Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca, Peru by MaHS-MaULP

Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca (Peru)

Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca (Peru) Iosif Petros Athanasiou Nikita Shah Gertie van den Bosch

Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Master of Urbanism and Strategic Planning Promotors: Bruno De Meulder Kelly Shannon

Academic Year 2017-2018 Master of Urbanism and Strategic Planning

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Abstract Large-scale mining operations and urban expansion have radically changed the landscape of the Cajamarca region in the last 25 years. By considering mining as a transitional land-use, a post-mining scenario is investigated with longterm socio-ecological concerns. This is done by investigating design strategies in three transects that encompass three important atmospheres of the basin: the mines, the rural area and the city of Cajamarca. The mine project is an investigation into reclamation of the mining site and disfigured headwater of the Mashcon Basin. The rural project is an investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organization embedded in the Andean hillsides and ways of living. The urban project is an investigation on the future expansion of the city of Cajamarca by choreographing the foothills through terraced urbanism. Together, the three investigations create a vision for the transformation of the Mashcon Basin in a post-mining era.

Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca (Peru)

Awknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to those who helped us during our stay in Cajamarca and following months.

Bruno De Meulder, our promoter. We would like to thank you for your continuous guidance during this thesis, and also for the last two years. Kelly Shannon, our promoter. We would like to thank you for your guidance during the fieldwork in Cajamarca and continuous attention in the eight months. Margarita Macera. Thank you for all the background information we received in advance, support during our fieldwork in Cajamarca, and continuous contribution. Guido Wyseure. Thank you for sharing your knowledge and experience regarding hydrological challenges in Cajamarca. Nilton Deza Arroyo. Thank you for your inputs regarding environmental issues in Cajamarca. Yuri Sáenz. Thank you for guiding our visit to the Yanacocha Mine and introducing us to the logics of mining operations. Deicy Sánchez. Thank you for guiding our visits to Tantahuatay, La Zanja and Colquirrumi mines, and sharing your knowledge on mining closure techniques and projects. Nancy Fuentes. Thank you for sharing your experience with conflicts and contestation in the Cajamarca region. Dani Sáenz. Thank you for introducing us to the history and everyday life of the Cajamarca region. Rik Van Bael. Thank you for helping us with geological understanding of the Cajamarca region.

The fieldwork in Cajamarca was carried out with the support of KU Leuven Travel Grants for students travelling to the South, financed by VLIR-UOS (for Iosif Petros Athanasiou) and of the Elisabeth and Amélie Fund, managed by the King Boudouin Foundation (for Nikita Shah). Iosif Petros Athanasiou would also like to thank John S. Latsis Public Benefit Foundation for the fill time 2 years scholarship for the Master of Urbanism and Strategic Planning at KU Leuven. Last but not least, we want to thank our family and friends for their continuous support and great interest in our work.

Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca (Peru)

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin A triptych of strategic transects Iosif Petros Athanasiou, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch

Territorial Sponge and Battery Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape Iosif Petros Athanasiou

AndenerĂa A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation Nikita Shah

Terraced Urbanism A design investigation on the Huaunan, Secsenmayo and Jatn Caga Hills Gertie van den Bosch

Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca (Peru)

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin

A triptych of strategic transects

Iosif Petros Athanasiou, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch

Table of Contents

Introduction 16 Four Questions 20 Three issues 38 Mining closure: towards a post-mining scenario

Three transects 48 List of references 59

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A Triptych of Strategic Transects

Introduction

Fig. 1.1 - The city of Cajamarca is located in the Mashcon basin, located on the Andes mountain range in the north of Peru. The basin lies on a very interesting location, the water division line between water that is flows down to the Pacific Ocean in the west and water that flows to the Amazone and later Atlantic ocean in the east. - Map by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A Triptych of Strategic Transects

The specificities and issues of the Cajamarca region are summed up in this book. It concludes with defining three urban projects that respond to these. From our fieldwork in Cajamarca city, Yanacocha mines, and surrounding countryside in February 2018, we distilled our observations on settlements, landscape, and everyday life into four questions. That forms the first research of the book. Additionally, information from and exchange with with local inhabitants and stakeholders such as Nilton Deza Arroyo (an environmental toxicologist and professor at National University of Cajamarca), Dani Sáenz (a citizen of Cajamarca), Yuri Sáenz (a representative of Yanacocha), Deicy Sánchez (an expert in mining closure), and Nancy Fuentes (director of GRUFIDES – an activist group in 18

Cajamarca) allowed us to distinguish three main issues that the region is facing. The last part of this book defines three strategic areas where urban projects are then developed and demonstrated. These three projects are detailed in the following books.

Fig. 1.2 Interpretative collage that represents the three different characters of the basin, the mine, the rural and the urban. Going from high to low the basins character changes completely. On the higher parts the mining activities are damaging the headwaters creating water issues to the entire basin. On the lower part the city of Cajamarca is expanding on the most fertile area of the basin and in the in between the rural areas are trying to handle the pressure that all these activities produce. – Collage by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A Triptych of Strategic Transects

Four Questions

During fieldwork in Cajamarca, an intensive workshop of ten days helped to understand better the issues and the problems of the Maschon basin. During this workshop, the research started by defining a series of sections in the most interesting areas of the basin. The areas of the defined sections were visited, collecting data based on photos, sketches and interviews with locals. This data revealed the complexity of the areas. Because of this complexity, the results of the workshop should be a base on which different stakeholders could come together, discuss and suggest opinions and ideas. In order to do so, a series of interpretative collages of different issues and themes was created that proooved to be interesting and important during the fieldwork. Each collage was presented with three of the defined sections 20

that were relevant with the issues of themes presented. At the end of each theme, instead of having conclusions, a question for the audience was set in order to provoke a discussion between the stakeholders. By this discussion, and its contradictional point of views, a more complete understanding of the complexity of Cajamarcaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s basin was obtained.

Fig. 1.3 - Fieldwork map - Map by Nikita Shah based on Google Earth, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Multinational economic activities and public space

Since the Spanish invasion on 1533 the Maschon Basin has been an area of continuous landscape transformations by foreign interests. The Spanish transformed wet areas to agricultural lands and introduce productive forests with non-indigenous tree species in order to cover their need for wood. The last 60 years the basin faces a second invasion by multinational companies. First Gloria on the 60s and then Nestle on the 80s began industrial scale milk production of the basin. This led to a new landscape transformation all over the basin where the locals start to transform their agricultural lands to cattle areas. In addition to that, on the early 90s gold mining operations started in the basin changing again the landscape. As a result, multinational economic activities in the Mashcon Basin are coupled with dispersed and smallscale patterns of production all over the basin.

How can the everyday exchanges between local and global economies become and entry point for the generation of public space for the local inhabitants?

Fig. 1.4- Interpretative collage that explains how the landscape of the basin was transformed in the past by the foreign â&#x20AC;&#x153;inventionsâ&#x20AC;? From bottom to top it is presented in a chrinological order those tranformations. The Inkas agriculture reality, the arrival of the Spanish presented with the historical building of Cajamarca where the last Emperor of the Ink was killed by the Spanish) and the introduction of all the non-native species as eucaliptous and cows. The evolution of cattleing because of the multinational invasion, and finally the mining operations during the 90s. The collage is enriched by native people figures working on the landscape by the local artist of Cajamarca, A. Zevellos. â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Collage by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Multinational economic activities and public space

Fig. 1.5 - In these sections are presented all the kind of different productive landscapes activities, and the way they are located on the landscape. Cattleling is taking over more and more the low and flat areas pushing agriculture to the slopes. On the slopes are located also the areas were bricks for contrsuction are produced. - Sections by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Settlements and productivity

The rural areas of the Mashcon Basin are inhabited by productive communities. These communities settle according to the locational assets of the landscape that is then domesticated to turn it into a productive landscape. Pastures and agricultural farms, their crop rotations and irrigation systems create the frame and modify the landscape within which these rural communities find a way of living.

How can the rural settlements develop and escape the sub- sustenance level? How can they integrate into a robust system nested in the majestic nature/landscape of the Mashcon Basin?

Fig. 1.6 - Settlements and productivity - Collage by Margarita Macera, Photos by Iosif Athanasiou, Margarita Macera, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A Triptych of Strategic Transects

Settlements and productivity

Fig. 1.7 - Settlements and productivity - Sections by Margarita Macera, Photos by Iosif Athanasiou, Margarita Macera, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Ecotones of the Mashcon Basin

The Mashcon Basin consists of various altitudes with corresponding natural ecologies and urban/rural human ecologies. The transition areas between different ecologies â&#x20AC;&#x201C; ecotones â&#x20AC;&#x201C;combine the biodiversity of different ecological areas and create rich ecological relationships. This ecological concept, when expanded to urbanism, can describe the sites where various systems come together, overlap and create new and specific conditions â&#x20AC;&#x201C; as is the case in Cajamarca.

Which new natural and urban/rural ecologies and processes can be introduced in the Mashcon Basin to strengthen the existing ones in a balanced equation of land production, urbanization, and ecology?

Fig. 1.8 - Ecotones of the Mashcon Basin - Collage by Nikita Shah, Photos by Iosif Athanasiou, Margarita Macera, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Ecotones of the Mashcon basin

Fig. 1.9 - Ecotones of the Mashcon Basin - Sections by Nikita Shah, Photos by Iosif Athanasiou, Margarita Macera, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Spatial practices in the public realm

The Mashcon Basin is characterized by a large variety of human activities that are attached to specific areas of the public domain. These spatial practices include formal, informal, quotidian and productive spaces among urban, rural, lowlands and highland realms of water and infrastructure. During fieldwork, three sections were observed and discussed, related to the two structuring networks of roads and water. The first section ("Invernaderos") is characterized by semi-rural areas with green houses and big agriculture fields. These are located next to the N3 national road north of the city of Cajamarca. Parallel to the road runs the Porcon River that later flows into the Mashcon River. Along this river, various daily and informal activities can be observed such as laundry and children playing in the water. The second section ("Cajamarca") summarizes spatial practices in

the urban tissue of Cajamarca. Here, one can find mainly formal civic designed public spaces for gatherings and ceremonies Yet, along the streets, informal traders are seated on the pathways selling food and other small goods. The third section ("BaĂąos Del Inca") is also characterized by agriculture but on a much smaller scale for subsistence. Can the variety of urban and rural spatial practices learn from each other regarding public space accommodation as under-layer for economic, civic, leisure, and everyday productive activities across different altitudes of the basin? Fig. 1.10 - Collage showing different spatial practices in the public realm of the Mashcon basin. Inhabitants carry out formal, informal, daily and productive activities among urban, rural, highland and lowland atmospheres. - Collage by Gertie van den Bosch, Photos by Iosif Athanasiou, Margarita Macera, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Spatial practices in the public realm

Fig. 1.11 - Sections explaining different types of public space appropriation - Sections by Gertie van den Bosch, Photos by Iosif Athanasiou, Margarita Macera, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Three issues

Poverty The region of Cajamarca is one of the poorest in Peru and most inhabitants live in precarious economic conditions. The national household survey in 2007 showed that 65% of the inhabitants live below the poverty line, 31% of which are in extreme poverty â&#x20AC;&#x201C; much higher than the national levels for Peru. The regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s share in national productivity changed dramatically when Yanacocha mining operations started in 1993. Being the second most productive gold mine in the world, Yanacocha exports five times the rest of Peruâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s gold mines. However, between the year 1993 and 2002, poverty increased in the region (cited in Franco 2016). Per capita income in the Department of Cajamarca (a political entity encompassing, but larger than, the Mashcon Basin) is less than half of the national average, 86% of the houses do not have water or electricity, and two-thirds of children suffer from chronic malnutrition (Bury 2004).

Fig. 1.12 - Cajamarca is the poorest province of Peru - Collage by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Degradation of Jalca A large area of the basin of Cajamarca extends on an altitude above 3400 m. of the sea level. In Peru, along the Andes above this altitude is formed an ecosystem called Jalca. The survival of the basin is based on the well being of the jalca ecosystem because of its main characteristic. This ecosystem functions as an enormous ecological sponge that during the rainy season absorbs huge amounts of water that during the dry seasons releases it back to the environment, providing by this way the basin with the need water all year long. (Cooper, et al. 2010) Due to a series of different productive activities, the areas where the jalca ecosystem is developed are being destroyed, damaging the capability of the jalca to absorb and release water. The last 30 years this problem is more evident since â&#x20AC;&#x153;during the period 1987 (six years before mining operations started) to 2007, there was a loss of 25.5% of the entire jalca domain, that it means a loss of 1.5% per year. This loss led to an increase of the jalca patches from 744 in 1987 to 1196 in 2007.â&#x20AC;? (Tovar, Seijmonsbergen and Duivenvoorden n.d.) This degradation of the jalca area is one of the most crucial issues of the Maschon basin.

Fig. 1.13- Interpretative collage that shows how the Jalca area is continuously damaged by mining, foresting and agriculture activities â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Collage by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Water: pollution and conflicts The region of Cajamarca is one of the poorest in Peru and most inhabitants live in precarious economic conditions. The national household survey in 2007 showed that 65% of the inhabitants live below the poverty line, 31% of which are in extreme poverty – much higher than the national levels for Peru. The region’s share in national productivity changed dramatically when Yanacocha mining operations started in 1993. Being the second most productive gold mine in the world, Yanacocha exports five times the rest of Peru’s gold mines. However, between the year 1993 and 2002, poverty increased in the region (cited in Franco 2016). Per capita income in the Department of Cajamarca (a political entity encompassing, but larger than, the Mashcon Basin) is less than half of the national average, 86% of the houses do not have water or electricity, and two-thirds of children suffer from chronic malnutrition (Bury 2004).

Fig. 1.14 - Interpretative collage about water pollution and conflicts – Collage by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Mining closure: towards a post-mining scenario

Since 1993, Yanacocha Mines operate in the headwaters of the Mashcon Basin. They radically affected the hydrological regimes, landscape, urban growth, social structures and everyday life of inhabitants. As the gold reserves in Yanacocha Mines are coming to an end, an important concern among the locals is also about the post-mining future of the basin. The mines will see a complete closure of operations sooner or later. However, the proposal here is to frame a post mining future of the entire basin while the mining operations are still on-going. That allows us to shape how the mines have to prepare for the closure. In this premise, and responding to all the issues described earlier in this book, let a series of strategies are designed for the Mashcon Basin that will lead to a better future for its inhabitants.

Fig. 1.15- Interpretative collage expressing the potential future of the mining area â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Collage by Iosif P. Athanasiou, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Can the post-mining future of the Cajamarca region be anticipated and directed? How can water become an element of reframing instead of an element of conflict in the Mashcon Basin?

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Three transects

Interconnections

Different activities, actors and processes are put into relation, with the water system as underlying structure. By making three transversal sections through the territory, each characterized by a different altitude and different activities, the presence of six processes were highlighted. The six processes include: the mining activities of the Yanacocha Mine, different water use practices, the milk production processes, informal brick production, waste management practices of which "tecnosoil" can be generated, and lastly agriculture production processes. Different elements of each process take place at specific altitudes. For example, livestock is raised in rural communities living on higher altitudes. Later they are used either in the community for food or the animals are taken down to be sold in the more densely populated valleys. We can also distinguish interrelations between

different processes. For example waste is produced from agriculture and obviously water is needed for agriculture production. Yet, the mining activities alter water flows because the site is located at the headwaters of five of the main tributaries of the Cajamarca region (cited in Sosa and Zwarteveen 2012). These are just a few of these interrelations, already making clear that it all comprises a complex system. More importantly, these interrelations have raised conflicts and competition for resources, mainly water and land. These conflicts happen across three distinct areas of the basin which are the mines, the rural areas and the city. These form the three different areas of our research and interventions.

Fig. 1.16- Interconnections between processes and actors â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Collage by Gertie van den Bosch, photos by Nikita Shah, Gertie van den Bosch, Margarita Macera, Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Transects

In order to provide answers to the research question and new visions for the Mashcon Basin we worked on three transects of 15 by 2,5 km. Each underscore different issues of the basin which are the mine, the rural areas and the city. The location of the three transects is determined by specific qualities and assets. These qualities will be further explained. By this means, the three transects together aim to provide an overall vision with strategies for the whole Mashcon Basin.

Fig. 1.17 - Key map of the Mashcon basin highlighting the three transects - Map by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS data from ESRI and Gobierno Regional Cajamarca, http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob. pe/, 2018

the mines

the rural realm

the city

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Fig. 1.18- Panorama of the main pit of the mine of Yanacocha - Picture by Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

The mining transect

The gold mine of Yanacocha is located on the water heads of the basin of Cajamarca. This area is characterized by two different conditions. On the one hand this is the core of the Jalca ecosystem and on the other hand, this is the area that the jalca is more damaged. This damaged is produced by a series of different activities such as foresting, agriculture and mining. The chosen transect is highlighting this reality. It is located on the south edge of the mining operations including the huge landscape modifications made by the extraction operations, such as the main pit and itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s pad and mine dumps. In addition, the transect includes large jalca patches that are affected by agriculture and foresty. Finally, this area is of a great importance for the basins water systems since all the main rivers that cross the basin start here.

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Fig. 1.19- Panorama of the rural areas - Picture by Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

The rural transect

Between the headwater in the north and river valley in the south lay the hillsides with a diffusion of small rural communities. In the last decades, these communities have lost their resources â&#x20AC;&#x201C; water and land â&#x20AC;&#x201C; to the mine and the city, but have not benefitted from the development of either. The rural project understands mine closure as an opportunity for change. The effort and resources for mine closure can be used to heal the damages of the mine and create a robust self-sufficient rural area. The transect includes varying altitudes, landscape conditions and densities of rural communities. It is representative of the region and design strategies are intended as proto-typical for post-mining rural areas.

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

Fig. 1.20- Panorama of the city- Picture by Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

The urban transect

The city of Cajamarca is the capital of the Department of Cajamarca, located in the inter-Andean valley of the Mashcon Basin. First traces of a settlement are found going back to 5000 B.C, when pre-Inca cultures occupied the region. In the fifteenth century A.D. Cajamarca became an important administrative center for the Inca culture. This culture was conquered when in 1542, Francisco Pizarro captured and executed Atahualpa the Inca emperor, in Cajamarca. Cajamarca then became a colonial city until the independence of Peru in 1821 (cf. World Monuments Fund 2018 and Castillo 2013). Since the mining operations of Yanacocha (MYSA) in 1993, the population in the city grew from 87,390 to 150,197 inhabitants counted in the last census in 2007 (INEI, 2018). This makes a growth of more than 58% in 14 years. Both regional, national and international migrations to the

city of Cajamarca are related to the mining operations, more thoroughly investigated in the work of Jeffrey Bury (2007). Similarly as in the mining reality, a post-mining scenario again will have huge impacts on the urban region of Cajamarca. Therefore, it is important and interesting to include a transect through the city. More specifically, the transect will focus on what the future development of the city of Cajamarca should be and its role in anticipation towards mining closure. In addition, the urban transect is located in the lowest areas of the Mashcon Basin and as a consequence collects and receives the remaining waters from the basin. The mining operations have a huge impact on water provision and management in the city. Thus, thinking about post-mining scenarios includes a rethinking of water management systems.

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

List of references

All images and drawings are made by the authors, unless stated otherwise. All maps were created by the authors based on GIS information and information obtained from the Regional Government of Cajamarca [http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob.pe/], 2018. Bury, Jeffrey. 2004. “Livelihoods in Transition: Transnational Gold Mining Operations and Local Change in Cajamarca, Peru.” The Geographical Journal 170 (1): 78–91. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.0016-7398.2004.05042.x. Bury, Jeffrey. 2007. “Mining Migrants: Transnational Mining and Migration Patterns in the Peruvian Andes.” The Professional Geographer 59(3): 378-389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ j.1467-9272.2007.00620.x Castillo, Gerardo. 2013, february 17th. “Spatial production of the Andes and mining historical development in Peru”. In Societas Consultora de Análisis Social [Blog], Consulted on 29th of July 2018 on https://societasconsultora.wordpress.com/2013/02/17/spatial-production-of-the-andes-and-mining-historical-development-in-peru/ Franco, Pedro. 2016. “Project Conga: An Unresolved Social Licence.” In Corporate Social Performance In The Age Of Irresponsibility: Cross National Perspective, edited by Agata Stachowicz-Stanusch, 209–36. Information Age Publishing Inc. INEI (2018). Censos Nacionales 2007 : XI de Población y VI de Vivienda. In INEI. Consulted on 15th of July 2018 via https://www.inei.gob.pe/ Sosa, M. and Zwarteveen, M. 2012. “Exploring the Politics of Water Grabbing: The Case of Large Mining Operations in the Peruvian Andes.” Water Alternatives 5(2): 360-375. Vela-Almeida, Diana, Froukje Kuijk, Guido Wyseure, and Nicolas Kosoy. 2016. “Lessons from Yanacocha: Assessing Mining Impacts on Hydrological Systems and Water Distribution in the Cajamarca Region, Peru.” Water International 41 (3): 426–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2016.1159077. World Monuments Fund (2018). Cajamarca Historic Centre. Consulted on 3rd of August 2018 via https://www.wmf.org/project/cajamarca-historic-center

Challenges of the Mashcon Basin. A triptych of strategic transects

A territorial â&#x20AC;&#x153;Sponge & Batteryâ&#x20AC;? Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Iosif Petros Athanasiou

Fig. 2.1The manipulated reality of the mines. In the mine site topography and water flows are mani-

62pulated totally.- Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Table of Contents Introduction

Research Question

The damaged Jalca domain

Mines didactic

1) Re-forming the headwaters

A transect between mines and Jalca

101

2) Producing energy for the inhabitants

111

3) Re-concstructing the sponginess

111

4) Re-occupying the mines

117

Reflection and conclusion List of references

140 143

Fig. 2.2 The manipulated mine landscape - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Introduction Nowadays, the life of the city of Cajamarca and its ba-

nancial profits for them are essential for survival and to

sin is highly linked and determined by the open cast gold

those who believe that the environmental impacts of the

mine of Yanacocha and unfortunately, this will not chan-

mining extraction operations are too high.

ge in the near future.

On the one hand, the extraction operations are excessive-

The mine operations started in 1993 as an investment of

ly damaging the natural environment. Enormous natural

the North American company Newmont Mining Corpo-

areas are transformed to open cast mining sites, huge

ration (51%), the Peruvian Buenaventura (44%) and the

amounts of water are used and polluted, the watertable

World Bank (5%). Now the Yanacocha mine is the fourth

is effected and a lot of areas are doomed to pollution fo-

largest gold mine of the world and the biggest in South

rever due to cyanide leaching.

America. In 2005, there was extracted 3.3 million ounces of gold (about 100.000 kg). Since then, the amount of the extracted gold has been gradually decreased to 0.97 million ounces, in 2014. (Yanacocha 2018)

the city. However, for both sides the concern is common, “what is going to happen in the entire basin of Cajamarca in a post mining era?” For both sides, it’s crucial to understand and analyze the possibilities for the future. In order to understand the ideas that should be implemented to recreate as much as possible of the natural environment and at the same time to manage to raise the standard of living of the local inha-

On the other hand, even if the Yanacocha mine is one of the biggest in the world, the province of Cajamarca is the poorest in Peru. However, Yanacocha “has introduced more than US $2 billion into the region since 1992 and

Since the beginning, the mining operations of Yanacocha

in 2000 the mine employed more than 7000 people, of

have been a controversial subject for local inhabitants.

whom 57% were from Cajamarca” (Bury 2005) and it has

The local people are divided to those who believe that fi-

provided with thousands of indirect job opportunities in

bitants as high as possible. The challenge of this thesis is to define strategies that would frame and introduce a new vision for the future of a post mining era for the local inhabitants of the basin of Cajamarca.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Fig. 2.3- Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Research Question How could be possible in a post mining era to use the mining areas as a key element for a sustainable future of the inhabitants and the basin of Cajamarca?

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

The damaged Jalca domain

watershed rivers project limits

10 km

Fig. 2.4 The open mining site of Yanacocha - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

A Territorial “Sponge & Battery” the introduction The title of the project is inspired by an answer to the

expanded along the watershed of the basin of Cajamarca

main research question, “How can a mining area be

and more precisely located on the top of the headwaters

transformed in the post mining era in a way to provide to

of the basin. A third issue, it has to do with the inhabitants

the local inhabitants the needed water and energy to their

of this area that had to move to other areas or to adapt in

everyday life activities and economies?”

the mining reality.

The exact project area was strategically selected. It is lo-

It is easy to understand that by its location the mines

cated 30 kilometers on the north of the city of Cajamarca

create multilayer problematic. The operations not only

and it expands between an altitude of 3500 m. and 4150

destroy and pollute the natural ecosystem of the area,

m. This is the area where the open gold mine of Yana-

they manipulate the water flows of the basin’s headwa-

cocha is situated.

ters and the affect radically the lives of the local people.

This area is of a great interest and importance for 3 main

The “Territorial Sponge & Battery” aims to give a sustaina-

ecological reasons. Firstly, this is the area where the fra-

ble solution for the future of the entire basin of Cajamarca

gile ecosystem of Jalca is formed and as a consequence

in the post mining era and to form a new way of living in

disturbed and destroyed. Secondly, the mining areas are

the post mining areas for the local inhabitants. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

watershed rivers project limits jalca domain above 3400 m.

10 km

Fig. 2.5Fig. 2 – The Jalca domain - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

A territory working as a “sponge” In order to understand the main idea of the project it is of

humid and lower than the punas. (Tovar, Seijmonsbergen

sely, the city of Cajamarca is located on the lowest point

a great importance to understand the way that the terri-

and Duivenvoorden n.d.) For this reason “some authors

of the basin on an altitude of 2750 m. Around the city

tory used to work in the past.

consider the jalca as a transition area between the pa-

the areas between 2750 m. and 3400 m. of altitude are

ramos and the punas as some vegetation form both re-

the areas where all the productive lands of the basin are

gions can be found in the jalca.” (Tovar, Seijmonsbergen

placed. Big parts of the basin of Cajamarca overpass the

and Duivenvoorden n.d.)

altitude of 3400 m. From the south and along the west

Along the Andes on an altitude above 3400 m. of the sea level are formed a series of similar ecosystems such as the paramo, jalca and punas. Paramos ecosystem is formed on the Northern Andes in countries such as Equador

The most striking characteristic of the jalca ecosystem it

and Colombia, while the funa ecosystem in the Central

is in its natural way of working. The jalca domain can be

Andes in Peru and Chile. The Jalca ecosystem is mainly

described as an enormous ecological sponge. During the

formed in Peru in the in-between areas of paramos and

rainy season, it absorbs huge amounts of water that du-

punas. (Cooper, et al. 2010)

ring the dry season it releases back to the environment.

The basin of Cajamarca is a characteristic jalca area. The areas above 3400 m. used to be a jalca domain. Jalca is defined as “a tropical alpine grassland ecosystem where

Working by this way, in a metafora as a ‘’sponge’’ , the jal-

part of the watershed until the northeast areas of the basin the altitude surpasses the 3400 m. As a result, a big part of the entire basin of Cajamarca forms the “Jalca domain”. Every change in this domain effects the natural being of the entire basin form the highlands of the Jalca to the productive lands and to the city.

ca ecosystem is responsible for providing with water the

For centuries, the basin used to work with a sponge logic

basin of Cajamarca all over the year.

territory on the highlands that would provide with water

natural vegetation typically consists of bunch grasses.

The existence of the basin is based on the well-being of

Climate conditions are drier than the paramos and more

the Jalca domain because of its topography. More preci-

the entire basin. Nowadays, this situation has changed.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

watershed rivers project limits jalca domain above 3400 m. the damaged jalca areas

10 km

Fig. 2.6 the damaging activities of foresting, agriculture and mining - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

The Damaged “Sponge” Nowadays, the current situation of the Jalca domain has completely changed in comparison with the past. The jalca domain is “over-damaged”. Enormous areas of Jalca have disappeared and transformed into areas where other productive activities can be developed. The needs of the local inhabitants and the interests of mining multinational companies have led to an increase of productive activities such as foresting, agriculture and mining. During the period 1987 (six years before mining operations started) to 2007 a research has been made about monitoring land use and land cover change in the jalca

744 in 1987 to 1196 in 2007.

for grazing and cultivation activities. This situation leads

The activities of foresting, agriculture and mining were increasing during this period. Annually, agriculture was increasing 1.2%, foresting 12.3 % and mining 9.0%. This situation is changing the capacity of the Jalca domain to absorb and release the amounts of water that the basin needs. The natural capacity of the ecological sponge is day-by-day decreasing.

them to an internal migration in the basin towards the city of Cajamarca. “In the region has been a significant and long term movement of households away from the communities surrounding the mine or where the mine is now operating. These displacements are the direct result of the large-scale environmental transformations related to the Yanacocha mining operations as well as increasing pressure on remaining land resources in the region.” (Bury

On the other hand, because of those activities and the

2005)

city’s huge expansion the water demand of the basin is

This situation leads to a project that will both try to repair

area of Cajamarca. (Tovar, Seijmonsbergen and Duiven-

increasing on daily basis.

voorden n.d.) In those years, there was a loss of 25.5% of

In addition to that, a lot of the local inhabitants are losing,

the entire jalca domain, that it means a loss of 1.5% per

mainly due to mining, the jalca areas that they used to use

the ‘’damaged sponge” and develop a new way of living on the repaired areas.

year. This loss led to an increase of the jalca patches from Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

watershed rivers project limits jalca domain above 3400 m. the damaged jalca areas jalca domain above 3400 m. the new energy lines

10 km

A Territorial “Sponge & Battery” The existence of the basin of Cajamarca is depended on

As already explained, even if the basin of Cajamarca is

By this way, “the territorial sponge and battery” project is

the well-being of the Jalca domain. For this reason the

one of the richest in gold deposits, the inhabitants are

giving a multilayered answer to the complex reality of Ca-

“damaged sponge” is the entry point for the development

the poorest in Peru. “The capita income in the province of

jamarca’s basin.

of a series of strategies. The goal of the “territorial spon-

Cajamarca is less than one-half the national average and

ge & battery” project is to give answers on three different

less than the one-third of per capita income in Lima, 86%

levels.

of houses do not have water or electrical services”. (Bury

1) Re-forming the headwaters

2005) For this reason, on a second level, the proposal de-

2) Re-concstructing the sponginess

On a first level, the project tries to resolve the main issue of the basin, the need for clean water. Form the moment that jalca is destroyed or damaged on an area you cannot reproduce it. The proposed strategies will present alternative ways of managing, harvesting and distributing clean

velops strategies in order to contribute in the increase of the level of living of the locals. By using mining areas for electrical energy production, the project will contribute in

The project is structured on the following steps:

3) Taking advantage of the renewable energy sources 4) Re-occupying the mines

the improvement of the living conditions.

water by using scenarios for the mining areas in the post

Finally, on a last level, the proposal introduces a new way

mining era. The main idea is to re-create the sponginess

of living on the post mining sites for the people that had

logic along the disturbed jalca areas.

to move in the city or to other areas because of the mining activities. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Fig. 2.7 - The topographical complexity of the main pit of Yanacocha, from the affected water table on the bottom to the benches on top and the moving ramps of the machinery. This is a photo of the pit depth during an explosion operation. - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou 2018

Mines didactic

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Fig. 2.8This is a collage made during an intensive workshop in the city of Cajamarca on February 2018. It is an interpretative collage showing the mining operations and topography.

the pit section (Laflamme Grenon 2011)

the mine dump section, Source (Athanasiou 2018)

the pad section (Lupo 2009) Fig. 2.9On these diagrammatic sections are presented the three main spatial elements of an open mine. The pit, the pad and the mine dump. Each element has different characteristics and they should treated in a different way on a post mine era.

Mines didactic In order to present the needed strategies for the basin

45 degrees. (Newmont 2018) From there the extracted

ted and the water with cyanide mix will be used to irrigate

of Cajamarca, it is of a great importance to understand

material is divided in two parts, the waste material that

again the pad. (Lupo 2009) Finally, it is very important to

how a mine operates on and transforms the natural

has no gold in it and the material that contains gold.

mention that the pads are constructed on top of a geom-

topography.

The waste material is deposited usually next to the pits

As mentioned before the gold mine of Yanacocha is an

creating the mine dumps. The dumps have their own slo-

open cast mine. An open mine is based on three different

pe geometry. These slopes are wider and less steep since

spatial elements. The pits, the pads and the mine dumps.

they form an angle of 20 to 25 degrees.

The pits are the areas from where the mined material is

The material that contains gold is deposit on different

extracted. The main form elements of a pit are the over-

areas, called the heap leach pads. There, this material is

all slope angle, the interramp angle the and bench face

deposit on soft slices of 10 cm., one on top of the other

angle. The overall pit slope angle is from crest to toe, and

and it is irrigated with water and Cyanide. The Cyanide

incorporates all ramps and benches. (Wyllie D.C 2004)

attracts the gold and because of the flow, water, cyanide

The main pit of Yanacocha is composed by benches of

and gold arrive on the bottom of the pad. There a drainage

10 to 12 m. high and 6 m. width and each one has an

system will lead this liquid mix to collection basins from

angle of 60 to 70 degrees. The total pit slope angle is of

where after an elaboration process the gold will be extrac-

embrane. This Geomembrane is very important since it keeps separate the natural ground from the cyanide that is highly toxic and destructive for the environment. The form of the pits, pads and mine dumps are presented on a diagrammatic way on the figures on top. The mining operations are characterized also by a heavy environmental impact, and water is on the first line of this impact. Mining operations need a huge water capital in order to operate. In the case of the Yanacocha mine, the needed water was found by drying out a lake that was placed on the area before. The word Yanacocha itself means the black lake.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

The logic of the pit, pad and dump, during mining operations

The pad

The pit

The mine dump

CN + H20

The geomembrane

CN + H20 + Au

This diagram presents the working logic during the extraction operations. It shows in a section how each element, pit, pad and dump change the topography.

Fig. 2.10TThis is a panoramic view of the main pit of Yanacocha.- Source: Athanasiou 2018

The logic of the pit, pad and dump, in the post mining era

The pad

The pit

The geomembrane

The mine dump

AMD + H20 CN

This diagram presents the working logic in the post mining era. It shows in a section how each element, pit, pad and dump could be dangerous for the environment by polluting it with cyanide and AMD.

Except the amounts of needed water, the main concern is

equilibrium with its environment. Any dissolved metal le-

the same will occur with the rain water that will flow on

about the polluted water produced by the operations. At

ached from the rock will hydrolyze when it comes into

the mine dumps.

the first place, it is easy to understand that the pads are

contact with water, and will produce acid.â&#x20AC;? (Metesh 1998)

the main source of pollution. In a post mining era when

In a mine case this process is called AMD (Acid Mine Drai-

the raining water will continue to irrigate the pads, this

nage). AMD is dangerous for the water systems because

water will be polluted by the cyanide left overs in the pads.

in a lot of cases it contains elevated concentrations of

This means that this water has to be treated in order to

heavy metals such as irons, aluminum, magnesium and

be released to the environment. In a different case the

metalloids such as arsenic. (White 2006) The areas that

polluted water will pollute the water table and by result

risk AMD pollution are the pits and the pads.

the entire water basin with cyanide and this will lead to destructive consequences. (Lupo 2009)

In both cases, cyanide polluted areas and AMD polluted areas it is crucial to develop strategies that will avoid the pollution of clean water and to minimize the effect that those areas can have on the environment on the future.

On the one hand, as a pit grows deeper and deeper, the bottom of a pit is in a lower lever than the water table. As

The second pollution issue is about the acidic drainage.

a result, during the mining operation this water is pumped

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Acidic drainage is a natural process that becomes acce-

out the pit. In a post mining era if the water is not pumped

lerated and intensified by mining. When rock is exposed

out any more, the water table will fill with water the pit

to weathering, it will release minerals as it comes into

and this water will be polluted by AMD. On the other hand, Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Fig. 2.11The mine made topography of the basinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s waterheads.- Source: Google Earth Sateliate image 2018

Creating a Territorial â&#x20AC;&#x153;Sponge & Batteryâ&#x20AC;? in 4 steps

1) Re-forming the headwaters 2) Producing energy for the inhabitants 3) Re-concstructing the sponginess 4) Re-occupying the mines

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

1) Re-forming the headwaters

The satellite image of Yanacocha on the Headwaters watershed project limits

3 km.

The project works to begin with, on the basinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s headwaters. The headwaters are the place on which the Yanacocha mine is located. As evident by the satellite images, the headwaters are completely transformed by the extraction operations. The operations are located along the watershed of the basin and as a result the natural headwaters donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t exist anymore. The water flows are manipulated by the mines in order to serve the extraction processes. In a post mining era, the headwaters must be reformed in a way to restore ecology as much as possible, and to serve potentially needs of the inhabitants of the entire basin.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

The Yanacocha mine on the headwaters

The mining areas of Yanacocha on the Headwaters existing rivers deviated rivers by mining operations project limits pad, cyanide pollution area pit, AMD pollution area mine dump, AMD pollution area restored areas disturbed areas main road infrastructure system secondary infrastructure system 0

3 km.

The Yanacocha mine is a complex system of pits, pads, dumps, water reservoirs, disturbed natural areas and restored ex mining areas. All these different areas are located along the watershed, creating sub groups of one pit, one pad, one dump. In Yanacocha, there are 4 groups of this kind and they form a totally new topography. All these areas are linked to each other with a huge road system that crosses everything from one side to the other. Then there is a secondary system of roads that cross each area and link them with the main system. These systems are over-scaled because they are used by mining machinery. A starting hypotheis is that they can be used as a structural element for reforming the headwaters.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

The Reformed Headwaters

The map of the Reformed Headwaters existing rivers deviated rivers by mining operations project limits pad, cyanide pollution area pit, AMD pollution area mine dump, AMD pollution area restored areas disturbed areas main road infrastructure system secondary infrastructure system 0

3 km.

There are two different categories of waters that need different treatments, the water for the watertable and the rain water. The water coming from the water table will fill the pits. Because of the fact that the pits are the areas with the maximum pollution of AMD, this amount of water is almost impossible to be saved, except if it is pumped out form the pit forever. The rain water is the basic element of the water heads and in the attempt to reform them, the harvest, the control and the redistribution of this water is essential. At this point, it is of a great importance to stress the fact that for this reforming, the strategies are taking advantage of the existing mining knowledge of the site. The main hypothesis of the strategy is based on the idea to have a switch of infrastructures. The over scaled road infrastructure can be reformed in a water infrastructure. Then, it will become a system of canals that will catch water from the different mine â&#x20AC;&#x153;catchmentâ&#x20AC;? areas such as the pads and the mine dumps, will harvest them in specific points and it will redistribute it in the natural water system. It is essential to ensure that clean rain water will stay Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Keeping rain water clean 1.

Reforming the pits edges

Covering the pads with geomembranes

Fig. 2.12A collage of the mine elements, a pad, the mine dumps and a92 pit

Introducing a series of wetlands for AMD treatment 1. Reforming the pits edges. The edges of the pits have to be reshaped in such a way that it would be impossible for the rain water to flow in them and by that to be polluted by AMD. 2. Covering the pads with geomembranes. The pads are the areas full of cyanide and in a post mining era the rain water must be protected by coming in touch with it. For this reason the pads are going to be covered with geomembrane. 3. Introducing a series of wetlands. In the photo it is shown the AMD wetland treatment of Garth Tonmawr with the mine water entering the system on the right. (Wiseman 2002) This wetland is used here as a reference for the proposed wetland system.

Fig. 2.13he AMD wetland treatment of Garth Tonmawr with the mine water entering the system on the right. (Wiseman 2002).-

Source: Wiseman, 2002

clean. The most polluted mining areas are the pits that

a period of many years, therefore requiring treatment of

produce the AMD and the pads that are irrigated with cya-

AMD to continue until well after the land has been aban-

nide. In the first case, in order to avoid that the rain water

doned by mining activities. Constructed wetlands have

ends in the pits, the edges around them are shaped in

been considered a possible solution to the long-term re-

such a way that the water flows around them and never

mediation of acid mine drainage.” (Smith 1997) Similar

reaches the pits. In the second case, the pads are cover-

systems of wetlands were introduced in the Pelenna, Wa-

ed with the geomembrane technic. In this way all the rain

les, mine waters where “The wetland treatment systems

water can flow out the pads, without coming in touch

were removing between 82 to 96 % of the incoming iron

with the polluted pads soil and remains clean.

loading.” (Wiseman 2002)

The mine dumps are also polluted areas by producing

Finally, the new headwater combined three different wa-

AMD. A system of wetlands located along these roads

ter systems.

that is going to treat the rain water before it arrives to the main canal system is developed. “Acid mine drainage (AMD) has been considered one of the industries toughest problems to solve. Most water remediation techniques are timely and costly, and AMD can continue over

water is treated. 3.

Finally, the main canal system that at the same

time collects, harvests and redistributes clean water. It collects rain water from the pads and the treated water of the wetlands. Then it collects that water in a series of reservoirs and ponds along its route. Those reservoirs and ponds allow water absorbing by the soil and refill the water table. Finally, it redistributes that water to the natural water system of the local rivers. At the end, those systems are working as a solid water system forming the new Headwaters of the Maschon

The pit polluted water coming from the wa-

basin.

ter table and being detached from the rest of the water systems. 2.

The wetland system on the mine dumps where Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Switching from road to water infrastructure The water pollution flows

AMD polluted water Cyanide polluted water AMD and cyanide polluted water Pits full with AMD polluted water

The water flows based on the road infrastructure

The road infrastructure based on the mining landscape modifications on top of natural topography

5 km.

The wetland systems on the mine dump

The main water infrastructure canal system with its reservoirs and ponds

Reshaping the edges of the pits and covering the pads with geo membranes

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

5 km.

Current water flows The PAD

water table

The road infrastructure

Future water flows

PAD with geomembranes

water table

The new water infrastructure

The mine dumps polluting with AMD

The pits

The wetland system on the mine dumps

The new role of the pits

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

The new landscape reality of the headwaters

Fig. 2.14Collage of the new landscape of the headwaters, with the canal system on the roads, the covered pads, the detached pits and the wetlands on the mine dumps.- Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

Fig. 2.15Between mines and Jalca. - Source: Google Earth Sateliate image 2018

100

A transect between mines and Jalca

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

101

A transect between mines and Jalca

102

1.5

2.5 km.

The selected transect. This area is selected because itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s located on the edge of the water heads and because of its variety of different landscape condition such as mining operations, jalca areas, agriculture and foresting

Analytical drawing of the transect where itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s presented the natural topography with the topography modified by the mining operations. - Source: Google Earth Sateliate image 2018

The selected transect is the most interesting area of the

a mining dump and ex mining restored area. It is crossed

the transect is located on an altitude between 3700 and

head waters of the Maschon Basin. It is a 15 km to 2.5

by the watershed and it is the area of the head waters

4100 m. high of sea level, being part of the damaged jalca

km size transect located on the southest point of the

from which the rivers that flow in the basin are formed. In

ecosystem.

Yanacocha mining including, the biggest pit and all the

addition to that, the area includes other productive lands-

spatial elements of the mining operation such as a pad,

cape activities such as agriculture and foresting. Finally, Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

103

The transect besides the mining operations

104

1.5

2.5 km.

The damaged sponge, the remaining jalca area of the transect

The rest productive landscape activities, foresting and agriculture.

The main section line on the middle of the transect. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

105

The mining operations in the transect

106

1.5

2.5 km.

Mining road infrastructure restored landscape ex natural topography natural topography modified areas new mining topography

the mining landscape modifications

AMD polluted areas cynide polluted areas modified areas

the polluted areas becasue of the mining operations

the transect section crossing the main pit of Yanacocha mine. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

107

The main conclusions

108

1.5

2.5 km.

An overlap of the mpas showing the complexity of the trasect and the three selected areas form left to right, the forest area, the pad area and the pit area.

Fig. 2.16In this phot is presented the compexity of the transcet. On the left it shows the the forest area that is located nexto to a mining dump which is under an ecological restoration project. On the bottom it located a pond with polluted water that has to be treated.- Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

The selected trasect area is very interesting because of itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s complexity. This complexity is constied by areas where jalca is completely destroyed, areas where foresting has taken over, areas that are already restored and areas that are completelly polluted by the extraction operations. In order to continue the presentation of the strategies, they are selected three different areas of the trsncect. The fisrt one is the pad area and the second one the forest area of the trasect. Those areas are selected in order to show different strategies for water management, for the increase of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;sponginessâ&#x20AC;? of the territory and the energy production by using renwable enery sources. Those areas are the pad area, the forest area and the damaged area around the pit.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

109

110

Fig. 2.17This photo shows how the extraction operations had modified the landscape and as a result the necessity of a series of restoring strategies and projects. - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Creating a Territorial â&#x20AC;&#x153;Sponge & Batteryâ&#x20AC;? in 4 steps 1) Re-forming the headwaters

2) Producing energy for the inhabitants 3) Re-concstructing the sponginess 4) Re-occupying the mines

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

111

Re-constructing the sponginess in the forest area In this section it is presented how the rain water flows are currently flow the forest area without refilling the water table.

The strategy is based on the idea that, the new plantation will allow to water to be absorbed easier and in bigger amounts, refilling the water table.

At the final stage, the forest will increase a lot the amount of absorbed water.

A big area of the west part of the selected transect is occupied by a productive forest. As mentioned before one 1. The water pond scenario. In this case, the steps work as catchment areas for the water coming from higher levels, before redistributing it to the agricultural lands.

main cause for the jalca destruction, it is the development of forests. For that reason, it is proposed a strategy that will increase the amount of water that this area can absorb, helping by this way the refilling of the water table. The strategy proposes to use some damaged non polluted areas next to the forests in order to create a plant nursery. Those plants must be able to let water to be absorbed by the ground more than a normal plant would do. Then this plants will replanted in some spots in the forest in order to create a new network of areas where water can be absorbed easier. This will increase the â&#x20AC;&#x153;sponginessâ&#x20AC;? of the area.

112

Re-constructing the sponginess and producing energy for the inhabitants on the pads

The current condition of the pads.

The geomembrane cover of the pads.

The development of a wind farm on top of the pads.

The coexistence of wind farm with solar energy.

In the middle of the selected transect are located the main pads of the Yanacocha Mine. As it is already explained all pad will be covered with geomebrane in order to avoid that rain water will be polluted with cyanide. The proposed strategy takes advantage of the this huge covered useless spaces and the of the high rates of wind and sun of the area. In the wind atlas of Peru (barlovento 2014), this area it is characterized as suitable for the development of a wind farm. At the same time, during the dry season this farm can also use the solar energy to produce more energy. So, with this strategy the pad areas will produce the needed energy for the improvement of The pads of Yanacocha are located next to the damaged areas that will be used for the plants nursery of the forest. After the end of the replantation of needed plants in the forest those damaged areas can be used as water storage areas. This water could be part of the collected waters of the pads.

the standard of living of the inhabitants of the Maschon Basin. This is the way how the mining site can become a territorial battery.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

113

Re-constructing the sponginess in the mining area The landscape characters around the pit This map is presenting the reality of the area around the pit with its different topographical conditions and the road infrastructure.

A diagram of the area with the proposed strategies In this diagram it is presented how the site would look after the implementation of the strategies in steps. First the switch from a road infrastructure to a water infrastructure, then the reshaping of the pit edge and the topography where the water will be storage and then the water body that will be stored.

114

The aea in the future In this map it is presented the pit area after the implementation of the proposed strategies. The roads have been turned into canals; the edge of the pit is reshaped; and the current topography (red line) id forming the water storage area. In the orange frame, it is shown the spot area where the reclamation strategies are going to be implemented

In the selected transect is located the Yanacocha pit.

southest point of the mining complex and this is the area

This area is characterized by three different topographi-

form where the rivers that cross the entire basin begin.

cal conditions. The pit topography, the mine dump topo-

In addition to that, this is the area next to which start the

graphy, which are both AMD polluted areas and finally the

agriculture lands and local inhabitants settlements. In a

damaged by mining operations sites around the pit which

post mining era this area will be very important in the re-

are not polluted. Following the strategies presented be-

clamation process by the locals. For this reason this is

fore, the road infrastructure is converted to a water infra-

the area where reclamation strategies will be proposed

structure, the pit edges are reshaped, a series of wetlands

for the locals for the post mining future. The reclamati-

are formed along the water system on the mine dumps

on strategies could be developed in different spot areas

and new water storage areas are formed.

around this site, but in this case it is chosen one specific

This water storage area will be man controlled. The water will always flow as a natural river, but the amount of the

spot, where those strategies are going to be presented later on.

released water will be controlled with a dam logic. The interesting fact of this area is that it is located on the Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

115

116

Fig. 2.18This photo shows how the mining clousre strategies are restoring the landscape at the moment. It is restored thet ladnscpae by vegetation on the mining sites. In this picture it is presented this vegetation and the mining platforms on top. - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Creating a Territorial â&#x20AC;&#x153;Sponge & Batteryâ&#x20AC;? in 4 steps 1) Re-forming the headwaters 2) Producing energy for the inhabitants 3) Re-concstructing the sponginess

4) Re-occupying the mines

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

117

One of the potential areas for the reclamation strategy

118

100

150

250 m.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

119

The reclamation proposal

120

100

150

250 m.

The proposal for the spot is based on a series of developed strategies. 1.

The switch of the road infrastructure to a water

infrastructure 2.

A new water management system

A new way of reorganizing and redistributing

agriculture land 4.

Shaping the mining landscape in a way that a

new way of living can be evolve in a post mining era to the mining sites. In this map it is presenting the result of the implementation of those strategies that are going to be analyzed further. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

121

The reference project of Vall d’ en Joan Fig. 2.20This section shows the new profile of the existing slope of the landfill. Source: Architizer, 2018

Fig. 2.19A panoramic view of the ex lanfills of Vall d’ en Joan.- Source: Architizer,

The Vall d’ en Joan Project is located in the Natural Park

aspects. They have to resolve the way that the new areas

of Garraf, Spain. This area used to be the main landfill of

will be shaped, how the new areas will be part of the pu-

the city of Barcelona and its metropolitan area. This re-

blic and collective system of the inhabitants and how will

ference is important for the proposed project because it

be the new landscape in the post mining era.

aimed to “use one single operation to address the three basic aspects identified: solving a complex technical problem, creating a new public space and constructing a new landscape.” (Architizer 2018) In the same way the in reclamation process of the mine sites the proposed strategies have to face the same basic 122

The interesting elements of the reference project are a lot. The main one is how the new slope- step logic landscape it is formed and shaped .

2018

Fig. 2.21This photo shows the min platforms. This topography can be referred as similar to the Valâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; en Joan Project. - Source: Iosif P. Athanasiou, 2018

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

123

The lanscape analysis of the spot The mining landscape elements on the spot

100

150

250 m.

mine road

The spot are is characterized by the different topographical levels created by the mining operations and its road infrastructure which is developed in different levels.

mine road dead-end mine slope top line of mine slope bottom line of mine slope

124

The landscape categories

The different levels of the spot can be grouped based

on their characteristics. So we have three different levels

located in a higher topography of the low lands and.

that need different approaches and strategies. 1.

100

150

250 m.

The middle land, which are big flat areas that are The high lands, which areas are created by the

The low land, where is placed the main road in-

mining operations in steps with 10 m. high difference to

frastructure that crosses the entire mine site. Its shape

each other. The selected ‘’steps’’ are those which have

follows the area of the road.

the best south orientation and are protected by the north east wind that characterized the mine area.

low land middle land high land

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

125

The switch of the road infrastructure to a water infrastructure

Fig. 2.22This image explains how a road mine is constructed, and next to it diagram that shows the proposed section line of the road in comparison with the existent. Image sourse: (Resources n.d.)

The entering point for the development of the strategies

For this reason the roads will be transformed into water

the higher levers of the area, they will be transformed in

is the switching of the road infrastructure to water infra-

canals and because of the existing topography the low

canals with the AMD wetland treatments. Those roads

structure system. More precisely the low lands, where the

land will be able to keep or resale water to the Maschon

will be analyzed later on.

majority of road infrastructure exists, will be transformed

Basin based on the needs, as it is described in the

in one of the storage areas of water that will be collected

diagrams.

by the new water system around the mine area.

The roads that are not located on the low lands but on

Current condition

126

Suggested water areas

The section presents the water storage strategy in the low lands

In this diagram is shown the water storage capacity of the low land based on the water quantity. Those sections are exaggerated 2 times on their height.

New topography

Water storage

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

127

The low lands as a dynamic water storage system

The area of the dynamic storage system on the spot 128

This diagram presents the dynamic storage system in different season conditions.

The low lands as a dynamic water storage system. Depending on the water quantity during the dry and wet season the low land cam provide with the needed amounts of water the water basin. At the same time the storage water has the time to infiltrate on the ground and by this refill the water table. This strategy is an attempt to increase the sponginess of the area. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

129

The new water and agricultural systems The water and agricultural diagram of the spot

100

150

AMD polluted water Different floodplains levels Wet areas Wetlands for AMD treatment Canals on the high lands Water system for agriculture on the high lands Distribution agricultural system on middle lands Distribution agricultural system on high lands Agricultural areas in wet areas

130

250 m.

The new water flow of the spot

100

150

250 m.

This project except of trying to give an answer to the wa-

also in the inner part of the canals on the middle lands.

The water before entering the high lands water system

ter issues that affect the entire Maschon Basin, tries to

At the external areas of those canals will be placed a dif-

it is treated in a series of wetlands for AMD. Then on the

help the local inhabitants to reclaim the land that is used

ferent kind of agriculture along which a secondary canal

platforms, it is suggested a water canal system that will

in the mining operations after the mining closure.

system is going to irrigate them.

keep water as much as possible on them to irrigate the

For this reason, they are proposed a new water manage-

The high lands have their own way of working. Not all of

ment system and a new way of reorganizing and redis-

the mining platforms are selected to be part of the new

tributing agriculture land on the mining areas. To do so,

reclamation strategy. They are selected only those which

each system has to be adapted to the given topography.

have a south orientation and they are protected by the

On low lands, where the majority of the water is storage the high areas that during some months of the year are not going to be under water are suggested to become wet agricultural areas. The same wet areas can be placed

north east wind direction. This selection is made because the low temperatures on that altitude and the high speed winds are parameters that have to be seriously considered.

agricultural lands. On this lever agricultural land is divided in stripes that go along the platform edges in order to allow each stripe to get more irrigated the most by the water system. The water flows form on platform to a lower level platform by a system of ponds that are placed on top of a system of new suggested platforms, that work in steps as a connector between the different levels. This new step system is going to be analyzed later on.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

131

The new water and agricultural systems analysis

The new water management systems

The low land

132

The middle land

The high lands On those diagrams are presented the new water and agricultural system on the low, middle and high lands.

100

150

200 m.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

133

The steps logic, the archetype

Given mine topography, with steps of 10 m. high and 75 degrees slope.

The cut material to create the step

For the construction of this â&#x20AC;&#x153;step strategyâ&#x20AC;? it is used the mining knowledge. The new step system is constructed with the same way as the existing mining steps. In Yanacocha mine, these steps are formed with a slope of 75 degrees. For this, reason the entire step system uses this 75 degrees slope logic.

134

The step construction with the cut material and the material of the ongoing main operations.

The final step

The new step system is the main strategy for occupying

the mining operations can be used for the benefit of the

the mining sites in the post mining era. In this post mi-

reclamation of the area in the post mining era.

ning era those areas has to be reclaimed by the local in-

cultural land. In addition to that, the steps could become the areas

The shape of the new step system is following the mining

where the inhabitants could develop their settlements.

logic of constructing their platforms in steps. The idea is

It is suggested to take advantage of the different geom-

to create a step element that is placed in a diagonal di-

etries that those steps could shaped with. By this was,

rection to the existing platform for two reasons. The first

one step element could be at the same time a connection

reason is that by this way the water canal on the plat-

area between different levels, a water pond system and a

form will flow directly into the ponds of the step system

settlement area. These settlements could also define the

naturally. The second one is that by this way the existing

character of each step element. So for example, in one

For this reason, it is proposed a new system of steps on

material on the site can be reused for the construction of

step could be constructed a settlement used for collec-

the existing mining platforms. The first difficulty that the

the new steps. In addition, new material from the ongoing

tive activities, such as a small school, or a medical point.

inhabitants will face in the reclamation period, it will be

operations can be added to form the new elements. By

On the other hand, a step element could have a more pri-

their physical movement and connection between them.

this way, it will be used the cut and fill logic for shaping

vate character. Each step could be given to a family to

The entering point for the new step system is to create a

the new steps. The shape it will always follow the norms

construct a small house and take as its property the land

network of easy and fast vertical connection of the diffe-

followed by the mining operations until now. So the steps

on it, as it is described in the following diagrams.

rent levels.

will be shaped as slopes of 75 degrees and 2.5 m. high.

To construct this step system, the main idea is to take

The step system is not going to resolve only the connec-

advantage of the mining operations and mining know-

tion problem, but it will be a multilayered solution for a

ledge before the mining closure. The strategy is based on

series of issues. The step system will be part of the water

the logic of start shaping the mining landscape for the

system on high lands, as it was already explained. It will

post mining era while the mining operations are still on

be developed a series of ponds each one on a different

going. The machinery, the material and the knowledge of

step that will catch the water and redistribute on the agri-

habitants in all ways. So, not only by giving them back agricultural lands, as it is already presented, but also to give them the chance to make those areas become part of their own territory. The goal is to start living, using and make those areas part of the everyday life activities, such as all the other areas around the mines.

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

135

The steps system in different scenarios

The different scenarios in collages

The different scenarios in diagrams

1. The water pond scenario

136

2. The collective character scenario

3. The private character scenario

1. The water pond scenario. In this case, the steps work as catchment areas for the water coming from higher levels, before redistributing it to the agricultural lands. 2. The collective character scenario. In this case, the steps are not shaped in the same way. On the top step it is formed a collective space as part of a bigger path system that crosses the area. On the lowest step, the bigger one, is formed again a collective space flowed by a small building for public uses. On the inbetween steps are formed some small water catchment areas which are part of the suggested agriculture and water systems.

3. The private character scenario. In this case, the steps are not all the same as well. Here are divided in small land properties areas, where families could construct their own settlements an use the rest of their step in a private way. Of course, in the scenario there exist a pond to catch water as part of the suggested water and agricultural system.

Water system Agricultural system Private character areas Collective character areas

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

137

Occupying the mines

The wooden roof with tiles

The frame of the step walls

The stone wall

The main facade

In the post mining era, it is important to propose the way

ge of the new topography by using two of the step slopes

stones, used in this area of the Andes. The roof will be a

of constructing the needed settlements on the mining

as two of the main walls of the settlement. Then the third

simple wooden roof with tiles.

landscape. As it was already explained, it is proposed to

part will be constructed with stones and finally the forth

construct on the new step system.

side that will be the main faรงade of the settlement it will

There is suggested that its settlement it will take advanta138

be constructed with the local was of wall construction called,

. is a technic of wall construction with mud and

By this was it will be developed a sustainable and easy way of creating settlements on the mine site in the post mining era.

A collage showing how it would look like the new settlements on the propsosed step system. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

139

Reflection and conclusion

The hottest topic on the Maschon basin is about the future after the mining closure of Yanacocha. It is not possible to give a sheer answer to that question because of the complexity and the multilayer reality of the different areas of the basin. Although, it is essential to obtain a new point of view about this future taking as a great opportunity this complexity of the context. Starting from the territorial scale of the head waters and reaching the micro scale of one single settlement unit this thesis aimed to give a new point of view about the post mining era of the basin. I hope that this material will be a good food for thought for the people and the stake holders of Cajamarca in their attempt to reach a great post mining future for everybody. 140

A collage showing the proposed reality of the post mining era in the selected spot. Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

141

142

List of references Architizer. Architizer. 2018. https://architizer.com/projects/landscape-restoration-of-the-vall-den-joan-landfill-site/ (accessed 08 12, 2018). barlovento, with EU financial support. barlovento. 2014. https://www.barloventorecursos.com/en/highligths/wind-atlas-peru (accessed 08 12, 2018). Bury, J. “Mining mountains: neoliberalism, land tenure, livehoods, and the new Peruvian mining industry in Cajamarca.” Enviromental and Planning , 2005: 221-239 Cooper, David, Evan C. Wolf, Christopher Colson, Walter Vering, Arturo Granda, and Micheal Meyer. “Alpine Peatlands of the Andes.” Arctic, Antarcitc and Alpine Research, 2010: 19-33. Laflamme Grenon, Amelie-Julie. “Slope orientation assessment for open-pit mines, using GIS-based algorithms.” Elsevier, 2011: 1413-1424. Lupo, John F. “Liner system design for heap leach pads.” Elsevier, 2009: 163-173. Metesh, John J. , Steve Oravetz, Terrie Jarrell. “Treating Acid Mine Drainage From Abandoned Mines in Remote Areas.” 1998. Newmont. Newmont official web site. 2018. https://www.newmont.com/about-us/default.aspx (accessed July 10, 2018). Resources, Haul Road Design. Haul Road Design Resources. n.d. http://haul-road-design.com/category/geometric-design/ (accessed 08 13, 2018). Smith, Kathryn. “Constructed Wetlands for Treating Acid Mine Drainage.” Student On-line Journal, Restoration and Reclamation Review, 1997. Tovar, Carolina, Arie C. Seijmonsbergen, and Joost F. Duivenvoorden. “Monitoring land use and land cover change in mountain regions: An example in the Jalca grasslands of the Peruvian Andes.” ELSEVIER, Landscape and urban Planning 112, n.d.: 40-49. White, Steven. “Wetland Use in Acid Mine Drainage Remediation.” 2006. Wiseman, I. Constructed Wetlands for Minewater Treatment. R&D Technical Report, Bristol: Enviroment Agency Wales, 2002. Wyllie D.C, Mah C.W. Rock Slope Engineering: Civil and Mining. New York: Spon Press, 2004. Yanacocha. Yanacocha official Website. 2018. http://www.yanacocha.com/ (accessed July 10, 2018).

Territorial Sponge and Battery: Reclaiming headwaters in a disfigured landscape

143

AndenerĂa

A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation Nikita Shah

Table of Contents

Introduction

150

Mapping of the site

158

Project definition

170

Design strategies

182

Project in vision Conclusion

198 226

148

Fig. 3.1â&#x20AC;&#x192;The Cajamarca region hosts diffused rural communities within its dramatic Andean landscape. Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018.

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 149

Introduction

Fig. 3.2â&#x20AC;&#x192;Dispersed rural dwellings within agro-pastoral farms. Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018.

150

The largest part of the Mashcon Basin is dotted with

Moreover, the Yanacocha mining operations in the region

dispersed rural settlements. While the city of Cajamarca

have and are reducing the access to natural resources for

occupies of the Valley of Mashcon River, rural residents

the rural population in its surrounding areas (Bury 2004).

are primarily settled on hillsides. This mountainous

By impacting the headwaters of the Mashcon Basin, the

landscape around Cajamarca ranges in altitude from

mines have negatively influenced both the quality and the

2700 meters to 4100 meters above sea level.

quantity of water available for livelihood activities of the

Living on the hillsides in Peru has always been connected to difficult access and resulting marginality, lower state investments, unproductive lands and fragility of ecosystems (Tapia 1997). Settling in this rural

rural population (Vela-Almeida et al. 2016). Water scarcity combined with the extreme rain events due to climate change pose an enormous threat to the already poor and vulnerable rural inhabitants.

area is connected to the fields on which most of the

It is important to anticipate the process of mine closure

rural population works. Agriculture, cattle-raising and

to shape the future of rural areas differently alongside

agroforestry are primary activities for subsistence.

on-site closure operations. This thesis proposes an

Cajamarca is also one of the poorest regions in Peru with

alternative vision and design strategies for the future of

a large rural population in extreme poverty and misery.

the rural area of Mashcon Basin in a post-mining era. AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 151

152

Fig. 3.3 (Left) The rural hillsides are located between the Yanacocha mines on the mountain peaks and Cajamarca on the valley floor. Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018. Fig. 3.4 (Right) The rural hillsides are located between Cajamarca in the south and the Yanacocha mines in the north.

Yanacocha mines

the Mashcon Basin

city of Cajamarca

Agro-pastoral areas in the Cajamarca region.

2km

5km

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 153

Challenges

Dependency on the city and the mine The rural area currently depends on the city of Cajamarca as the only point of centrality. Cajamarca has become the collection and redistribution point for most of the agro-pastoral produce in region that is not for self-subsistence, and previous rural systems of exchange and reciprocity have dwindled. The city is also the only place where rural produce is processed and sent outside of the region. Similarly, the mines have come to be seen as the only significant economic opportunity for rural inhabitants through the selling of their land or labour. To change the impoverished social and economic context of the rural area, it must create a new system of self-reliance.

Fig. 3.5â&#x20AC;&#x192;Many rural occupants walk hours to come to Cajamarca city to sell their agriculture produce. Photograph by N.Shah, February 2018.

154

Lack of social infrastructure The Andes have hosted agro-pastoral economies for 3000 to 4000 years (Brush 1982). However, the rural area of Cajamarca has seen a series of transformations since the 16th century that have ignored and exploited rural inhabitants (Bury 2004). This continues in the present as the government focuses development policies on lowlying regions of Peru and marginalizes mountains and their inhabitants (Dollfus 1986). The Yanacocha mines, too, exploit the landscape but do not share any economic profit with the rural areas. As a result, the rural hillsides lack even the basic social infrastructure such as schools and medical centres as well as any formal collective spaces. To improve the quality of life on hillsides, a social infrastructure for people to meet and to receive basic services will be essential.

Fig. 3.6 Dispersed rural dwellings without any collective spaces. Photograph by G. van den Bosch, February 2018.

Increasingly monoculture production The Andean inhabitants have a long history of adapting various agricultural crops to different altitudes and had created numerous variants. Over the last century, agrarian reform and development policies contributed to erosion of agricultural diversity—both of the crops and of the traditional practices that maintained them (cited in Cuvi 2013). Moreover, since the 1940s, large enterprises have created infrastructure to collect and process milk from rural areas of Cajamarca. Because of the increased profitability of milk production, more and more fields have become pastures for cattle-raising. Milk production in Cajamarca is still increasing today. These processes have led to an increasingly monoculture mode of production, exploitation and degradation of natural resources. For a post-mining era, the aim should be to increase the productivity of the region, but also to change the trend of monoculture into a diverse system that can naturally sustain itself within the landscape. Fig. 3.7 Cattle-raising in rural areas. Photograph by M. Macera, February 2018.

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 155

156

research question How can the rural area in Cajamarca region become more self-reliant? How can the natural conditions of landscape become more productive and host a social infrastructure and places of exchange to support a new countryside?

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 157

Mapping of the site

The rural transect

A transect of 15 km in length and 2.5 km in width is

A series of maps is made to understand the landscape

strategically chosen between Cajamarca and the area of

specificities and assets of this transect.

Yanacocha mine as a representative of rural area. The transect includes altitudes between 2700m to 3600m. It is comprised of jalca on the west, cliffs and an alluvial plain in the centre, and a series of soft hills in the east. The transect also covers the confluence of Grande River – the largest river flowing from the north and severely affected by Yanacocha mines, and Porcon River – the largest river flowing from the north-west. Grande River and Porcon River merge to become Mashcon River that then flows within Cajamarca. A part of the main connection between the city and the mine – a historic path that is now upgraded to a national road – passes through the transect. 158

Rural transect and its relative place in the hydrological regime of the Mashcon Basin.

Yanacocha mines

the Mashcon Basin

rural transect

Cajamarca city

2km

5km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 159

Ecologies

Numerous rivers and streams flow through the transect at different altitudes in the mountainous landscape. The steep altitude gradients are highlighted by partially drawn topographic lines. The Andean Mountains have great ecological diversity due to the sudden changes in altitude gradients, steep slopes, and pockets of microclimates. The landscape of chosen transect is no exception to the rule. Variations in the landscape range from steep slopes to flats, wet to dry, and forested to barren areas. As rivers move through different altitudes, the riparian vegetation along the rivers also varies.

160

Fig. 3.8 (Above) Ecologies. Based on Satellite images and GIS information obtained from the Regional Government of Cajamarca [http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob.pe/] Fig. 3.9 (Far left) 2800m above sea level. Photograph by M. Macera, February 2018. Fig. 3.10 (Left) 3600m above sea level. Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018. areas of steep slope (contours at every 10m) rivers and tributaries riparian vegetation jalca vegeatation low riparian vegetation in jalca area

500m

1km

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 161

3500m 3400m 3300m 3200m 3100m 3000m 2900m 2800m 2700m

Ecologies

162

Fig. 3.11â&#x20AC;&#x192;Landscape elements of the transect in the context of the Mashcon Basin, drawn as series of vertically exaggerated sections.

trees jalca

500m

1km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 163

Patterns of production

The mountain landscapes are worked, and thus shaped

the mountains is similar to this restructuring, but more

by peasants. Their formation is dependent on local

extensive as it must provide for a larger population.

knowledge and practices and on outside processes such as farm technologies, product markets and land tenure reforms (Zimmerer 1999). The modes of agropastoral production generate patterns of fields across the landscape. The size and shapes of the fields are also connected to specific slopes, altitudes, soils and climatic conditions. In the transect, such variations can be observed. Cultivation of mountain habitat by manipulation started long before the Inca period in Peru, but was disrupted by the depopulation caused by the Spanish conquest. The restructuring adopted several new crops and animals (Gade 1992). The present ways of cultivating 164

Fig. 3.12 (Above) Patterns of production. Based on Satellite images. Fig. 3.13 (Left) Different patterns of production in the foreground and background. Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018.

500m

1km

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 165

3500m 3400m 3300m 3200m 3100m 3000m 2900m 2800m 2700m

Patterns of production

166

Fig. 3.14â&#x20AC;&#x192;Production patterns of the transect in context of the Mashcon Basin, drawn as series of vertically exaggerated sections.

500m

1km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 167

Domesticated landscape

This landscape is domesticated for settlement and

secondary and tertiary channels are usually earthen

agro-pastoral

channels.

production

mainly

topographical

modifications and irrigation systems. Every field on a slope is created through some degree of landscape modification. The modifications range from stone-faced terraces to Lynchets (a ridge or ledge formed along the downhill side of the field by ploughing) and hedgerows (mixed hedge of wild shrubs and occasional trees bordering the field). Similarly, the topography is also shaped to make houses and paths. The other important aspect of domestication is water management, particularly to irrigate fields. This is done mainly by creating open channels to conduct upstream water. The channels use natural height differences. The main channels are often made in concrete, while the 168

Fig. 3.15 (Above) Domesticated landscape. Based on Satellite images. Fig. 3.16 (Far left) Agricultural terraces. Photograph by M. Macera, February 2018. Fig. 3.17 (Left) Irrigation canal. Photograph by G. van den Bosch, February 2018.

areas of agricultural production original countours (10m) constructed terraces rivers and tributaries constructed canals constructed lakes

500m

1km

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 169

Project definition

The mappings of the chosen transect illustrate the complexity of this landscape. The natural elements and atmospheres change dramatically within short distances and so do the ways of domestication. To use the locational assets of this landscape in the making of a rural project, one must understand how the natural and human ecologies get organized in the Peruvian Andes. A concept of agro-ecological zones is tested to this purpose.

170

3800m

Jalca

Ladera Alta

Ladera Baja

Quechua semihúmeda

3400m - 4100m

3200m - 3400m

3000m - 3200m

2700m - 3000m

3700m 3600m 3500m 3400m 3300m 3200m 3100m 3000m 2900m 2800m 2700m Fig. 3.18 A vertically exaggerated section through the transect shows the distribution of agro-ecological zones in Cajamarca region.

Agro-ecological zones

Many geographers, soil scientists and bio-scientists have

or High Hillsides and ‘Jalca’. However, Ladera Baja and

classified the Andes into different geographic and natural

Ladera Alta are often seen as one Agro-ecological zone

life zones. This thesis uses Mario Tapia’s system of agro-

– Ladera. Each of these zones can further be divided into

ecological zones that was used by him to describe the

‘Homogeneous Zones of Production’ based on variations

differences in the Andes and more specifically in the area

in slopes, and moisture retention capacity, depth, acidity

around Cajamarca (1997). The Food and Agriculture

and fertility of soil within the same zone (Tapia 1997).

Organization of the United Nations (FAO) defines Agroecological zones as zones with “similar climate and soil characteristics and similar physical potentials for rain-fed agricultural production” (1996). The northern or ‘septentional’ Andes is divided into four Agro-ecological zones based on temperature, altitude, humidity, and geomorphology. These zones are ‘Quechua semihúmeda’ or Semi-humid Quechua (also referred as Kichwa), ‘Ladera Baja’ or Low hillsides, ‘Ladera Alta’ Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 171

Fig. 3.19 Natural and human ecologies in the Jalca zone Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018.

Fig. 3.20 Natural and human ecologies in the Ladera zone. Photograph by M. Macera, February 2018.

Fig. 3.21 Natural and human ecologies in the Quechua zone. . Photograph by G. van den Bosch, February 2018.

172

Ladera

lca

Fig. 3.22â&#x20AC;&#x192;Distribution of agroecological zones in the Mashcon Basin. The city of Cajamarca is located in the Quechua zone and the Yanacocha mine is located in the Jalca zone, while the rural areas cross all the zones. Three sections through rural areas in different zones are drawn as samples to describe important characteristics of each.

Quechua

the Mashcon Basin Yanacocha mine Cajamarca city Quechua zone Ladera zone Jalca zone

2km

5km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 173

3800m

Quechua Altitude: 2700m to 3000m This zone is cultivated extensively except for the areas

3700m

of steep slope or with a threat of erosion (Brush 1982). It is composed primarily of areas of maize production, irrigated and non-irrigated pastures (Tapia 1997), as is the case in some parts of the Mashcon Basin.

3600m

However, the valley areas closer to the city of Cajamarca are created through fluvial deposition and are very fertile. They are now completely taken over by pastures for cattle. Access to irrigation here allows for cultivation of

3500m

permanent pastures such as clover-ryegrass mix.

3400m

3300m

3200m

3100m

3000m

2900m

2800m

2700m

Fig. 3.23â&#x20AC;&#x192;Sectional perspective of an area in the Quechua zone in Cajamarca region. An agro-pastoral settlement is located on higher areas between riparian valleys. 0

174

100

200m

Ladera Baja & Alta

3800m

Altitude: 3000m to 3400m These are zones with temperate climates. The low hillsides from 3000m to 3200m often host corn-fields on gentle slopes and wooded hill-sides on steep slopes. The

3700m

high hillsides from 3200m to 3400m have rocky hillsides with bushes, tuber production on gentle slopes and some pastures on flat areas (Tapia 1997). Traditionally, this zone is used to grow root tubers combined with a few

3600m

cereals, grains and legumes. Cultivation occurs in two seasons: December to May and June to September/ November. However, in the dry season, this zone often faces water scarcity.

3500m

3400m

3300m

3200m

3100m

3000m

2900m

2800m

Fig. 3.24â&#x20AC;&#x192;Sectional perspective of an area in the Ladera zone in Cajamarca region. Dwellings are dispersed in the agricultural pattern on sight slopes. 0

100

2700m

200m

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 175

3800m

3700m

3600m

3500m

3400m

3300m

3200m

3100m

3000m

Jalca

Jalca is not suitable for extensive human occupation Altitude: 3400m to 4100m

2900m

grow here. as it leads to fast degradation of jalca through overexploitation and over-grazing.

Jalca is ecologically similar to but drier than the PĂĄramo area of northern Andes and wetter than the Puna area of southern Andes. The average temperature here is lower than that of the other zones of the northern Andes.

2800m

The soil is fertile but highly susceptible to erosion. The vegetation is dominated by highland sedges and grasses that provide natural pasture for cattle, sheep, and horses. Livestock has been important to survive the uncertainties

2700m

of crop production due to drought, hail and unseasonal freezes at these altitudes (Gade 1992). Certain varieties of tubers and grains such as barley, quinoa, and oats also

176

Fig. 3.25â&#x20AC;&#x192;Sectional perspective of an area in the Jalca zone in Cajamarca region. Sparse patches of cultivated areas are located within a wet region. 0

100

200m

The sierra as a vertical archipelago

Agro-ecological zones are not absolute boundaries, but

ensures that crops are cultivated in the most suitable

they give us a fair idea how Andean landscape conditions

altitudes and yet everyone has access to a full range of

change and host different natural and human ecologies.

crops and animals. It was also a system of redistribution

John Murra has described a traditional way of settling

and reciprocity.

on this landscape – in “vertical archipelagos” (1972). The Andean landscape is seen as a series of ‘floors’ with different productive potential in each. Different ethnic groups attempt to have access to the maximum number of floors to be able to exchange a range of agro-pastoral produce within the group. This was done by setting up satellite villages or fields in several other floors that may be separated physically yet maintain continuous social contact and trade with their centre (Murra 1972). This system worked at a scale of kingdoms, but also often Fig. 3.26 Diagram illustrating the concept of vertical archipelago.

at a scale of a single extended family. Such a strategy

This system of verticality suffered during the colonial period as large indigenous populations were regrouped in reductions and native administrative systems were destructed. The agrarian reform of 1968 changed production systems again with a considerable lack of awareness of the specificity of Andean societies (Molinié-Fioravanti 1986). However, even after multiple disruptions, patterns similar to vertical occupation still operate today in Andean hillsides in a combination with the global market economy.

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 177

Three intentions for the rural project

To answer the question â&#x20AC;&#x153;How can the rural area around Cajamarca become more self-reliant?â&#x20AC;? the investigation test the concepts of agro-ecological zones and the system of verticality as starting points. The project is defined by three main intentions: ecological strategies for each altitude range, vertical exchange between different altitude ranges, and social infrastructure for rural inhabitants.

178

ecological strategies

The concept of agro-ecological zones describes how environmental conditions vary at different altitudes making them most suitable for a specific productive use. This is in sharp contrast with the present condition in Cajamarca region where natural resources at every altitude range are being exploited to raise cattle for dairy industries.

medicines, fodder, wood, and many other raw materials to use as building materials and tools. Moreover, these productive activities are located on a landscape where the aquifers and hydrological regime have been irreversibly changed in the past 25 years. While a mining closure project at headwaters must reestablish the base water flows, the rural hillsides will also

The project proposes a diversification of productive

have to strengthen their ecological balance to continue

activities. The overall production of the region can be

productive activities based on land and water. Jalca must

increased by locating a variety of productive activities

be protected from over-grazing or human occupation in

in their most suitable places. Various produce can be

order to maintain water flows in the basin. Productive

exchanged within the region helping the region grow

land must be protected from erosion. Specific ecological

beyond the economy of subsistence. The Andean

strategies suitable to altitude ranges can improve

population has historically been dependent on the bio-

production without exploiting the ecologies at those

diversity of the region not only for food, but also for

altitudes.

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 179

social infrastructure

A self-reliant Cajamarca region must provide basic

services in a heterarchical manner. The services must be

infrastructure and services to its rural inhabitants. A poor

distributed throughout the region without creating points

quality of life in the rural areas currently leads to rural-

of agglomerations.

urban migration to peripheries of Cajamarca city. At the same time, living in the countryside and close to nature as opposed to living in dense urban centres is becoming more attractive to many people and is generating urbanrural migration in many parts of the world. A future countryside of Cajamarca could prepare to host these new inhabitants as well as making the quality of life better for its current residents.

a road-based or fossil fuel-based. Rural hillsides can avoid the environmental disaster of urbanization and industrialization and leapfrog to a more sustainable future. It can skip the more expensive and more polluting technologies and jump directly to ecological technologies. Instead of a formal public transport, battery-powered shared transport systems can be introduced. The

The rural hillsides need educational facilities from

mobile phones with internet are already reaching more

kindergartens to high schools, medical clinics, and

rural inhabitants than phone-lines. Solar energy based

hospitals,

collective charging points for vehicles or mobile phones

post-offices,

agro-processing

units

and

markets. The project proposes to spatially organize these 180

The infrastructure of the future does not have to be

can arrive before electricity in every house.

exchange

Learning from the concept of vertical archipelagos, if the

important again in a self-reliant rural Cajamarca with its

system of vertical exchange is reintroduced and renewed

own system of exchange between communities.

in the rural hillsides, the area can create its own economy. The exchange will be complemented by introducing collective agro-processing units specific to produce in each altitude range. Agro-processing will keep a larger part of the value chain in the region instead of moving it to Cajamarca city and multi-national enterprises.

zones remains similar in many Andean valleys, there are variations between different valleys in the relative spacing of the zones. Different zones could exist in a compressed, extended or archipelago type (Brush 1976). In the Mashcon Valley, the topographical gradient compresses

Andean societies still operate with a blend of traditional

different zones in a close proximity. The inhabitants can

and

1986).

access all the zones within a short walking time. This is

labour

also of an advantage to set up a system of exchange that

exchange, sharecropping arrangement which exchanges

goes across different zones and is still within a walking

land for labour, working for crops as well as cash, and

distance to most of the rural inhabitants.

market

Subsistence

Fig. 3.27â&#x20AC;&#x192;Diagram illustrating the concept of vertical exchange between different altitude ranges.

Though the ethno-geographical taxonomy of the crop

economies strategies

(MoliniĂŠ-Fioravanti involve

reciprocal

reciprocal, non-monetized exchange of crops (Brush 1976). The systems of reciprocity may become more AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 181

Design strategies

Design strategies for the rural project are investigated on an area of 20km in length and 7.5km in width. The area crosses the Mashcon Basin in width and covers multiple landscape conditions.

182

Fig. 3.28â&#x20AC;&#x192;Satellite image of the area in relation to the city and the mine.

2km

5km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 183

3400m

3200m

3000m

3400m

3200m

3000m Fig. 3.29â&#x20AC;&#x192;Three agro-ecological zones and slopes on a topographic map with contour lines at every 50m.

Slopes and transition

The area of investigation crosses all three agro-ecological zones and related altitudes. The other important feature here is the transitions between these altitudes â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the slopes. The areas of steep slopes are the most difficult to domesticate or cultivate and hence safeguarded by default for ecology. They are also the areas most difficult to traverse, and disconnect parts of the rural area from the other. To create an exchange network between different altitudes, it becomes important to find places to traverse while protecting the ecologies at every altitude.

184

Urbanism of dispersion

The area is characterized by diffused settlements ranging

place, the intention of the investigation is to create a new

from loose hamlets (CaserĂos) to dispersed dwellings

countryside that conserves and enhances this quality. It

throughout all agro-ecological zones but with different

is therefore essential to ask â&#x20AC;&#x201C; What is the form of access

densities. These densities are inherent to what the

and exchange that does not require density or urbanity?

ecologies of these altitudes could support, but also based

What are the collective spaces for a dispersed rural

on the specific natural conditions such as slopes and soil

population? What are the everyday gathering spaces?

types. Historically, too, as the Spanish and mestizo populations took over river valleys, the Indians were forced to retreat and disperse to higher altitudes and remote areas to escape their oppressors (Gade 1992). They settled near farms to avoid commuting long distances and formed diffused settlements. Considering dispersion as an inherent quality of the AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 185

Urbanism of dispersion

186

Fig. 3.30â&#x20AC;&#x192;Human dispersion with specific landforms and water flows

dwelling units rivers / streams

500m

1km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 187

Fig. 3.31 Photograph by N.Shah, March 2018.

‘Andenería’

Pre-columbian civilizations built extensive agricultural terraces to cultivate on slopes and domesticate Andes. These terraces are called ‘Andenes’ and the system of creating these terraces is called ‘Andenería’. For centuries, the andenes were built to provide better soil and irrigation for crops and to prevent the erosion of mountains. It was a system to create horizontality in a mountainous landscape that hugely impacted the lives of people.

188

‘Collective andenes’

Extrapolating the concept of horizontality in a mountainous

Collective Andenes host the social infrastructure as well

landscape from the historic Andenería, the Andenería for

as the places of exchange and become the shared spaces

future is proposed as a series of platforms that cross the

that bring together people of living on same altitude range.

mountainous landscape and host collective spaces for

They create a loose community that moves at the same

the dispersed settlements. These platforms or ‘Collective

altitude and encounters each other. The andenes provide

andenes’ follow more or less the same altitude and make

spaces to gather, to wash clothes together or to chat.

it easier to move in the hillsides.

The profile of a collective andén changes as it moves

The most common way of moving in the hillsides is by

through different contexts and hosts various spaces. It

walking. By being on the same altitude, the andenes

becomes a wide space connected to a kindergarten to a

make moving easier as walking up and down at this

narrow path through a forested area or becomes a bridge

altitude is a strenuous task. Moreover, a new transport

as it crosses a stream.

system of shared motorbikes is introduced to make the movement faster and easier, and to facilitate moving small amounts of agro-pastoral produce across the Fig. 3.32 Diagram illustrating collective andenes

territory for exchange. Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 189

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Collective andenesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Collective andenes are spread throughout the territory at

Quechua zone that gradually go up to Ladera zone. The

different altitudes to provide collective spaces and social

andenes in this area are longer platforms that cross several

infrastructure at every altitude range. They are shaped

hills and connect different hamlets and communities. The

based not only on the topographic conditions, but also

west part of the area is made of very dispersed jalca zone

on existing paths, areas of steep slopes and occupation

and steep hills that connect Jalca zone to Ladera zone.

density in different parts of this area.

Responding to the lack of human density, the andenes in

The east part of the area has a series of softer hills in 190

this part shorter but more frequent.

contour lines at every 50m social andenes

500m

1km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 191

192

‘Steps’

Complementing

the

collective

andenes,

are

the

connections between these andenes – or the ‘steps’. Steps connect people from different altitudes to encourage exchange between different agro-ecological zones. Steps are the easiest routes from one altitude to another. Often they cross difficult slopes. They also define the entry points on a specific andenes. Places where penople and produce from different altitudes meet – markets – are located close to the steps. Parking and charging points for shared transport are also located close to the steps. Collective andenes and steps together create a net. This net is a way of moving and a way of spatially organizing the social exchange on the rural hillsides.

Fig. 3.33 Diagram illustrating collective andenes and steps

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 193

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Stepsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Steps play a crucial role on difficult landforms. The western part of the area has steep hills that separate the inhabitants of Jalca zone from rest of the rural areas. This is where steps become the primary mode of moving with intermittent collective andenes. On the eastern part of the area, the collective andenes are the primary mode of moving with occasional steps for

194

connections.

contour lines at every 50m social andenes

500m

1km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 195

Cerro Cajamarca

Cerro Chaquisiñiga Cerro Sayhuayoj

Cerro Huañunan

Nets of social exchange and spatial organisation

Formed by tectonic processes of volcanic eruption,

In Andean world-view, human lives are deeply connected

subsidence, folding, glaciation, and erosions, hillsides of

to nature – the earth and the mountains. Landscape

Cajamarca are complex. This landscape is the guiding

features such as mountains, hilltops or higher plains

principle in which the net of social exchange is embedded.

create a system of reference for everyday lives of the rural

Until now, the urbanization has always been city-focused.

residents. Spatial organization of collective spaces is not

This can be seen as a neo-indigenous way of settling that

an imposed system; rather it is part of this landscape.

follows the structure of the landscape. 196

Cerro Calvin

Fig. 3.34 Living within a dramatic landscape

Cerro Arpa

Cerro La Chota

Pampa Schicuana

Cerro Siete Vueltas Cerro Rosario Horco

Cerro La Verana

Cerro Huacataz

Cerro Miraflor Cerro Coñor Loma

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 197

Project in vision

The project investigates the proposed design strategies in more detail in two locations. Square 1 is located on the west part and demonstrates a step connecting the Ladera and the Jalca zone. Square 2 is located on the east part in the Quechua zone and demonstrates an AndĂŠn around 2900m above sea level.

198

Fig. 3.35â&#x20AC;&#x192;Location of two squares within the net of social exchange.

2km

5km

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 199

Fig. 3.37â&#x20AC;&#x192;The Jalca zone at the higher altitudes of the step. Various forms of human occupations are seen with Ichu vegetation in foreground Photograph by N. Shah, February 2018.

Square 1

Steep hills in the western part of the Mashcon Basin separate the Ladera and the Jalca zone. In square 2, these hills are interrupted by Valley of the Hornomayo River. The Ladera zone is occupied almost entirely by farmlands and houses, while the Jalca zone is dotted by a few farmlands with natural vegetation and wetlands in between.

Fig. 3.36â&#x20AC;&#x192;Landscape conditions and contour lines at every 50m.

200

100m

200m

500m

m 50 30

m 00 32 31

325

330

0m 350 m

0 355 AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 201

Step between 3150m and 3450m

The step connects two andenes in two agro-ecological zones. The lower andén in the Ladera zone is at 3150m and the higher andén in the Jalca zone is at 3450m above sea level. It creates movement and possibilities of encounters between inhabitants of different altitude ranges who otherwise would live secluded lives. At the meeting point of the step and the andén at 3450m is a collective space hosting an agro-processing unit. This unit is specific to the produce of the Jalca zone. At the meeting point of the step and the andén at 3150m is a market where the exchanges between these two zones can take place.

Fig. 3.38 Step between 3150m and 3450m

202

100m

200m

500m

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 203

agro-ecological strategies

A variety of agro-ecological strategies are proposed for

terraces slow down rainwater and protect soil from

this square. On the higher altitudes, protecting jalca is

erosion. Continuous rows of trees and plants are

indeed the largest challenge. The soil gets trampled by

planted on the slopes. Over time, the run-off from rain

over-grazing, specifically by heavier animals, and loses its

accumulates fertile soil and creates terraces along these

water retention capacity. For this reason, a restriction on

rows. Native tree species with rooting capacities such

cattle and collective grazing land for sheep is created.

as Quinual and Colle can be used to form these terraces

The steep hills are a source of many tributaries that carry the water flowing to the rest of the Mashcon Basin. The

and introduce a form of agroforestry (Arica and Yanggen 2005).

lower parts of these hills are afforested to stop agricultural practices from creeping up to the hills. The agriculture in the Ladera zone has lower crop productivity than the agriculture in the valleys in the

Fig. 3.39â&#x20AC;&#x192;Agro-ecological strategies. Two sites are marked to investigate the making of the step in more detail.

Quechua zone. Slow forming terraces are created to improve the agricultural conditions. These agricultural 0

204

100m

200m

500m

slow forming terraces

afforestation of the lower hillsides

protection of jalca

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 205

Making of the net: site A

206

Fig. 3.40 (Left) existing landscape condition in an axonometric view of site A. Fig. 3.41 (Right) step in an axonometric view of site A.

10m 20m

50m

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 207

Making of the net: site B

208

slow forming terraces

market

Fig. 3.42 (Left) earthworks in an axonometric view of site B. Fig. 3.43 (Right) market in an axonometric view of site B.

10m 20m

50m

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 209

Fig. 3.45â&#x20AC;&#x192;View to one of the hilltops with corn farming in foreground and Cajamarca in the background. Photograph by M. Macera, February 2018.

Square 2

The Quechua hillsides on the eastern part of the Mashcon Basin range between 2750m to 3000m above sea level. A series of river valleys creates hilltops in between. These valleys are steep and heavily wooded, and hence important ecological assets for this area. The hilltops are occupied by hamlets and dispersed dwellings on farmlands. Most farmlands are created on slight slopes with Lynchets that give a rhythm to the human occupation in this area.

Fig. 3.44â&#x20AC;&#x192;Landscape conditions and contour lines at every 50m.

210

100m

200m

500m

305

2950m

2900

2800 m

2900m

2950m

0 30

2850

305

2850

2900m

3000m

295

3000m

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 211

Collective andén at 2900m

The collective andén crosses multiple hills and valleys

the farms or by finding easy ways across difficult slopes,

more or less at the height of 2900m above the sea level.

as opposed to an imposed system of modern roads that

It connects hamlets in the area and provides shared

are made before and in anticipation of occupation.

services such as a school, medical clinic, a cheesemaking unit and so on. Accessing these shared services will create more movement and encounters between inhabitants. The collective andén also makes forests a part of the everyday movement and a part of shared

The collective andén becomes wider when it is closer to the hamlets and narrower while passing through the forested areas. It provides collective spaces closer to the water and crosses three tributaries.

collective spaces. This collective andén is connected to two ‘steps’: one leading down to an andén at 2700m and another leading up to an andén at 3100m. This part of the net fits within

Fig. 3.46 Collective andén at 2900m

the already existing network of local paths. This is a place where the paths follow the farmlands. They were created due to human occupation, by walking between 212

100m

200m

500m

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 213

Rhythms and aggregations

The rural hillsides are made of many rhythms at different

share space with a school, and can also become a small

scales – of farms, of houses, and of trees. The collective

market where parents come to bring their small children

andén exists within these rhythms and creates some of

and exchange everyday vegetables from each other’s

its own.

farms.

The various services located on the collective andén follow their own frequencies based on the existing rhythms of human occupation and natural conditions. A small group of inhabitants can support a kindergarten but not a high-school. A collective space with solar charging points can be located more frequently than market places. Agro-processing units of different types are ideally located close to their production zones, and

Fig. 3.47 Rhythms and aggregations

drop-off points for shared motorbikes are located closer to the ‘steps’. Moreover, many of these services can be aggregated to share spaces. A small medical clinic can 214

100m

200m

500m

drop-off point for shared motorbikes

water harvesting

water harvesting market agro-processing unit for cheese making drop-off point for shared motorbikes

water harvesting

agro-processing unit for forest produce

water recycling drop-off point for shared motorbikes

small market middle school medical clinic

small market

nursery for native trees

water recycling

kindergarten water recycling

agro-processing unit for forest produce

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 215

Localised wastewater recycling

The making of the collective andén is also an opportunity to create a system of domestic wastewater recycling and to divert this water for agricultural use rather than letting it flow to the rivers. Small groups of houses are connected to a series of wetlands for bio-filtration. The filtered water is then guided to the agricultural farms and will eventually go through forested slopes to the rivers. These wetlands are organized as part of the collective andén – making them visible and part of the collective imagination. Again, this is a localised system and not a centralized one – making the collective living stronger. This way, water becomes a shared resource rather than an element of

Fig. 3.48 Localised wastewater recycling

conflict. 0

216

100m

200m

500m

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 217

Afforestation and water harvesting

The largest ecological challenge of the Quechua zone is

serve as a place to catch water flowing down the slopes.

over-cultivation and over-grazing leading to degradation

These water catchments can provide water to people

of soil. Afforestation of the hillsides is proposed as a

and animals passing by and will eventually increase the

strategy to strengthen the ecology of the region.

infiltration of water.

Currently, the hillsides are dominated by eucalyptus trees. More native species of trees such as Aliso, Quinual, and Quishuar are introduced on the hillsides to create a diversified forest. Afforestation will slow down the erosion of the soil, and provide firewood, wood and forage produce that can be brought together in collective agroprocessing units. The collective forest will give peasants a possibility to work outside the farm and create a new economy in the region.

Fig. 3.49â&#x20AC;&#x192;Afforestation and water-harvesting . Two sites are marked to investigate the making of the collective andĂŠn in more detail.

The collective andĂŠn passing through the forests can also 0

218

100m

200m

500m

D C

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 219

Making of the net: site C

220

open spcase for a small market school

wastewater recycling

Fig. 3.50 (Left) earthworks for making of the collective andén in an axonometric view of site C. Fig. 3.51 (Right) services and strategies embedded in the collective andén in an axonometric view of site C.

10m 20m

50m

Andenería: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 221

Making of the net: site D

Fig. 3.52 (Left) earthworks for making of the collective andén in an axonometric view of site D. Fig. 3.53 (Right) services and strategies embedded in the collective andén in an axonometric view of site D.

222

grazing areas for sheep

afforestation with native tree spieces

agro-processing unit for forest produce

water harvesting

10m 20m

50m

AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 223

Making of the net: sectional profiles

A narrow profile of the andĂŠn as it crosses the forest. New native species of trees are introduced to diversify the forest.

The AndĂŠn is connected to an agro-processing unit in a steep sloping forest. The new buildings are created by contouring this steep slope. 224

A wider profile of the andĂŠn as it crosses a hamlet. The profile includes a space for walking that is separate from vehicular movements.

Pick-up point for shared motorbikes. A simple structure creates the retaining wall for the slope, and a solar-roof provides energy for recharge points.

The andĂŠn becomes a larger space with a new building for collective services. AndenerĂa: A design investigation on nets of social exchange and spatial organisation 225

Conclusion

The project is a design investigation to create a self-

heterarchical social services will make the rural area less

reliant and robust rural area in the Cajamarca region. It

reliant on the city of Cajamarca. Ecological strategies will

forms a part of the vision for a post-mining Cajamarca

protect and enhance the ecological balance of the region.

region. Design strategies are demonstrated on a part of

Water recycling and water harvesting strategies will

the rural area, but can be expanded to cover the Mashcon

reduce water conflicts. AndenerĂa will spatially organize

Basin.

these strategies and create a robust rural area in the

The Andean landscape is the guiding principle in which the new andenerĂa is embedded. In this way, the indigenous way of settling in Andean landscape is renewed to respond to contemporary challenges of the Mashcon Basin. Agroecological strategies will improve crop production in the region, agro-processing will keep more of the value chain within the region, and the nets of social exchange will create a new economy that will bring the rural inhabitants out of sub-subsistence living. Moreover, provision of 226

Cajamarca region.

Fig. 3.54â&#x20AC;&#x192;Vision for the Mashcon Basin

2km

5km

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List of references Arica, Denis, and David Yanggen. 2005. “Análisis de La Viabilidad Económica y La Adopción de La Agroforestería En Los Andes Del Norte de Perú: Estudio de Caso Realizado de Barreras Vivas En La Microcuenca La Encañada, Cajamarca, Perú.” In Cambio Técnico y Agricultura En La Era de La Liberalización Económica Del Perú. Brush, Stephen B. 1982. “The Natural and Human Environment of the Central Andes.” Mountain Research and Development 2 (1): 19. https://doi.org/10.2307/3672931. Brush, Stephen B. 1976. “Man’s Use of an Andean Ecosystem.” Human Ecology. Springer. https://doi.org/10.2307/4602356. Bury, Jeffrey. 2004. “Livelihoods in Transition: Transnational Gold Mining Operations and Local Change in Cajamarca, Peru.” The Geographical Journal 170 (1): 78–91. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.0016-7398.2004.05042.x. Chepstow-Lusty, Alex, and Per Jonsson. 2000. “Inca Agroforestry: Lessons from the Past.” AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment 29 (6): 322–28. https://doi. org/10.1579/0044-7447-29.6.322. Cuvi, Nicolás. 2013. “The Tropical Andes: Where Multiple Visions of Nature Co-Exist.” RCC Perspectives: New Environmental Histories of Latin America and the Caribbean. Rachel Carson Center. https://doi.org/10.2307/26241127. Dollfus, Olivier. 1986. “The Tropical Andes: A Changing Mosaic.” In Anthropological History of Andean Polities, edited by John V. Murra, Nathan Wachtel, and Jacques Revel, 11–22. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511753091.004. Encañada, La, Denis Arica S, and David Yanggen. 2005. “Análisis de La Viabilidad Económica y La Adopción de La Agroforestería En Los Andes Del Norte de Perú Estudio de Caso Realizado de Barreras Vivas En La Microcuenca.” Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Soil Resources, Management, and Conservation Service. 1996. Agro-Ecological Zoning : Guidelines. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Franco, Pedro. 2016. “Project Conga: An Unresolved Social Licence.” In Corporate Social Performance In The Age Of Irresponsibility: Cross National Perspective, edited by Agata Stachowicz-Stanusch, 209–36. Information Age Publishing Inc. Gade, D. 1992. “Landscape, System, and Identity in the Post-Conquest Andes.” The Americas before and after 1492: Current Geographical Research 82 (3): 460–77. https://doi. org/10.2307/2563356. Kuijk, Froukje. 2015. “Water Usage and Efficiencies for Irrigation in Northern Peru. A Case Study in Cajamarca, a Region Affected by Mining Industry.” KU Leuven. Millones, Jose. 1982. “Patterns of Land Use and Associated Environmental Problems of the Central Andes: An Integrated Summary.” Mountain Research and Development 2 (1): 49. https://doi.org/10.2307/3672933. Molinié-Fioravanti, Antoinette. 1986. “The Andean Community Today.” In Anthropological History of Andean Polities, edited by John Murra, Nathan Wachtel, and Jacques Revel, 342–58. Murra, John V. 1972. “El Control Vertical de Un Máximo de Pisos Ecológicos En La Economía de Las Sociedades Andinas,” 427–76. Tapia, Mario. 1997. “Zonificación Agroecológica Basada En El Uso de La Tierra, El Conocimiento Local y Las Alternativas de Producción.” In Manejo Integral de Microcuencas, 53–66. Curso-Taller CIP Lima. Tapia, Mario. 2013. “Diagnóstico de Los Ecosistemas de Montañas En El Perú.” Valdivia, Roberto O. 2002. “The Economics of Terraces in the Peruvian Andes: An Application of Sensitivity Analysis in an Integrated Assessment Model.” Montana State University. Vela-Almeida, Diana, Froukje Kuijk, Guido Wyseure, and Nicolas Kosoy. 2016. “Lessons from Yanacocha: Assessing Mining Impacts on Hydrological Systems and Water Distribution in the Cajamarca Region, Peru.” Water International 41 (3): 426–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2016.1159077. Zimmerer, Karl S. 1999. “Overlapping Patchworks of Mountain Agriculture in Peru and Bolivia: Toward a Regional-Global Landscape Model.” Human Ecology. Springer. https://doi. org/10.2307/4603311.

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Terraced Urbanism

A design investigation on the Huaunan, Secsenmayo and Jatn Caga Hills Gertie van den Bosch 231

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Table of Contents

Introduction

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Analysis

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Project definition

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Strategies for upgrading the hill settlements

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Terraced urbanism on the foothills

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Reflection and conclusion

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List of references

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Introduction

Fig. 4.1 - Pre-mining timeline for the city of Cajamarca - Timeline by Gertie van den Bosch, images from https://www.historiacultural.com/2009/04/tupac-yupanqui-huayna-capac-imperio.html, https://visitchavin.weebly. com/social-norms.html, http://fgonzalezgamarra.org/ole/ol7e.html, https://www.tripsavvy.com/peruvian-independence-day-1619700

From pre-Inca settlement to colonial centre

The city of Cajamarca is the capital of the Department of Cajamarca, located in the northern Andean valley of the Mashcon Basin. First traces of a settlement are found going back to 5000 B.C, when pre-Inca cultures started to occupy the region. In the fifteenth century A.D. Cajamarca became an important administrative centre for the Inca culture. This was done by Tupac Inca, tenth ruler of the Inca civilization, who reigned over the Tahuantinsuyo Empire between 1463 and 1471. Secondly, Cajamarca is known as the site of the encounter between Francisco Pizarro, the Spanish conquistador, and Atahualpa, the Inca emperor at the time, in 1532. Atahualpa was captured and later executed by the Spaniards. Cajamarca then became a colonial city and the Inca Empire was conquered (cf. World Monuments

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Fund 2018). Cajamarca became a post-colonial city after the Independence Wars of Peru starting in the 1840ies and lasting until the 1950ies (cf. Castillo 2013).

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From post-colonial city to mining boom town

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In 1993, Minera Yanacocha S.A. or MYSA started gold mining operations at around 40 kilometres from the urban area of Cajamarca. Both natural and human environments of the Cajamarca region got impacted significantly: a host of new economic and human resources got introduced into the region. The construction and housing markets expanded as demand for new materials and accommodations increased. The city expanded more than four times in size since the start of the mining explorations (cf. fig. 4.2).

Expansion of the city occurred relatively stable from 1986 until 2005, when the actual gold production began. This attracted many foreign high-skilled professionals moving to the region. In 2014, an urban sprawl happened, where the city started growing in an uncontrolled and fragmented way, where urban development also started to climb up the hills in the west of the city.

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Fig. 4.2 - Spatial expansion of the city in relation to the expansion of the mine - Maps by Margarita Macera, 2018

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Department Immigrants % Total 38 683 100 Lima 9 882 25 Lambayeque 6 919 17,9 La Libertad 6 622 17,1 Amazonas 3 524 9,1 Piura 3 181 8,2 San Martin 2 787 7,2 Arequipa 1 028 2,7 Ancash 932 2,4 Loreto 496 1,3 Junin 483 1,2 Other departments 2 197 5,2 Fig. 4.3 - Immigration to the Cajamarca department 2002-2007 Information from INEI, Censos Nacionales 2007 : XI de Población y VI de Vivienda, drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Migration patterns Different migration patterns happened because of the mining activities. Firstly, regional migration patterns happened. Rural communities living in the higher mountainous areas in and around the mining concessions got affected by Yanacocha’s “large land purchasing activities, inflation in land prices, and rapidly increasing mineral rights claims” (Bury 2007 p. 384). Because of this, many landholders were obliged, often in forced and violent ways, to move to other locations. “Generally, this has resulted in a large shift of population in the region to either communities at lower elevations or to the city of Cajamarca” (Bury 2007 p. 384). The operations of Yanacocha draw mostly on highly skilled engineers, heavy machinery operators and 242

25 % 17,1-17,9 % 1,2-9,1%

professionals from outside of the region. This resulted in shifts in national migration patterns as well. “MYSA employees and contractors are more than 90 percent Peruvian, but only 44 percent of them are from the Cajamarca region (MYSA 2004). This indicates that substantial new migration flows are moving from coastal areas, particularly from Lima” (Bury 2007 p. 385). In addition to regional and national migrations, there are also international migrations, due to the highly technical nature of the mining operation, as well as its relative magnitude in relationship to global mining operations. “These international migrants reflect the global nature of highly specialized extractive operations as well as new types of social and economic relationships that are being established between Cajamarca and larger scales of analysis” (Bury 2007 p. 386). “Because they represent

global operations, interact in many different countries, and are paid significantly higher salaries than Peruvian nationals, they have tended to settle in Cajamarca’s smaller neighbouring community, Baños Del Inca, whereas most Peruvian nationals working for the mine have chosen to live in the city of Cajamarca” (Bury 2007 p. 386). These new migration groups brought with them new types of accommodation and services like hotels, shops, night clubs, prostitution etc. This resulted in a new production of space of the city of Cajamarca.

Fig. 4.4 - Population growth and trends Cajamarca department 1996-2025 - Data from INEI, Censos Nacionales 2007 : XI de Población y VI de Vivienda, 2018

Demographic trends Since 1993, the population in the city grew from 87,390 to 150,197 inhabitants - the last number was counted in the most recent census in 2007 - (INEI, 2018), making up a population growth of more than 58% in 14 years. “In a sense, since MYSA began operations in the region, Cajamarca has become one of the new international gold mining boom towns of the twenty-first century” (Bury 2007 p. 387). This is because Cajamarca is the most important urban centre in relation to the mine of Yanacocha.

An investigation of demographic trends, based on a census by INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática) in 2007, reveals that although the population in the Cajamarca department has been growing explosively with the opening of the mine, growth rates are decreasing and projected to become stable (cf. fig. 4.4). This trend is due to the fact that mining activities become more automatized, causing less need for employees. Also decreased gold production stabilized population growth.

Envisioning the future of the Cajamarca Region entails the possibility of a complete closure of mining operations. This project therefore envisions the development of the urban environment of Cajamarca in a post-mining scenario, while mining operations are still going on. Similarly as in the mining reality, a post-mining scenario will have huge impacts on the urban region of Cajamarca. Therefore it is important and interesting to include a transect through the city. More specifically, the transect will focus on the visions and strategies for future development of the city and its role in anticipation towards mining closure.

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Water management in the city The City of Cajamarca is located in the lowest areas of the Mashcon Basin at an altitude of around 2750 meters above sea level. It includes one of the last tributaries to the main Mashcon River before it leaves the water basin and as a consequence collects and receives the remaining water amounts from rivers more upstream. Water provision and management is highly influenced by all processes that happen before. The mining operations have a huge impact on water provision and management in the city. Sosa and Zwarteveen (2012) illustrate that â&#x20AC;&#x153;mining operations not only change how and who uses water, but also reconfigure water governance, with the mining company obtaining control over water and assuming major responsibilities for water allocationâ&#x20AC;? (p. 244

362). In addition, rural communities depend on smallscale irrigation for agriculture. This irrigation is done with water from streams and sources at higher altitudes, resulting in less water availability downstream for the city (cf. Sosa and Zwarteveen 2012, p. 363). Sedacaj (Empresa Prestadora de Servicios de Saneamiento S.A. Cajamarca) is the potable water provider for the city of Cajamarca, reconverting specific amounts of water from rivers, cleaning it and collecting potable water in several reservoirs around the city. Yet, the amount of potable water for Cajamarca is not sufficient, as the city often suffers from potable water shortage, especially during the dry season from May until August. For example, in an article of the Peruvian radio and television broadcasting company RPP in November

2017, Sedacaj reported that "climate change is affecting very seriously the supply of drinking water for the city of Cajamarca. The absence of rain is causing the service to be restricted to just a few hours" (translated from RPP). Imagining a post-mining future will thus need to include new strategies for water management.

Fig. 4.5 - Graffiti in the streets of Cajamarca as a protest against mining - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Fig. 4.6 - Cajamarca from MIrador Santa Apolonia - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Research question How and where can the development of Cajamarca be oriented in a post-mining scenario?

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Analysis

Fig. 4.7 - Section through the urban transect - Section made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

In order to answer this question, a transect of 2,5 by 15 kilometres crossing the central part of the city of Cajamarca and BaĂąos Del Inca is made, encompassing a representative section of the most urbanized part of the Mashcon Basin. The transect of the city includes the central urban tissue of the city of Cajamarca and is located in the lower altitudes of the Mashcon Basin ranging between 2700 meters and 3400 meters above sea level. It includes one of the last tributaries to the main Mashcon River before it leaves the water basin. From west to east, different atmospheres can be distinguished. In the west, higher plateaus and mountainous areas are located where rural small communities are settled on the hilltops and foothills (cf. fig. 4.9). In the centre of the transect one meets the oldest 248

part of the city of Cajamarca, including the central Plaza De Armas (cf. fig. 4.10). Moving away from the centre to the east following the Atahualpa Avenue that connects Cajamarca with BaĂąos Del Inca, one crosses one of the most fertile areas of the basin. This fertile valley was earlier characterized by wetlands, but got drained to use the fields for pasture raising (cf. fig. 4.11). In the most eastern part of the transect, the topography lines move up again to more mountainous areas. Three thematic maps will be discussed in order to highlight and understand important assets of this urbanized territory.

Fig. 4.8 - Satellite image of the urban transect - Map from Google Earth, 2018

Fig. 4.9 - Foothill development - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.10 - Plaza De Armas - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.11 - Pasture fields - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Green-blue structures

Green dense patches and blue water bodies are highlighted in this transect, with altitude lines having steps of ten meter elevation. The river courses structure the area in a longitudinal direction, starting with the Ronquillo River coming from the west and traversing through the city when it becomes the main canal through the city, the San Lucas River. It joins the famous Mashcon River, one of the two rivers in the east crossing the territory in the north-south direction. Three types of green patches can be distinguished. In the west, they consist of bigger rather mossy vegetation, relating to a more natural environment. In the east, patches are characterised by linear plantations, coinciding with plot limits. Between these two types lies the city, with only limited green that is highly fragmented.

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In this gap lies an opportunity and necessity to strengthen green connections with the other two systems along the structuring blue river axis.

Fig. 4.12 - Green-blue structures - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information and information obtained from the Regional Government of Cajamarca [http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob.pe/], 2018

natural waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

trees / hedges

topography 10 m

bushes meadow / low grasslands

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Types of occupation

The landscape has been occupied by various types of settlements initiated during different development phases. The Spanish grid is still very visible as the prominent urban structure. This urban structure is also visible in the centre of BaĂąos Del Inca, a smaller settlement in the east of Cajamarca, that is centred on a spa which uses the water from thermal springs. It has been known for its thermal sources since the Incas. The grid is continued into the flats between Cajamarca and BaĂąos Del Inca, but plots become bigger in size, determined by their land use, pasture and agricultural fields. Plot configurations and sizes are very much determined by topography. In the more natural and mountainous west, plot configurations are irregular and clustered in small archipelagos of agricultural communities. This coincides

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with more traditional ways of occupying the territory. Also recent expansions of the city resulted in development on the foothills west of the city centre, where small and irregular plots can be recognized.

Fig. 4.13 - Types of occupation - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information and information obtained from the Regional Government of Cajamarca [http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob.pe/], 2018

topography 10 m

urban blocks

waterbodies

suburban / semi-rural development

pasture flatlands

foothill developments

hill developments

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Landscape compatibility

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Geology put into relation with land occupation, shows strikingly that the city of Cajamarca is located on the alluvial deposit zone next to the Mashcon river. This area consists of deposits of granular materials such as gravels, sands and silts in greater proportion, with intercalations of silts and clays (cf. INDECI 2005, p.23-26). They yield very fertile soils and contain a lot of metal elements (cf. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2018). Unfortunately, this soil characteristic is not taken advantage of, as the urban space is almost fully built with structures and paved with concrete and asphalt. Here lies an opportunity to make the city more open and take advantage of these fertile soils for agriculture.

Fig. 4.14 - Landscape compatibility - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information and information obtained from the Regional Government of Cajamarca [http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob.pe/], 2018

natural waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

fluvial zone

topography 10 m

alluvial deposit area

agriculture / pasture

sandstone - good permeability

forest production

sand and shale - medium permeability

plots

shale / clay - low permeability loam / clay - very low permeability rock formations

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Fig. 4.15 - Digital elevation model of the territory - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information from USGS and ESRI, 2018 natural waterbodies

urban slice

main roads

city and mine

Hilltop and foothill developments As a result of the last two maps, it is interesting to investigate the hill and foothill developments in the west of the city. Recent expansion has occurred in these areas, yet in an unstructured way. These hilltop and foothill developments can be re-edited as they can become future locations for urban growth. Also looking back at the geological 256

characteristics of the land, the foothills and hilltops seem to be located on rocky soils (cf. fig. 4.14) which are more suitable for development, whereas the city soils in the flat valley are more suitable for production. The potential arises to shift and redirect future urban development to the foothills, re-aligning with the indigenous landscape occupation practices.

Zooming out on the digital elevation map (cf. fig. 4.15), one can see that the territory of Cajamarca is characterized by a structuring topography with a strong orientation in the north-west to south-east direction. This is highlighted by ridges, cracks and valleys that can be observed in the image above.

Fig. 4.16 - Interpretive map of the topography of the territory - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information , 2018 natural waterbodies

Huaunan mountain group

main roads

Chamis and Cushanga mountain group

topography lines 50 meters

Secsenmayo mountain group

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Jatn Caga mountain group

hill ridge

city and mine

Figure 5.16 is an interpretation of the topography of the territory. One can observe a constellation of hills on which rural communities are settled. In the following, the development of these hilltop settlements will be further investigated. The typical north-west to south-east direction of the topography is highlighted by linear ridges in the above

drawing. Apart from the hilltop development, also the foothill development as a result from recent expansion of the city of Cajamarca will be investigated. The four main mountain groups adjacent to the city in the west are highlighted in figure 5.16 and will be the area of study. Terraced Urbanism. A design investigation on the Huaunan, Secsenmayo and Jatn Caga Hills

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How to contain development?

Fig. 4.17 - Hilltop development on Secsenmayo Hill - Map and section made by the Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information, 2018

Hilltop The Secsenmayo Hill lies more isolated from the city. Development is concentrated on the hilltop, but also starts to creep down the hill with new agriculture plots. In order to prevent further dispersed development, the goal is to contain development, safeguard the still natural mountainous surroundings and foster an environment in which settlement is embedded logically. 258

Fig. 4.18 - Diagram hilltop development - Diagram made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

How to structure development?

Fig. 4.19- Foothill development on Jatn Caga Hill - Map and section made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information, 2018

Foothill A second type of development is the foothill development next to the city of Cajamarca. For this case, the slopes near the Jatn Caga Hill are analysed. Here one can observe that development is creeping up the hill. This happens in an unstructured way, where infrastructure follows after new human settlements. As a consequence, the goal is to structure and re-edit this foothill development.

Fig. 4.20 - Diagram foothill development - Diagram made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Lack of structure Recent expansion resulted in urban development growing up the slopes. In these developments, one can find the most dynamic places and processes, as new houses are built and rebuilt continuously. Locations for construction are usually chosen on more flat areas. Often building site preparation with cut and infill methods are used to flatten terrain. The choosing of the construction sites resulted in an unstructured development and a spoiling of the environment. The foothills have the potential to host liveable communities in relation with the assets of the landscape, which today is not the case.

Fig. 4.21 - Unstructured foothill development - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Lack of infrastructure and services The city of Cajamarca is currently working on providing better infrastructure with paved, electricity cables and stormwater management. Infrastructure follows settlements and only reaches the lower areas of the slopes closest to the city grid. Inhabitants of the hill and foothill developments are dependent on services like schools, medical care, administration etc. that are located in the city centre. These are often badly accessible because of the lack of good infrastructure.

Fig. 4.22 - Lack of services and infrastructure - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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No water circulation In the lower areas of the foothill developments, the city provides open canals for stormwater collection next to the road. Yet this water simply runs down to the rivers and leaves the basin. There is a big potential to reuse stormwater for domestic water needs. In addition, wastewater is released into the rivers without any treatment, yet wastewater treatment facilities are present but are not used because of management issues. Water recycling should become integrated in future development.

Fig. 4.23 - Stormwater collection - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Potable water shortage Sedacaj (sanitary services Provider of Cajamarca) owns several potable water reservoirs that are located in the slopes. Yet mostly in the dry season (May - August), but also several times during the year, these reservoirs are emptied before new charges are made, resulting in potable water shortages that can happen early in the day. In addition, urban development started creeping up the hills on locations higher than the reservoirs. This results in the need to pump water upwards instead of benefiting from gravity for water supply.

Fig. 4.24 - Sedacaj water reservoir - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Project definition

This project envisions the development of the urban environment of Cajamarca in a post-mining scenario. The mining operations of Yanacocha, one of the biggest gold mines in Latin America had a massive effect on the urban development of the city. Cajamarca grew out of its Spanish colonial grid, designed in the 16th century. In a post-mining scenario, expansions will serve as the base for future urban development. When envisioning Cajamarca in 2050, it is important that attention is given to the inhabitants of the basin and not only to focus on the mining closure procedures. Funding for mining closure should therefore include a big amount to provide and strengthen environments of those most affected by previous mining activities. This is also part of mining closure.

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Analysing hill and slope developments highlights several issues, but more importantly puts forward these hill developments as potential areas for future development in a post-mining scenario. Therefore, the following proposals will focus on the western side of the urban transect. Future urban development should be redirected to areas more suitable for development that doesn't occupy valuable soils for agriculture production. In other words, development will be shifted towards the slopes and hills, where intervention is most necessary. Firstly, recent urban expansion on the foothills should be structured and strengthened with new infrastructures and development, making more self-sustainable communities. Secondly also the hilltop settlements further away from the

city should be made more accessible to services and connected to a new proposed urban system. The goal is not to develop these hilltop settlements as part of the urban system, but rather to improve quality of life and develop them as a second system next to the city. As hill developments will be better connected to the services in the city centre, the goal is also to create a new urban carpet that strengthens the connection between the main urban services. At the same time, this new proposed network of services will host strategies for water harvesting and infiltration. It will be the starting point for making the city more permeable.

Fig. 4.25 - Colonial settlement ca. 1800 - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information, 2018

Fig. 4.26 - Mining town 2016 - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information, 2018

Fig. 4.27 - Post-mining town 2050? - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information, 2018

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Strategies for upgrading the hill settlements

Fig. 4.28 - Social service axis - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Social service axis

This chapter focusses on strategies for the urban territory of Cajamarca. Since the goal on a territorial scale consists of upgrading and strengthening hilltop developments, the starting point for these strategies is a social service axis. On this axis, new community centres, schools, medical centres etc. will be attached. The social service axis mainly follows existing pathways, which will be improved and made wider for different types of mobility. The existing trajectory will be completed with missing linkages where necessary. The trajectory avoids steep topography. As a consequence, this axis runs parallel with the rivers through the valley, creating a complementary infrastructure with the water and strengthens the importance of the latter. By this means, a slow mobility pathway next to the river will provide

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better access for pedestrians to social services and also connects more directly to the city, providing a better access to specific urban services. For each hilltop and foothill settlement, one building will be constructed connecting the settlement to the axis. The building will host a multitude of programs such as a community centre, kindergarten, small library and a common kitchen. When possible, it will be placed in the space between the social service axis and the rivers. A public square outside of the building will accommodate washing spaces for laundry and in addition will serve as a meeting space for recreational functions of the water. By this means, the social service building will strengthen the relation of the inhabitants with the water.

waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

social service axis based on existing pathways

underground canal

social service axis (missing links)

topography 10 m

new social service building

vegetation

existing urban services (schools, hospitals, ...)

plots

network of urban services

urban border

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Fig. 4.29 - Cascade of ditches and ponds - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Cascade of ditches, wetlands and retention ponds

Improving quality of life through social services also includes upgrading water provision and accessibility for domestic and agricultural uses. A cascade of ditches with wetlands along the contour lines of the hill settlements will capture stormwater and gray water from the settlements. The configuration of wetlands and retention ponds will contain housing on the hilltop and only allow agricultural development around the settlements more downhill. As a consequence, this strategy not only will provide each community with more water storage, but also prevent development to further creep down the hill and safeguard the still natural surroundings.

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waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

water retention pond

underground canal

constructed wetland

topography 10 m

ditch irrigation canal

plots dense vegetation agriculture plot rural hill house

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Fig. 4.30 - Satellite image of the Secsenmayo Foothill - Google Satellite, 2018

Zoom into hilltop settlement on the Secsenmayo Hill

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Current condition A zoom of the hilltop settlement on the Secsenmayo is made in order to test the regional strategy. Similar analyses can be made for other settlements on a hilltop. The settlement is surrounded by dense moss patches on the slopes. The patches are mainly located on the northwest to southeast orientation of the hill, where the climate is more humid and the slopes are covered with shadow. The Ronquillo River runs around the hilltop settlement in the valley in the north. The settlement is characterized by a low density: few houses can be observed which are spread out all over the hilltop. In addition, plot lines structure the available land into parcels which are of big and irregular sizes because of topographical assets of the territory. The existing infrastructure is of a low quality and broken down as a system. A hierarchy of roads can be distinguished with a main road passing by in the south of the settlement. Yet an unplanned layer of smaller

pathways serves as the dominant system of mobility.

Fig. 4.31 - Analysis of the Secsenmayo Foothill - Map by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018 waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

secondary gravel road

topography 10 m

main gravel road

dense vegetation patch

pathways

agriculture plot

rural house

plot line

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Fig. 4.32 - Diagram explaining the new proposed system of water management in hilltop developments - Diagram made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Design The idea is to improve the quality of life for the hilltop settlements. Infrastructure needs to be improved and a better accessibility to social services is made. A community building is proposed in the centre of the community, which serves as a gathering space, kindergarten, library and common kitchen. Hilltop settlements are characterized by their highly productive nature and way of life. Yet, because of a low quality of infrastructures, irrigation systems are broken down or inefficient. Therefore, a new water management system will be proposed (cf. fig. 4.32).

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Houses are grouped in smaller clusters to a cascade of constructed wetlands that will clean household water. After this it will be collected in retention ponds more downhill. In addition, the retention ponds capture stormwater from the main roads. The cleaned water can be used for agriculture. A network of new irrigation canals will be attached to the ditches and ponds. By this means, the deteriorated irrigation system will be restored, fostering a productive landscape.

Fig. 4.33 - Cascade of ditches and ponds in one of the hillltop settlements of the Secsenmayo Hill - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018 waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

secondary gravel road

water retention pond

topography 10 m

main gravel road

constructed wetland

dense vegetation patch

pathways

ditch

agriculture plot

rural house

irrigation canal

plot line

new community building

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Fig. 4.34 - Social service network in the city - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch based on GIS information, 2018

A social service network in the city

As hilltop developments will be better connected to services in the city centre, the goal is also to create a new urban carpet that strengthens the connection between the main urban services. This is done by redefining existing landscape figures in the city. In this map, two main infrastructures are identified, that can serve as a backbone. These are the San Lucas River and Avenue Atahualpa, connecting BaĂąos del Inca with the center of Cajamarca (Plaza de Armas) and going north, connecting to the N3 national road. These armatures collect plazas, football fields, civic services and heritage buildings. At the same time, this new proposed network of services will host strategies for water harvesting and infiltration. It will be the starting point for making the city more

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permeable. By this means, this new green-blue carpet will both serve as an artificial sponge and water collector. It will open up the city centre with open green spaces for leisure and production. It opens up the possibilities to make more efficient use of the soil characteristics.

waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

permeable pavement

underground canal

green roofs and infiltration surfaces

topography 10 m

infiltration crates

vegetation roads foothill roads

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Permeable pavement and green roofs

Permeable pavement can replace the concrete paved streets, to let rainwater infiltrate and recharge the water table. Water can be collected and harvested on buildings with bigger roofs such as schools, offices, shopping malls, etc.

Green basin

Water infiltration with permeable pavement can be combined with green infiltration basins. In this case, streets are made more attractive for pedestrians by wider and permeable walkways and green vegetation strips in the middle. Water infiltration is combined with improving the streetscape and liveability in the city.

Infiltration crates

On big existing open spaces, such as the central square Plaza de Armas in this example, water infiltration and collection can be improved by installing infiltration crates. The collected water can be harvested for domestic use in underground reservoirs.

Fig. 4.35 - Permeable pavement and green roofs - Image modified from Google Streetview by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.36 - Green infiltration basin - Image modified from Google Streetview by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.37 - Infiltration crates - Image modified from Google Streetview by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Fig. 4.38 - Hill terraces and exchange platforms - Map made by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Hill terraces and exchange platforms

In the hill developments, the goal is to improve the quality of life for the inhabitants and to stabilize earlier development, rather than propose new development. On the contrary, this project envisions new urban growth in the foothills next to the city of Cajamarca. Existing development will be re-edited and structured through a system of terraces. This system will plug into the social service axis at the valley with a public space that will function as an exchange market. On this market, agriculture goods can be sold and exchanged between inhabitants from different communities passing by on the social service axis. By this means, the new terraced urbanism in the foothills will become part of the social service axis and, in addition, will give the axis an trade and exchange function.

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waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

social service axis

underground canal

social service building

topography 10 m

terrace

vegetation

exchange platform

plots

foothill road

rural hill house water retention pond constructed wetland ditch irrigation canal

Fig. 4.39 - Exchange platform at Santa Apolonia - Picture by Iosif Athanasiou, 2018

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Terraced urbanism on the foothills

Fig. 4.40 - Machu Picchu terraces - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Tradition of terrace building This chapter zooms in on the foothills, where the project envisions the urban growth of Cajamarca in a postmining scenario. The foothills to the west of the city centre, are part of three bigger mountain chains: the Huaunan Hill, the Secsenmayo Hill and the Jatn Caga Hill. After following recent trends and understanding the specific landscape assets, new urban development is proposed on the foothills. Existing developments need to be restructured to create a backbone for new development. This will be done with the construction of new terraces. Kullmann (2015) explains that "the need and capacity to create levelled sites has been a timeless activity in inhabitation, agriculture, and the building of civilizations." 278

Fig. 4.41 - Moray terraces - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

(p. 337). He also mentions that Anne Whiston Spirn called humans "geological agents" that constantly level hills and fill low-lying basins (cf. Spirn 1984 p. 91). Terrace constructions are one of the greatest inventions by the Inca culture. Machu Picchu (cf. fig. 4.40) and the experimental agriculture terraces of Moray (cf. fig. 4.41) are famous examples that can still be visited today. They illustrate how the Inca’s coped with the lack of level fields for farming because of the steep peaks of the Andes. Different types of terraces have been distinguished, but are constructed in similar ways (cf. fig. 4.43). First, stone retention walls were constructed at specific intervals. After that, each terrace was filled from bottom to top with a base of larger-grained gravel to provide drainage, a layer of more dense clay soils for water retention and a

top layer of nutrient rich soil in which the crops would be planted (cf. fig. 4.42, cf.Powell 2016). In addition to creating more space for farming, terraces prevented mudslides and soil erosion. By creating long terraces, the soil is stabilized and can support also buildings and trails (cf. NOVA 2010). In the Mashcon Basin, erosion levels in the microbasins Encañada and Grande, have high levels of erosion. The average rate of erosion on the slopes of the Peruvian highlands is 45,05 tons per hectare per year, equivalent to 3,2 mm per year. In the microbasins of Encañada and Grande, the rate is 51,265 tons per hectare per year or an equivalent of 3,97 mm per year (Vasquez and Tapia, 2011). Proposing terraces can decrease erosion, since terraces slow down run-off water and facilitate water infiltration into the ground.

Fig. 4.42 - Principle drawing of Andean terrace - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch based on Kendall, A. and Rodriguez, A. (2009), 2018

Fig. 4.43 - Different types of Andean terraces - Drawings by Gertie van den Bosch based on Kendall, A. and Rodriguez, A. (2009), 2018

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Terraced urbanism on the Secsenmayo Hill

Fig. 4.44 - Location of the Secsenmayo Hill - Map by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Current condition The Secsenmayo Hill is the middle of the three foothill developments west of the city. It is enclosed between the Urumbaba River and the San Vicente River , which converge into the San Lucas River in the city. Development ranges between altitudes of 2800 meters in the river valley and 3100 meters and is road-based. Most of the roads have a gravel bed (cf. fig. 4.45), and only the lower parts of the foothill roads are paved. In some areas open canals next to the road collect stormwater (cf. fig. 4.46). In the river valley, one can observe various human activities next to the water such as laundry (cf. fig. 4.47) and children playing (cf. fig. 4.48). The valley functions as a meeting place, but is also used for production of crops such as corn and potatoes on slopes (cf. fig. 4.49). Close to the stream, small water reservoirs are located where water from the river is pumped up (cf. fig. 4.50).

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These reservoirs are managed by "water user associations" (Sosa and Zwarteveen, 2012, p. 363), a group of inhabitants that collectively own the reservoir and manage water provision. The configuration of constructions on the slopes consists of single family houses, usually made with adobe and "tapial" construction techniques, mixed with agriculture plots for subsistence. There aren't a lot of other functions. A small football field can be observed and occasionally small shops selling food, internet, care products etc.

Fig. 4.45 - Gravel roads on Secsenmayo Hill - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.46 - Open canal next to the road to collect stormwater - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.47 - People doing laundry next to the river - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.48 - Children playing in the river - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.49 - Agriculture on slopes - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.50 - Small water reservoirs - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Fig. 4.51 - Satellite image of the Secsenmayo Foothill - Google Satellite, 2018

On each side of the foothill, green-blue structures can be observed in the fertile valleys. Density of housing is higher in lower altitudes of the foothill and dilutes upwards. This exemplifies the creeping up of the development. In addition, plot lines structure the available land into more or less rectangular parcels, on which a mix of agricultural and domestic uses can be found. A hierarchy of roads can be distinguished with a main road zigzagging through the foothill settlement, serving as a passing-through gravel road connecting with the hinterland. Apart from a secondary layer of gravel roads, smaller pathways provide an important armature for the tissue.

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Fig. 4.52 - Analysis of the Secsenmayo Foothill - Map by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018 waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...)

paved road

topography 10 m

secondary gravel road

dense patch of vegetation

main gravel road

plots

pathways

building

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Fig. 4.53 - Terrace construction based on existing plot lines and pathways - Map by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Formation of terraces waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...) topography 10 m dense patch of vegetation plots building paved road secondary gravel road main gravel road pathways retention wall

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A system of new terraces is being proposed scattered on the slopes. The form of the terraces is based on existing important border lines such as plot lines and pathways, highlighted in the above map. By this means, they are nested in the existing fabric of the foothill. On these terraces, new mixed development will be proposed in combination with agriculture fields for food production. In addition, in the valley, the exchange platform is connected to the water square. Through proposing new types of public spaces that anticipate on existing human activities such as doing laundry, the importance of the water is strengthened.

Fig. 4.54 - Drawing of the terrace armature - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

The armature One of the strengths of foothill developments is their pedestrian identity. Inhabitants move mainly on foot and rarely use motorized transportation. This mode of movement will be continued and strengthened. The existing roads will continue to provide an easy access to and in the community, following a trajectory that is the least steep. In addition, there will be a second system of stairs and more narrow pathways, connecting the zigzagging roads in a transversal way, providing a faster access across the slope. These two systems make up the armature tying together the scattered terraces.

development. Future urban development occur in relation to the topography and with a strong relation to the water. In the valley, the social service axis runs through the foothill settlement. On the axis, new public spaces are proposed. A kindergarten, community centre, exchange market and water square are tied together by a public space that interweaves the social service axis, the river and the foothill settlement. It accommodates the settlement with several social services, making it more self-sustainable.

The idea is to develop a terraced urbanism that moves away from traditional road-based development and provide an alternative of the landscape which guides Terraced Urbanism. A design investigation on the Huaunan, Secsenmayo and Jatn Caga Hills 285

A water harvesting and cleaning cascade Similarly as in the hilltop developments, a cascade of water retention ponds and ditches is proposed to structure development and provide water for the settlement. Two main ditches run along the road infrastructure and collect stormwater in a cascade of retention ponds. The retention walls built for the terraces are simultaneously used as retention walls to collect the water. The retention ponds form a sequence of basins in consecutive terraces in which water can be cleaned through different phases. Cleaned water is then used for domestic or agriculture use. The ponds will be connected to agriculture fields through a system of canals that function as irrigation for the crops. In addition, domestic gray water from the existing buildings is cleaned through new constructed

wetlands. These wetlands will be integrated along existing pathways and will create new public spaces around them within the existing fabric. By this means, new and existing development will be integrated more strongly. The cleaned water can then be re-used for agriculture and domestic use. Wilken (1987) argues that keeping the forest intact helps mitigate erosion. Since the region is characterized by higher rates of erosion (cf. Vasquez and Tapia, 2011), afforestation is proposed on the upper part of the foothill. New tree plantations are proposed to recharge the groundwater table and improve erosion levels. Through gravel paths along the tree plantation lines, water will also run down to retention ponds next to the new proposed tree plantations. In addition, the afforestation will function as a limit to stop urban development creeping up the hills.

Fig. 4.55 - Section explaining the new proposed water management with retention ponds, wetlands and canals - Section by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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waterbodies (rivers, ponds, ...) topography 10 m dense patch of vegetation building paved road secondary gravel road main gravel road pathways retention wall water retention pond constructed wetland ditch wetland network afforestation gravel paths to collect stormwater

Fig. 4.56 - Proposed water retention ponds, wetlands and ditches - Map by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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Fig. 4.57 - Existing situation of the zoom - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Zoom into a terrace

Current condition A zoom is made for one terrace group. This terrace is located on the north-east side of the slope facing the city. On the sample, single-family houses are located along the main roads. More uphill, a shed serves as a covered football field and as a public meeting space.

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Fig. 4.58 - The terraces are constructed according to a cut and fill method - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Cut and fill The first step of the terrace construction are the topographical works. With cut and fill, slopes are flattened and terrace stairs are created. The amount of soil dug out of an area is the same as soil added in order that, for each terrace group, the amount of soil stays the same. No soil is added nor removed from the site.

In addition, a ramp connects the existing pathway with the new terraces.

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Fig. 4.59 - Drawing of the retention wall that serves simultaneously as water retention wall and foundation for the new building - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Retention wall The construction of the terraces goes hand in hand with the construction of new buildings and water retention ponds. The retention wall of the terrace serves simultaneously as retention wall for the water retention ponds, as well as the foundation of the new building. Two water retention ponds collect stormwater that can be 290

used for the new building and for food production for the settlement.

Fig. 4.60 - Drawing of the wooden structure - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Wooden "minga" frame On the foundation, a light wooden structure can be attached that functions as the frame for the new building. The project builds on the Andean social unit. The indigenous communities in the Cajamarca Region are characterized by the "minga" principle. This is a type of traditional communal work in the Andes, where skills,

resources and materials are exchanged between different members of a community. Members help each other in their projects and receive help in return for their own. This creates a group of houses that function together. This idea is transmitted to the project proposal. In this case, one building can function as one "minga"-community. The wooden frame creates units that future inhabitants can

buy. They can buy one or more units and choose to make them open or enclosed. An enclosed unit is used for highly private spaces. An open unit serves the "minga" idea. This type can be used for shared community activities such as shops, kitchens, storage, office, workshop, porch etc. Over time, more units will be filled in, according to the different needs and preferences of the inhabitants.

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Reference intermezzo

Open and enclosed units The idea of the open en enclosed units is inspired by the study "Local Community Area" by architect Riken Yamamoto in 2012. The study aims to rethink the type of dwelling in a local community and to reconsider what is "a social unit". The dwelling type, part of the local community area, is called ”ie”. "An ”ie” consists of a ”mise” and a ”nema”. The “mise” is an open unit. The “nema” is closed and accommodates private functions. These units are rented with different portions of the "mise" and "nema". Bathrooms and kitchens will be shared in a "mise". As a consequence, the relationship between private and shared areas has been reconsidered (cf. Yamamoto 2018). Fig. 4.61 - Local community area - Image by Riken Yamamoto, 2018

Tapial construction method The closed units will be constructed according to indigenous construction methods. In the region, the "tapial" method is still a current construction method (cf. fig. 4.62). Wet earth is compacted by manual tamping of large masses, using a formwork or removable mold of wood. This technique is preferred in the rural areas due to the fast construction and because it is three times cheaper than adobe construction (cf. Hildebrandt 2011). This type of construction is very sustainable since it is built with materials that can be found and made on site. The 'Tapial house' made by Edra Arquitectura km 0 in 2014 serves as a reference for an improved and up-todate version of the "tapial" construction method (cf. fig. 4.63). It won the Terra Award (an international price for contemporary architecture in raw earth) in 2016. The up-to-date method has excellent thermal regulation and interior humidity, acoustic and electromagnetic insulation, a low environmental impact, a high energy efficiency, etc. (cf. Edra Cultura y Natura 2018). 292

Fig. 4.62 - Example of a "tapial" house in Cajamarca - Picture by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Fig. 4.63 - Tapial House - Picture by Edra Arquitectura, 2018

Fig. 4.64 - Possible atmosphere of the zoom of a terrace group - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Envisioning terraced urbanism The houses will be accessible on both sides of the level difference. At certain intervals on the ground floor, units will be left open to create a stairs through the building that connects the higher and lower platform of the terrace. Other units on the ground floor can become small shops, restaurants or other shared community functions.

On the upper level of the terrace group, two water retention ponds will be constructed, providing water for the houses and for agricultural plots that will surround the new building, fostering a self-sustainable productive community. New pathways and public spaces will connect the terraces with the existing tissue. Terraced Urbanism. A design investigation on the Huaunan, Secsenmayo and Jatn Caga Hills

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Reflection and conclusion

This design research aimed to investigate and show possibilities of a terraced urbanism on the foothills of Cajamarca. The construction of terraces builds on the tradition of humans to inhabit highlands and to create more suitable lands for agriculture and living. Wolfe (2010) notes that traditional "hilltop centers can serve as the partially self-contained models for the compact and dense urban neighborhoods which are increasingly the vanguard of new century urbanism". Hill developments contain many strengths that are beneficial and wanted for new urban development. This type of development can be the new ideal way of living because, in contrast to the city in the flats, they really work with the landscape. They still benefit more from landscape assets, that the city has ignored, such as natural topography, continuation of natural soil processes, remnant vegetation etc. In addition, their strength is their hybrid suburban atmosphere. Still close to the city, they are not urban. They benefit from a more local and rural surrounding and yet are different than the small agriculture settlements further away from the city. Handing small-scale solutions allow the integration of self-sufficient communities. For example, the terrace building typology rethinks the indigenous "minga" society and fosters a productive settlement. Terraced landscapes also change because of both global issues such as climate change, but also because of local influences such population changes. Therefore, the design proposal is able to react flexibly to the user's needs with the idea of the wooden frame and flexible open and closed units. Also the regional approaches of the social service axis strengthen the communities by connection to a bigger scale and the city. By shifting development to the foothills, the city may become more hollow. Since the city is located on the most fertile soils in the basin, a hollow city can be filled with productive spaces for agriculture, that today are highly contested. By these means, a selfproducing environment can be enhanced, as a postmining counterpart to the multinational dependencies of today.

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Fig. 4.65 - Possible view on the Secsenmayo foothill, showing the terraced inhabitation - Drawing by Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

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List of references

All images and drawings are made by the author, unless stated otherwise. All maps were created by the author based on GIS information and information obtained from the Regional Government of Cajamarca [http://zeeot.regioncajamarca.gob.pe/], 2018. Arquitectura Peruana Regional. 2010, September 22nd. El Wayku, una Comunidad Nativa de Arcilla [Blog]. Consulted on 13th of August 2018 via http://arquiperu2010.blogspot. com/2011/09/el-wayku-una-comunidad-nativa-de.html Bury, Jeffrey. 2004. “Livelihoods in Transition: Transnational Gold Mining Operations and Local Change in Cajamarca, Peru.” The Geographical Journal 170 (1): 78–91. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.0016-7398.2004.05042.x. Bury, Jeffrey. 2007. “Mining Migrants: Transnational Mining and Migration Patterns in the Peruvian Andes.” The Professional Geographer 59(3): 378-389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ j.1467-9272.2007.00620.x Castillo, Gerardo. 2013, February 17th. “Spatial production of the Andes and mining historical development in Peru”. Societas Consultora de Análisis Social [Blog], Consulted on 29th of July 2018 on https://societasconsultora.wordpress.com/2013/02/17/spatial-production-of-the-andes-and-mining-historical-development-in-peru/ Edra Cultura y Natura. 2018. "Casa de tapial." Consulted on 13rd of August 2018 via http://arquitectura.edraculturaynatura.com/portfolio-item/casa-de-tapial/ Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2018. "Alluvial Deposit: geological feature." Consulted on 9th of July 2018 via https://www.britannica.com/science/alluvial-deposit INEI. 2018. "Censos Nacionales 2007 : XI de Población y VI de Vivienda." In INEI. Consulted on 15th of July 2018 via https://www.inei.gob.pe/ Instituto Nacional de Defensa Civil. 2005. "Programa de Precención y Medidas de Mitigacion ante Desastres de la Ciudad de Cajamarca" [Internal document]. Cajamarca: INDECI PNUD - PER/02/051. Kendall, A. and Rodriguez, A. 2009. "Capitulo 3. Tecnologia de construccion de sistemas de andeneria y el patrimonio vivo." Desarollo y perspectivas de los systemas de andeneria de los Andes centrales del Peru [Course book]. Cuzco: Institut français d'études andines. Consulted on 11th of July 2018 via http://books.openedition.org/ifea/6119, 2018 Kullmann, K. 2015. "Towards topographically sensitive urbanism: re-envisioning earthwork terracing in suburban development". Journal of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability 8(4), 331-351, DOI: 10.1080/17549175.2014.896395 NOVA. 2010, January 1st. "A Marvel of Inca Engineering" [Interview of Ken Wright conducted on September 15, 2009 by John Bredar, eds. Susan K. Lewis]. NOVA online. Consulted on 6th of August 2018 via http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/ancient/wright-inca-engineering.html Powell, M. January 2016. "Terraced Agriculture: A step in the Right Direction?" The Solutions Journal, 6(6), 74-77. Consulted on 6th of August 2018 via https://www.thesolutionsjournal. com/article/terraced-agriculture-a-step-in-the-right-direction/ RPP Noticias. 2017, November 17th. "Cajamarca con escasez de agua potable por la ausencia de lluvias." RPP. Consulted on 6th of August 2018 via https://rpp.pe Sosa, M. and Zwarteveen, M. 2012. "Exploring the Politics of Water Grabbing: The Case of Large Mining Operations in the Peruvian Andes." Water Alternatives, 5(2), 360-375. Spirn, A. W. 1984. The Granite Garden. Basic Books. Vásquez, A. and Tapia M., M. 2011. “Cuantificación de la erosión hídrica superficial en las laderas semiáridas de la Sierra Peruana." Revista INGENIERÍA UC. 18: 42-50. Wilken, G. .C. 1987. "Good Farmers: Traditional Agricultural Resource Management in Mexico and Central America." California: University of California Press. Wolfe, C. 2010, September 24th. "Hill town as icons of placemaking". My Urbanist [Blog]. Consulted on 23rd of July 2018 on http://www.myurbanist.com/archives/4411 World Monuments Fund. 2018. "Cajamarca Historic Centre." Consulted on 3rd of August 2018 via https://www.wmf.org/project/cajamarca-historic-center Yamamoto, R. 2018. "Local Community Area." Consulted on 13th of August 2018 via http://riken-yamamoto.co.jp/index.html?page=ry_proj_detail&id=95&lng=_Eng Terraced Urbanism. A design investigation on the Huaunan, Secsenmayo and Jatn Caga Hills

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Post-mining Vision The transformed Mashcon Basin

Iosif Petros Athanasiou, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch

A common vision for the Mashcon Basin

Finally, the three projects are put together and extrapolated in order to provide an overall post-mining vision for the Mashcon Basin. The proposed projects aim to transform the Maschon Basin in the post mining era to improve the inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; quality of life. Starting from the north, on the headwaters, the proposed strategies set a new frame of water management system that will affect the entire basin. Large scale water management strategies are suggested to catch, collect, harvest and redistribute water. These strategies are going hand to hand with the small scale water management strategies in rural and urban areas of the basin. These water management strategies are the entering points to develop a series of other strategies. A reclamation project of the mine sites and a new way of 300

living on those areas after mining closure is proposed. A new way of social exchange and spatial organization is proposed to create a self-reliant rural area. Finally a new type of urbanismâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; terraced urbanism- on the foothills envisions how the city of Cajamarca is going to grow in the post-mining era. All projects and strategies work in collaboration with each other. Strategies developed on the rural areas are expanded on the mine sites or on the urban surroundings of Cajamarca. For example, a social service axis connects the rural with the urban atmosphere, and also passes through the reclaimed mining area. The goal of these strategies is to work together in the complex reality of the basin. Together, these projects propose a new future for the Mashcon Basin in a post-mining era.

Fig. 5.1 - Common vision for the Mashcon Basin, integrating the three projects - Maps by Iosif Petros Athanasiou, Nikita Shah and Gertie van den Bosch, 2018

Transforming the Northern Andean Landscape of Cajamarca (Peru)

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