to be made now. The switch to a global circular economy is setting off. For Africa this means moving, or better leapfrogging, directly to a developed situation that is described in the model, without the need to take all the good or bad steps other economies did to reach the same destination.

190

discussion, dialogue and exchange.

06_References

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Ellen MacArthur Foundation. (2018). What is a

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(2018). Welcome to The African Circular Economy

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economy

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Africa News. (2016). Circular economy key to

European Commission. (2018). Implementation of

National Institute of Statistics, Mozambique.

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the Circular Economy Action Plan. Consulted on June

(2018). Regional Data of Mozambique, 1990-2040.

2018 via http://www.africanews.com/2016/06/08/

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economy/index_en.htm

opendataforafrica.org/

Garrigou, A. (2017). Understanding the principles of

Otieno, S. (2018). Weak policies harming circular

Climate Data. (2018). Climate data for cities

the Circular Economy. Consulted on June 2, 2018 via

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https://www.circul-r.com/single-post/2017/10/05/

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Understanding-the-principles-of-the-Circular-

pollution/news/weak-policies-harming-circular-

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Stahel, W. (2010). How to measure it! In The

mobile phones? (masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s thesis) The Institute of

Evans, S. (2018). Business models and supply

Performance Economy, p. 84-85. Basingstoke, United

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Kingdom: Palgrave MacMillan.

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Consulted on June 2, 2018 via https://www.

a circular economy: business rationale for an

(2016). The Circular Economy. A new sustainability

worldcoal.org

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191

192

CLARA MEDINA GARCĂ?A

Infrastructure as a Development Paradigm An illustrated redefinition in the context of Moatize in Mozambique.

In 2016 the Mozambican Government subscribed the Regional Development Plan (PEOT) for the Zambezi basin as the roadmap towards development in the following 30 years. This paper critically addresses the paradigm of development pursued in this document and the infrastructures planned to achieve it, assuming that it is mainly preoccupied with following the old occidental paradigm of development and that it fails both to translate learnings to the local territorial and social realities and to face current and future challenges such as climate change and rapid urban growth. How can infrastructures enhance resilience in the future? Can the relationship between natural systems and human infrastructures be rethought so that landscape features and ecosystem services substitute or improve infrastructural networks? Taking the specific case of Moatize, the following pages reflect on the functions and challenges of infrastructure and build on alternative infrastructural approaches to the monofunctional and centralized grey infrastructures conceived in the PEOT. To explore alternative scenarios and to build on a redefinition of infrastructure as a development paradigm, the main methodology used will be research by design, informed by literature on development and infrastructures to frame the Mozambican context and illustrated with successful study cases that use novel technologies and principles towards sustainable and resilient development.

193

Introduction

“By development, we understand a multifaceted phenomenon which not only

ecosystems. As a matter of fact, International Rivers highlights dams as one of

involves economic growth, but also engages in the relationships between economic,

the first causes of degradation of fresh water ecosystems, decreasing services and

social, cultural, political and environmental dynamics, their logics and their various

threatening agricultural and other local activities (Beilfuss, 09-12).

forms.”

Furthermore, not only shall new infrastructures address and incorporate local (González & Healey, 2005)

specificities and practices, but also pressing global challenges derived from climate change and growing urban population. For this matter, integrated management

In 2016 the government of Mozambique issued the Special Plan for Regional

through multi-functional and multi-scalar infrastructures that incorporate natural

Development (PEOT), with the aim of defining land uses and exploitation of resources

systems and processes must be enhanced. This shall be combined with efforts

towards social and ecological development for the Zambezi Basin (Conselho

towards closed-loop systems where the waste or excess from one system becomes

de Ministros de Mozambique, 2016). However, the paradigm of development

the input for others (Khouri, cited in Margolis and Chaouni, 2015).

established in the PEOT replicates blinkered and outdated exogenous discourses,

From the previous observations, the study and enhancement of ecosystem services

failing to address local particularities and future challenges. Alternatively, Ndhlovu

and natural processes brings an opportunity to leapfrog towards sustainable and

(2017) defends translative adaptation when African regions are to embrace external

resilient alternatives adapted to the Mozambican context (Inamdar, 2017). On

influences, rather than merely copying occidental thinking. By this means, they can

the one hand, largely unknown low-tech solutions that recreate natural processes

benefit from learnings from other cultures while translating them into their specific

are available today. These can become powerful alternatives to wide spread

context and reality. External influx, however, shall not be the main addition to the

infrastructures that fail to address problems from a holistic perspective and that

new paradigm, but traditional knowledge and proven experiences dealing with

can be too expensive, superfluous or unfeasible to the specific circumstances of

local challenges shall be integrated. Accordingly, Ezeanya-Esiobu (2017) argues for

the area of study (Izembart and Le Boudec, 2008). On the other hand, networks of

empowerment of local population to think ahead and envision strategies to deal

decentralised infrastructures are complementary to those already developed and

with current and future challenges in the road to development in African contexts.

reinforce an integrated performance, as they are able to adapt to and strengthen

Development is linked to economic models, and so to productive systems and

communities’ specificities and allow faster implementation (Putri, 2018).

infrastructures. Thus, alternative paradigms require alternative infrastructures to

The following pages are organized in three thematic sections that favour a deep

support it. Therefore, a redefinition of infrastructures is also required against the

understanding of the challenges and opportunities faced in different infrastructural

reliance on wide and centralized grey infrastructures and intensive monofunctional

fields. However, they shall all together contribute to a multifunctional and holistic

exploitation of natural resources supported in the PEOT. Such approach largely

redefinition of infrastructures. Each section starts with literature review to allow a

differs from and affects indigenous ways of inhabiting the land, in close relationship

broader thematic analysis and contextualization, followed by interpretive maps and

with natural cycles and embracing rivers as the main infrastructure for economic

fieldtrip pictures to frame the specific situation in Moatize. Finally, an example of

and social activity. For instance, dams like Cahorra Bassa or the new ones proposed,

successful systemic small scale, disperse and low-tech solution in a similar context

as well as concessions for mining, engender changes in the regional topography

to the situation depicted is described together with a bigger scale study case.

and water courses, affecting downstream areas and endangering already fragile

These study cases help envision alternative approaches to the challenges faced and

194

Adaptation of Systhesis Plan of the PEOT (Conselho de Ministros de Mozambique, 2016)

Plano Especial De Ordenamento Do Territรณrio (PEOT) The PEOT relies on concessions for intensive unsustainable monofunctional exploitation of resources like coal mining or agriculture for development in the following 30 years. Centralized big scale infrastructures and networks are reinforced and envisioned to support these activities, among which four new hydro-power plants along the Zambezi and smaller ones in all major tributaries, new combustion plants and the extension of road, rail and energy networks. Conservation areas are only foreseen in peripheric mountain areas and neglect river ecosystems, the richest and most related to indigenous practices and major settlements like Tete and Moatize.

195

01_Water supply and sanitation Natural processes as a framework

196

Map drawn by the author based on observations in fieldwork trip.

The presence of water shapes social, economic and ecological systems in a territory (Margolis and Chaouni, 2015). As severity of flush rains and draughts characteristic of the semi-arid climate of the Zambezi region increase due to climate change, so does risk of floods, landslides and water scarcity. Furthermore, infrastructures linked to the obsolete paradigm of development tend to build wide and expensive systems that highly interfere with the natural water cycle. In Mozambique, many areas both in the urban and rural contexts remain disconnected from supply systems and still depend on isolated pumps or the river itself to meet their needs, as do traditional economic practices. In addition, most areas lack any kind of sewage system (Conselho de Ministros de Mozambique, 2016). Currently, flush rains carve seasonal creeks in unprotected slopes while water supply companies pump up water from rivers in costly centralized distribution systems. In order to increase resilience, a new integrated definition of water infrastructures is needed. Why not taking advantage of the natural network of torrents as a framework to upgrade the cities with new water supply and sewage systems? Integrated Water Management Systems (Khouri, cited in Margolis and Chaouni, 2015) are based on retention, infiltration, collection and purification of water at the source replicating natural processes and taking into account the whole water cycle. Thus, IWMS allow extended use of the scarce water supplies along the year and its reuse to address domestic, agricultural and industrial needs. Regarding the needs and means of the region, networks of isolated solutions could be more easily implemented than new time and money consuming centralized models for water supply or sewage. Indeed, low-tech solutions that learn from natural processes are available and their implementation has already proven more efficient and beneficial for the social and ecological development of both urban and rural areas (Margolis and Chaouni, 2015; Semiyaga et al., 2015). Still, disperse low-tech infrastructures require systemic thinking for greater efficiency and success. In this process, combining new water systems with the natural water network at a large scale has the potential of becoming the framework for development of multifunctional infrastructural landscapes when consolidating and expanding urban areas (Margolis and Chaouni, 2015).

Interpretive map of existing natural and centralized water networks and opportunities in Moatize. Natural networks already cover most of the urbanized area.Urbanization units also have potential to become disperse elements of an integrated water management system if rain captured in fenced complexes and wastewater from buildings was incorporated.

Fieldtrip images by the author.

1 2 3 4

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 4

Water supply and sanitation in Moatize 1. There is a strong relationship between local population and rivers in Mozambique, and the Moatize River is no exception, catering for basic needs for domestic, agricultural, sanitation and social activities. 2. The water supply company in Moatize (FIPAC) pumps up water from the Rivobue River to a deposit in the centre of the city, from which it is distributed by gravity. Houses within the network get some hours of supply from an exterior tap daily. 3. Some houses in areas not yet supplied by the network are already implementing systems for rainwater harvesting. 4. In the lack of any kind of sewage system for wastewater, exterior or open-air latrines connected to self-built septic tanks the most common wastewater treatment.

197

01_Water supply and sanitation DISPERSE LOW-TECH WATER TECHNOLOGIES

CAWAST (since 2001)

Canada, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Niger and Nicaragua.

(CAWST | Biosand construction manual )

(Unknown author | https://www.cawst.org/blog)

(Unknown author | http://www.rufwork.org/)

The power of training for network implementation â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Centre for Affordable Water and Sanitation Technology (CAWST) teaches people how to get safe drinking water, sanitation and hygiene in their own homes, using simple, affordable technologiesâ&#x20AC;? (CAWST, 2018). What makes their work innovative, though, is the implementation model followed to achieve this objective. The base for their work is state-of-the-art research and low-tech technologies made comprehensible and available for local communities. Through the establishment of Water Expertise and Training Centres (WET Centres) in partnership with on-site training associations, they manage to engage communities in wide implementation of these solutions and offer follow-up services, as well as support entrepreneurial initiatives to produce the technologies locally (Dow Baker and Ka Kit Ngai, 2015). One of their main fields of action is household water treatment and safe storage, with Biosand Filters as their most spread technology. It is an adaptation of traditional filtering systems that can provide with save drinking water for households combined with technologies for water harvesting from alternative sources to the supply network (CAWST, 08-12).

198

WADI AL AZEIBA Muscat, Sultanate of Oman

Atelier Jacqueline Osty (2012) (All images | ÂŠ Osty | https://www.landezine.com)

Wadi state before intervention in May 2009

From abandoned torrents to productive spaces Wadis are dangerous dry torrents that flood on the few days of the year when flush rains occur, fragmenting the city and stopping circulation. However, they remain abandoned or used as damping sites for the rest of the year. This is only one of the increasing examples of projects that attempt to incorporate seasonal torrents as socio-cultural, economic and ecological infrastructural landscapes in the city, integrated as part of holistic water management systems (Margolis and Chaouni, 2015). The aim of this project is to redesign the network of wadis of Muscat so that they can become living spaces and part of a network of parks and pedestrian promenades linking the neighborhoods in the city. The torrent bed is covered in rocks that slow down the flow and sand to allow infiltration and keep water on site. The slopes are restructured in terraces featuring different plants, from grasses to trees, to help reduce evaporation and regenerate the ecosystem so that human activity can reconquer the space(Atelier Jacqueline Osty & associĂŠs).

Phase 1 Park in February 2012

199

02_Energy and waste Closing the cycle

200

MOZAMBIQUE

CENTRALIZED NETWORK

Mean wind speed Wind turbine farm viable from 5m/s

Average global horizontal radiation Tete: 1.927 kWh/sqm/yr

Future Existing Substation

66 kV grid 110/132kV 220/275 kV 330/400 kV 533 kV grid

WIND POTENTIAL

SOLAR POTENTIAL

National electricity grid

<1750 kWh/sqm/yr

>2150

>7 m/s

< 3m/s

OTHER RURAL POTENTIAL Renewable with management Biomass (from forests and plantations) Micro- Hydroelectric

ZAMBEZI BASIN " " "

" " "

" "

" " "

" "

" " " " " " "

" "

" "" " " " "

" "

(

" " " "

" (

" ""

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TETE

MOATIZE

RENEWABLE POTENTIAL

" "

" " "

Overlay of solar, wind and other renewable energy resources

" "

" (

" "

PEOT PROPOSAL

" (

Water network in the basin

New big hydroelectric plants in Zambezi river New hydroelectric plants in tributaries Preferent area for extraction (mainly coal mining) Proposed extension of national power grid

300Km

Interpretive map comparing energetic infrastructure planed by PEOT and sustainable energy potential in Mozambique and the Zambezi basin for alternative energy production.

Map drawn by the author based on maps from the Renewable Energy Atlas of Mozambique (Gesto Energia, 2014)

60% of countries in the Zambezi basin depend on hydropower to meet their electricity demands. Mozambique is no exception, as the Cahorra Bassa Dam generates most of the national supply, but productivity is already threatened by evaporation and draughts (Frey, 2018), processes intensified by climate change. By 2050, the Zambezi basin as a whole is expected to lose between 26 and 40% of its flow (Beilfuss, 09-12). In this context, energetic diversification proves mandatory for resilience in energetic supply. Some countries are already moving to alternative sources. Kenya, for instance, has largely developed wind and geothermal plants (United Nations Office for SouthSouth Cooperation, 2014) while Zambia is turning to solar (Justicia Ambiental, 2017). According to the Renewable Energies Atlas carried out for the Mozambican government, the country has exceptional potential for implementing most renewable energies (Gesto Energia, 2014). Indeed, efforts in electrifying rural areas using solar and wind energy are already succeeding (The World Bank, 2012; Frey, 2018b). The PEOT, however, still focuses on building new hydroelectric and thermal plants. At the same time, waste management becomes an ever increasing global problem both in rural and urban areas (United Nations Office for South-South Cooperation, 2014) . Yet, both problems could be tackled at once closing the cycle by using solid waste or biomass from wastewater treatment systems for energy production and landscape productivity. Statistically, around 70% of the water consumed in the world is used in agriculture, and food demand is predicted to increase 60% by 2050 (World Food Programme). Regarding this data and the fact that agriculture is the most extended subsistence economy in Mozambique, implementation of systems for rain and waste water catchment and management to be reused in agriculture would boost productivity and increase resilience (Margolis and Chaouni, 2015). Also in this field, systems of small scale decentralized technologies appear as the most effective and fastest model for implementation. These can become economically feasible if mass-produced using standard approaches (Zimmermann, 2013) and can incorporate different low-tech solutions for energy production and organic waste and wastewater treatment.

Fieldtrip images by the author.

7 8

Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 7

Figure 8

Energy supply and waste management in Moatize 5. Wood from the local forests or charcoal is still the main cooking source of energy in Moatize. 6. The disadvantage suffered by houses on the slopes not yet supplied by the grid is spreading the use of small solar panels. Individual generators are also frequent in bars and businesses against power cuts from Cahora Bassa. 7. Recycling is not implemented by authorities, but entrepreneurial activities have arisen collecting and reusing some materials like plastic bottles or aluminium cans in the local economies. Larger scale collecting and recycling is also implemented by bringing large metals and glass bottles directly to factories in Tete, Maputo and Beira. 8. No formal sewage system collects and treats wastewater in Moatize, septic tanks are the common practice instead. Wastewater and organic waste remain daily waste not addressed by the local recycling economies.

201

02_Energy and waste INDUSTRIAL WASTEWATER TREATMENT PLANT

BioInovate Africa (2015)

(Captions from video produced by SciDev.Net’s Sub-Saharan Africa desk)

(Unknown author | http://bioinnovate-africa.org)

Arusha, Tanzania

Wastewater collection after biodigestors

Wastewater inlet to purifying system

Constructed wetlands

Partnerships between industry and universities to research on productive waste management The treatment system at a banana liquor factory starts with a process of clarification followed by biodigestors that turn wastewater into biogas. A second step cleans wastewater and effluents through constructed wetlands so it can be reused in neighbouring farms. In total, 80.000l of wastewater are treated daily, generating 100.000l of biogas that run two of the companies’ boilers, while sludge can be used as fertilizer. (BioInnovate Africa, 2015b). Through an effective partnership, university research groups from the Nelson Mandela African Institution of Science and Technology found a site to implement laboratory results while the industry managed to obtain economic benefit from the waste that was threatening their productive process, saving up to 100l of fuel per day (Ochieng’ Ogodo, 2015). This is one of the three pilot research initiatives funded by Bio-Innovate in integrated waste water treatment technologies that combine pollution reduction, energy production and nutrient recovery from agro-industrial waste. The aim is to establish partnership between local industries and universities to research and develop technologies as to be scaled-up and disseminated in other local industries (BioInnovate Africa, 2018a)

202

LARGE-SCALE BIODIGESTORS

KIST (2001)

Rwanda

(Unknown author | https://www.ashden.org/winners/kist)

Biogas plant under construction at Kitama prison, Rwanda

From unsafe septic tanks and deforestation to large-scale energy production and fertilizing The high concentration of prisoners in Rwanda by 2001 (up to 7.500 people) was threatening health conditions both for humans and the surrounding environment due to the overflowing septic tanks polluting water courses and enormous amounts of firewood needed for daily cooking. To address these issues, The Kigali Institute of Science, Technology and Management (KIST) started implementing large-scale biodigestors in the prison of Nsinda. The biodigestors are fed with the toilet waste and cow dung from the prison. The natural process of decomposition of organic waste in absence of oxygen (anaerobic conditions) generates biogas that is be used for cooking and a sludge that is composted for 3 months to be used as fertilizer used to improve productivity in the feeding farms (ASHDEN, 2017). The prison features a total of 12 buried dome shaped waterproofed brick containers, each one able to host 100 cubic meters of biogas that is piped back to the kitchens. The prisoners learn the technology and carry out maintenance works, what would allow them to further spread the technology in their home towns (Kabeja, 2015). By 2011 already 10 prisons had implemented the technology (Holliday, 2011) and by 2014 a total of 126 biogas plants had been built in different communal premises including schools and other institutions, saving more than 70% of firewood (Rwigema, 2014).

1. Latrines 2. Digestor 3. Biogas storage 4. Gas kitchen 5. Fertilizer

203

Process and digestor schemes by the author

( James Mollison | http://cleanleap.com/)

(Unknown author | https://www.ashden.org/)

03_Social infrastructures Meet and exchange

204

Map drawn by the author based on observations in fieldwork trip.

From the previous sections one can identify an underlying common concern: production. The Oxford dictionary (2018) defines infrastructure as “The basic physical and organizational structures and facilities needed for the operation of a society or enterprise”. As such, production is the first issue to be addressed and water, energy and waste systems need to work together to support and enhance it. Consequently, as already argued, rather than defining each system separately, a holistic approach towards infrastructures intertwining productive processes is preferable. This enables efficient and resilient sharing of resources as one process may benefit from another. Namely, the biosand filter could be produced from plastic collected and recycled locally with the appropriate technology. Nonetheless, for these interactions to emerge, social infrastructures that promote meeting, sharing and exchange are crucial (Muller, 2013). Attention to the social perspective of infrastructures is not missing in any of the study cases described. Both small low-tech projects as well as big interventions rely on establishing social networks to succeed. These networks engage a wide variety of actors, from different local population and businesses to universities and research centres, together with service providers and organizations. In words of Dow Baker and Ka Kit Ngai, “infrastructure requires investment for physical elements but also for education for capacitation in technology and management, policies and a legal framework as soft infrastructure” (2015). This requirement is very evident in implementation of decentralized systems like the work of CAWST, where the WET centres play a key role as places for learning, exchange and follow up (Prottas, 2017). Therefore, decentralization and multi-scalar and multi-actor approaches should inform effective models for implementation of new infrastructures in the context of Moatize, in contrast with the centralized proposals of the PEOT. Such a perspective could trigger faster local responses to the global challenges to be tackled (Peter and Kramer cited in Vázquez-Barquero and Rodríguez-Cohard, 2016). In this quest, spatial definition of urban and rural areas shall be understood as the frame for these processes and networks to occur with the potential of becoming multifunctional infrastructural landscapes.

ENDOGENOUS PRODUCTION Rural

EXOGENOUS PRODUCTION

Semi-rural

Semi-urban

Mining infrastructure

Subsequent activity

Water bodies

Potential conﬂuences

Corn mills

Road

Mine related business

Wood and timber

Recycling collection

Workshops

Train rail

Quarry

Agriculture

Small agriculture

Commercial areas

Mining pit

Resettlements

Clay bricks

Street shops

Recycling collection

Current mining area

Workers housing

Interpretive map of existing endogenous and exogenous exploitation activity and production in Moatize. Local population maintain a strong relationship with natural resources and exploitation of the landscape and expands the city along the river. When mining arrived with its own infrastructures new opportunities arose for population along the road. Yet, the resettlement, isolated in-between, can´t benefit from either of them.

Fieldtrip images by the author.

12 10

Figure 9

Figure 10

Figure 11

Figure 12

Production and related social infrastructures in Moatize 9. The sides of the road host exogenous businesses settled in the area to supply the mine with services together with shops, bars and workshops by local population. 10. An informal market gathers next to the only main street in the expansion of the city where locals sell their produce. 11. Family is the most common link for workers to gather, like this carpentry close to the main roads intersection. 12. The corn mills work both as private business and rental spaces. They gather women that come to make or have their flour made. They are the most developed communal business in the area, close to the concept of social infrastructure.

205

03_Social Infrastructure AGROFORESTRY INNOVATION CENTRES

World Agroforestry Centre (2012)

(All pictures | Unknown author | http://www.worldagroforestry.org)

Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda

Researching on integrated options to scale up agroforestry for food security The project Trees for Food Security (T4FS) aims at â&#x20AC;&#x153;developing integrated options and accelerating scaling up of agroforestry for improved food security and resilient livelihoods in Eastern Africaâ&#x20AC;? (World Agroforestry Centre, 2017). It focuses on building and sharing appropriate locally adapted agroforestry practices and improving the whole value chain of trees from a holistic approach that includes water management, sustainable grazing options, strengthening smallholders ability to access credit and markets and supporting local academic institutions. The success of the project in scaling up innovative practices lays, however, in the establishment of communities of practice that research on how to improve local practices and allow for innovation through knowledge exchange. Five Rural Resource Centres and nurseries were established to enhance training and supply of improved tree germplasm. These centres feature trial fields and organize participatory trials and trainings. These activities encourage collective learning and empowerment of local farmers to keep innovating in their fields and share their experience. In addition, the findings on species distribution, suitability and ecological services are included in The Potential Natural Vegetation (PNV) map of Eastern and Southern Africa (van Breugel et al., 2015) for further dissemination.

206

Conclusion LANDSCAPE URBANISM STUDIO PROPOSAL

Clara Medina G (2018)

Moatize, Mozambique

(Picture by the author from model by Nathan De Feyter, Clara Medina, Nadia Nusrat & Julia Paiva)

How landscape features and ecosystem services can substitute or benefit infrastructural networks

This research by design proposal elaborates on the potential of landscape urbanism principles and spatial definition to enable multifunctional and resilient infrastructural landscapes in Moatize. The proposal starts from an understanding of the overlap and pressure of the grid developed from the influence of the exogenous forces arriving in Moatize on the natural networks and ecosystems. The premise supported is that the restructuration of the course of a dry torrent from a basin area on the edge of the urban tissue on the plateau could bring natural resources closer to the local population that has been isolated in between productive systems and can even become a connecting space for these systems. Informed by the discourse followed in this paper and the study cases shared, the proposal strengthens the natural networks and cycles along this seasonal creek fed by the surrounding urbanization so that it could represent an example of incipient multifunctional and holistic infrastructure where endogenous and exogenous forces can meet and create shared knowledge to allow new services in the urban tissue. All in all, the project proposes a set of multi-scalar interventions to reactivate the landscape, boost activity and increase socio-economic and environmental resilience in the future.

The basin area as epicentre for development.

Pictures from individual models by Clara Medina

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Landscape Urbanism describes a disciplinary realignment currently underway in which landscape replaces architecture as the basic building block of contemporary urbanismâ&#x20AC;? (Tennent, 2006, p. 11)

1:5000 Concept model of natural network as a framework

207

Conclusion

(Pictures by the author from individual models by the author)

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Natural forest can reconquer the creek

Flooding grasslands for cattle and agriculture

Pilot houses

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Shadow trees create cattle paths

Water storage

Implementation of technologies

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Water can be stored in meander areas

Industries can reuse water

Houses feeding with wastewater

RESEARCH CENTRE AND NURSERY

Water inďŹ ltration

Microtopography with agricultural terraces

Urban tissue

1:1000 Concept model of re-structuration of dry torrent as multifunctional infrastructural landscape. This area has the potential to become a communal space for innovation and exchange through agricultural experimentation and may become the starting point for a wave of further implementing learned technologies in the semi-urban tissue.

1:500 Detail Model showing topographic interventions carried out to redefine the space in the basin area enhancing water courses, intermediate islands, controlled flooding areas and terraced slopes. In this frame, bigger scale water retention, infiltration and purifying systems are introduced to allow an integrated water cycle management and are combined with low-tech individual and/or collective infrastructure for water and waste management. Different economic activities meet along the water course with the opportunity to benefit one from the other.

208

(Picture by the author from model by Nathan De Feyter, Clara Medina, Nadia Nusrat & Julia Paiva)

Site pictures by the author

The proposal is inspired by the natural green creeks.

Unstructured current state of basin area.

Cattle reaching the basin area for water and grass.

1:5000 model of the integrated vision for Moatize enhancing the natural water networks as framework for development.

209

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2 A VISION FOR TETE

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ONE TRANSECT / FOUR SITES

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SITE III ZAMBEZE - REVUBUE (5X5KM)

SITE IV MOATIZE - REVUBUE (5X5KM)

Source: Zambeze Studio, based on google earth satelite image.

SITE II ZAMBEZE - NHARTANDA (5X5KM)

SITE I LUENHA - CHANGARA (5X5KM) TRANSECT SEMI-ARID LANDSCAPE OF TETE (125X10KM) Transect perpendicular on the Zambeze river, crossing the semi-arid landscape. Four sites of design exploration.

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TRANSECT VISION BUILDING A RESILIENT SELF-RENEWING LANDSCAPE

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The system of tributaries to the Zambeze carrying the runoff of the Tete province

stretching the landscape, an inhabited landscape, between the mountainous areas

have shown to play an important role in the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lifestyles. Therefore a transect

and the river, rather than only seeing the river as a main lifeline. Of course, the river

of investigation was chosen perpendicularly to the Zambeze, catching the rivers

continuous to play a fundamental role, but it would no longer be the sole refuge for

Luenha and Revubue, arguably two of the main lifelines of the province. These

resources.

rivers have seasonal fluctuations, but flow throughout the whole year, while being accessible for all kinds of water related activities.

Therefore, the interventions worked on mostly in studio are those where the relation between high and low is present and can constructively reactivate the landscape.

The transect covers a range of scales of settlements that hook onto the different water

Along this stretch between high and low, diverse lifestyles can emerges that are

lifelines, both rivers of continuous flow, as dry rivers (digging for water, pumping

equally diverse as the landscape conditions created.

water) of all sorts (small scale paths to large, wide flash flood river beds). In all of these situations the water resource is under pressure: the loss of vegetation pushes

Water harvesting along the trajectory from high to low allows the water to slow

the population towards the larger settlements (also in search for non-subsistence

down and not erode away the landscape, rather deposit its fertile soil. The dispersion

jobs) close to larger rivers. Yet here, the modern settlement patterns result in the

of water and fertile soil allows for varied vegetation to re-establish. The gradient

disconnection and fragmentation of the landscape and its resources.

of water allows for a wide range of tree and shrub species that all have their own benefits: shade, fruits, wood, erosion prevention et cetera. In turn, the soil will be

The transect shows the intention to work with the different topographic conditions

protected to the harsh sun exposure, creating a beneficial upcycling of the land. The

(soft and hard slopes, height differences), the soil (hard rock soil, sand, clayâ&#x20AC;Ś), its

creation of a self-renewing and sustaining landscape.

settlements et cetera to re-establish a self-sustaining landscape able to replace the search for large-scale development gains with systemic survival based on landscape, a subsistence economy of community (collective) scale. The fieldwork has shown many hints of how to activate the landscape. The objective is to find systemic use of those habits and leapfrog them into collective system that become spatially determining for the region. The starting point for the transect and thus the studio as a whole is to extend the effects of the rainy season and mitigate its problems. Water is a fundamental resource and it cannot be allowed to runoff quickly, devastatingly eroding the land. Water is to be kept on the land, and as high up as possibly to not allow it to concentrate too much and gain speed. That means that a future for the transect is based on

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3 STRATEGIC PROJECTS

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Luenha is a village deep in the semi-arid landscape, born along the road south from Tete, on the bifurcation to Chimoio and Harare (Zimbabwe), equally named as the tributary of the Zambeze: the river Luenha. Luenha suffers gravely from drought and erosion. Part of the village has collapsed due to the erosion that is slowly squeezing out the urban fabric from between the river and the main road. A new expansion area is being designed on the other side of the road. Luenha is indicated as one of the most severe places of erosion in Mozambique. Several action plans indicate planting as a remedy to the increasing erosion, yet up till today no substantial interventions have been made. The erosion is again leading to resettlement dynamics, aggravating in its turn the already precarious access to water. The area deals with some of the worst droughts and water infrastructure is faulty. The lack of stability, of soil and water access, is asking for a fundamental change towards a more resilient inhabited landscape.

LUENHA 228

Source: Zambeze Studio, based on google earth satelite image.

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DAVID DJENGA MUIRURI, ELIS LOCIA MATCHOWANI MAVIS XAVIER ORDOÑEZ CARPIO, XINYU XIAO

NURSURING LUENHA Luenha

Luenha has an altered watershed system. Due to the road infrastructure (asphalt roads without a clear hydraulic plan), water accumulates in the village and through two or three erosion gullies towards the Luenha river. Water is abundantly available downstream where it accumulates, yet difficult to harvest due to its massive force. The vision for Leunha is to develop a set of interventions that capture water from up to down stream in order to capture the water where it can be most relevant, and to slow down the water on site to have it infiltrate. The interventions needed are different depending on whether the project is situated close to the mountains, on gently sandy slopes, or in the urban context of the village where a lot of conditions exists that cannot be ignored. Finally, whatever water is not consumed or allowed to infiltrate before the gullies, the gullies are activated as productive landscape by planting erosion prevnting vegetation with some hard stabilization methods (gabions etc.) A new productive slope landscape appears. The shift from a road and mobility oriented village, confirmed by the expansion plan on the “safe side” of the village (where erosion hasn’t reached, yet) to a stretched landscape with a variety of options and economies, should allow for the restoration of the landscape, or even the establishment of a new, more lush and rich landscape. Luenha could become the nursury of the region.

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XINYU XIAO

Building infiltration Luenha

Close to the mountains the devastation of the landscape is clear. The mountains still contain their original vegetation, but the gentle slopes towards Luenha have been cleared of vegetation. A system of what can be considered â&#x20AC;&#x153;infiltration dykesâ&#x20AC;? - strategically placed in the cleared landscape to interlink with existing vegetation - allow the water to be diverted along the width of the landscape, in stead of accumulating towards a single stream. Water would then irrigate the landscape and deposit fertile soil along the way, a practice of soil harvesting already applied in the African context. The long infiltration dykes bring fertility, new vegetation and water. In wet season the vegetation would allow more rich practices, while in dry season the intensity is lower. During dry season though, the riverscape of the Luenha is most accessible for agricultural production. The population thus sees its subsistence economy of agriculture, cattle grazing and other landscape based economies expand drastically and stretch between high and low land, equally accessible by foot. (within the walking distance of 1-2km).

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ELIS LOCIA MATCHOWANI MAVIS

Upscaling production Luenha

Continuing downwards towards Luenha, a transition in settlement pattern coincides with the buffer space of the high voltage power line. The expansion area of the city even uses the power line as the end of the village. The new orientation that break loose from this infrastructural logic, but embraces the landscape as a future base, does activate the opportunity of the buffer space. As an open space that fits into the system of water caption and infiltration, the space is activated for intense agriculture. More than allow to infiltrate, water is kept here to maximalize a system of machamba. The individual production space in between the houses is upscaled to a full functioning community production garden. As the buffer space links into the new high to low structure for Luenha, the logic of the road - perpendicular to the buffer space - is overthrown. Walking path that promote migration to and from the production and that eases into the communal functions. The shift towards the landscape therefore incorporates the social infrastructure of the village in its new natural framework.

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XAVIER ORDOĂ&#x2018;EZ CARPIO

Inhabited forest canopy Luenha

Inside the expansion area many plots have been attributed. The orthogonal logic dominates as a settling logic, yet it is far from consolidated. In fact, when investigating the logic motion of the people, diagonal path emerge that weave through and cross the orthogonal logic. Logically so, these paths are located on the weakest slopes, or in the direction of the erosion gullies that give access to the riverscape. The orthogonal, road related logic also does not seem to be adequate for the water forces that dictate the landscape. Both cross-logics can be considered the condition for re-orienting the settlement here. A system of water spaces connect the possible accumulation of water in the east of the project, while linking up with the artificial water caption area of the air strip, lying in the other western end of the project. In between some small depression exist that - in this new water system - are easily converted into green oasis, with a new forest canopy and upscaled production space. Future housing can be slightly intensified inside and around these forest canopies.

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DAVID DJENGA MUIRURI

Productive gullies Luenha

Finally, arriving to the riverscape, the erosion gullies are the physical result of the accumulation (often artificial) of water run-off. Previous strategic project illustrate how erosion mitigation starts at the highest areas of the water basin first, and only as a last resort real mitigation measures are applied. In this gully design some seemingly contradictory choices are made. Firstly, the erosion gully can never serve as a sustainable base for urbanization and should never be allowed. Secondly, the erosion should defintely be combatted due to the uncertainty it brings: the washing away of soil, the loss of agricultural production, the security issues related to torrential run-off and mud/sand streams. The best appraoch is a combination of hard and soft engineering. From time to time, a hard gabion system is needed to stabilize some of the edges of the gully; more often adequate mixtures of plants - with different root systems - can be used to fix the soil. Many of erosion mitigating plants can have additional medicinal, fruit or other type of productive benefits. Thirdly and lastly, some erosion must be allowed to occur. Although upstream water harvesting will reduce the risk on erosion, it cannot be eliminated. Therefore we should embrace also this landscape logic and anticipate the future spaces for erosion. The gully can then be gradually transformed - at the pace of seasonal drought and torrential rains - into a soft walking path that links the riverscape with the higher plateau.

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Section AB

Surface Run-off from the settlements

Baseflow recharge

Groundwater Recharge Baseflow recharge

To River Luehna

Groundwater Recharge Baseflow recharge

Constructed spread ground

Agro-productive with dry agriculture

Created Bench on plateau level with access to river

Dry/Light agriculture benches with less canopies

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Constructed Afforested area with Erosion stabilizing control plants to hold soil in Intensified spreading grounds to belts the depressions reduce runoff and increase Infiltration

Banked sediments from upstream that are spread upwards to form cultivatable benches with canopy trees

Wet/Dark agriculture benches with more ecological functions and canopies

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The second site covers the highest and lowest point of Tete, on the southern side of the city, crossing different landscapes. The city is expanding through large gated communities and other larger scale housing developments. One of the recent housing development that grew towards the Zambeze river is emptying out since the latest coal mining boom. This double dynamic is taking the city further away from its main lifeline, along the road to Luenha and Chimoio. The new bridge, built for the heavy traffic of the mining companies on the other side of the river, is strengthening the road oriented development. The site includes the Nhartanda, a dry river branch of the Zambeze. Its geological constitution makes for an excellent water caption area. Several extraction points in the Nhartanda river valley provide the city centre of water. Nhartanda occasionally floods in rain season when the Cahora Bassa dam discharges. The flooding of Nhartanda river means the city of Tete becomes isolated, disconnected from its surroundings.

NHARTANDA 246

Source: Zambeze Studio, based on google earth satelite image.

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mountain

plateau

urban expansion

Moçambique Tobacco Leaf gated community

Moçambique Tobacco Leaf gated property

islands in theZambeze river

Bairro Canongola

Agriculture in the new islands of Zambeze River

Bricks production River bank agriculture

5 million liters water tank pumping water from Nhartanda

ATER

Zambeze river is ageing, its bed is shrinking because of Cahora Bassa dam

sewage system

Trees as dust barrier

Nheutreze dry river

OPOGRAPHY

Rural village of M’Pdawè

Eucaliptus wind barrier

Plateau

Nhartanda dry river

Slope

Agroforestry

Dry river

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Zambeze river

“The colonial city” Tete city center

“The native city” Bairro Samora Machel

Low density planned urban area

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Moçambique Tobacco Leaf Factory

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HUAZHOU YE, VALENTINA TRADELLO, MAHER NIMER MOHâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;D AL ABED

RETROFITTING THE EXPANSION OF TETE Nhartanda

In none of the four cases, the geographic entities are so clear as in the case of Nhartanda. Mountain, plateau, slope and riverscape are clearly defined and stiched together by two dry rivers that mark the way water runs from the top to the bottom. The water literally flushes through the dry rivers during heavy rainfall, but quickly dry out. Another artificial settling dynamic superposes this natural water system: in the plateau new condominiums, large-scale procution or commercial spaces and private houses are constructed. The plateau has probably been cleared of vegetation some time ago and is therefore now very bare and infertile, in other words, easily appropriated. Often these artifical occupations bring water infrastructure to irrigate and recuperate some ecology of their occupied plot. The largest and most obvious is the Leaf tabacco company that with its arge pumps irrigates (and cleans) the whole domain, turning into an oasis. Shouldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t this type of space become more collective? By hooking up the two dry rivers to the leaf oasis, the rivers could benefit from year-round water availability (potentially). The communities along and sometimes inside the dry rivers, and the practices that happen there (e.g. the market) could benefit from this renewed role of the dry rivers. By aligning this landscape logic with new settlement patterns that use the existing organization, but upscale them into collective ways of living, could allow for a whole new notion on how to expand and inhabit the city of Tete.

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HUAZHOU YE

Forest community building in Nheutreze Nhartanda

The first strategic project effeectively establishes a water run-off from the Leaf company linking to the road run-off and discharging into the dry river. The additional amounts of water allows the adjacent village to intensify. The intensification should not be as on the plateau where land resources are individualised and fenced off from the rest, it should promote community production built on the newly acquired wet spaces. The intensification becomes stretched between the slightly higher access path for the neighbourhood that runs on the ridge and the productive riverscape. Walking paths connect both. The new structure also does not allow for business as usual urban expansion of single houses within a fenced plot. New collective housing compounds - not closed, but necessarily open to its surroundings - enforce the walking paths. The organization of the compounds allows for a gradient of more public to more private (intimite) living spaces: the community production spaces, the collective house space under the baobab tree and the individual room or house that stands in the collective space, and with its private side. The intensification does not come alone. As houses are built, tree are planted to create a community forest whose canopy can accommodate a more comfortable lifestyle.

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VALENTINA TRIDELLO

Nhartanda river market archipelago Nhartanda

The other dry river deals with a contradiction: the market is located on the river space since it needs water for its activities, but consequently floods when there are torrential rainfalls in wet season, causing the loss of life. The market needs to adapt to these water forces, without loosing the cleansing benefit of the water access. Two birds are struck with one strike: in addition to solving the market’s location, the new design can actually condition the water coming through the dry river. A system of “finger nails” or “haff moon” islands form an archipelago of water slots that make the water spin in place, loosing its unidirectional momentum. The water meanders through a system of narrow and wider spaces making it continuously search for ways through the kind of sponge organization of the archipelago. This dispersed passage of the water is also the ideal setup of the market space. The set of island can be the organised into market spaces by the cotinuous canopy of forest and formal roof structures that give access from the main adjacent road. The market illustrates how quite urban aspects of (goods) flow can easily be reconciled with landscape dynamics. The Chinese commerce, the large-scale building in the riverscape, also adapts, applying a slightly different approach: the flood plain can exist underneath the building. The first and second floor of the building allow for safe places to let the water pass through, a system already in place for current flooding events.

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MAHER NIMER MOHâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;D AL ABED

Urban waterfall Nhartanda

The city of Tete is slowly creeping up the mountain. It is a relatively safe plce to live. The occupation of these increasingly sloped places is resulting in the deforestation of the slopes of the mountain, and is leading to unstable slopes with increased erosion. This strategic project seizes the momentum of occupation by adapting its morphology. Houses become long inhabited dykes with new productive spaces. These afforest the area, but also slow down and keep the water on the mountain in a dispersed system of linear water basins. They become the source water for downstream irrigation, as an urban waterfall. This system runs downhill and meets the formal orthogonal occupation, leading to a hybrid settlement pattern. The formal, rigid, fenced system of individual plots is parasited by the linear dyke leading to inversed water caption areas, outside the plot lines in the in-between spaces. These collective spaces reorganize possible expansion.

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The Tete-Moatize conurbation is growing along the main road axis between them. The road runs parallel to the Revubue. Contrary to the Zambeze, the Revubue is very accessible for all sorts of water related activities and is highly used as a space. The expanding conurbation should more closely try to link up with this potentially structuring central space. In fact, with the possible benefits of the Zambeze closeby, this piece of the conurbation is extremely spoiled in terms of possible water access. Contradictorily so, it does not seem to be very exploited, or even neglected from time to time, while its identity might just be defined by the Revubue-Zambeze confluence.

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Source: Zambeze Studio, based on google earth satelite image.

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ALFREDO MANHOTA ANTONIO, THUY NGUYEN THI, MARLIES AERTS, RAYAN AL GHAREEB

THE RIVERSCAPE EXPLORED Revubue

As mentioned, the riverscape is dominantly present in this case. Both the Zambeze and the Revubue surround the gently higher plateau that emerges from the road connection between Tete and Moatize. Althought the height difference are not very spectacular - the mountains are not really present in this case - a clear systems of creeks can be found that lead from the plateau to the riverscape, each with its own character. This strategic project considers the specificity of two creek - one rocky, one sandy - to arrive to the re-imagined riverscape. Both Zambeze as Revubue riverscapes should be activated as huge production machine dirven by the seasonal water tides of the river. The project also imagines to re-activate some river branches and thus reclaim riverscape. The branch previously cut off by the road construction can be reopened allowing a new arm of the Zambeze to creep closer to the urban tissue. As such they are not simply guided towards the riverscape, but the riverscape comes to them. (cfr. if they donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t go to the mountain, the mountain comes to them). To open up the landscape completely, considering also the not so easily reachable productive space, a system of landing docks (rocks in the water) are designed to allow small boats to cross and arrive to land, but also a crucial bridge connection to allow nomad cow grazing to pass into the landscape of the other shore.

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ALFREDO MANHOTA ANTONIO

Bridging subsistence economies Revubue

Although the population of the Tete-Moatize conurbation seems rather urban, most people do still live directly from food produced through their lands. In order to allow an upscaling of the subsistence economy, the landscape should break loose from the confinement of the riverscape. A bridge over the Revubue in the direction of the most open terrain for grazing stimulates the wandering economy. The bridge is not a bridge in the most classic sense: the bridge is built for cattle only. Instead of making one continuous bridge, the ergonometry, position and systemic use of the bridge in pieces and not as one, facilitates cattle movement andwalking. The bridges are not car accessible. The islands are productive and allow big herds of animals to cross each other easily. At the Tete end the bridge turns into a community center with possible market activities. A forest canopy lodges itself in the new community.

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THUY NGUYEN THI

Walls and Water Revubue

On of the creeks lies inside the plateau, or on the edge of. The orthogonal grid is there, but not yet completely dominant. In this case, the water that falls in these plots remains stable. The strategic project aims to harvest the water in these plots by using the walls in the site. Plots are chosen where the houseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position in relation to the wall allows for water to accumulate on the plot. Water can as such be captured dispersely in the different plots, creating a system of water ponds going downhill. The water can be used both on site as on the large open space where water can gather and production can be intensified. Also the urban tissue can intensify together wih the water. Selective and lowscale verticalisation along the water and production areas allows for a significant increase in house availability that remains connected with a productive landscape.

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MARLIES AERTS

Zambeze 2.0 Revubue

The Zambeze has been reduced by the set of condominiums and hotels that built along the left bank of the Zambeze. In the back of the heightened road that strings them together, a depression remain that no longer connects directly to the Zambeze. During wet season it floods fequently and dries out more slowly. The area also gathers dirty waste water and dus to the low mobility of the water, it become a place of pollution and problems. The strategic project aims to reconnect the depression to the Zambeze again. As the Zambeze gains space (gaining riverscape), more production should be possible, but also more intense urbanization that benefits from this quality. Docking places (rocks in the water) allow for a place for washing, entereing the water by boat et cetera. The urban tissue also intensifies along the new Zambeze branch (Zambeze 2.0). New community spaces appear inside a forest canopy and intertwined with small-scale productive spaces for family use. With the Zambeze also clower to the plateau, the existing urban structure will fundamentally change.

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RAYAN AL GHAREEB

Living between water and rocks Revubue

The strategic project close to the bridge deals with two aspects of the future of this case: it hatches onto a piece of the newly recovered Zambeze branche (Zambeze 2.0), but at the same time it deals with the notion of a creek going from the plateau, coming down, with specific qualities. The quality here is the presence of quite abrupt height differences, in combination (read: produced by) the presence of rocky outcrops. The rock resist water and outcrop when sandy soil around them wash away. more and more a landscape of rocks is appearing. The rocks and height differences are taken as a frame to hold water in the creek and to find the shadow and thus bareable temperature. In between these rock, a new way of living is introduced. Based on the termal mass of the rocks, it absorbs the heat and cools down the creek. Living in between the rocks and with water makes this a unique living environment.

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The Moatize river is the same scale as the Revubue, its importance is undeniable. The Moatize river is under threat of the increasing mining activity. Vale mining owns the concession that completely absorbs Moatize. A similar, yet somewhat more stretches version of the previous case appears: the orthogonal plateau linked to the road infrastructure and the urbanization on the slopes going towards the riverscape. Since Vale mining is so dominantly present in and around the site, the search for an alternative structure and economy is imminent.

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Source: Zambeze Studio, based on google earth satelite image.

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NATHAN DE FEYTER, CLARA MEDINA GARCIA, NADIA NUSRAT, JULIA DE SOUZA CAMPOS PAIVA

DISCOVERING THE CREEK Moatize

Similar to the previous case of Revubue, this one seeks its solutions in the creeks. It is in the in-between space between riverscape and plateau that the occupational logic needs to change. The orthogonal occupation should be abaondoned and lead to aonther type of urban settlements that are much more coherent with landscape. Four creeks were considered in this case, each leading to different insight into the functioning of the urban tissue in relation to the landscape. Three cases deal with more “classic” concepts of the creek and adaptations, while the fourth case rather discusses future collaboration between mining activities and life necessities.

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NATHAN DE FEYTER

Brick oasis creek Moatize

The clay grounds around the river, sometimes inside, sometimes around the riverscape, are harvested for brick production. With field ovens they are baked on site to be used for house building. This extraction is done randomly and leaves to different scales of holes. Some individual next ot the individual house turn to small lush places where water accumulates and thus something can be grown. On larger scale where the community digs clay together, whole landscape of brick holes appear. This principle is applied in one of the identified creeks, where clay is present. The systematic and structural extraction of clay along the creek creates a wide cut out space. Different levels can be addressed allowing water storage, agricultural production or dry spaces. Gentle slopes are introduced on strategic places that open up to the landscape, allowing cattle to enter the brick creek for drinking, and leave again into the landscape. Vegetation is planted in and around this creek. Its covering effect allows for a cool inhabitable productive space. In and around the edges of the brick creek, houses can be inserted that sit in the edges between landscape entities.

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CLARA MEDINA GARCIA

Seasonal torrent creek Moatize

One of the creeks creeps into the urban plateau and its orthogonal grid. Large condominiums have colonized the plateau and have their own water provision. The creek is reduced to a small water line, but could gain oscillating width by using the infrastructure. Especially the road infrastructure (and some walls as well) cut the creek perpendicularly which makes for perfect setup for small dams and retention of water in the creek. The creek becomes more structural when the other water sources are also actively integrated in the system, namely the rain water on invidivual plots and the wastewater from the condominiums and individual plots in the uban tissue. Small cleansing wetlands guide the water to a new productive space. The oscillating water quantity influences the extent of the more water intense agricultural production. Where water quantities reduce, grass might be the only possible vegetation to grow, which is ideal for the cattle grazing economy. By also using height differences as the dam, and walls of the private plots, the cattle can be let loose without ever reaching the precious agriculture.

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JULIA DE SOUZA CAMPOS PAIVA

Community creek Moatize

The third creek shows clear social mixture. There is an influx of people that search for a hybrid living style. The women often stay at home, work on the machamba, while the men search for a job in Moatize. This hybrid lifestyle translates through to the housing units. Some are walled, others still assume the openness and embedding in the landscape as a main condition. Two dry creeks lead to a stratgic project. A walking path in between them can be valorised by harvesting water and activating it as productive space. Althought the Moatize river is closeby, this additional space for machamba will probably be very welcome to the people.

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NADIA NUSRAT

Post-mine creek Moatize

The fourth creek has an artifical source. Located on the north side of the Moatize river, inside the concession of Vale mining, the strategic project tries to answer to the possible problems of the mining: till where do they dig, how do they leave the landscape, what can we do with the left-over landscape. The starting point is to keep a respectable distance from the Moatize river and not encroach nor redesign it. Then, the existing patches of forest should be maintained as buffer forest to capture the fine dust that the mining activities produce. In the small clearings, the mning can start happening. In these clearing pits will appear that have respectable sizes, able to harvest and keep water stored. If filled with large-scale rocks the water can be harvested, and even be protected from the devastating effects of sun exposure. The pits, located higher up the topography, can store water in wet season and steadily release in dry season untill the pit itself runs dry. In a gentle way production space appear high up, close to the pit, and reduce downhill as water quantities equally reduce. An artificial creek running year-round.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 299

Climate Change & Contemporary Landscape Urbanism Strategies Urbanized River Basin (Tete Region, Zambeze River Basin, Mozambique) KU Leuven Teaching Team

Guest Jurors at final review (28 June 2018)

Tete Region, Zambeze River Basin (Mozambique)

Prof. Alexandre Baia, Universidade Zambeze (Mozambique)

Prof. Bruno De Meulder, Wim Wambecq, Dr. Eliana Barbosa

Esther Charlesworth Prof. Mercy Borbor Cordova, Escuela Superior Politécnica del Litoral (Ecuador)

Taihu Basin, Yangtze River Delta (China)

Prof. Jeremy Foster, University of Virginia (United States)

Prof. Kelly Shannon, Stefanie Dens

Aroussiak Gabrelian, University of Southern California (United States) Ludwig Hansen

Guayas River Delta (Ecuador)

Prof. Alison Hirsch, University of Southern California (United States)

Prof. Viviana d’Auria, Olga Peek, Nelson Carofils

Prof. Luis Lage, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane (Mozambique) Prof. Qing Li, Tongji University (China)

Collaborators for Tete Region (Mozambique) Studio preparation and fieldwork in collaboration with Universidade Zambeze Prof. Alexandre Baia, Bruno Macule, Prof. Se; support from Universidade Pedagogica de Tete, Prof. Adelito Bernardo en students.

Prof. Christian Nolf, Xi’An Jiatong Liverpool University (China) Frits Palmboom, Palmbout Urban Landscapes (The Netherlands) Florence Vannoorbeeck, Xi’An Jiatong Liverpool University (China) Prof. João Tique, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane (Mozambique) Vinh Tran Trung, University of Architecture Ho Chi Minh (Vietnam)

Guest jurors at mid-review (27 March 2018) Annelies De Nijs, Agence Ter (France) Guido Geenen, WIT Architecten / KU Leuven

Cross-delta review & discussion (27 March 2018) Prof. Richard Plunz, Columbia University (United States)

Booklet layout & editing Wim Wambecq, Eliana Barbosa

Studio entry to Rosa Barba University Competition Prof. Bruno De Meulder, Wim Wambecq, Xinyu Xiao, Huazhou Ye

Model photography Mr. Aerts

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Participants

top: Huazhou Ye, Xavier OrdoĂąez Carpio, Alfredo Manhota Antonio, Rayan Al Ghareeb, Maher Nimer Mohâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;d Al Abed, David Djenga Muiruri, Nathan De Feyter bottom: Thuy Nguyen Thi, Elis Locia Matchowani Mavis, Julia de Souza Campos Paiva, Nadia Nusrat, Clara Medina Garcia, Marlies Aerts missing in foto: Valentina Tridello, Xinyu Xiao

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Studio Booklet: Zambeze, Mozambique. Designing resilience in an era of drastic transformation.

Articles inside

Urban Deltas - Zambeze, Mozambique