WAX AND WANING OF UNIVERSIT Y POLITICS NEWS | 04
THE OFFICIAL STUDENT PUBLICATION OF UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES - MANILA VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 5 | JULY ISSUE | AUGUST 9, 2021
The Trap of Trapo Politics and its Bait of Electoral Currencies FEATURES | 08
Deep Cuts: Refilling the Cups OPINION | 14
EDITORYAL | 02
SAMA-SAMANG WAKASAN
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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
Officer-in-Charge: Tammy B. Habal | Associate Editor for Internals: Christina Michaela D. Cambiado | Associate Editor for Externals: Bianca Ysabelle M. Baldemor | Managing Editor: Pauline Mae F. Magsino | Assistant Managing Editor: Natasha Beatrice D. Carolina | News Editor: Angela Vanessa V. Manuel Features Editor: Shanin Kyle C. Manuel | Culture Editor: Gwyneth C. Cruz | Graphics Editor: Vince Julius V. Balaga News Correspondents: Ma. Rowz Angela F. Fajardo • Sean Gere V. Pascual • Elaine Joyce C. Diaz • Rochel M. Floron IV | Features Correspondents: Irish Jem R. Bantolino • Danna Carissa R. Gonsalves • Marianne Zen Therese O. De Jesus | Culture Correspondents: Sophie Mireille R. Echivarre • Mikaela Marie Santillan | Illustrators: Justine Vince A. de Dios • Abigail Beatrice O. Malabrigo | Layout Artist: Trevor Phoenix Lomotos
ILANG BUWAN BAGO sumapit ang halalan sa 2022, makikitang laganap na ang mga sarbey ukol sa mga nais tumakbong kandidato, at ilan sa kanila ay may kaugnayan sa Administrasyong Duterte. Sa loob ng anim na taong pamamahala nito, imbes na dumating ang pagbabagong magpapaunlad sa bansa ay mas lumala pa ang kalagayan nito. Marami pa ring mga pambansang isyu ang hanggang sa ngayo’y hindi pa rin natutugunan. Mula sa tuloy-tuloy na pagsangga sa karapatang pantao hanggang sa mabagal at hilaw na pagtugon laban sa COVID-19, makikitang hindi interes ng masa ang binibigyang halaga ng rehimen. Sa lumalalang krisis pangkalusugan, tumataas lalo ang bilang ng mga naapektuhan ng COVID-19. Kaakibat pa nito ang pag-usbong ng Delta variant na siyang mas nakahahawa’t nakamamatay kumpara sa mga nauna rito. Ito ang dahilan kung bakit ipapasailalim muli ang ilang bahagi ng bansa sa Enhanced Community Quarantine (ECQ) at Modified ECQ (MECQ). Ilang lockdowns na ang ipinatupad ngunit wala pa ring nagaganap na mass testing. At bagama’t nagsimula na ang vaccine rollout ay mabagal naman ang proseso ng pamamahagi dahil sa kakulangan sa supply ng bakuna. Ang malala pa rito ay wala pa ring sapat na ayuda ang mga essential workers, kasama na rin ang mga mag-aaral, habang ang mga programang wala naman kinalaman sa pagsugpo ng virus ang mas inuuna. At sa panunumbalik ng militaristikong ECQ ay lalong lumalantad ang kapabayaan ng rehimeng Duterte sa mga batayang sektor at serbisyong panlipunan. Ngayong darating na eleksyon, binanggit ni Duterte ang kanyang planong pagtakbo bilang ikalawang pangulo upang diumano’y
maiwasan niya ang mga kasong kinasasangkutan niya. Wari pa’y hindi raw kasya ang anim na taong pamumuno upang makamit ng bansa ang tunay na pagbabago. Isa itong kabalintunaan mula sa taong mismong nangako na lulutasin ng kanyang administrasyon ang problema ng bansa sa paggamit ng iligal na droga sa loob lamang ng anim na buwan. Ang simpleng rason ng pangulo sa pagtakbo’y nagpapakitang sarili lamang niya ang gustong niyang isalba. Para sa isang abogado tulad ni Duterte, tila wala siyang natutunan sa pagaaral ng batas. Kasabay nito ay ang pagtakbo ng anak niyang si Sara DuterteCarpio bilang presidente, kasama ang ilang mga personalidad sa showbiz. Matagal nang naglipana sa larang ng pulitika ang mga artistang dahil lamang sa kanilang kasikatan, kagaya ni Bong Revilla na bagama’t kilalang magnanakaw ay tumakbo pa rin at nanalo bilang senador noong 2019. Lumalabas na pawang walang kabigatan ang responsibilidad na aakuin ng mga nagnanais tumakbo sa parating na halalan. Nagmistulang tuloy na variety show ang pamahalaan para sa mga ito. Ngayo’y nasa kapalaran na ng bawat Pilipino ang kinabukasan ng Pilipinas. Sa nalalapit na pagtatapos ng pagrerehistro upang maging botante sa Setyembre 30, tandaang hindi na magpapatinag ang mga Pilipino sa kahit anong polisiyang anti-mamamayan at militaristiko. At sa darating na halalan, siguraduhing wala nang lugar ang mga katulad ni Duterte sa pamumuno.
If the people were to pass through this labyrinth safely, they must send their best men and women to navigate its halls, to destroy its abominations, and to pave a route that leads to the true exit. If the people were to pass through this labyrinth safely, they must send their best men and women to navigate its halls, to destroy its abominations.
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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
Five colleges set for limited F2F classes star t ing AY 2021-2022 By Rowz Fajardo, Sean Gere Pascual, and Mira Anacio
SCRUTINY
#CHEDexposed trends on social media platforms, students demand investigation By Ysabel Vidor
THE UNIVERSITY OF the Philippines Manila’s (UPM) College of Nursing (CN), College of Allied Medical Professions (CAMP), College of Public Health (CPH), College of Dentistry (CD), and College of Medicine (CM) are due to conduct limited face-to-face classes in the upcoming semester after gaining the approval of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) and Manila City government earlier this month. However, the two remaining colleges, the College of Arts and Sciences (CAS), who were not issued permission to conduct limited face-to-face classes, and the College of Pharmacy (CP), who are yet to ask CHED’s permission, are expected to continue under a remote learning setup. As of press time, the respective college administrations are in the process of finalizing the guidelines for the said classes. FACE-TO-FACE CLASSES BEFORE AY 2021-2022
For Midyear 2021, CAMP and CD are already conducting limited face-to-face classes for interns and clinicians while CM has been continuously conducting internships since November 2020. Apart from the systematic contract tracing implemented, the said colleges required the students to be fully vaccinated and have a negative RT-PCR test a few days prior to the start of their shifts. The colleges strictly follow safety measures approved by the CHED and COVID-19 Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF), where students with complete personal protective equipment are the only ones allowed to work. It was announced that both face masks and face shields will be provided by the colleges. Physical distancing is also strictly enforced and access to specific areas are limited and scheduled. Acrylic barriers, temperature checks, and foot-operated alcohol pumps are also stationed within the colleges. Furthermore, disinfection is also done hourly, with tags used to mark surfaces that need to be cleaned immediately, to ensure the safety of everyone on campus. In addition to the existing regulations, CD students, faculty, and staff will follow a five-ten cyclic schedule — five work days followed by ten days isolation. The UP Manila Crisis Management Committee, UPCD Crisis Management Committee, and UPCD Safety Marshals are responsible for
ART | GIAN CATIBOG
ensuring the adherence to safety regulations, rules, and policies, and ensuring a safe, less hazardous campus. If a student, faculty, or staff experience a COVID-19 symptom, it is imperative to connect to personnel to arrange RTPCR testing and conduct contact tracing.
GUIDELINES YET TO BE RELEASED
Almost all colleges are yet to release official guidelines and are currently planning to conduct town hall meetings to discuss the limited face-to-face classes for the upcoming semester. As the aforementioned colleges are expected to continue their limited face-to-face set-up, more adjustments are underway. Limited face-to-face classes in each college are to be attended only by programs and year levels that have necessary laboratory classes and manual skills that need to be practiced. For CAMP, only Physical Therapy students are permitted to attend limited face-to-face classes. As of writing, the college is working on requesting CHED’s approval to conduct limited face-to-face classes for Speech Pathology and Occupational Therapy students. For CPH, their administration has provided a list of possible courses for the limited faceto-face classes through a survey form disseminated last June. The CPH student council was then informed that the college administration will be arranging a town hall meeting with the students
and parents to discuss potential plans and concerns regarding the limited face-to-face classes. However, the date is yet to be announced. Finally, for CN, some professors already informed the students that limited face-to-face classes will take place next semester. Only a minimal number of students at a time are required to attend. Moreover, other matters such as shifting and cycling of students were said to be planned soon.
REMOTE LEARNING TO CONTINUE
The Padre Faura-based college, composed of ten undergraduate programs and three masteral programs, will continue under a remote learning set-up until the upcoming semester. CAS Associate Dean for Academic Affairs (ADAA) explained that partial face-toface classes are expected to start in the second semester next year if the pandemic situation allows. On the other hand, CP is yet to ask for permission from CHED to conduct limited face-to-face classes for undergraduate students for the upcoming academic year. The college assured that there will be a series of consultations for all the student batches regarding the matter. While the student records office is organizing a system of requesting vaccine endorsements, CP faculty members are now working on the documents which will be discussed with the students and their parents.
IT IS NOT new knowledge that Filipinos are deprived of education. Based on data by the Philippine Statistics Authority, one in every 10 Filipinos within the 6-24yrs old age group is an out of school youth. With the lack of transparency in allocating the funds supposedly destined to subsidize numerous Filipino students’ education, youth organizations expressed their sentiments and infuration towards the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) on social media. MISALLOCATION OF FUNDS
According to the National Union of Students of the Philippines, the PHP 3 billion budget stipulated in the report from the Commission on Audit (COA) was supposedly allocated to subsidize students from state universities for the virtual classes implemented during the pandemic. It was revealed, however, that CHED only spent Php 1 billion of the supposed budget for the flexible learning from the Bayanihan 2. The Bayanihan 2 Act, which expired last June 30, allows thousands of students who do not have the capacity to pay their tuition and miscellaneous fees to receive financial assistance amounting to Php 5,000. This was implemented last 2020 and was primarily designed for families who struggled during the pandemic. However, only students that do not come from public and state universities are qualified to avail the assistance according to CHED as these students are already receiving free tuition due to the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education (UAQTE) law. Aside from this, around Php 300 million was supposed to be used to subsidize unemployed teaching and non-teaching personnel in schools and universities. The hashtag #CHEDexposed trended on different social media platforms last July 15. The College Editors Guild of Philippines (CEGP), an association for journalists, ral-
lied last July 14 online, motivated by their urgency to seek explanation from CHED on the underutilization of the budget.
CHED DENIES THE ALLEGATION
The CHED called the report inaccurate and misleading. The COA report only had details until December 31, 2020, claimed CHED chairperson Prospero De Vera III, because the timeline was delayed because of the two strong typhoons last year (Rolly and Ulysses). Due to this, CHED experienced insufficiencies in manpower that caused the majority of their programs to be implemented immediately as the projects needed the confirmation and review of experts on the onset. De Vera III posits RA 11519 or the Act Extending the Availability of Appropriations under RA 11491 which permits CHED to utilize their funds until June of this year. This was not included in the report. In the same statement released by the chairperson, the COA report did not indicate the consecutive release of funds, requirements for its release, and the enforcement of the CHED programs powered by the Bayanihan 2. He also claimed that since the law was only implemented in the last few months of 2020, they only had three months to fix the requirements. While CHED denies the allegations, Kabataan Party-list spokesperson Raoul Manuel believes otherwise. In a news report, Manuel claimed, “CHED cannot deny accusations of ‘gross negligence’ anymore. They have no serious intention of seriously pursuing the safe reopening of schools despite clamor, yet they waste funds that could have saved students from being left behind in their online classes. This is unacceptable.” That being said, the party-list continually pushes for further investigation on the matter by seeking the data of the underutilized funds to prove the Duterte regime’s negligence on upholding the right of Filipinos to education.
MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT
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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO.. 4 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
Sulong UPM bets appointed as 42nd USC By Angela Vanessa Manuel AFTER THE UNIVERSITY Electoral Board’s (UEB) move to conduct the general election was denied, further reiterating that a general election is not substantiated, it proceeded to implement an appointment scheme in selecting the 42nd University of the Philippines University Student Council (UPM USC). The slate of Sulong UPM is composed of five student-leaders who fight for genuine student representation amidst the worsening climate of the pandemic and immense threats to academic freedom. The nominees faced the Commission of Appointments (CA), composed of the UEB, the incumbent 41st USC members, and representatives of the different College Student Councils (CSCs), in two separate final deliberation sessions held last July 17 and 31. Subsequently, during the final selection session of the CA last August 7, the five were officially appointed as members of the 42nd UPM USC. .PRELIMINARY PROCESS For this year’s selection, there are only five nominees, one vice-chairperson and four councilors, for the supposedly 16 positions to be filled at the USC. In order to reach the final deliberations, the nominees went through the tedious process of deliberations hosted by the seven respective College Search Committees (CSeC). Each nominee needs to have at least one college endorsement for them to push through the nomination. In result, Vice Chairperson nominee Querobin Acsibar and Councilor for Culture and Arts nominee Ariane Joyce Kekim received six endorsements each, Councilor for People’s Struggles nominee Carl Angelique Adducul and Councilor for Students’ Rights and Welfare and Basic Services nominee Edzel Gail Macasu received five each, while Councilor for Health and Environment nominee Beatriz Erica Frondoso received four. After the series of selection sessions, lone standard bearer
nominee and only incumbent USC member who seeks reappointment, Acsibar was appointed as Vice Chairperson via majority of votes. Through the same decision, Adducul, Frondoso, and Macasu were appointed as councilors. Furthermore, through a decisive consensus, Kekim was also appointed as councilor.
ADDRESSING KEY ISSUES
Adducul and Frondoso faced the members of the CA last July 17, while Acsibar, Kekim and Macasu were scheduled last July 31. In both sessions of the final deliberations, the nominees first presented their specific plan of action (SPOAs) and were then interpellated by the body. The issues covered in the interpellation ranged from national issues, such as the militaristic approach to the pandemic, safe return to face-to-face classes, and continuous threat towards the minorities, to grassroots level concerns, such as the lack of physical and democratic spaces and stu-
Duterte’s last SONA: A look into what and where we are now By Christel Castro, Ethan Galvan, and Natasha Carolina AS PRESIDENT RODRIGO Duterte’s term will end in June 2022, he delivered his sixth and final State of the Nation Address (SONA) on July 25. In 2016, Duterte promised that they will implement government programs for the promotion of the Filipino peoples’ welfare, however, his administration proved otherwise. WAR ON DRUGS, CRIME, AND CORRUPTION
The war to eradicate illegal drugs and eliminate corruption in
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the Philippines are among Duterte’s campaign promises. The issues have then become a constant topic in Duterte’s annual SONA. In 2016, Duterte promised to eliminate the illegal drug trade in the country in the first six months of his term. Human rights groups claimed that the number of victims who were killed is around 20,000. Duterte even taunted the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) in his final SONA as he admits that he never claimed that there will be no killings in his drug war. Duterte also emphasized how he loathes corruption, as it even
dents’ heavy academic workload. Like any other student consultations, much attention was given to the existence of the controversial Return Service Agreement (RSA), wherein all the nominees stood firm in their call to stop and review the RSA. Adducul added that they would also take extra steps in order to ensure that incoming freshmen students will be well-educated on the contents of the RSA and why it is wrong, reiterating that this contract only passes a big burden to the students. “Ang serbisyo kasi hindi kinokontrata. Hindi dapat naaapakan ng kagustuhan nating magbigay-serbisyo ang ating karapatan sa edukasyon,” Macasu stressed.
BIGGER RESPONSIBILITIES
Moreover, Acsibar affirmed that once appointed as the vice chairperson and given that the position of the chairperson remains vacant even after the special elections, she remarked that she will be ready to take on the greater responsibility in order to advance the needs of the student body. She also said that she would take measures to ensure that the legacy of the UPM USC will flourish as she lays her trust in UPM’s mass organizations and political organizations to produce and guide future student-leaders. Throughout the whole process, the Sulong UPM bets pledged that they will take a flexible and consultative approach in their term’s projects and campaigns.
prides itself on the enactment of the Ease of Doing Business Act or RA 11032, which aims to reduce processing time, eliminate red tape, and eradicate corrupt bureaucratic processes. Ironically, Duterte has since then reappointed, promoted, and retained 16 government officials who were accused of corruption or misuse of public funds.
The administration’s effort to fight the communist insurgency heightened as the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) was formed in December 2018. Since then the NTF-ELCAC has forced at least 55 Lumad schools closure, which left thousands of Lumad students out of school. Aside from this, the indigenous peoples all over the country are victims of red-tagging, imprisonment, and killings.
Hague’s historic ruling in 2016 that strengthened the Philippines’ claim over disputed territories in the West Philippine Sea. Instead, Duterte chose a warmer approach aimed at boosting trade, investments, and aid. Nonetheless, little progress has since been made in terms of Chinese-funded infrastructure projects. Moreover, it has also failed to deter Beijing over its worrisome incursions in our territory which continues to threaten our national sovereignty. After Duterte finished his last address, citizens expressed their dissatisfaction as he failed to meet their expectations of him owning up to his failures and mistakes during his administration- specifically, regarding the government’s pandemic response. This led people to encourage voter registration for the 2022 election, reminding everyone to vote wisely.
HUMAN RIGHTS
During his first months, Duterte claimed to be the first leftist president in the country. He even delivered a speech calling the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) a revolutionary government. However, this took a complete downturn after the immediate termination of peace talks between the government ended in February 2017, just six months after it started. Duterte also labeled the CPPNPA as a terrorist organization.
Kekim shared that it was the desperate need for genuine student representation, which will truly forward the grievances of the students and act on their concerns, that motivated them to run. It is no secret that the pandemic greatly affected the rate of student participation and representation. Kekim even named it one of the top three challenges faced by the students in the current online set-up. Acsibar then supported the claim by pinning the recurring student problems, such as academic burnout, personal and mental health issues, as the reasons that led to this condition, all the while reiterating that these reasons are valid and should be recognized.
CHINA AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Notably, his campaign for an independent foreign policy was regarded as an imperative, vowing that the Philippines would cultivate better relations with countries despite prevailing political and economic disputes. In terms of his stance towards China, he continues to shelve the
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features 08-09
The Trap of Trapo Politics and its Bait of Electoral Currencies By Yashi & Han-san AS THE TRAPO wails through their personalized jingles, “it’s the most wonderful time of the year.” Comedic tarps are now being installed on the windowsill of makeshift houses, while a brazen parade is ongoing in the most impoverished cities. With the elections around the corner, the trapo scattered their troops from every barangay, delivering speeches filled with trusty traps of band-aid solutions for the poverty-stricken voters. This only seems to surface whenever the campaign period is near, and it usually plays like this: the trapo sheds crocodile tears in front of the poor, even going as far as claiming, lumaki rin ako sa hirap. This heart-wrenching narrative pulls the sheep into their trap of a promising solution to the plight of the poor, but the catch is, this will only be mobilized if they are voted for. Surprisingly, the normally regarded as unaware seems to know their part, as the sheep willingly walks into the trap for the small portion of food hanging inside of it. This alluring bait is generally representative of education, health, and government response, but in this patron-client orientation, these basic needs are used as an “electoral currency” or a means of transactional exchange of votes. Now, the predator and prey seem to be on equal grounds in this arrangement. However, one question remains: Why are the Filipinos deprived of these basic needs in the first place? This enticing trap of band-aid solution seems to be just a small part of a complex trap known as poverty created and perpetuated by the very ones promising to get rid of it. This is the bigger trap most Filipinos continue to walk blindly into.
COSTLY EDUCATION AND EPAL TENDENCIES The penetrating faces of trapos. The government’s target of reducing poverty incidence by 2021 will not be hit due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In line with this, half of Filipino families consider themselves poor, making the poor comprise a huge part of Filipino voters. Consequently, they are targeted by trapos in their campaign scheme for the upcoming election. Using education as leverage, the go-to tactic is to be seen everywhere every time. Bags and supplies, name it, the faces of trapos are printed on them. These self-serving candidates do not have pure intentions of helping, but they only aim to become the most generous candidate in the eyes of the eligible voters, the parents. Likewise, scholarship grants given to underprivileged students are treated as photo ops with their names boldly printed on medals and certificates. These trapos ensure their presence is cemented on the minds of voters, going as far as starting their un-
The thing about the trap of trapo politics is that it does not need elaborate schemes or sleight-of-hand tricks to entice the poor. It only leeches off the twisty trap of poverty, a kind that is already as impenetrable as impenetrable would go.
ethical activities pre-campaign. The start of the campaign period does not coincide with the opening of the school year, but luckily for trapos, this is not an issue. They just start promoting early because according to the Republic Act No. 9369, a person who files their certificate of candidacy shall only be considered as a candidate at the beginning of the campaign period. This voided Section 80 of the Omnibus Election Code, which prohibits any person from engaging in election campaigns except during the campaign period. This is an obvious loophole overused by trapos. They use this morally unfair activity to condition the minds of voters, and the only way to solve this is revising the law, but this remains neglected as politicians benefit from this discrepancy the same way they benefit from the laws that rob the poor of true free education such as the free tuition law and tax laws. The free tuition law are not pro-poor enough when it mainly caters to the privileged classes. When the elites have more resources and easier access to tutors and review centers, the elites grab the limited slots rightfully for the poor. Additionally, the taxes used in providing the free tuition are mainly paid by the poor workers because of rich-biased tax laws. There is still a lot to improve in these laws that disadvantage the poor, but trapos are more focused on milking these gaps than reforming them. With the sudden shift to the online classes, the paraphernalia used by trapos starts to change, too, but before voters pledge their loyalty in exchange for donated pens and mobile data, may they remember that these candidates perpetuate the system that makes them rely on these donations. But in the face of survival, it is understandable that beggars find it hard to be choosers.
DECENTRALIZED HEALTH SYSTEM AND PRIORITIZED URGENCIES The cursory commitment of trapos. During elections, health becomes a key bargaining chip manipulated by politicians with significant control over health service delivery and by voters with little to no access to public health services. Most would consider these negotiations between patrons and clients an enduring characteristic of Philippine electoral politics, but they should, by all means, cease to be. Politicians manage to secure votes from the poor by providing them easy access to health facilities and services, with the whole process starting from over a year before the campaign period but rarely extending until the end of term. This elusive privilege that affords people from less well-off families a chance to regain control of their health only appears during election season. Of course, in exchange for immediate assistance and, maybe, dreams of sustainable health
ILLUSTRATION | CHAMIQUE FRANCISCO
programs, indigent voters make sure to offer electoral support to those candidates who seem to be actively engaged in their health issues and personal concerns. And without fail, this sense of fulfillment ends briefly. Once the show is over, the poor electorate goes home crestfallen by the aching reminder that they were shown nothing but a brittle facade. On top of this, health can only be used as a currency in local elections. Local government units (LGUs) maintain direct control over health in their respective regions, and they are also the ones to run in elections, incentivized to appeal to their constituents to stay in power. Because of this, local incumbents are resolved to respond to health issues with band-aid solutions. They only craft high-impact responses up to a point that
they no longer guarantee w a shot at reelection. The quasi-decentraliz Philippine healthcare sys bode well under the coun system. Given that our ele gone any major institutio relied on the occasional ap politicians with communi the Philippine health se stagnates inevitably. At th outcomes are independe penditures or the mass a crats. No, the solution go few rotten parts of the pr puzzle piece at a time be electoral institutions them
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zed character of the stem certainly does not ntry’s current electoral ections have not underonal reform and instead ppearance of grassroots ity-sensitive platforms, ervice delivery system he end of the day, health ent of large health exappointment of technooes deeper than fixing a rocess. Figuring out one comes inefficient when mselves can be restruc-
tured at the system level to create better and durable health outcomes.
REACTIVE LGU RESPONSE AND INCOMPETENCIES The harsh negligence of trapos. Electoral strategies in the Philippines are also known to extend to how the LGUs respond in times of crises, including the well-timed construction of infrastructure designed to mitigate the impacts of natural disasters. The entry of severe typhoons in the country is almost always followed by politicians flooding evacuation centers, holding bags of relief goods with their names plastered on them while evacuees stand in lines, waiting for food and whatever necessity they could bring
back. However, proper assistance remains scarce on the preventive side. With the nearing election season, any natural disaster is an opportunity for vying candidates to offer in-kind donations and assistance to communities, strengthening their claim to positions of power. Clearly, such acts are not done out of charity. If anything, the severity of damages and number of casualties and disaster-hit communities are proof of negligence. If reparative projects have been actively pursued and allocated a portion of the budget, there would be no need to spend on relief operations. Even the COVID-19 response is not exempted by this lack of comprehensive planning. The cash subsidy supposed to alleviate the impact of COVID-19 has become plagued by anomalies because the national government referenced an outdated database and allowed the LGUs to determine the beneficiaries. This miscalculation led to a selective list and unfair distribution of subsidies by politicking officials and civilians. Following its footsteps, reports of politicians using the COVID-19 vaccination program for premature campaigning such as posting their tarpaulins at vaccination sites remain unprobed. Likewise, voters accessing the vaccines through connections under future candidates remain unchecked until the campaign period starts, an
echo of the loophole of the Philippine election law permitted by these politicians. However, there’s no wonder that many still vote for them. These traditional politicians know how to prioritize electoral gains and the best way to get them, according to the old-age playbook, is to maximize visibility even before the campaign period starts. This includes fast-tracking construction projects and building infrastructure that are not intended for the long term but would otherwise remind voters whose names should go on the ballot. Trapos know exactly when and where to allocate public funds and this information is not, by any means, aligned to the needs of their constituents. Time has proved that their misplaced incentives put Filipino communities in peril and risk the lives of the poor, the very people who continue to rely on them to deliver. The thing about the trap of trapo politics is that it does not need elaborate schemes or sleight-ofhand tricks to entice the poor. It only leeches off the twisty trap of poverty, a kind that is already as impenetrable as impenetrable would go. Once you’re held in, even a glimpse of freedom is precious. Once you’re offered a chance to secure education or health security, pledging votes to some trapo suddenly seems less revolting than it is lifesaving. To eradicate poverty means to provide every Filipino an opportunity to lead a better life. This requires policymakers to pursue high-sustainability programs, craft differentiated platforms, and provide support to the grassroots. It needs advocating for the reformation of the electoral system that further disadvantages the disadvantaged, whose lives mirror the consequences of bad governance. The trap of trapo politics is intricate, but it is not invincible. The Filipino can break free.
08 features
VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO.. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
From the Culture Team
HOW DOES IT FEEL TO BE THREATENED BY STATE-SPONSORED ATTACKS?
“As [both] an activist and a journalist, there will be days when news of injustices and oppression in the country discourage me to speak out, especially when the political system of a dictator is rigged to hunt down and silence its dissenters.”
From the blue collar men to the mere civilians on the streets, no one is enamored with any sense of impunity. Our clamors and grievances, all rooted from the systemic state-sponsored injustices, have seen the world consistently being brought to silence. The Duterte regime has only yielded us an inevitable, unending loop of threats — and such will be the trenchancy as long as a fascist ruler exists. In light of the recent celebration of the National Campus Press Freedom Day, campus publications can only controvert — after all, the numbers state otherwise. With almost 1,000 violations against campus press freedom since 2010, the government has ushered the country’s press freedom ranking down by two notches, placing us 138th out of 180 countries. Adhering to the mandate of the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP), The Manila Collegian (MKule) strives to uphold and defend the interest and welfare of student journalists, its student-publishers, and the Filipino people. Nevertheless, even though our publication is situated within the University of the Philippines (UP) system, a so-called pillar of “academic freedom,” MKule is not immune to the systemic repression that is hurled upon the mere context of being critical Filipinos. What appears to be a national predicament, however, is merely a reflection of the collective struggles that manifest from local and campus-level publications. To see how repression and suppression are inevitable across all spheres of influence, heed the voices of four correspondents across the established sections of the publication to elucidate this foul reality.
Following the previous anecdote on media repression, it can be noted that dissent plays a pivotal role in ushering journalists to be ruthless in the pursuit of amplifying the truth. It is wrong, however, to blame these journalists — with the continuous influx of harassment cases amongst fearless journalists with critical minds. For instance, it can be remembered that Lady Ann Salem from Manila Bulletin was arrested in light of dubious reasons; a living example of how dissent ends up being criminalized under the Duterte regime. However, to quote the same culture correspondent, “being an activist and a journalist comes with responsibility and privilege to champion the truth and justice. And always, the struggle of the masses outweighs all fear and terror.”
From the Graphics Team “There’s always this fear of getting arrested in the middle of a coverage. You’ll never know whether the person standing next to you is an actual civilian, or an intel already marking you in red.”
From the News Team “I was anxious whenever trolls comment on our posts, it leaves an eerie feeling because you now know that they are aware of your existence. And with the persistence of the state in silencing their critics, I was scared that despite working remotely they would really track [me/us] down.” If there’s one thing that this government prides itself in doing, it’s the act of feeding the troll farms. Undeniably, herds of usually illogical critics are widespread across the various platforms that MKule is using. A notable increase in the hired service personnel of the Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) has become controversial amidst the Duterte pandemic as this has been linked to the growing commune of trolls in social media. The prevalence of these trolls only disrupts the digital ecology for efficient, critical, and healthy discourse, thereby furthering the antagonization of dissent against the government and, subsequently, fueling the foundation of red-tagging. And in the honest pursuit of delivering relevant information, the News correspondents are persistently faced with the challenge of amplifying the truth amidst an echo chamber rigged by misinformation.
@mkule
MKULE SPEAKS:
A Miscellany of Struggles under a Fascist Ruler By Bianca Baldemor and Danna Gonsalves
From the Features Team “Under Duterte’s regime, community journalists are jailed because of trumped up charges and personally, this is what scares me the most. On social media, I am attacked many times whenever I write critical statements against the current administration — I receive death threats, allegations that I am paid or dilawan, or rape jokes from none other than Duterte’s army of trolls. I feel even more unsafe knowing how toothless the authorities are in implementing cyber regulations.”
When campus press hear about the unjust attacks against reputable journalists like Maria Ressa and Reynaldo Santos Jr. from Rappler as well as the murder of radio journalist, Cornelio Pepino, the fear undoubtedly strikes right between the eyes. The repression of sound and honest media go beyond the efforts of mere troll farms now— these are threats that cannot just disappear with a simple click of the block or report button. Toothless authorities, as the Features correspondent calls them, serve to only heighten this fear, whether they be legal or judicial in character. Yet, far worse still, is knowing that many of those who swore to “protect the state” have become those most untrustworthy under Duterte’s administration. Can we even run to the police and file for harassment, when it is the police themselves who often instigate the conflicts, the unfounded suspicions, and the vulgar comments?
Critical journalists share this fear that we all know too well. It is surely difficult to muster the courage to press on when red-tagging and red-baiting has become this country’s knee-jerk response toward any critical or dissenting action to national government. From a simple ideology, Duterte has crafted a pretend-enemy for himself and for his army of trolls and policemen to stage an unnecessary war against, when the actual “enemy” that needs to be contended with is found within the confines of his own government. Duterte’s past five years may have been marred by the criminalization of journalism and the never-ending evolution of disinformation— but, as journalists, our call is to sustain our efforts with the amplifying of the truth: to allow for the continuous flow of critical, progressive, and alternative media to saturate mainstream media as much as our power lets us. Under this administration, the harassment begotten by any mere purveyor of the truth is only further proof of Dutere’s fascist rule. His fear over the exposure of the true nature of his acts— his self-interest, his greed, his contempt for others— is the exact reason why our actions must prevail. Therefore, so long as Duterte continues to fear the exposure of the truth, all the more we ought to seek it out. Now, in Duterte’s last year, this task of ours is most crucial. To establish the rightful power of the free press more than ever, we must rely and live out these words that institutions, like the Manila Collegian, have been asserting for so long: magna est veritas et praevalebit — The truth is mighty and shall prevail. And so shall the Filipino people.
ILLUSTRATION | CHAMIQUE FRANCISCO
kultura 09
VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
Ni Joanna Pauline Honasan NAPAKA-UNREALISTIC DAW NG mga teleserye, pero bakit ganito si Tatay? May karisma sa mga kasosyo, pero walang pag-aatubiling minumura-mura si Mom; hindi natinag kahit sa harap ng hapagkainan. Guess what? Hindi pala ako ang dapat mag-ayos ng “asal,” kundi ang lalaking padabog na pumasok sa kwarto—siya raw kasi ang batas sa bahay. Bawal umangal, magpaliwanag, at magkomento kahit napakalinaw ng kaniyang pagkakamali. Salita ni Tatay ang batas; ang tumutol ay tiyak pauulanan ng bala ng panunumbat. Paanong hindi mapapahikbi si Mom kung ganito ang pinakasalan niya? Ilang lalaki na ang nagpa-ibig kay Mom, bitbit ang matatamis na pangako’t nakakatulirong “Ipaglalaban kita, Pina!” Sa una’y naniwala si Mom sa kabila
ILLUSTRAION | VINCE DE DIOS
ng kakayanan niyang itaguyod ang buhay namin; walang kundiman ang makakapantay sa kaniyang nadama. Sa huli, pinagpalit lamang nila siya sa isang babaeng Amerikana. Ganito rin ang formula ni Tatay. Mabigat ang loob na nagpakasal si Mom sa kaniya dahil ipinagtulakan siya nina lolo’t lola rito. Kapag ‘di raw siya sumunod, maghihirap daw kami...ha! Ang sabihin nila, ayaw nilang malugi ‘yung subdivision at iba pang negosyo nila. As if namang may nakukuha kami mula sa kanila! Kakarampot lang din naman ang binibigay nitong mokong—este—ni Tatay sa amin ni Mom. Patak ng ambon lang ang natatanggap naming pera mula sa kaniya; mas madalas pa nga siyang pumutak at magpaulan ng mga maling akusasyon!
Hindi rin namin kailanman naramdaman na naging ligtas kami kasama siya. Sa una pa nga lang eh punong-puno na ng redtags red flags si Tatay! Tingin din ni Tatay ata sa lahat ng bagay ay red, kaya parati siyang beast mode. Pinangatawanan na yata niya ang pagpapayabong ng redta—red flags—kaya tuluyan na siyang nilamon ng kulay na ito. Tulad ng pula, napakalayo ng wavelength ng pang-unawa niya sa amin ni Mom. At syempre, hindi makukumpleto ang mala-teleserye naming buhay kung walang special appearance ang mga kerida’t manloloko. Daig pa nga ni Tatay ‘yung lalaking pinag-aagawan sa Ika-Anim na Utos dahil ‘di lang isa, kundi dalawa ang kabit niya! Kaya pala kahit umaaray na ang bulsa namin, parating mayroong resibo si Tatay mula sa mga restawran sa BGC at sa Forever 21. ‘Yung Amerikanang turista na overstay na sa Pilipinas at Chinese businesswoman na mahilig sa beach naman pala ‘yung tunay na pinaglilingkuran ni Tatay! Kaya kung mukha mang walang gana si Mom, si Tatay ang may kasalanan. Sila nina lolo’t lola ang sanhi sa paglumbay ni Mom; umaandap-andap na ang dating kislap ng kaligayahan sa kaniyang mga mata. Kami’y mga mayang ikinulong sa hawla—may pakpak ngunit hindi makawala sa mga tanikala. Ang salitang sinasambit ni Tatay ang batas na umuupos kay Mom at bumubusal sa aming mga bibig—sa aming kalayaan. Di kalauna’y lumitaw ang batik-batik na suga’t pasa sa balat ni Mom. Ito’y manipestasyon ng
pagbabagong-anyo ng salita—ng batas. Mahapdi ang latay ng bawat salita ni Tatay; ito’y may katumbas na kumpas ng karahasan, pisikal man o emosyonal. Mababakas ang hagupit nito sa aming buhay— mula sa pag-inda ni Mom sa kaniyang sugat, hanggang sa gabi-gabi kong pag-iyak dahil wala akong pambayad sa matrikula. Mag-a-anim na taon na mula nang nakasama namin si Tatay, ngunit wala pa ring bakas ang pagbabagong kaniyang ipinangako. Nagsasama raw sila sa hirap at ginhawa, ngunit kami lang naman ang naghirap at sinolo ni Tatay, lolo, at lola ang ginhawa. Isang gabi’y narinig ko rin si Tatay sa telepono, patagong nakikipagtransaksyon ng dagdag na utang na hindi namin alam para saan. Samantalang kami ni Mom ay kumakayod pa nang extra upang may maipantustos kami. Muntik na akong hindi mag-kolehiyo, pero alam ba ni Tatay ito? Alam man lang ba niya na mahirap para sa akin at sa mga propesor ko ang online setup; na mas kinakailangang tustusan ang edukasyon ko? At alam ba niya na muntik nang bawian ng buhay si Mom dati dahil napakamahal ng bayarin sa ospital? Hindi ko maunawaan kung paanong nasisikmura ng isang haligi ng tahanan—ng isang tao— na walang gawin dito. Sa bagay, kami’y pawang instrumento lamang para sa kanila— ginamit at iniwan sa byahe nila tungo sa kaginhawaan. Kahit ilang eksena pa ng pagpapahirap sa bida ang ipalabas sa mga teleserye, hindi nito mahihigitan ang pangaaping nararanasan namin. Imbes na magbigay ng pera pampaaral at pampagamot, gastos all you can si Tatay sa pagpapatakbo ng shooting range niya, pag-iinvest sa negosyo ng mga kasosyo niya, at sa pagpondo sa dalawang kabit niya. Matagal na kaming pagod kay Tatay. Sa loob ng halos anim na taong naging haligi siya ng tahanan, wala siyang ginawa kundi maging marupok at gibain ang pundasyon ng am-
ing pagkatao. Si Tatay ay diktador ng tahanan, kontrabida sa malateleserye naming buhay, ang hawlang kumikitil sa aming kalayaan. Si Mom ay bulang diniktahan ng hangin, umaasang mamumuhay sa alapaap ng mga pangakong binitiwan ni Tatay; pinaikot-ikot hanggang sa pumutok sa kawalan. Pinipilipit ng paghahari-harian ni Tatay ang aming kalamnan. Nararapat lamang na bumaba na si Tatay. Alam kong alam ni Mom na ito ang kasagutan upang wakasan ang aming paghihirap—ang putulin ang koneksyon namin sa lahat ng kontrabidang pahirap; ang pigtasin ang tanikalang pumipigil sa aming pagpagaspas. Sumasayaw sa ritmo ng hangin ang papel na hawak ni Mom ngayon—ang kontrata ng kasal nila ni Tatay; ang kandadong pumipigil sa amin. Tahimik ngayon, ngunit malakas ang pagdagundong ng aming mga puso. May munting siga na nagbabadyang sumiklab sa mga mata ni Mom; sa lahat ng beses na pumarito kami, ngayon ko lamang nakitang naging mas maliwanag sa malamlam na ilaw ang kaniyang mga mata. Tulad sa mga teleserye, kadalasang hudyat ng pagwawakas ang mga sunog. Kaya nang unti-unting nilamon ng apoy ng nagngangalit na galit ang bawat salita sa kontratang pumatay sa aming kalayaan, alam naming magwawakas na ang pang-aabuso. Sa paglamon ng apoy sa kontrata, nawalan na ng kapangyarihan si Tatay, at pinutol na namin ang aming koneksyon sa ganid na si lolo’t lola. Wala kaming kailangang iba; ako at si Mom— sapat na ang magkasama kaming dalawa. Sumisiklab sa puso namin ni Mom ang apoy na mapagpalaya— ang apoy ng pinagsama-samang sigaw para sa hustisya at pag-asa. Sa pagwawakas ng teleserye’y tumitig si Mom sa bintana. Sinong nakakaalam? Marahil ay nakatingin siya sa maliwanag na bukas, o baka nakatitig lang siya sa mula sa loob ng telebisyon. Marahil ay kinakausap niya ang mga manonood na nangangailangan ding sunugin ang kani-kanilang kontrata.
MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT
12 kultura
VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO.. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
NO BLIND MICE
Pagsuyod sa Humupang Halalan ng UP Manila Nina Christina Michaela Cambiado, Gwyneth Cruz, at Sophie Echivarre
MULA KISAME NG Rizal Hall hanggang kanal ng Pedro Gil, ang mga dagang animo’y walang kaimik-imik ay matagal na palang saksi sa isa sa pinaka-tensyonadong panahon sa kasaysayan ng kampus—ang taunang University Student Council Elections... ...hanggang kamakailan. Humina ang naturang ingay. Dumalang ang mga Room-to-Room. Kinapos sa filing of candidacy. Kung kailan nag-aagam-agam para sa kinabukasan ng student representation, lalo pang napagkaitan ng pagkakataon noong pumutok ang pandemya. Sa pamantasang bantog sa dangal at husay, ang kultura ng eleksyon ngayo’y umaatungal at nakahandusay. May aabangan pa kaya ang mga namumunining bubuwit sa naghihingalong panahon ng kampanya? YOU ARE JUST LIKE A RAT!
Alam mo dati? Favorite kong subaybayan ang mga estudyante tuwing USC elections. Kasi diyan na nagsisimulang may gumambala sa mga classroom para magpakilala ang mga kandidato. May mga nagkakalat na ng poster at pamphlet na ang sarap-sarap ngatngatin, bilang, siyempre, pagpapakilala ng mga kandidato. Tapos, may mga miting de avance pa kada college at Meet the Press. Ano pa nga? Para magdebate ang mga kandidato! Bonus na lang para sa akin kapag may mga tira-tirang naiiwan ang mga kandidato kapag katatapos lang nilang kumain, kasi magmamadali na silang lumipat para sa susunod nilang endorsement o RTR. Alalang-alala ko pa ‘yung may color-coding pa sa damit, kasi may sinasagisag na kulay ang bawat partido, kahit sa ‘Independent’. Nakakaaliw nga, halimbawa, kapag disinasadyang nakasuot ang isa ng “maling” kulay. Sinusuyo ng volunteer corps para iboto si kung sinoman. O ‘di kaya tinuturing na taksil. F.O. Minsan, may mga gusto pa ‘kong lapitang kulay kasi sila ‘yung may dalang baon! Simple ang kuwento noon: dalawang malaking partido, magkaibang kulay, ang madalas na nagtatagisan para makasungkit ng puwesto sa konseho. Kapag hindi kakulay umano, magkaiba raw ng prinsipyo? Sa tingin ko naman, huhusgahan sila pare-pareho sa kung paano sila nangakong maglingkod. Ewan ko lang
@mkule
kung bakit tila biglang nawalan ng kulay. Huling balita ko, dahil kukulangin diumano sa bilang ng kandidato, nanganib na posibleng mabigong makompleto ang konseho. Sa napakaikling panahon, ang dating kinagisnang mga partido na nagtutunggalian kada taon ay napalitan ng mga medyo pamilyar na mga mukha, ngunit tumatakbo sa ilalim ng mga bagong bandera. May usap-usapan nga na ang baka manalo pa: si “Abstain” – na sa aking smooth brain ay luma naman nang keso. Hindi kalaunan, nagkaroon tuloy ng special elections. Maski ako, malilito rin sa pangyayari. Parang hindi yata ako magtataka o maninisi kung bakit at paanong nabawasan ng interes ang mga estudyante na lumahok sa eleksyon. Napagod. Nawalan ng tiwala. Nagsawa. Minamasdan ko ang mga pasilyo ngayon, halos wala na rin tayong mapagkunan ng kutkutin. Bakante ang mga gusali. Nahawaan ba natin sila ng leptospirosis at more than one year na silang absent? Hindi nga tayo lumalapit sa kanila kahit baha pa! Kasi kung ako tatanungin, nagmukhang nag-walkout na lang sila dahil may failure of elections. Nakaka-miss kahit papa’no. Akala mo may pasikatan noon kasi palakasan sila ng panawagan o kantiyawan. Siguro, ‘yon pa nga ang mismong dahilan kung bakit NAPESTE ang mga botante? Halos humahantong palagi sa personality politics. Face-off lang dzai? Sino’ng mas angat? Sino’ng mas sikat? Buti pa tayo, ‘no? Nagpaparami lang. Alam ko, Mickey. Mataas ang tiyansang manalo kapag malakas ang appeal sa madla. Pero ayokong maliitin itong mga iskolar. Alam nila sa huli’t huli, boboto sila ng karapat-dapat. Ayun lang ay sana meron pa rin. Marami pang keso na kailangang patampukin.
LE FESTIN (ANG PIGING)
Sa nakagawian kong pamamalagi sa isang sulok ng USC office, saulo ko na ang magagaan na yabag hatid ng Nike shoes, ang nakakahalinhing na amoy ng Starbs, at ang mga branded na damit ng mga estudyante na pumapasok dito. Bawat meeting o biglaang hang-out nila ay nagmimistulang piging sa dami ng putahe—sari-saring opinyon at mga paghahanda kasabay ng masasarap na pagkain. Mukhang hindi lamang sila ang may handaan dahil sa sandaling umalis sila, kaming mga daga naman ang maglul-
unsad ng pista. Siguro’y nasanay na ako na may ngangatngatin pagkatapos makinig ng ilang oras kaya hindi ko namalayan na ubos na pala ang huling bloke ng keso na hawak ko, ubos na rin ang mga tinig ng mga lumalaban at mga nakikinig. Napagod na ang mga estudyante sa paulit-ulit na pagboto’t umabot pa nga sa puntong rinig na rinig ko ang malalim nilang buntong hininga tuwing nababanggit ang salitang “eleksyon.” Kung paanong ang excitement na hatid ng campaign period ay naging obligasyon na lamang gaya ng paboritong ulam na hindi na makilala ng panlasa, ay hindi ko rin alam. Hindi ko naman napansin pero mukhang diyan naman na ang hantungan. Mas lalong walang alam ang mga bagong pasok na isko’t iska sa unibersidad. Kung ako nga na mumunting bubwit na ugaling magcampus tour ay hindi alam ang buong detalye, paano pa kaya sila? Anong ganap? Wala. Napanis, napag-iwanan na ng panahon. Kung ma-i-involve man ang mga bata sa University Council Elections, siguro ay dahil pinilit sila ng sangkaguruan, at hindi dahil may ideya sila sa politika ng UPM. Pare-pareho lamang tayong nangangapa sa hangin ng nakaraan.
Pero hindi bulag ang kabataan, alam nito ang tahasang panlalapastangan sa kaniyang bayan. Alam kong hindi nila hahayaan na muling mabahiran ng dugo ang kanilang kinabukasan at sila’ y sapilitang piringan mula sa naghihikahos na realidad dulot ng kawalang katarungan.
Nakapanghihinayang na huling hapunan ko na pala iyon, akala ko kasi walang expiration date. Akala ko ideal na mayroong politika sa eskwelahang ito—tradisyon na ang makakumpleto ng slate, mahati ang student body dahil sa partidong kanilang sinusuportahan, o maging aktibo ang lahat dahil sa alam nila ang kahalagahan ng pagkakaroon ng representasyon. Namumulat ang mga walang alam o pakialam sa politka sa mga isyung pilit pinagtatakpan ng administrasyon—mga programang anti-student, biglaang deadlines, sunod-sunod na notifications lalo na this online learning. Tama ka, Remy. Minsan na tayong naging standard ng ibang UP campus pagdating sa usaping politika. Kaya dito natin mas kailangang himukin ang mga estudyante na maging politically aware, na lumubog kasama ng masa kahit through social media muna. Dumalo sa mga educational discussions upang malaman kung ano ba dapat ang ipaglaban, sumali sa mga organisasyong may hangaring isulong ang karapatang pantao, at gumawa ng mga programang inclusive— kasama ang lahat ng kolehiyo, mangasiwa ng pagpapakilos laban sa mga kawalan ng katarungan, sa loob at labas ng paaralan. Pagkatapos ng lahat ng nangyari, nasa dugo ng mga batang ito ang manilbihan sa masa—lagi’t lagi, para sa bayan.
SEE HOW THEY RUN
Nakababahala, Jerry. Masyado pa ring nakabibingi ang katahimikan sa mga pasilyo at sulok-sulok ng UPM. Nakakatakot isipin na mukhang matatagalan pa bago ako muling mabusog sa keso’t parapernalya ng mga mag-aaral dito; ilang panahon pa ang dapat hintayin upang magkaroon muli ng malakas na hanay ng representante ng mga estudyante. Paano ba naman kasi maibabalik ang mapusok na politika sa unibersidad kung matagal nang tinupok ng apoy ang buong tiwala ng mga iskolar sa mga naglalakas-loob na tumakbo? Nagpantig na rin ang kanilang mga tainga sa mga pangakong kasing-tamis ng mga salitang lumalabas lamang sa bibig ng mga politiko ng bansa. Oo, karimarimarim na nagmimistulang metapora ng bansa ang pangyayari sa loob ng kampus ng “may dangal at husay.” Naiwang nakabuka ang bibig ko, nabitawan ko rin ang nakita kong bloke ng kahoy na nginatngat ko habang nagkaroon ng isang realisasyon ang isang bubwit na gaya ko. Grabe. Nakakatawa’t nakakaiyak pagmasdan kung paano nilamon ng mga ipinagkibit balikat na kabulukan ang kolehiyo na ito. Masyadong nakatuon ang mga narito sa paligid ko sa pagpuksa sa kamalian sa gobyerno at sa lipunan, na hindi na nila namamalayang nakahanap na ng puwang ang mga salot sa piling nila. Mas masahol at nakakikilabot ang pagpaparami ng mga pesteng susunod sa yapak ng kaniyang kinamumuhiang sakim na ninuno sa madidilim na sulok at karampot na espasyo ng bulwagan ng pamantasang ito. Tulad ng isang trapo,
Pagkatap ng nangy ng mga b manilbih lagi’ t lag bayan...
pahihinugin m huwad na lide sila isasalang s magitan ng pa ing aktibo sa m maingay lang election seaso dakan ang ma politika at est ang kaniang p bayan sa may e bang taimtim ang kanilang m paggawa ng ka Gaya ng pa lang Pilipino halalan, hirap mag-aaral ng parehong muk kikita nilang t Paulit-ulit na kapakanan ng utunguhan ng nagpapatingka makikita ang p Siguro Jerr ang politika s kong nagpapa mubuhay lang estudyanteng hangaring ma sa bayan. Hindi kaila ng mga estudy posisyon o s mang, ang pa climate sa pa puno’t dulong ang ilang daan mukadkad n pamamalakad siyang pinagm mga estudya pleksyon ng u sistema. Pero hindi ang kabataan nito ang tah pa n la lapa st a sa kaniyang b Alam kong hin hahayaan na m mabahiran ng ang kanilang bukasan at sapilitang p mula sa naghi na realidad d kawalang kata Tama ba Remy, at Jerry
ILLUSTRATION | GIAN CATIBOG
VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
kultura 13
pos ng lahat yari, nasa dugo batang ito ang han sa masa— gi, para sa
muna ang mga susunod na er-estudyante saka pa lang sa pagtakbo. Ito ay sa pamaagtulak sa mga ito na magmga proyektong mabango’t kapag nagbabadya na ang on sa UPM. Ipangangalanatatas na kaalaman nito sa tado ng bansa. Palalakasin pagsigaw nila panawagan ng entrada ng pamantasan hanilang inilalatag kung ano mga personal na motibo sa abanalang ito. agkawalang-gana ng madsa pagboto sa darating na p din maenganyo ang mga unibersidad dahil sa parekha lang naman ang naumatakbo para sa posisyon. serbisyong mas inuuna ang partido kaysa sa dapat patg serbisyo. Sila-sila lang ring aran sa kapangyarihan ang pangalan sa balota. y, maganda na ring patay sa pamantasan ng mga isakain sa ‘kin kung ang bug naman nito ay ang mga hindi pa buo at tunay ang anilbihan sa kamag-aral at
anman naging pagkakamali yante, mapa-tumatakbo sa simpleng botante l a atay nang political amantasan. Ang g dahilan nito ay ng taong pamung palasak na d sa bansa na mumulan ng anteng reumiral na
i bulag n, alam hasang a ng a n bayan. ndi nila muling g dugo kinasila’y piringan hikahos dulot ng arungan. Mickey, y?
MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT
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VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO.. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
DEEP CUTS
Refilling the Cup Cumulonimbus THE FIRE FOR our passions urges us to work for our towering aspirations. However when left under extreme heat for too long, this fire too can scorch. I have glorified productivity and hard work as I embark on my college life. With a fiery inclination, a part of me is driven to one day be of service to our nation. Relentlessly grinding my way out on my first year in UP, I have learned that one can simply not fill a cup that has been emptied out due to exhaustion. I always thought that in order to be worthy as Iskolar ng Bayan, I needed to be adequate, such as seizing unos while steering clear of dos. Planting that idea in mind, I pushed myself to be better. The current online setup and cramped semester constantly nagged me every time I’d take a rest. In an attempt to appease the feeling of guilt, I harness every energy I have to finish every task even if it means sacrificing my mental health. From then on, nights became exhaustively long because of voices in my head that raged with my daily failings. Days were just as bad because I have to face my responsibilities despite experiencing these things. I was on the brink of falling apart while I picked pieces of me trying to survive my first year. The fire inside me smoldered, then died with a streak of smoke. I grew apathetic over time as motivation drained out of my system. That’s when I knew I needed professional help. After my initial check up through an online consultation, I was diagnosed with major depressive disorder and anxiety. Like being sucker-punched in the heart, I was disheartened when I found out how my expenses reached thousands just for one session, and another thousands for my medications. This, for someone who is not as privileged as I am, can be dismaying. Despite the Mental Health Act of 2017, mental health services continued to be inaccessible to many Filipinos because of its costliness. On my journey to recovery, I took some time reflecting about how I was
too deprecating of myself. Everytime, I remind myself that it is okay to take a break once in a while. I should not feel guilty for recharging after being consumed by tasks. More importantly, I needed to reaffirm myself that grades should not determine my worth as a UP student. I am worthy because from the moment I entered the university, I have already decided that I want to learn more about the masses and serve them with all my heart. The saying rings true: one cannot pour oneself out for others from an empty cup. Once in our Wika 1 class, my professor told us to remain active and stay vigilant about our overall well-being because the revolution is waiting for us, our country needs us. While social turmoils persists in our country – from the countless human rights violations of the state, the government’s gross negligence on how they handled the pandemic that led to the deaths of thousands, the culture of violence and impunity and actions to stifle dissent – we shall continue refilling our cups because our strength lies in how we take care of ourselves. As of the moment, I am still in this journey towards recovery and I am taking every vital measure to get better – from as little as taking breaks from tasks to reaching out to people for help. One day, you’ll look back and remember not the grades you received, but rather how you were shaped into a more pas-
sionate and service-oriented individual. One day after all is done and you’ve laid your hand on a sablay, you’ll look back and thank yourself for tweaking your fire with just the right amount. Then, you will be ready to fill from your cup, to already be of service.
The fire inside me smoldered, then died with a streak of smoke. I grew apathetic over time as motivation drained out of my system That’s when I knew I needed professional help. After my initial check up through an online consultation, I was diagnosed with major depressive disorder and anxiety.
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ILLUSTRATION | TREVOR PHOENIX LOMOTOS / ELAINE DIAZ
opinion 15
VOLUME 33 ISSUE NO. 5 THE MANILA COLLEGIAN
REALITY CHECK
Stop castigating voters, interrogate the system Apat Dapat AS THE FILIPINOS now await the 2022 national elections, various political narratives have surfaced on social media particularly those that vilify the Filipino electorate due to the seeming perpetuation of corrupt traditional government. The anticipation, frustration, and desperation to break free from this authoritarian regime of Duterte contribute to this vicious practice. However, this is not new. Prior to the digitalization of democratic spaces, this happens every election season. The euphoria of Filipinos during those periods is almost always short-lived because the devil will shortly reveal itself 一 this ebb and flow of hope fuels hostility as they look for someone to blame for their unending suffering. . With this kind of attitude, the Filipino electorate misses the whole picture of why they suffer the same fate. A deeper understanding of the study of politics made me realize that there is no such thing as bobotante. They should not be the ones to carry the burden of a deeply flawed electoral process that is being sustained by politics as well as voters’ over-fixation with politics. Poor voters strategically use their votes for various reasons. Cleve Arguelles, a Ph.D. candidate
and an Assistant Professorial Lecturer of Political Science at De La Salle University-Manila, in his research entitled “ “We are Rodrigo Duterte”: Dimensions of the Philippine Populist Publics’ Vote ”, dissected the electoral thinking processes of poor voters. He revealed that poor voters have their own hidden rationality in voting which might be the reason why they are misunderstood by many. Poor voters tend to award their votes to a candidate who makes their hidden everyday misery visible to pub-
lic discourse, who deviates from the characteristics of a traditional politician, and who exudes unwavering political will to make the seemingly sleeping bureaucracy function once again. Another study entitled, “Health as an Electoral Currency in the Philippines: Insights from Political Ethnography” by the said political science professor uncovered the system of local elections. He discovered that votes in local elections are ‘strategic votes’ because it is being used by voters as leverage to forward their desires and assert their political power within the patron-client relationship of local politics. Studies such as these provide an introspective look at how voters smartly use their power and this should be enough to abolish the pejorative attributes that have been attributed to voters since time immemorial. Importantly, these studies expose the rottenness of traditional politics, and those voters being strategic is their only way to thrive and assert their power to patron-client politics of the country. This political reality arises mainly from the country’s weak political party system. Voters take an individualistic approach in selecting candidates rather than seeing a candidate as part of a larger party that has a defined set of political values. This fuels patronage
BEYOND THE SURFACE
That Red Flag is a red flag Chia Revina
A PIVOT IN foreign policy has been seen under the current regime. Former President Benigno Aquino challenged China’s nine-dash-line claim, while the current President remains silent as Chinese vessels encroach in the West Philippine Sea. In his own words, he doesn’t want to hurt China’s feelings despite several fishermen’s lives being put in danger. China credits the leadership of Communist Party of China (CPC) because of its massive economic development after a century of its erection. Its incursion and establishment of military infrastructure in Philippine territories have contributed to the negative connotation against communism. Yet, the irony lives as President Duterte befriends the CPC while declaring a total war against the local communist organ, and witchhunts groups allegedly supporting the revolutionary movement. In a country, like the Philippines, where various political ideologies are shallowly discussed due to a colonial education system shaped by the imperialist US, it is easy to brand China as communist simply because it is still operating
under the banner of CPC. However, China’s rise as an economic powerhouse veered off from being a true communist during the Cold War. According to Communist Party of the Philippines founder Jose Maria Sison, since Mao Zedong died, right and left opportunism within the CPC occurred. Total revisionism of Party principles in 1978 occured when Deng Xiaoping and other counterrevolutionaries instilled the capitalist orientation in China led by bourgeoisie and monopoly capitalists. Pro-Mao Zedong party members were imprisoned and removed from the ranks. Its former communes in rural areas were demolished to pave way for private ownerships of compradors to control the means of production. It is also notable during this peri-
od that CPC halted its cooperation with the Marxist-Lenninist-Maoist CPP-NPA and negotiated with the Marcos regime. China during the late 70s have allowed foreign investors from the US and other imperialist states to exploit the Chinese peasants. The capitalist orientation strengthened during the Reagan-Thatcher administrations since China entered the neoliberal market. Until the onset of the 21st century, China’s rise has been notable since it closed the first decade of the century as second to the US economy. It has been able to develop large industries, high technological innovations, and erect multinational companies through conniving with other imperialist powers at the expense of toiling Chinese masses, especially from the countryside. In fact, this year marks the century since the establishment of CPC and Xi Jinping on the 1st of July had a 15-page speech. Marco Valbuena, chief information officer of CPP, has noted in its annotation of the 15-page speech that it never mentioned the “proletariat” even once, which signals China’s loss of class consciousness. In addition,
politics since there is no additional incentive for politicians to reach out outside their bailiwick. Another concern is voters resorting to name recalling and familiarity, one contributing factor to the existence of political families and elites. This is due to information overload since voters need to ingest themselves with tons of information every election ranging from the national down to local governments since, as aforementioned, elections are highly individualistic in an electoral system with a weak political party system. These stated reasons should be enough to maneuver the narrative of blame from voters to the system itself. The history of elections in the Philippines is also the history of Filipino voters hoping for a messiah to bring about the change that they have been dreaming of. But the reality is that the ruling class has manipulated the Filipinos to believe in the false sense of power given to them through elections. This is why the obsession with elections, seen as a hope that will cast upon change to us, is misleading at best; at worst it is contributing to the persistence of the status quo. It is now time to rise above and beyond elections. Democracy is an everyday battle. Fight for a process that will serve the interest of the people.
it refuses to use the term “socialism” and instead echoes “national rejuvenation” which blurs the line of the communist aspirations that Mao Zedong has then implemented in China. The CPC has been tainted with bureaucrat capitalists’ desire to expand markets. This indicates the reason why President Duterte is hellbent in having staunch ties with China as both share the same vision -- to favor compradors at the expense of the masses. It is never justifiable to label China, today, as communist or even implementing socialism with Chinese characteristics because it underestimates true communists who are putting their lives at risk to overthrow the exploitative capitalist society. The misuse of the Filipino people in branding China as a communist country and the failure to comprehend the distinction of political ideologies mirror the negligence of the country in giving importance to political affairs. Narratives that China remains communist will just further resonate a McCarthyist and communist scare among Filipino people, when in fact bayanihan and communal living is ingrained in Filipino culture even before colonizers came in the country. That red flag of China under the leadership of Xi Jinping is a red flag in propagating the goals of socialism in the international arena.
This political reality arises mainly from the country’s weak political party system. Voters take an individualistic approach in selecting candidates rather than seeing a candidate as part of a larger party that has a defined set of political values. This fuels patronage politics since there is no additional incentive for politicians to reach out outside their bailiwick.
China credits the leadership of Communist Party of China (CPC) because of its massive economic development... Its incursion and establishment of military infrastructure in Philippine territories have contributed to the negative connotation against communism.
Yet, the irony lives as President Duterte befriends the CPC while declaring a total war against the local communist organ, and witchhunts groups allegedly supporting the revolutionary movement.
MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVAELEBIT