THE SUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT of the Marcos family to crawl back into power has been predicated in the myth of ‘Golden Era’ of the Philippines which has instigated collective amnesia among Filipinos of what really happened during the administration of Ferdinand E. Marcos, Sr., the late dictator. This has been used by the Marcoses to create an alternate world composed of lies and fabricated truths where in they were the messiah who brought prosperity to the country—cheaper commodities, internationally respected government, people peacefully living. Now, in the recent elections, his namesake Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos, Jr. was able to secure the greatest electoral victory in the history of Philippine elections as he once again proselytized the myth of the golden era. What this feat only suggests is the severity of the lies propagated by the Marcos family in order to lure people into their power. Since they stepped their feet back in the country after their exile in 1986, they started planting seeds of lies which have now become the sanctuary of their ‘golden mansion’ waiting to be set ablaze for people to see the corpses and diamonds as well as real golds that the Marcoses have been hiding for decades.
The Filipinos did it before, they could do it again and hopefully, this time burn the golden castle to ashes. For that to happen, Filipinos should come together and bring their fight to the streets and reach out to many people. However, given the changing political battlefield with the migration of politics to digital democratic spaces penetrated with disinformation channels, this mission of shattering the myth of the Marcoses may be a difficult thing to do.
Emotions have been used by authoritarians and dictators alike to control the population by instilling fear, anger, and false sense of security, among other emotions, resulting in further dichotomizing politics of people. This is evident in the recent elections the country had in the past years—the DDS and the Dilawans, and Kakampinks and UniTeam. While it should be recognized that these forms of political association may be a manifestation of shared beliefs and campaigns of sectors and individuals, these groups were effectively used by dictators like Marcos, and even Duterte, to sow strife and discord between people. In order to avoid a revolution, a dictator must ensure that no bigger force will be enough to reclaim legitimate power—this is what’s inside the Marcoses’ and of course, the Dutertes’ playbook. They have
created an enemy who will be an easy target and a scapegoat to which blame will be given should the government fails to resolve an issue, example of which are the journalists and human rights defenders who the government accused of besmirching the reputation of the country. In the same way, the government uses the same tactic to delegitimize opposition forces such as student activists, peasant organizers, labor union leaders, and the likes as well as to downplay their campaigns. Binding the electorate into two polars makes it easier for politicallymotivated information to penetrate and instill into the minds of the people.
Another factor to consider as to why 31-M people believed in the ‘golden’ promises of Bongbong Marcos is the permeability of lenses through which the electorate evaluate candidates. This is made possible by formal institutions who deliberately watered down the discussions on various historical events such as the horrors of Martial Law and the atrocities of the Marcos family. By doing this, generations of Filipinos have weak political values to guide them in choosing political leaders. Under a Marcos-Duterte government, scholars are witnessing how historical distortion has taken a notch higher through the Department of Education (DepED) that revises learning materials to indicate “Bagong
Lipunan” to describe the Martial Law of the late dictator himself.
To supplement the control of information in learning materials, the government is now pushing for the mandatory military training and service under House Bill 6486 or the National Citizens’ Service Training (NCST). Instead of addressing the deteriorating state of the education system in the country, the Marcos administration has chosen to implement a policy which will only impose blind obedience—a necessity for a fascist government to thrive.
The recent electoral victory of Bongbong Marcos did not just happen overnight, it was decades of sewing lies and fabricated truths into the social fabric of the country. The Golden Era myth of the Marcoses has been lurking around for years already, it is only now when the political machinery of the Marcoses and their allies has intensified that their tricks have been out of the bag.
Now more than ever, the Filipinos should come together to burn the house of gold amid the forest of deception for everyone to witness the skeletons and stench in the Marcoses’ closet beside
Imelda’s luxury adornment that were acquired through the blood and sweat of the Filipino masses.
Amid the political divide which the dictators like Marcos, and Duterte, have caused, it is only imperative to wage battles beyond the traditional practices especially with the advent of the political migration of democratic
spaces in digital platforms. Maximize every means possible to end the political rule of the Marcoses, even the Dutertes and Arroyos.
Filipinos must fight back and reclaim the rights and privileges afforded to the Marcoses.
Burn down the house of gold!
YEARS AFTER THE collective action of the people ousted the late dictator, the result of the 2022 national elections has pronounced the return of the Marcoses to power amidst an era of disinformation and historical distortion.
Student activism has seen its rise during the Martial Law era due to economic and social disruptions, such as increased unemployment rates, intraelite conflicts, and worsening human rights violations. Amid the Marcoses’ return to the presidential seat, the student movement continues to power through the calls of #NeverForget and #NeverAgain.
Notably, student activism played a crucial role in the mobilization and demonstrations starting in 1970 during the First Quarter Storm (FQS) that took place from January to March that year, revealing the country’s increasing civil unrest and sectoral struggles. Lasting for three months, this series of protests demonstrated student movement during the period leading to the declaration of Martial Law, including students from the known bastion of student activism, the University of the Philippines (UP).
The first of these protests was conducted on Jan. 7, 1970, when Manila and Diliman students walked out to call against state forces’ brutality and repression of organized dissent, including the illegal detention of UP students in 1969.
During the height of the FQS, UP-Philippine General Hospital (PGH) medical doctor Juan Escandor also served at the frontlines of the movement and eventually left his career to work underground and volunteer in rural areas in the Cagayan Valley. In 1969, he helped put up the Progresibong Kilusang Medikal.
On Jan. 26 of that same year, the Battle of Mendiola bore witness to the mobilization of 40,000 students in front of the Congress during the State of the Nation Address (SONA) of the late dictator, uneventfully leading to 117 injured, 293 arrested with 132 sedition charges due to the violence of state forces. This protest was led by the thenmoderate National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP).
Furthermore, on March 3, 1970, jeepney drivers were joined by students and youth groups in the citywide strike against policemen accepting bribery, referred to as the “People’s March” in Plaza Moriones in Tondo, Plaza Lawton, and in front of the US embassy. This was followed by a second people’s march and tribunal at Plaza Moriones on March 17, 1970, focusing on the issues of poverty in Manila. In the course of the March protests, Lyceum of the Philippines student Enrique Sta. Brigida was caught and tortured to death by the police.
As the intensified condition of the country looms — particularly on the unrest due to rising social inequalities and the ominous lust for power and witch-hunting by the late dictator — UP students and faculty along with various sectors declared a massive demonstration. They surrounded the campus with barricades from Feb. 1 to 9, 1971. The Diliman Commune saw the killing of a first-year student, Pastor Mesina, by an open fire by a member of the UP faculty, as well as the eventual heightening of militancy of the students.
The declaration of Martial Law has led to the abolition of student institutions, including student councils, publications, and organizations; however, the pressing concerns of students stirred up the need to revive an autonomous, democratic, and representative student council, witnessing the growing student power.
In response to the Marcos dictatorship and witch-hunting of student movements and leaders from 1975 to 1983, UP students and councils stood their ground in the struggle for genuine student representation, welfare and democratic reforms. Efforts included the creation of the Student Conference in 1975, and four years later, the Task Force Ibalik ang Sanggunian was formed, leading to the restoration of the University Student Council (USC) after years of forced inactivity.
Furthermore, UP student councils from Diliman, Manila and Los Baños also convened in October 1981, leading to the establishment of the KASAMA sa UP (KSUP) in November 1982 and the eventual seating of a studentappointed Student Regent (SR) in the Board of Regents (BOR) in January 1983.
The succeeding years attested to an increased student movement and mobilizations, particularly on the assassination of Ninoy Aquino, intensified neglect of democratic rights, oil price hikes, and militarization, notably on July 6, 1984, where UP students once again marched in Mendiola.
This intensity did not die after Martial Law as the country’s conditions were exacerbated, leading to a protest involving 5,000 students calling against the rising cost of education where they barricaded the university on Sept. 20, 1984. The pinnacle of this student power was notable during the People Power Revolution on Feb. 22-25, 1986, when the masses ousted the late dictator and ended its 21-year regime.
Student activists from the Ateneo de Manila University (AdMU) also played a vital role in the overthrowing of the Marcos dictatorship, notably Edgar Jopson, Ferdie Arceo of Ligang Demokratiko ng Ateneo (LDA), Lazzie Silva Jr. and Bill Begg of the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan sa Loyola and Kabataang Makabayan-Ateneo respectively and Jun Celestial Jr. of the Student Catholic Action.
Decades later, student power still mirrors the years of militancy against the late dictator. In November 2016, thousands of Filipinos marched to Rizal Park protesting the hasty burial of Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. The mobilization was organized by the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses in Malacañang (CARMMA) and saw the participation of students from various universities in Metro Manila.
On top of this, former President Rodrigo Duterte was also targeted during the demonstration for permitting the burial of the late dictator at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. Not only did protesters burn an effigy of Marcos in a mock coffin, but they also held placards stating “Digong traitor, a lapdog of the dictator.”
While this sparked during the first year of his term, Duterte continued to empower human rights violators like the National Task Force to End Local Communist Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) and crack down on the opposition or any dissenter throughout his reign.
In July 2020, amidst a public health crisis that is the COVID-19 pandemic, Duterte signed into law the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020. Various youth and sectoral groups took their strong condemnation to the streets immediately after the day it was enacted. A protest broke out at UP Diliman (UPD), with protesters observing physical distancing while holding their placards and chanting their calls in unison.
The abrogation of the University of the Philippines-Department of National Defense (UP-DND) accord last year, which was borne out of the student movement’s struggle during martial law, was also slammed by the students for its implications on academic freedom and the safety of all of UP’s constituents and the basic masses.
“The Filipino people have no other path to tread but the route to an intensified militancy and struggle and that he should tighten his grip while he is still in power because the growing and strengthening mass movement will defy his tyrannical rule,” College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) asserted.
As the country is bound to witness yet another Marcos presidency, more
than a hundred youth advocates flocked to the Commission on Elections (Comelec) office to express their doubts over reported election irregularities following the sizable lead of the Marcos-Duterte tandem in the 2022 Philippine elections.
Student activists also camped out at Liwasang Bonifacio to protest against incidents of election fraud amidst the back-to-back transmission delays, glitches, and cases of election violations. Various student protests were also held at the UPD, the University of Santo Tomas in Manila City, and the UPD Extension Program in Pampanga (UPDEPPO), among others.
After the elections, youth groups continued to actively push back against historical distortion and state fascism through education programs and discussions, mobilizations, and commemorative activities of the brutal dictatorship.
“Hamon ito sa bawat kabataan, bawat iskolar ng bayan, na paghalawan ang ginawang pagtindig ang mga naunang lider-estudyante sa atin at tunggaliin ang rehimeng MarcosArroyo-Duterte,” Siegfred Severino, 39th UP SR, said in a press conference with Kabataan Partylist last Sept. 19. ▼
Hamon ito sa bawat kabataan, bawat iskolar ng bayan, na paghalawan ang ginawang pagtindig ang mga naunang lider-estudyante sa atin at tunggaliin ang rehimeng Marcos-Arroyo-Duterte
AS PART of the administration’s campaign for the return of the Mandatory Reserve Officers Training Corps (MROTC) program, the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) on Nov. 29 presented to the Senate a “compromise bill” that sought to institutionalize a mandatory two-year National Citizens’ Service Training (NCST) program and an optional four-year ROTC curriculum in spite of mounting opposition from civil society groups to the program due the ongoing learning crisis and the threat of further militarization of schools.
Under the new bill, students would be given the option to finish the ROTC program in just two years if they wish to pursue it after completing the mandatory NCST program.
CHED Director Spocky Farolan said that the new bill tried to integrate provisions from all the bills previously filed by administration lawmakers as part of a compromise which would lead to the easier passage of the law in Congress.
While major provisions of the original proposal have been cut out, Farolan said that the bill would still capture the vision of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who bared in his first State of the Nation Address (SONA) that reforming the National Service Training Program (NSTP) law and reviving the ROTC program were among his administration’s legislative priorities.
This move was likewise lauded by Vice President and Education secretary Sara Duterte-Carpio, who has long advocated for the program to be implemented in higher education as she considered it a vital tool to instill discipline and promote preparedness for national defense among the youth.
The ROTC program was initially a college-level program sanctioned by the government aimed at producing military reservists. However, it was made an optional NSTP elective in 2002 after an investigation into the
2001 murder of a University of Santo Tomas (UST) student who revealed the program’s corruption, abuses, and violence in the program.
A TOOL FOR STATE FASCISM
Although the reinstatement of the MROTC course is being touted as a critical program to cultivate citizens with patriotism and civic consciousness at a time of geopolitical tension, its revival is seen by many progressive groups and academics as a tool that only boosts state fascism and military encroachment in educational institutions.
This sentiment was echoed by Defend Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) Convenor Benhur Quequegan saying that the MROTC’s supposed goal of inducing nationalism in students was fallacious as it would not instill nationalism but rather promote blind obedience, that could further erode the democratic rights and academic freedom of students.
Former UP College of Mass Communication Dean Luis Teodoro also aired his ire against the revival of the program. Specifically, Teodoro pointed out that the feudal nature and internal ideology of the MROTC system, which emphasizes the use of force, alarmingly replicates the military’s culture of violence.
Apart from curbing social activism and promoting the militarization
of schools, the push for MROTC has also been done amidst the heightened effects of inflation which have further inflamed the country’s ongoing learning crisis.
“It seems that this administration is too busy trying to change the curriculum to distort history, revise it in favor of the Marcos family, push for a mandatory reserve officers’ training corps (ROTC) in schools, red-tag teachers and their organizations and unions, and fight for a confidential fund for their 2023 budget rather than ensure that there is enough support for schools and teachers from the national government for the full implementation of faceto-face classes,” ACT Teachers Representative France Castro lamented.
Kabataan Partylist Representative Raoul Manuel also called out the Marcos administration for its tonedeaf, anti-poor, and anti-student policies such as the MROTC, which sideline the learning crisis in favor of the further militarization of schools.
As the proponents of MROTC continue to push for the measure as a necessary step to mold more patriotic and service-oriented citizens, the question stands on whether reinstating compulsary military training should command the government’s priority or simply be shelved in favor of ensuring the safe reopening of schools and reinforcing current civic education programs. ▼
TINUTUTULAN ng sangkaestudyantehan, kaguruan, at manggagawa
sa taong 2023.
Samantala, sentro ng usapin ng tapyas badyet ang Philippine General Hospital (PGH) sapagkat malaking bahagi ng pondo nito ay mula sa UP Manila, habang ang ospital din ay kumakaharap sa P893 milyon budget cut. Ito ay sa kabila ng pagiging COVID-19 referral center at highly specialized hospital ng PGH na takbuhan ng maralitang Pilipino.
Kaya naman, ang nagbabadyang budget cut sa UP at PGH ay inaasahang magiging banta sa sektor ng edukasyon at pampublikong kalusugan sa kabila ng pagpapatuloy ng pandemya.
Ayon sa inilabas na unity statement ng UP Office of the Student Regent (UP OSR) noong ika-12 ng Setyembre, ang pondong ibabawas sa UP at PGH ay maaaring magamit sa pagsasaayos ng mga pasilidad kasabay ng pagbabalik ng face-toface classes, relokasyon ng pamilyang maapektuhan ng PGH Diliman, at iba pang kailangan ng PGH Manila.
“It is imperative that we clamor for a higher allocation in the general appropriations as the stakeholders will reap the consequences of limitations on funding or the lack thereof for reopening of the schools, healthcare services, and community
development,” batid ng unity statement.
Bukod sa UP, mayroon ding paparating na budget cut para sa Commission on Higher Education (CHED) at iba pang 82 na State Universities and Colleges (SUCs).
“Ipaglalaban natin ang dagdag budget para tiyakin ang karapatan ng bawat estudyante sa ligtas, abot-kaya at dekalidad na edukasyon sa gitna ng pandemya. No to budget cuts!”, sigaw ng representante ng Kabataan Partylist na si Hon. Roul Manuel.
Tumindig din ang All UP Workers Union-Manila (AUPWU-Manila) kontra budget cut at tinawag itong anti-poor at anti-health workers. Bukod dito ay idiniin din ng grupo ang malaking gampanin ng PGH sa gitna ng pandemya.
“Sa tingin namin, sa panahon na ito na nagta-transition na tayo sa pagbabalik normal, mas lalo dapat na dinadagdagan ang budget. Dahil nag-aadjust ang PGH sa mga ito… May mga pangangailangan talaga na adjustment sa transition na ito at nangangailangan ito ng budget. Kaya dapat ibalik ang budget,”diin ni Ginang Karen Faurillo, pinuno ng AUPWU-Manila. ▼
renewed
push as it ‘promote state fascism, sideline learning crisis’ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (UP) ang inaasahang budget cut ng unibersidad para Ayon sa inilabas na National Expenditure Program (NEP), mas mababa ito ng P22.295 bilyon kaysa sa planong 2023 badyet ng UP na P44.149 bilyon. Gayundin, mababa ito kumpara sa kasalukuyang badyet na P24.392 bilyon.
NGAYONG NALALAPIT ang pagdiriwang ng pasko, karamihan sa mga Pilipino ay kumakalam ang sikmura dahil sa nagtataasang presyo ng mga bilihin. Pinalulubha pa ito ng napakababang minimum wage sa bansa at ng kawalan ng progresibong sistema ng pagbubuwis sa kabila ng matinding pangangailangan dito. Kung kaya, hindi na rin palaisipan na ang pangunahing biktima ng mga suliraning ito ay walang iba kundi ang mamamayang Pilipino na nasa laylayan.
PAGTAAS NG PRESYO NG MGA BILIHINPumalo sa 8.0% ang inflation rate sa bansa nito lamang Nobyembre 2022, ito ang pinakamataas na naitala sa loob ng 14 na taon. Tinataya namang nasa 7.5% ang inflation rate sa National Capital Region (NCR), habang ang Davao Region naman ang mayroong pinakamataas na inflation rate na umaabot ng 9.7%.
Ang epekto ng inflation ay lubos na nadama sa pagtaas ng pang-arawaraw na bilihin tulad ng pagkain. Kabilang dito ang kada kilong sibuyas na dati ay nasa P140 lamang ngunit ngayon ay sumipa sa halagang P280, pati na rin ang kada kilong asukal na noon ay P75 at ngayon ay P85 na. Tumaas din ang presyo ng ibang mga gulay at prutas tulad ng repolyo, ampalaya, pechay, at saging.
Kamakailan din ay naglabas ang Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) ng price guide para sa noche buena items. Sa listahang ito, 195 sa 223 shelf keeping units (SKUs) ang tataas ang presyo ng 1–10%.
Ang mga presyo ng noche buena items ay hindi binabantayan ng DTI Consumer Protection and Advocacy Bureau (CPAB) dahil hindi ito kabilang sa basic necessities at prime commodities na naitala sa RA 75181, na inamyendahan ng RA 10623. Kung gayon, maaaring mas mataas pa ang magiging presyo nito sa mga retailer.
Bukod sa pagkain, dama rin ang kalbaryo ng inflation sa transportasyon. Nasa 11.6% ang inflation rate sa transport companies at 8.2% naman sa pamasahe sa bus. Dahil dito, patuloy na pinapasan ng mga komyuter at tsuper ang bigat ng pagtaas ng presyo ng krudo, pamasahe, at iba pang mga bilihin.
Samantala, minungkahi naman ng National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) sa publiko na iwasang bumili nang sobra-sobra sa mga pamilihan upang makontrol ang nagsisitaasang presyo ng mga bilihin. Ngunit sa halip na ipasa ang responsibilidad sa mga konsyumer, ang marapat na gawin ng estado ay palakasin ang lokal na produksyon at bigyan ng karampatang suporta ang primaryang sektor.
Sa kabila nito, nananatili pa rin sa mababang halaga ang minimum wage sa bansa. Ayon sa IBON Foundation, ang family living wage o ang halaga
ng sahod pang-araw-araw na kinakailangan ng isang pamilya upang mamuhay nang disente ay nasa P1,133.
Ang minimum wage sa NCR ay nagkakahalaga ng P570, at ito ay tinatayang 50.3% o halos kalahati lamang ng family living wage. Ang pinakamalaking gap ay naitala naman sa Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), kung saan ang minimum wage sa rehiyon ay P341 lamang o katiting na 17.9% ng family living wage.
Noong 2021, ang poverty incidence sa bansa ay naitala sa 18.1% o humigit-kumulang na 19.99 milyong Pilipino. Ang subsistence incidence naman, o ang porsyento ng mga Pilipino na mayroong hindi sapat na sahod upang matamo ang batayang pangangailangan sa pagkain ay nasa 5.9% sa parehong taon.
Kung pagkumparahin ang minimum wage kada rehiyon, living wage, at presyo ng bilihin ngayon, makikitang kulang na kulang ang kinikita ng isang Pilipino para sa pang-araw-araw na pangangailangan ng kaniyang pamilya.
Kasabay ng sigaw ng taumbayan na magkaroon ng nakabubuhay na sahod at makatarungang presyo ng bilihin, isinusulong ng mga progresibong mambabatas ang pagtatanggal ng samu’t saring buwis na ipinapataw sa mga bilihin.
Nariyan ang House Bill No. 5504 na nagtutulak na matanggal ang valueadded tax (VAT) sa basic goods tulad ng tinapay, canned goods, asukal, at mga sabon. Gayundin ang panawagan na tanggalin na ang excise tax sa krudo.
Dagdag pa rito, giit din ng masa na singilin at panagutin ang pamilyang Marcos para sa kanilang ninakaw na yaman na dapat sana ay nailalaan para sa pagpapaunlad ng mga batayang serbisyo gayundin ang pagpapalawak sa akses nito.
“Not only have they shamelessly refused to return what they have stolen: they also continue to lie about the billions of unpaid taxes to the government — money which could be used to aid millions of Filipinos suffering the brunt of the COVID-19 pandemic and the skyrocketing prices of oil and basic necessities,” hayag ng Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses and Martial Law. ▼
FOR SEVERAL DECADES, the United States has long been parading as an ally of every country, including the Philippines. High-ranking U.S. government officials meet other countries’ state leaders in a series of engagements where they vow to bolster ties in the guise of lending helping hands through humanitarian assistance, foreign aid, and protection in adversity.her militarization of schools.
In just six months since President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. took the helm, both U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Vice President Kamala Harris visited the Philippines on the pretext of improving bilateral relations amid the challenge the Indo-Pacific, where the Philippines belongs to, is facing.
But history is a testament that courtesy calls of state leaders are just “the tip of the iceberg” that is their agenda. Visits such as that of Blinken and Harris signal its longstanding commitment to perpetuate its imperialist interests in the region at a time when a new puppet has been installed eager to kowtow to his masters.
It was a tumultuous time for a country that has long been subjugated by powers-that-be. While the people were searching the path toward independence, colonial masters allied with bureaucrat elites built bridges that would lay the groundwork for the roots of subservience of the Philippines to the United States.
The Philippine-American Military Bases Agreement (MBA) and the Philippine-American Military Assistance Agreement (MAA) were signed to cement the U.S. position in the region. And in 1951, a big leap in the Philippines’ relationship with the U.S. materialized when Washington and Manila formally ratified the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) that would serve as an accord for both parties to support each other if either of them were to be attacked by another country.
At a cursory glance, this may seem like a triumph to Philippine security. Being coddled by a world power at a time of immense struggle and economic devastation in the country entails a fleck of certainty in the economy and military, but behind the grins of two heads-of-state signing the treaty lies the real intent of the global power and Filipino elites. This would
set the bedrock of the Philippines’ dependency on the U.S.
Through the MBA, the presence of American troops became more rampant as the Philippine government allowed 23 military bases in the country, including the Clark Air Force Base in Pampanga and the naval installation in Subic Bay in Zambales, for 99 years.
Stark provisions of the 29-article MBA include the prohibition of the Philippine government from granting bases with other countries without U.S. affirmation and the permission to recruit Filipinos to the U.S. Army.
Such clauses blatantly disregard the autonomy of the Philippines to decide on its own territorial jurisdiction. The granting of permission to the U.S. only allows them to internally operate in the country despite the massive protest from the Filipino masses for the Western forces to leave the Philippines after the Second World War.
The MBA, due to its unequal provisions, was then reviewed and changed from 99 years to 25 years of lease. In 1992, the MBA was terminated and the bases were turned over to the Philippine government.
While the agreement lapsed in 1992, the Philippine government once again showed its docility to the Western forces when it ratified the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) in 1999.
To aggravate the bilateral ties, the Mutual Logistic Support Agreement (MLSA), an agreement responsible for providing the supplies and services was penned in 2002. Both agreements have paved the way for the presence of U.S. troops in the lands of the Philippines and engage in joint military exercises.
The ratification of these treaties struck a blow against the Filipinos’ interests. Persistence of their presence only paves the way for the country to be a scapegoat and entangled in the chains of global wars perpetrated by the U.S.
The U.S. emerged as a world power after the Second World War. It tries to
maintain its hegemony in the postwar era by establishing bases in different countries making them a geostrategic pawn.
If we are to go back to the height of the Cold War, the MDT became the weapon of the Pentagon, the headquarters of the U.S. Department of Defense consisting of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.
The U.S., on many occasions, trampled on Philippine diplomatic affairs to dangle its tentacles. Filipino troops were sent to Korea in the 1950s in an attempt of the U.S. to intervene in the Korean War. Despite the Philippines not being directly affected by the Korean War, Filipino legislators sent Filipino troops to show sincerity to the pact that it entered into, which in return the U.S. Congress added $30 million for military aid to the Philippines and other countries in the Indo-Pacific region.
In the 1960s, the U.S. once again compelled the Macapagal administration to send troops to Vietnam to fight against the Vietnamese liberators. The same accord was repeatedly weaponized by the U.S. in its intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan to serve its own geopolitical interest. Time and again, the U.S. undermines Philippine diplomatic relations and security.
The U.S.’s influence has been shaken by the turn of the 21st century. For most of history, it is a western country that dominated the narrative of being the world superpower but China’s economy has put east Asia in the limelight.
It was 2008 when the new American president was elected. Barack Obama pictured himself as the “first Pacific President” and postured the need for more American presence, may it be in economic and military, in the Pacific after years of intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Obama, being at the helm, made a massive shift in the U.S. foreign policy as it employed the ‘Pivot to Asia’ in the Indo-Pacific region. Also in the same
In the end, it is the Filipinos who bear brunt of unfair bilateral agreements and a turbulent international political environment manipulated by the hegemonic U.S.
region lies the world’s second-largest economy that threatened the assertion of the U.S. in the region.
Under the ‘Pivot to Asia’ strategy, the U.S. made bilateral talks with the nations in the region to assert its primacy by acting as an ally and reaffirming America’s vital position in the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.
Tactical to this strategy is the territorial dispute of littoral states over various conflicting claims in the South China Sea. Keeping the waters for commercial activities is a must despite the gradual build-up of China’s military bases, but realpolitik says otherwise. In China’s bid to counter the U.S., it has recalibrated its military, economic, and diplomatic agenda in the region which further escalated the tensions in the region.
In the Philippines, the changing environment gave green light to then President Benigno Noynoy Aquino to expand its alliance with the United States through the penning of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) in 2014. In other words, the agreement with the U.S. made the Philippines more vulnerable in the region due to U.S. aggression.
Short-term modernization programs and increased military assistance from the U.S., with a soaring amount from US$45 million in 2013
to US$153 million in 2016 were given to the Philippine government, in the name of making the Philippines a pawn in the proxy war the U.S. has catalyzed.
Within the political arena in the Philippines, as it had its recent elections in May 2022, U.S. President Joe Biden was the first to take his hat off to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. even before the final announcement of his victory. Despite the heavy fines of the U.S. court in 1995 because of gross human rights violations under his father’s regime, Marcos Jr. was granted immunity once he assumed the presidency. As expected, Marcos Jr. openly stated his support for the mutual defense treaty with the U.S.. The picture only becomes more vivid why the Biden-Harris administration turns a blind eye to the very reason why Marcos Jr. could not set his feet in the U.S.
U.S. geopolitical strategies during Obama’s term until the current BidenHarris administration are no different from one another. The specifics of each agreement may be disparate but the goal has always been clear: the U.S. is waging wars to maintain itself as a hegemon.
Until today, the U.S. strengthened its “Pivot to Asia ‘’ policy as it sees China as an imperialist rival. The recent
trips of Blinken and Harris in the Philippines set the scene for rebuilding U.S. military bases in Basa Air Base in Pampanga, Fort Magsaysay in Nueva Ecija, Lumbia Air Base in Cagayan de Oro City, Mactan-Benito Ebuen Air Base in Cebu, and Antonio Bautista Air Base in Palawan, near the Kalayaan Group of Islands.
The positioning of the Antonio Bautista Air Base in the disputed territories signals U.S. military assertion in the region to contain China’s expansion, and prepare for possible direct or indirect imperialist wars.
In Harris’ trip to Palawan, she once again echoed the longstanding theatrics of Washington – that they are present to rally around with their foes but their words ring hollow because it is them that pushes Filipinos on the brink.
Continuous ties with the U.S. has only led Filipinos to be dragged into proxy wars. The murder of Jennifer
Laude, 2005 Subic rape case, and other untold narratives of gross human rights violations committed by military themselves remain in the backseat under regimes that are fixated on foreign military financing.
In the end, it is the Filipinos who bear the brunt of unfair bilateral agreements and a turbulent international political environment manipulated by the hegemonic U.S.
With the Philippine foreign policy retaining its status of stagnation during Marcos’s presidency, it must be recognized that the roots of subservience run deep in early Philippine-U.S. relations and have ensured that this subservience manifests itself in times of conflict facing the Western power.
It is high time the government heed the calls of the people. It must reposition itself not as a pawn in a sick game the U.S. is playing. The Philippines has been a U.S. colony long enough. ▼
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As students of public health, we felt that we had to do our part in contributing towards building an inclusive community for all, especially vulnerable populations, like people living with HIV/AIDS.
“AS STUDENTS OF PUBLIC HEALTH, we felt that we had to do our part in contributing towards building an inclusive community for all, especially vulnerable populations, like people living with HIV/AIDS.”
‘‘Last January, a group of BS Public Health (BSPH) students bagged the Dean’s Award for Outstanding Research in Population Health for their study on HIV/AIDS stigma. Around nine months later, their paper “Association of Comprehensive Knowledge on HIV/ AIDS and Discriminatory Attitudes towards People Living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) among Filipino Women” was published in the Philippine Journal of Health Research and Development.
This HIV/AIDS Awareness Month, Daphne Valdestamon, Brian Urbano, Jeanine Gaudia, Larkin Septimo, and Raeann Mariano discuss the ties between public health research, human rights, and service. With proposed budget cuts to the University of the Philippines (UP), health research along with health services under the Philippine General Hospital (PGH) may be hampered.
Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) is a disease that continues to be a worldwide epidemic that affects millions. Until now, it is a lifelong condition with no permanent cure. Meanwhile, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) is the most severe stage of HIV infection. This inspired the group to study HIV/AIDS.
“Although it is somewhat intuitive that ensuring comprehensive knowledge of HIV reduces the odds of exhibiting discriminatory attitudes, we felt that backing up this statement with data would increase the sense of urgency to take bolder steps toward bridging this gap in knowledge in the population,” the group said.
They found that Filipino women
Filipinos, and (2) compromise the quality of care provided to patients in PGH.
without comprehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS are 2.3 times more likely to have discriminatory attitudes towards PLWHA. They added, “Aside from the study being the first to examine the association between the two variables, it gave us the baseline on how to approach health promotion and education on HIV/AIDS.” Information, Education, and Communication strategies focusing on the common misconceptions surrounding HIV/AIDS may be designed to benefit PLWHA.
The group emphasized the need for society to “work collaboratively since the problem at hand is multisectoral in nature” and introduced two lenses from which it can be viewed: public health and human rights.
The group envisions an environment where PLWHA can freely access essential healthcare services without stigma and discrimination. To achieve this, it is up to societal institutions to: “...take action and implement proactive solutions such as integrating comprehensive knowledge on HIV/ AIDS into health education campaigns, the inclusion of sex education in the school curriculum, and providing standardized promotional materials that are sensitive and inclusive to cater to the national population.”
Along with this, individuals must understand that PLWHA are also humans with their own rights and contribute by educating those close to them.
A TWO-FOLD PROBLEM
UP and PGH both face proposed budget cuts for 2023 amounting to P2.5-B and P893-M respectively. How such budget cuts can affect health workers and researchers in UP Manila, the National Health Sciences Center under which PGH operates must be discussed. The group asserted that it is a two-fold problem that would affect not only UP constituents, but all Filipinos. A budget cut would: (1) impede the conduct of much-needed research to improve the health of
Emphasizing its role as the National Health Sciences Center, they mentioned that in UP Manila, adequate and reliable evidence is being generated to legislate health policies and innovations in health technology are also being pioneered. Meanwhile, student researchers opt to pursue studies that are less costly but not necessarily the most needed given the context.
Budget cuts would decrease incentives and support for researchers, which will also likely decrease the needed research on health problems like HIV/AIDS. The group’s study provides concrete data that can form the foundation of health education programs and policies to benefit PLWHA. If similar studies are hindered due to budget cuts, opportunities to directly help communities in need are reduced, which can further harm such communities.
Months have passed since the group accomplished their thesis. When asked how they planned to continue fighting against HIV/AIDS stigma, they responded:
“As individuals trained in public health, we always carry with us its core principles, which are to prevent diseases, promote health, and prolong the lives of the Filipino people. Through continuously opening the discourse and discussing taboos that need to be talked about HIV/AIDS, we inch towards fully understanding the social determinants of HIV/AIDS and creating a safe space for PLWHA. But most importantly, we must always aim to break through the barriers that set apart the scientific community for the Filipino people, which must always be to whom we dedicate our knowledge.”
The group’s research shows how necessary it is to not only continue, but even increase funding and support for public health research and education in the Philippines. Budget cuts to the state university and national government hospital where students directly work with vulnerable communities would impede the multi-sectoral development this country needs.
PAPARATING na muli ang takipsilim at mapupuntahan ko na ulit ang inaasam na bituin. Sa unang pagtapak palabas ng barong-barong naming bahay, tanaw ko ang aming komunidad na parang nanatili na sa panahon ng undas. Walang makukulay at maririkit na Christmas lights, ni walang mga parol na nakasabit sa bintana. Hindi mo mahihiwatig na Pasko na pala; may Pasko pa pala. Mabuti na lamang, may ilaw pa ring nanggagaling sa itaas, naroon ang bituin, naghihintay sa akin. “Twinkle, anak, mag-iingat ka, ha?,” sigaw ni nanay habang sulyap ang aking unti-unting pagsanib sa lumalalim nang gabi.
PASKO NA, AMA KO Pasko na, ama ko. Hanap-hanap pa rin kita. ‘Wag ka pong magtatampo, ah? Patuloy ko pa ring binabaybay ang masukal na kalye upang habulin ang bituin para sa inyo—bagaman pauntiunti, bawat araw ay may pag-unlad. Bawat yapak ng aking mga paa ay may bitbit na alaala, habang nagbabadyang tumulo ang luha. Kinakalabog ng mga retrato sa aking gunita ang selda ng aking puso; nais kumawala rito ang galit, pangungulila at pag-asa na ika’y muling makikita at mahahagkan ko.
May isang natatanging katangian parati ang regalo mo sa akin sa Pasko: ano pa man iyan, siguradong maingat at pulido ang pagkakabalot nito, kung paanong maingat at malinis ang pagkakaayos ng mga gamit mong panulat noon, Tatay. Masinsin ang pagkakatupi’t dikit sa gift wrapper na para bang ibinuhos dito ang lahat ng kalinga mo sa akin. Mapa-dollhouse na mamahalin o tig-25 pesos na laruang manika man ang regalo, hindi napapawi ang ngiti sa aking labi, habang nagsasabi ng “Thank you, tatay!”
Alalang-alala ko pa ang numero unong paalala mo sa akin matapos ko matanggap ang mga laruang ito. “Huwag na huwag mong wawalain ito, ah?” naalala kong sambit mo sa akin. Ngunit mahirap sundin ang paalala mong ito lalo na’t kung bata ka at mahilig maglaro sa labas. Unti-unting nawala nang parang bula ang mga gamit sa dollhouse na bigay mo sa akin. Kulang na ng isang braso ang manika ko pagdating ko sa bahay.
Katulad ng mga bigay mong
laruan sa akin, nawala ka rin nang parang bula mula sa amin. Hindi lubos maunawaan ng mura kong edad ang iyong pagkawala; nagsusulat ka lang naman ng mga kuwento’t katotohanan. Bakit bigla ka nilang kukunin sa amin?
Ang masakit sa lahat ay iwan ka ng iyong mahal sa buhay nang walang kahit anong paalam. Sa mga taong wala ka, desperadong pinagtatagpi-tagpi namin ni Nanay ang mga sabi-sabi sa paligid. Na baka ika’y dinakip ng mga kontrabida sa nobelang mga isinusulat mo. Nakaranas ka raw ng panonortyur mula sa mga naka-unipormeng lalaki. Sabi ng iba’y nawawala na raw ang kapiraso ng iyong braso. Sabi ng iba’y nilunod at kinoryente ka raw nila habang humihingi ng saklolo.
Walang nakarinig sa iyong tinig, pero naririnig ito ng aking puso: ito’y nagngangalit habang patuloy na kinakalabog ang selda ng aking puso. Kaya’t patuloy ang aking pag-abante, inaabot ang bituing uhaw na uhaw na tayong kamtin.
SANA NGAYONG PASKO
Malayo-layo na rin ang nalakad ko pero malaki pa rin ang pagitan namin ng bituin. Ngunit salamat kay Ate Nelia at kahit papaano ay ‘di ko naiisip ang pagod. Nakasabay ko siya noong patawid ako ng tulay, at tulad ko, hangad niya rin daw ang bituin. Hindi ko alam kung matutuwa ako o malulungkot dahil hindi pala ako nag-iisa. Binusog niya ng kwento ang aking tenga, mula sa kung paano siya niligawan noon ng kanyang asawa, hanggang sa kung paano niya at ng kanyang abogado nililigawan ngayon ang mabagal at hindi patas na sistemang hukumang mayroon tayo.
“Pasko na naman, ngunit wala pa rin siya. Hanggang kailan kaya ako maghihintay sa kanya?,” panimula ni Ate Nelia. Kasama raw ang kanyang asawa sa mga iligal na inaresto at sinampahan ng gawa-gawang kasong illegal possession of firearms and explosives, dalawang taon na ang nakalilipas. “Tangina, wala na nga kaming makain, bibili pa kami
ng baril? Inosente ang asawa ko!,” mangiyak-ngiyak niyang sambit. Aniya’y community organizers lamang sila, mga aktibistang nagmumulat ng mga katulad naming mahihirap hinggil sa sistemang bulok na imbis na magtaguyod ng mga karapatangpantao ay ito pang pasimuno ng pagkitil, arbitraryong panghuhuli, at pagdukot.
“Kung ganito na kabigat ang malayo sa minamahal, ano pa kaya ang nararamdaman ng mga kaanak ng mga nawala at dinukot? Walang matang masisilayan, kahit sa malayo. Walang bangkay na paglalamayan, kahit papaano. Diyos ko, napakalupit ng estadong ito!” malungkot ngunit napopoot na wika ni Ate Nelia habang patuloy kaming naglalakbay patungong bituin.
Di kalauna’y nakarating kami ni Ate Nelia sa paanan ng bundok. Tuldok pa rin sa langit ang bituin, ngunit hindi pa rin kami nawawalan ng pag-asa. Sa likod ng mga puno’y may nakakubli na pigura, isang matandang maingat na nagmamasid sa amin. Matalas ang kaniyang tingin, na para bang hinubog na siya ng panahon at karanasan.
“Nagbago ang lahat mula nang sila’y sumapit,” wika ni Ka habang kami’y nakaupo sa mga anino ng mga puno. Hapong-hapo man ang kaniyang mga mata, bakas dito ang nag-aalab niyang determinasyon.
“Naaalala ko. Pasko iyon. May munting selebrasyon sa aming komunidad nung bigla kaming binigyan ng offer daw. Uunlad raw buhay namin, sabi nila. Mga naka-pormal na damit, mga businessman galing Maynila at Amerika pa. Magtatayo raw sila ng dam sa aming lupa, kesyo mahal daw nila mga mamamayan doon, at para naman daw ‘yun sa lahat.
“Mula nang sila’y sumapit, dumating na ‘yung tatlong naghariharian sa aming komunidad—mga negosyante, mga militar, at mga pulitiko. Lahat naghandog ng pasakit sa amin. Mula nang sila’y sumapit,
nawala na ang kapayapaan sa amin. Puro bala, pananakot at pandarambong na lang.”
Malayo ang tingin ni Ka Lino, para bang ulit-ulit na sinasariwa sa kaniyang gunita ang dating itsura ng kaniyang komunidad sa takot na mabura ito ng mabangis na pangil ng pekeng pag-unlad.
“Bagong taon, nagbagong buhay kami. Liligaya raw ang aming bayan. Dapat daw kaming magsikap para magkaroon ng kasaganahan, pero paano? Paano kami uunlad kung kami’y inuupos nila?” garalgal na tanong ni Ka Lino. Walang luha ang kaniyang mga mata, ngunit naririnig ko ang ritmo ng kaniyang puso—ito’y nagngangalit gaya ng sa amin, at uhaw na uhaw maabot ang mga bituin.
“Ang nagsindi nitong ilaw, walang iba kundi ikaw,” narinig kong ipinapatugtog nang minsang mapadaan kami sa isang 24/7 establishment. Kahit ang tagal na ng awiting iyon, patok pa rin talaga dahil sa ganda ng liriko. Si ‘Bro’ ang nagsindi ng kanilang ilaw. Para naman sa amin, si tatay, ang asawa ni ate Nelia, si Datu (insert name), at ang lahat ng biktima ng mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao ang nagsindi ng ilaw sa aming mga puso upang magpatuloy. Sila rin ang aming gabay sa pakikipagsapalaran para sa minimithing bituin.
Kung tatanungin n’yo ako kung gaano kalayo na ang aking narating, malaon na, sa kabila ng dilim at ambang panganib. Nagpapalakas ng aking loob ang mga kasama ko ngayon na naghahangad din ng bituin. Samasamang umaawit at kumakalabog ang aming mga pusong uhaw na uhaw na makamit ang bituin. Bagama’t hiwa-hiwalay ang simula ng aming paglalakbay, alam kong iisa ang ritmo at indayog ng aming mga minimithi.
Hindi ko tuloy maiwasang isipin na kung sama-sama kaming kikilos, baka hindi lang bituin ang aming maaabot, baka kaya rin naming wasakin ang ugat ng lahat ng ito. ▼
“UNTI-UNTI nang nawawalan ng halaga ang sampung piso,” minsang turan ni mama habang kami’y naghahapunan. Ang ulam kasi naming nilagang itlog, na dating sampung piso, ay ₱15.00 na. Naabutan ko pang limang piso lang ang hilaw na itlog, at limang piso lang din ang dagdag kung bibilhin mo ito nang luto na. Pero ngayon, nasa pitong piso na ang bentahan nito, maliit pa ‘yon sa ganoong presyo.
Kahit sa pamasahe sa jeep, ang dating sampung piso, ₱12.00 na ngayon. Liban na lang kung estudyante ka, may kapansanan, o senior citizen, pwede mo pang matamasa ang halaga ng sampu. Pero para sa ordinaryong mamamayan na wala pa sa minimum ang sahod at nagpapakain ng apat o higit pang tiyan, kalbaryo ang untiunting pagbaba ng halaga ng sampung piso.
Sa inilabas na report ng Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) noong Nobyembre 4, umabot na ng 7.7% ang inflation rate ng Pilipinas noong Oktubre. Ito ang pinakamataas na naitala mula pa noong Disyembre 2008.
Ayon sa inilabas na infographics ng IBON Foundation hinggil sa kasalukuyang presyo kada kilo ng ilang pagkain sa National Capital Region (NCR), ang refined sugar ang pinakanagtaas ng presyo, mula ₱50.00 noong 2021 ay ₱100.00 na ngayon. Ilan pa sa mga pagkain na may pinakamalaking presyong dagdag ay ang karne, bawang, sibuyas, at talong.
Habang tumataas ang bilihin, pababa naman nang pababa ang real minimum daily wage ng mga manggagawa sa NCR. Ang dating ₱523.00 noong 2019, ₱494.00 na lamang ngayon. Sa ganitong sitwasyon, ang kaunting handa sa darating na noche buena at media noche ay paniguradong mas kokonti pa.
Akala ko pa naman, presyo lang ang bawal magmahal pero mukhang bukod sa ‘unity,’ gusto rin ata magpanukala ng ‘love’ ng Bongbong Marcos (BBM) administration. Magmahalan tayo, kumbaga. Pero on a serious note, ano na nga ba ang ginagawa ng pangulo hinggil sa inflation?
Walang panahon at balak ang mga tulad nilang pinabondat ng korapsyon na lumubog sa masa upang maranasan ang araw-araw na dagok na dala ng mababa at hindi nakabubuhay na sahod.
Sa kanyang Twitter post, sinabi ng pangulo na ang kanilang solusyon laban sa inflation ay ang patuloy na paggamit ng interest rates na nagpapamahal sa kailangang bayaran sa pangungutang. Kung magmamahal ang pangungutang, mapipilitan ang mga tao na hindi muna mag-loan ng mga kotse o bahay sa bangko. In short, liliit ang demand sa produkto at iyon ang inaasahan nilang magpapababa ng presyo.
Pero sa totoo lang, ang aksiyong ito ay polisiya na talaga ng Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), na bagaman government-owned, independent
pa rin dapat sa kahit kaninong administrasyon. To make it short, wala pa talagang nagagawa si BBM.
Bukod sa wala na ngang ginagawa, bingi rin ang pangulo sa mga suhestiyon sa kanya ng iba’t ibang grupo.
Payo ng IBON, isang agarang aksiyon na pwedeng gawin ng pamahalaan ay ang pamimigay ng kagyat na ayuda. Ito ay bunsod ng 19.4 milyong pamilyang walang kahit anong ipon na naitabi at ngayo’y bulnerable sa inflation. Subalit, ang plano ng pamahalaan na pagbibigay ng ₱206-bilyong ayuda ay pagkatapos pa ng bagong taon mangyayari dahil sa 2023 proposed national budget ito nakasama.
Kaya sa papalapit na Pasko, walang aginaldong matatanggap ang bulnerableng sektor mula kay Santa BBM.
Mabuti pa ang mga nire-red-tag ng estado, may ginagawa. Isinusulong ngayon ng mga representate mula sa Makabayan bloc ang House Bill No. 5504 na naglalayong magtanggal ng value-added tax (VAT) sa basic goods tulad ng tinapay, canned goods, asukal, at mga sabon. Nagsusulong din sila ng tatlo pang house bills na naglalayong magbawas ng dagdag-buwis para sa kuryente, tubig, at toll services.
Sa bagal ng aksiyon ng pamahalaan laban sa inflation, napaghahalataang walang pakialam ang mga katulad ni Marcos Jr. na may generational wealth, pero galing naman sa nakaw, sa pagbaba ng halaga ng sampu. Ang sampung piso para sa kanila ay katumbas lang ng singkong butas.
Walang panahon at balak ang mga tulad nilang pinabondat ng korapsyon na lumubog sa masa upang maranasan ang araw-araw na dagok na dala ng mababa at hindi nakabubuhay na sahod, mataas na presyo ng bilihin at pamasahe, at mga palpak at tamad na opisyales ng pamahalaan.
Subalit para sa mga mahihirap at sa kanilang mga tunay na representante sa gobyerno, ang sampung piso ay may halaga sanang dalawang basong palamig sa kanto na pantawid-uhaw sa maghapong pagkakayod-kalabaw, ng sampung pirasong kwek-kwek na pantanggal kulo ng tiyan dahil sa hindi sapat na pananghalian, ng pamasahe sa sidecar, at ng isang pirasong lutong itlog.
Tataas lamang muli ang halaga ng sampu kung bibigyang-atensyon ng pamahalaan ang halaga nito para sa mga ordinaryong Pilipino. ▼
BUY SVC. ADD SVC VALUE ONLY. Mula nang magkaroon ako ng faceto-face classes isang beses kada linggo ngayong semestre, hindi na ako nakatiyempo ng Beep Card sa mga MRT-3 at LRT-1 station na sinasakyan at binababaan ko. Mahigit dalawang buwan na akong naghahanap ngunit wala talaga roon, at nalaman kong marami rin palang ibang hindi na makabili ng Beep card sa mga station.
Paano rin naman ang mga manggagawa na nakakasalamuha ko sa komyut? Ang ilang oras na iginugugol nila sa trabaho ay nadagdagdan pa dahil sa mga kapalpakan ng sistema ng pampublikong transportasyon.
Agosto pa lamang ay naganunsyo na ang Department of Transportation (DOTr) na mayroong shortage ng Beep cards. Ito ang sabi sa kanila ng ka-kontrata nila na AF Payments Inc., ang asosasyon sa pagitan ng Ayala Group at First Pacific Group. Disyembre na at nagmumukha nang magandang panregalo ang Beep card para sa ating mga mag-aaral na komyuter, lalo na’t inanunsyo ng DOTr na sa unang quarter pa raw ng 2023 magkakaroon ng suplay.
Dumating na sa punto na parang pribilehiyo na ngayon ang magmay-ari ng isang Beep card, dahil kung mayroon ka mang makita na maaaring bilhan, ito ay pwedeng mas mahal o mas kaunti ang laman na load.
Sumabay pa ang pagmamahal ng mga bilihin ngayon sa kakulangan ng Beep card sa mga MRT at LRT station, kaya dagdag gastusin ito sa mga mag-aaral na may face-to-face, lalo na’t hindi naman lahat tayo nakatira malapit sa Maynila. Kung iisipin natin, isa itong basic service na dapat meron sa lahat ng estasyon kung saan may sumasakay at bumababa. Ngunit sa halip ay pineperahan tayo sa pampublikong transportasyon na dapat ay naa-access ng lahat.
Naiinggit nga ako sa mga may Beep card sa likod ng ID nila at dumidiretso na lang sa scanner para i-tap ito tuwing papasok at lalabas ng estasyon; samantala, kailangan ko pang pumila tuwing sasakay para lang bumili ng single journey ticket (SJT).
Para sa mga walang Beep card, pera at oras din ang nawawala sa amin sapagkat mas mahal ang pamasahe kapag SJT at dumadagdag sa oras ng komyut ang pagpila para bumili ng SJT. Kahit na sabihing maliit lang na pagkakaiba ito, ang mga maliliit na abala ay umiipon sa bawat araw ng komyut ng ating mga mag-aaral at manggagawa.
Paano kaming mga mag-aaral na halo-halo ang mga gawain sa hybrid setup na ito? Pagkatapos ng face-to-face sa campus, may mga online class at submission pa na kailangang gawin pagkauwi.
Samantala, paano rin naman ang mga manggagawa na nakakasalamuha ko sa komyut? Ang ilang oras na iginuguhol nila sa trabaho ay nadadagdagan pa dahil sa mga kapalpakan ng sistema ng pampublikong transportasyon. Sa halip na makauwi sila agad sa kanilang mga pamilya, pila ang naaabutan nila sa MRT at LRT.
Malaki rin ang pagkakaiba ng ilang minuto na iyon. Pagkatapos mong pumila para makabili ng SJT, maaaring pagdating mo sa platform ay kakaalis lang ng tren at kailangan mo pang maghintay nang matagal para sa susunod na tren. O kaya pagsakay mo naman ng tren, maaaring tumigil ito kalagitnaan at pababain ka pa sa gitna ng riles katulad ng mga lumalabas sa balita. O baka biglang umulan habang nasa biyahe ka at lalong madagdagan ang traffic kapag lilipat ka na ng sasakyan.
Walang katapusan ang mga posibilidad. At pagdating sa mga kapalpakan ng gobyerno, lagi na lang tayong mga karaniwang mamamayan ang kailangang magtiis at maghintay. Mabuti pa ang mga nasa gobyerno na komportable sa kani-kanilang mga sasakyan, minsan nauuna pa sila sa mga daan dahil nga may pribilehiyo sila. Kung subukin man nilang magkomyut, may kasamang mga media at bodyguard kaya naman mukha lang silang katuwa-tuwa sa ginawa nila. Samantala, ang transportation secretary na mula sa mayamang pamilya ay hindi naman maalam mag komyut at walang kamalaymalay sa danas ng mga komyuter.▼
GINULANTANG noong nakaraang linggo ng Bagyong Paeng ang karamihan dahil sa hindi inaasahang lawak ng epekto na dala nito. Tila akala noong una ay isang pangkaraniwang bagyo lamang, ngunit hindi nagtagal tumambad sa social media ang kaliwa’t kanang mga post ng mga residente na humihingi ng saklolo dahil sa ga-dibdib at sa mga mas mababang lugar, ang halos lampas tao na baha. Sa sandaling pananalasa ng bagyo inabot na ng halos 100 ang nasawi ayon sa ulat ng National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC).
Subalit hindi na bago ang pananalasa na tumatama sa bansa. Lunan ng humigit-kumulang 20 na bagyo kada taon dahil kabilang ang bansa sa typhoon belt sa Pasipiko. Inaasahan na may nakalaang sapat na badyet at maayos na tugon ang pamahalaan dahil tiyak na daluyan ito ng mga sakuna. Ngunit sa dinami-dami ng tumatamang bagyo, kibit-balikat ang estado sa epekto nito sa kanyang mamamayan.
Kaakibat ng kawalan ng aksiyon ng gobyerno ay ang pagluluwag ng palisiya sa kalikasan na siyang pangunahing sandata ng bansa tuwing may sakuna. Samu’t saring mga sakuna ang tumama sa bansa na nagdudulot ng malawakang pagbaha at pagguho ng lupa dahil sa iligal na pagtotroso. Sa isang talumpati ng yumaong diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. sa unang Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Forest Congress noong 1983, binatikos niya ang malalaking negosyong patuloy na pinagsasamantalahan ang kalikasan. Isang kabalintunaan ang kanyang pahayag dahil panahon ng Batas Militar nang nilagdaan ang Presidential Decree 705 (P.D. 705) na nagsusulong sa pagkomersyo ng mga pagtotroso.
Sa pagnanais ng dating diktador na palakasin ang naghihingalong ekonomiya ng bansa, pinalakas ang pag-export ng mga troso patungong Estados Unidos at Hapon. Ngunit sa kabila nito ay naitala ang Pilipinas bilang isa sa may worst deforestation rates sa Asya Pasipiko dahil sa pagkawala ng halos 316,000 ektarya ng kagubatan kada taon.
Ang kilalang crony ni Marcos Sr. na si Herminio Disini na nagmamay-ari ng Disini Cellophil Resources Corporation (CRC) ay mabilis na binigyang lisensya ng Department of Agriculture and National Resources (DANR) para sa pulp production. Malaking bahagi ng kagubatan sa Kordilyera ang ipinagkaloob kay Disini na nagresulta sa pagpapalayas sa mga katutubo. Agad din pinahintulutan ang Cellulose Processing Corporation (CPC) na kaanib na kompanya ng CRC makalipas lamang ang dalawang buwan mula nang itinayo ang kompanya.
Ang mga palisiya na nakasaad sa papel na naglalalayong proteksyunan ang mayamang kalikasan ay nananatiling hungkag dahil sa mga nangangasiwa.
Bagaman hindi na ang P.D. 705 ang sinusundan na patakaran ngayon
pagkat binago na ito sa mga nagdaang taon, halos parehas pa rin ang nilalaman ng mga probisyon sa mga bagong palisiya.
Nagbabagong anyo lamang ang mga batas at ang mga lumalagda subalit ang interes pa rin ng iilan ang nakasaalang-alang.
Matatandaan noong 2017 nang ipinagbawal ang open-pit mining para sa mga tanso, ginto, pilak at ores sa ilalim ng dating kalihim Gina Lopez ng Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) dahil sa matinding polusyon na dulot nito.
Ang pagkakait ng lisensya sa pagmimina ng mga malalaking negosyo ay upang protektahan ang mga komunidad sa malubhang pinsalang dala. Malaki ang naging tagumpay nang maipatigil ang openpit mining dahil libo-libong pamilya ang naisalba sa posibleng pagguho ng lupa lalo na sa rehiyon ng Mindanao kung saan hitik na hitik ang mineral.
Pansamantalang nakahinga ang mga komunidad subalit makalipas ang apat na taon tuluyang nawala ang matagal nang ipinaglalaban ng mga tagapagtanggol ng kalikasan. Dahil sa patuloy na lumalalang krisis sa ekonomiya sa kasagsagan ng pandemya, binigyang laya ng dating Presidenteng Duterte ang mga korporasyon na mangasiwa sa openpit mining.
Sa pagbigay daan upang muling makapagmina ang mga dati nang ipinasara, ang mga pinakabulnerableng sektor sa lipunan ang umaani ng kagagawan ng naghaharing-uri.
ANG BALISA SA GITNA NG SAKUNA Hindi na kagulat-gulat na ang karaniwang iniiwang balisa sa gitna ng sakuna ay ang mamamayang naghihikahos. Ilang oras matapos ang unos, bungad sa telebisyon at radyo ang tala ng mga namamatay at nawawala na kadalasan mula sa mga mahihirap.
Nakapipinsala nang lubos sa mula sa kanilang sektor ang hagupit ng bagyo dahil sa kanilang sosyo-ekonomikong kalagayan.
Ayon sa World Risk Index 2022, nangunguna ang Pilipinas sa buong mundo bilang pinakabulnerableng bansa pagdating sa mga sakuna. Pinatutunayan ito ng kakulangan ng maagap at wastong tugon sa mga kalamidad ng pamahalaan.
Bagaman halos mag-iisang dekada mula nang nanalasa ang bagyong Yolanda na kumitil ng humigitkumulang 6,300 na katao, nananatiling hungkag ang sistema ng paghahanda
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For concerns and suggestions:
tuwing may bagyong tatama sa bansa. Ang kasalukuyang disaster response ng bansa ay hindi nakasasapat upang tuluyang lagutin ang matagal nang kinahaharap ng mamamayan. Pansamantalang solusyon lang ito para tulungan makabangon ang mga tao subalit dahil sa umiinog na sistema, prayoridad ng pamahalaan ang panatilihing pilay ang mamamayan. Nauuwi pa rin sa indibidwal na responsibilidad ang pagtitiyak ng kaligtasan at sa pagkalap ng mga donation drives upang makaahon ang mga apektado ng sakuna.
Kaakibat din ng kakapusan
sa paghahanda, ang kawalan ng maaasahang daluyan ng impormasyon sa kasuluk-sulukang bahagi ng bansa dahil sa pagkitil sa prangkisa ng pinakamalawak na media network noong 2020. Sa kabila ng pagtutol ng mga tao, nanaig ang kagustuhan ng nakalipas na administrasyon dahil sa pagnanais na pahirapan ang mga katunggali nitong oligarkiya. Subalit, ang tunay na talo rito ay ang masang pinagkaitan ng impormasyon.
Kung kaya’t malaki ang ginagampanang tungkulin ng pamahalaan sa kasidhian ng mga sakuna.
Ang bawat pagbibigay lisensya sa mga malalaking kapitalista sa pagkamal ng yaman nang hindi isinasaalang-alang ang epekto nito sa pinakabulnerableng sektor ay pagtulak sa kanila sa bingit.
Hindi makatwiran ang paggamit ng salitang ‘natural disaster’ nang hindi sinisiyasat ang mga palisiya ng pamahalaan dahil nangangahulugan ito ng pagbabalewala sa naging papel kung bakit hindi makaalis sa siklo ng pagkakadapa ang bansa sa tuwing may sakuna. ▼
Hindi makatwiran ang paggamit ng salitang ‘natural disaster’ nang hindi sinisiyasat ang mga palisiya ng pamahalaan dahil nangangahulugan ito ng pagbabalewala sa naging papel kung bakit hindi makaalis sa siklo ng pagkakadapa ang bansa sa tuwing may sakuna.
This year you ventured into the start of another ‘golden era’ which, according to Makoy Jr. and his family’s ardent fans slash apologists slash loyalists (sana ol loyal), describes the regime of his father, the late dictator, and the orig Makoy™. Contrarily, the lie ‘dictator’ test tells otherwise as several reports, studies, and historical accounts refute this lunacy. Fake gold naman pala talaga ang Makoy Sr. era!
[Unify Ad: Hala, sinungaling na bata, oh! Sinong tatay mo?]
Your morning started with the first fool’s golden era of Makoy Sr. keeping the Philippines, all throughout his term, in one of its darkest eras, or if bet talaga nila na ‘golden,’ o edi, in a golden era of billions of dollars of debt, widespread human rights violations—
around 70,000 individuals were imprisoned, 34,000 were tortured, and 3,240 were killed— plundering of nations’ coffers, and silencing of media except those who were pro-government.
Reminiscing your first Unify Wrapped, your late 60s to late 80s top genres were
1 Progressive Rock
2 Fanatic Punk
3 Classic Submissive
Circumstances such as the increasing poverty and debt, US intervention, questionable electoral integrity, and corruption of Makoy Sr., as well as severe economic crisis due to his ineffective and inhumane policies—plunging real wages, institutionalizing cheap labor export, and allowing foreign plunder of the country’s resources—awaken the innate progressiveness in your blood, sparking a period of civil unrest.
Even during martial law, when the Philippine society was paralyzed and human rights violations were rampant, urban demonstrations of organized communities continued, and student
FINALLY, after over 50 years of *smh* not waiting, the Unify Wrapped is baaAAAAAack (T_T)! Forda ready na ba ang mga ferson?? This year’s theme revolves in yet another fool’s golden era (pyrite yarn), featuring the Top 3 Genres in the old and new testament of our own jus[ko] ama at jus[me] anak, the Top 5 Songs whose stories may instead stop u from worshiping them, and of course, the Top Artist who made this Unify Wrapped possible. Anyway, enough with the intro, let’s talk about *you*
movements were alive.
On the other hand, you were also easily manipulated as supporters of the Marcos family continued to defend Makoy Sr. despite knowing or experiencing his oppressive autocracy. This Filipino fanaticism of the Marcoses may be rooted in the developed cult of personality of Makoy Sr., which propelled him to power for 20 years. It can also be coming from the channels of disinformation found not only in online digital spaces but even in our very own formal educational materials. He used propaganda narratives such as red-tagging activists, even exaggerating the threat of the then-emerging Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), to make himself appear as the ‘Messiah’ to get false consensus from the people to impose martial law in order for him “to save us all.”
Those propaganda narratives became extremely effective to you in instilling the mindset ‘Kung wala kang ginagawang masama, hindi ka dapat matakot,’ a classic submissive line. However, militaries under martial law arbitrarily arrested and detained civilians and human rights activists; thus, the aforementioned line was not actually applicable to the fascist regime of Makoy Sr.
Going back in 2022, you ventured into the genre-verse, mostly exploring the same old but slightly modified
1 Fanatic-Condoner Punk
2 Progressive-Retentive Rock
3 Classic SubmissiveApolitical
making them your top genres.
You seized the day listening to propaganda techniques that the Makoys use to distort history and portray the late dictator as a hero and a victim instead of being a criminal and greatest robber of a government. An extensive network of websites run by paid Public Relations (PR) companies through the use of paid known artists and internet trolls is one of the techniques utilized by the Makoys to wash away the blood in their hands.
All that listening added up to Makoy Jr.’s total votes of 31 Million, the biggest post-Marcos Sr. election win. After being ousted by the EDSA People Power Uprising, the Marcoses still exhibited thirst for power, hence why Makoy Sr. is now resurrected in the body of Makoy Jr., with a promise of ‘unity’ to all Filipinos and your entrance to another ‘golden age’ under his presidency.
[Unify Ad: For Makoy Sr. so loved the Philippines that he gave his one and only son, that whoever believes in him shall not progress but have a fool’s golden life.
- Jo 3:16]
Makoy Jr. and his allies were able to use your Christian/Catholic values, which compel you to be forgiving of any sins just as the Lord forgives yours, to spread ideas such as ‘Magmove on na kayo,’ even though they never acknowledge the sins of his father and family, and never ask you for forgiveness. They had successfully manipulated you once more, as the old fanatics gained new members from their descendants, who are now not only supporters of the Marcoses but also despise and bash any politician who supported the opposition. This year, you also transitioned from submissive to apolitical, distancing yourself from any political issues.
On a brighter note, the growing need for a competent and just leader, as a result of the Du30’s Makoy-like administration, has awakened you from being a fanatic and submissive to a progressive one, keeping in mind that you should ‘Never Forget’ the lavishness and gluttony of power of Makoy Sr. and his cronies at the expense of the Filipinos’ and this country’s suffering; thus, that they should ‘Never Again’ hold power.
You played various songs this year, but these songs played again and again:
1 Wala Kaming Kasalanan by The Liars
2 Unity Lang Sapat Na by Party Boybi
3 Gimme Your Money by The Liars 4 Wag Muna Kayong Bumili by Party Boybi
5 Your Worst Nightmare is Here by BlengBong Makoy feat Indai buDuts.
Your top song ‘Wala Kaming Kasalanan’ was popularized by The Liars even before the fall of their family in 1986. Now that one of The Liars sits as the chief executive of the Philippines, they gain more power to ‘rebrand’ their family’s image from being a criminal to something pleasing to their eyes. The chief executive also gained presidential immunity from any charges brought against him; as a result, his family’s ₱203-billion estate tax debt, which he failed to pay, has now left the group. This isn’t even the worst part. You also listened to their other song, ‘Gimme Your Money,’ which they wrote while still unemployed. Finally, now that they are in power, they can fulfill that song by plundering again the country’s treasury, which holds the money of the people—your money.
In the first quarter of this year, you mostly played Party Boybi’s ‘Unity Lang Sapat Na.’ Party Boybi performed this song at every concert and event he attended, except for group concerts, which he did not attend, with other artists like Mama Len and Ka Lodi. He was well aware that singing this song with them would make him appear foolish. He has nothing in mind now that he has been chosen as the best singer and is expected to sing songs other than unity to relieve the stress of his listeners caused by the 8.0% inflation rate, high food prices, and low daily income. As a result, according to a Pulse Asia survey released on Oct. 6, approximately 42% of his listeners are now bored and dissatisfied with Party Boybi’s performance. After all, we all know that hindi sapat ang unity lang.
You embraced the night with the song ‘Your Worst Nightmare is Here’ by BlengBong Makoy feat Indai buDuts, the son and daughter of infamous musicians, Ferdie Makoy and Rowdie buDuts. Even before this song became a hit, Ferdie, BlengBong’s father, was already known to be a dictator in music, promoting authoritarianism against the musical dissent of his apprentices and, Rowdie, Indai’s father, is known to be a traitor to its own country’s music, which he left for foreign ones. Both of their fathers’ songs have already been labeled as the worst of their generation.
Although we know that the fruits differ from the trees, BlengBong and Indai unfortunately refuse to acknowledge that their fathers are the worst singers. Instead, they are justifying their fathers’ actions by portraying them as idols and great singers. It is troubling that now that BlengBong and Indai are singers like their fathers, they may repeat their fathers’ mistakes in their starting careers.
[Unify Ad: Your 2022 can’t be contained in a playlist, but we tried it anyway. Here’s the Unify code.]
of the contributors are the kin of supporters of his father, Ferdie. The top donors are Anton Lagdameo Jr., whom he appointed as his special assistant, Melquiades Robles, appointed as chief of one of his offices, the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO), and Philip Lo, who is a former PAGCOR executive.
Did you also know that Blengbong has his own orchestra to carry out his plans? These include the appointees which are the descendants of the former members of his father’s orchestra—basically those who helped his father to command dictatorship. Now, what should we expect in Blengbong’s orchestra for the next five years?
It is time to meet your listening personality. This year, you are The Newborn. You are a sonic explorer who is still unsure whether to listen to suggestions from your family, friends, or from the reality of the world in which you were born. However, whatever decision you made and whichever artist you voted for this year—or if you chose to abstain—you can always review and reflect on what you did. After assessing your 2022 decisions, you will understand how vital it is to select the right artist to listen to, as each artist sings different songs that will shape not only your personality and moral character, but also the fate of your year.
You listened to ten artists this year, but one rule your country. Your top artist was Blengbong Makoy. Some not-so-fun facts about Blengbong: Did you know that Blengbong spent more than ₱623 million on his songs, making him not only the top artist but also the highest artist spender? Based on the released Statements of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCEs) of Blengbong, all of his total expenditures came from contributions. Most
For the next years, you may want to explore other genres like Alternative Life Rock, Proletariat Blues, Classic Indigenous, and Materialist Punk to further widen your taste and perspective on the music of the struggle of the Filipino people. ▼