tihrary of t:Ke trheolo^ical ^^minavy PRINCETON
•
NEW JERSEY
Gift of Robert L. Stuart 1854
BR 1720
So[}{]ll(PP速[LYTiLDS Episcopus Portus
Urbis
Romae
;
:
:
HIPPOLYTUS AND HIS AGE; OR,
THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE
CHURCH OE ROME UNDER COMMODUS AND ALEXANDER SEVERUS
ANCIENT AND MODERN CHRISTIANITY AND DIVINITY COMPARED.
BY CHRISTIAN CHARLES JOSIAS BUNSEN, D.C.L.
IN
FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL.
I.
Cf)C Critical inqutiy
IN FIVE LETTERS TO
ARCHDEACON HARE.
"WITH THE EFFIGY OF HIPPOLYTUS.
LONDON LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. 1852.
London
:
SroTTiswooDES and Shaw, New-8treet-Sqiiare.
/
PREFACE.
The book which I venture to present to the Public, has grown out of letters written to an English friend^ on a subject of common interest and I must plead this circumstance as my apology for undertaking a :
task so hazardous as the composition of a
work
in
English must always be for a foreigner.
The
subject itself requires no apology, nor does it need any recommendation, in the eyes of a Public much alive to whatever is connected with Christianity. A few words only of introduction, on the history, purport,
which
is
and bearing of the patristic relic the immediate object of this inquiry may be
desirable in this place.
Some months ago a curious problem was presented to the Christian world, by the publication of an important work, long lost, treating on the primitive doctrinal history of the Church.* The book is evi* 'QpiysvovQ
^L\o(To<povfisva
^ Kard Traawv
alp^rreojv
"Origenis
E
^Xeyxoc
PhUosophumena sive omnium h^resium refutatio codice Parisino nunc primum ed. Emmanuel Miller."
e Tjpograplieo Academico, 1851.
The title which I propose is this Tov dyiov 'iTTTroXvrov 'ETrtcr/coTTot; Kai Mdprvpog Kara A
2
Oxonii
TraacJv at^
'
PREFACE.
IV
dently authentic, and was written under Alexander
Severus, or about the year 225 of our era. it
can be proved, by unanswerable arguments, that
author tial
no
I believe
is
member
less a
its
not Origen, but an illustrious and influenof the
Church of
personage than
St.
Rome
in short,
itself,
Hippolytus.
This
cir-
cumstance does not diminish, but enhances, the value of this recovered relic of antiquity. tus, as a disciple of Irenasus,
must have enjoyed, on many
years older than Origen,
important points,
still
For Hippoly-
and being about twenty
more than
dition of the Apostolic age
:
his
he, the living tra-
name and
character
are not involved in any reproach or suspicion of heresy, as those of the
nately are
:
great Alexandrian doctor unfortu-
and further,
as a
member
Roman
of the
presbytery, he could speak with the highest authority
on the
affairs of the
Church of Rome.
Through
his
master Irenaeus, the Apostle of the Gauls, and disciple of Polycarp of
Ephesus who had caught the words
of the Apostle of Love from St. John's
own
lips,
Hip-
polytus received the traditions and doctrine of the
Apostolic age from an unsuspected source, while, as a
Roman, he
recollects,
and describes from
his personal
knowledge, the secret history of the Church of
under Commodus.
In
his riper years,
Rome
he had wit-
nessed successively the important administration of
pitTtojv t\fyx<>Q' TiZv ifKci ftiâ&#x201A;Ź\i<j)v
rd
(no^ofiiva.
Sancti Hippolyti
Episoopi et Martyris Omuiuni Ilaeresium Kefutatio
rum
decern quae supersunt.
:
Libro-
PKEFACE.
Roman
two
bishops
V
the one, Zephyrinus,
;
who
suc-
ceeded Victor, cotemporary of Irenseus; the other, Callistus,
who occupied
Rome
the see of
during a
great crisis of that Church in doctrine and discipline, first
and whose
and character are here
life
time disclosed.
The book gives authentic
information on the earliest
history of Christianity, and precisely on those
portant points of which hitherto little
for the
authentically.
most im-
we have known very
It contains extracts
from
at least
fifteen lost works of the Gnostic, Ebionitic, and
heretical schools Christianity.
and parties of the
mixed
earliest times of
These extracts begin with the account
of heresies which existed in the age of St. Peter and St. Paul, St.
and consequently preceded the Gospel of
John.
to the
first
They go down,
in an uninterrupted line,
quarter of the third century.
We
have
here, amongst others, quotations from the Gospel of St.
John by
Basilides,
who
flourished in the begin-
ning of the reign of Hadrian, or about the year 117 furnishing;
;
a conclusive answer to the unfortunate
hypothesis of Strauss, and the whole school of Tubingen, that the
fourth Gospel was written about
the year 165 or 170.
Many
other points of almost
equal importance are settled for ever by these extracts, at least for the critical historian.
The
conclusion of the work
and important.
is
It contains the
not
less interesting
solemn confession
of faith of the learned and pious author himself, A 3
who
PREFACE.
vi
represents the doctrine of the Catholic Church, exactly one
hundred years before the Council of Nice,
in the very age of transition
from the Apostolic con-
sciousness to the Ecclesiastical system.
The
Archdeacon Hare apply the
five letters to
principles of historical criticism to the questions of
the authenticity, the authorship, and
the contents
of the book, and form the First Volume of the present
work.
The Second Volume
treats of a higher subject
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
the philosophical history of the Christian Church.
I have condensed the matter into aphorisms
and
fragments, which, I trust, include the most essential points.
The Restoration
of the Creed, the Liturgy,
the Doctrine and the Constitution of the Ante-Nicene
Church, forms the Third Volume.
Neander was the
to give
first
us a history of
the Church as the history of the Christian rehgion,
and not simply of Christian
as that of the ecclesiastical
life,
tian thought,
and not of doctrine only
the highest sense
rest life
;
;
us a philosophical history in
nor have his followers or his anta-
A philosophical
upon a double
history of Christianity
basis
must
a critical history of the
:
of Christ, and a general system of the philosophy
of religion.
but
system
of Chris-
and not merely of scholastic formularies.
But he has not given gonists.
;
lias
The
first
has been attempted by Strauss,
confessedly failed
up the problem
itself,
:
not only because he gives
but
also because
both the
PREFACE.
YU
origin of the evangelical accounts and the primitive
would be more
history of Christianity if
we were
any one could have thought they were a general system
other,
Yet
not
has
ligion,
by
been
even
necessary as the
must know
Christian
The
before.
of the philosophy of re-
hitherto
this latter is as
trated
inexplicable,
to adopt the hypothesis of Strauss, than
attempted.
The
first.
as a fact of real history, illus-
what Jesus of Nazareth
real philosophy,
thought both of himself and of his personal divine mission, and what was the extent of that holy
work
for
which he lived and died, but which he
as a progressive act
mankind,
among
to
left
of the divine regeneration
be carried out by the Spirit of
Nobody can
his believers.
of
God
philosophically
appreciate what has been done in these eighteen hun-
dred years for the realization of this divine idea, unless he
is
able to measure
by Christ himself before faithful
it
by the standard placed
his
But the
followers.
and thinking Christian, in the second place,
must not be ignorant of the laws and principles according to which a religious idea, as such, develops itself in history.
religion
is
He
the true one
knows, as a believer, that his ;
but he
will
not lose sight of
the important circumstance, that the elements which act in true religion are not
principles
exempt from the general
of evolution inherent
those elements.
in
the nature of
The antagonisms contained
are capable of receiving their solution
A 4
;
in
them
the defects
PREFACE.
Vlll
may be
growing out of the natural development
corrected; but the history of the Christian religion
shows, that neither
its rites,
forms of government,
are
nor
records, nor
its
exempted from general This
application, and to their progress and decay. is
no longer a question of theory or of probability,
Nearly two
but a matter of fact and of history.
thousand years of evolution are before us fully able to
or
and
as to their origin, to their interpretation
laws,
its
go through the accounts
any body of
priests or doctors,
if
:
pretend to
we
bility or the exclusive right of judging,
lose our
to the
:
we
any
are
priest, infalli-
shall not
time in disputing their authority, but point
sum
total,
and
to all the great items
which
through these eighteen hundred years cry out against
Any
such unholy pretensions. proves the pretender
and
sets
him down,
flaw in the account
to infallibility to if
be mistaken,
he continue to claim that
authority, as a tyrant or an impostor, or both.
The
make
itself
divine nature of Christianity does not
good by the absence of those agencies which ordinarily contribute to the development of indeed, if
it
did, Christ
human institutions;
and Christianity would not
be an object of history, but a fable
by the renovating power of the conscience of the believers.
working of
this
Spirit
which
:
it
proves itself
Spirit in the living
It is the unity of the in
the whole course
of development forms the real, the only true, unity
and uninterrupted continuity of the Church.
Neg-
PKEFACE. lect this,
and you have to choose between super-
and
stition
IX
infidelity
and
;
in either case
you give up
religion. I have, therefore,
thought
it
right to begin
the
Second Volume by such philosophical aphorisms on the general principles of the history of religion, and
on the leading features in the history of Christianity, as bear directly
upon the
subject.
I then have dis-
cussed the principal historical points of the life of the ancient Church, in the hope of
making the knowledge
of Hippolytus and of his age practically useful for the understanding both of primitive Christianity and
own
of our
and
Instead of examining Hippolytus
time.
by any
his age
later standard,
and instead of
ducing the inquiry to the absurd question
Roman
Hippolytus a
:
re-
Was
Catholic, or a Protestant
?
I
have endeavoured to bring the reader into the very heart of the
life
and consciousness of the ancient
Church, and,
if I
am
not strangely mistaken, by this
very process also to the centre of the real controversies of our
own
What
is
and her
"What
age.
the authority of Scripture
is
What
Apostolic Tradition? Sacrifice
?
What were
are the
the idea and practice
of the ancient Church respecting the Sacraments
What, have
finally, is
now
the origin of our
Canon Law ?
?
We
materials enough to answ^er these ques-
tions in such a
upon
?
Church
way
as not to
this or that passage,
ground our conviction
which may be controverted,
but upon the undeniable existence of a general conA
5
!
PREFACE.
X
Take away
ancient Church.
sciousness of the
ig-
norance, misunderstandings, and forgeries, and the
naked truth remains
not a spectre,
:
radiant with
which separate us from primitive Church,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Break down the bars
truth.
eternal
the
communion of the
mean, free yourself from the
I
letter of later formularies, canons,
abstractions,
all
and conventional
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and you move unshackled
ocean of faith
;
God
thank
image of divine beauty,
carefully to be veiled, but an
in the
you hold fellowship with the
open
spirits of
the heroes of Christian antiquity, and you are able
to trace the stream of unity as it rolls uninterruptedly
through eighteen centuries, in spite of rocks and quicksands.
For
these questions Hippolytus and his works
all
are of primary importance
indeed a book of
:
genuine text of which unfortunately
is lost,
his,
the
gives us,
through the extracts and fragments we possess, the
key
to the
stitutions
anything
origin of the so called Apostolical
and Canons, and enables else,
to restore
us,
Con-
more than
the whole of the
Law
of
the ancient Church.
After having established that the real Apostolic Tradition exists, and that idLMitical
with what
but the very contrary of branches.
These are
Number and
New
the
it
is
neither a secret, nor
now appealed
is
:
it,
I
first,
to as Tradition,
have examined
its
three
the tradition about the
Authors of the canonical books of the
Testament, according
to tlie
ancient Church
;
:
PKEFACE.
;
XI
then the tradition on Liturgical theory and practice, in particular on the Christian Sacrifi ce and the Eucharist lastly, the tradition
For
custom. polytus
is
all
about the Ecclesiastical law and
these three points the age of Hip-
of decisive importance
;
and he himself,
as
well as his great master, a leading witness.
The aphorisms and fragments which
I give
on
these subjects are partly new, partly of older date.
The introductory
general aphorisms are based, as to
the system of a philosophy of the history of mankind,
upon a German Essay composed by me
my
1816, as the result of this subject
;
in
January
and meditations on
and upon an Introduction to the Phi-
losophy of Universal neither
studies
of which
History, written
yet been
has
last
published.
year;
The
aphorisms on the origin and the epochs of the Christian sacrifice
were written in December 1822, and
summing up and conclusion of a series of researches made on this sacred subject from 1817 to 1822. The extract from a letter early in 1823, as the
dated
Christmas 1829, addressed to a late friend.
Dr. Erederic Nott, prebendary of Winchester, on the nature of the Christian sacrifice, has been for
many
years to
by manuscript lished
several of
copies,
by Dr. Arnold
known
English friends
and was to have been pubas
lume of sermons, which happily prevented
my
an appendix to a new vohis
premature death un-
him from compiling.
I give these
Essays exactly as they were written at the time
PREFACE.
xii
not only because they for the consistency
documentary evidence
are
and continuity of
my
views on
all
those points, but also because I believe they have not become stale by having been kept back some-
thing like twice nine years.
In the Third Volume I have given,
first,
the texts of
the Creed, Liturgy, and Ordinances; in short, the
Book its
Common
of
Ecclesiastical
Prayer of the third century, and
Code
both with the necessary ex-
:
I feel myself entirely incompetent to
planations.
I can un-
exhibit a complete picture of the age.
derstand that age only as one scene in a great drama,
which begins with the the
act
first
Origen.
of which
This drama
Christian Pentecost, and
first
is
with the
closes
a fragment, and
the divine centre of humanity, the
Nazareth. will
I
shall
life
it
death of rests
upon
of Jesus of
admire the courage of him who
undertake now to give such a historical and philo-
sophical picture of Hippolytus and his age
do not aspire to the honour of attempting Still, all
;
but I
it.
antiquarian researches ought to termi-
nate in history or poetry; and
all
past ages ought to
be made true mirrors for ourselves
;
particularly in
matters which have a lasting interest for us and for
all
mankind.
I
unthinking being,
who
questions in a case like
one
does not ask himself two this,
of absorbing interest.
What
should
we
him a coward, or an
consider
where the subject
is
These questions are
say of that age of Christianity,
:
if
PREFACE.
we saw
it
with our eyes
own
lytus say of our
before his vision
No
Xiu
and what would Hippo-
?
age, if
should be brought
it
?
answer to such questions can be given without
some degree of
Most
fiction.
of the speeches in the
ancient historians are fictions even as to their contents, all as to the form.
The
necessity of this lies in
You want
the very nature of the problem. to
to give
your reader the picture of an age by the words of
one of
its historical
persons.
But
He
really spoke, spoke to his age.
everybody then knew
want
to
:
and that
The same
tell.
that man,
is
what
exactly what you
applies with
force to his writings, if he
when he
did not say
greater
still
were an author.
Distant
ages are, even to very learned men, a sealed book, until those
two questions be asked.
These considerations must form the excuse for
what I have
felt
myself compelled to attempt.
have written, as the
last
Inquiry, an imaginary Apology of Hippolytus. rests
upon the
I
part of this Philosophical
fiction, that
It
he was come to England
in order to complain of the authorship of the lately
discovered book having been taken from him, and that he claims to be recognized as what he really
was, bishop of the Harbour of
Rome, and member
the governing presbytery of the metropolis
above
all,
as a thinking Christian
divine, in an age tions,
which had
still
;
of
and,
and an orthodox
uncorrupted tradi-
and whose heroes and innumerable martyrs
PREFACE.
XIV lived to
and died for Christianity.
make
this
suppose Hippolytus
I
defence of himself before a distinguished
English assembly, after some months of interviews
In
and theological discussions with learned divines. carrying
out this
fiction,
endeavoured to
have
I
follow, as closely as possible, the
form of the Platonic
Apology of Socrates, and humbly
to imitate that
mixture of irony and ethical earnestness which separable from the
name of
Socrates.
I
well that Hippolytus was not Socrates, and
do
I
pretend to be his Plato.
to give as
a
But
in-
is
know still
full
less
I have attempted
something of his character as a thinker and
As such he
an author.
Roman
exhibits, predominantly,
oratorical style of the declining age,
and
betrays perhaps, here and there, a senile prolixity
but there
in
is
him
a
reasoning, which shows the I
Greek blood
have endeavoured to represent the
in the introd^jctory part of
Greek
that of a vision
mirror to our
own
in his veins.
Roman
element
Apology, and the
of the composition
practical purpose
its
:
my
The form
in the rest.
;
true element of dialectical
is
is
to be a
age.
Respecting the execution of
this
attempt, I must,
of course, claim the highest degree of indulgence as to the form
have to feel
to
;
but no just and intelligent
blame me
for the
critic will
want of a conscientious wish
be historically true and perfectly impartial. sure,
I
am
still
less liable
I
to the reproach of
having treated intricate and sacred questions with
PREFACE.
XV
having intended to mix myself up with
levity, or of
national and personal questions, and with the contro-
Nothing
versies of the day in this country.
from
my mind
compelled
what
I
judged
to
am
my
and from on
bear
convinced
is
position.
that I have endeavoured
further
myself
occasion testimony to
this
the truth
Neither can
as such.
is
I felt
it
:
let it
be read and
be said with justice
to insinuate
my own
ligious convictions, or philosophical opinions,
the cover of Hippolytus.
What
I think
re-
under
and believe
personally on the subjects here treated, I have stated
with Christian, frankness, partly
in
my
of the Church of the Future," and in
" Constitution
my
*'
Epistles
on Ignatius," and partly in the Aphorisms and Frag-
Some
ments which precede the Apology.
further
elucidations of several difficult points in the history
of the second century, to which I have alluded in will appear
this book,
volume.
If
God
next year, in one German
grant health and leisure, a " Syn-
optical text of the
Four Gospels," and
Reconstruction of the chronological
a " Critical
order
of the
Evangelical Accounts," (both ready for the press,) will
be followed by a " Life of Jesus."
which final
for
twenty
object of
my
This
is
the
work
years I have considered as the
thoughts and researches,
if
I
should be found worthy to realize the idea which I
have conceived of this sublime problem. author of the Apology, I letting
am
But, as
only responsible for
Hippolytus speak according
to
his
known
PREFACE.
XVI
own time
opinions and principles, as to his
;
and in
character, although with a poetical license, as to ours.
have honestly endeavoured to do both
I
for
me to judge how far
however,
I confidently
I
may have
hope
to
it is
:
succeeded.
not
What,
have established by
holding up such a mirror to this age
is,
the wholesome
truth that the age of Hippolytus was not shackled
by
those conventionalities and prejudices, and not bur-
dened with those ordinances of man preposterously canonized and intended to be made into shackles which at present impede the tianity, not only in the
but
also
ever
among
apology
Roman and Greek
may be brought forward
of such later contrivances and
;
"What-
in favour
arrangements, they
origin
and authority,
the work of Hippolytus be genuine: and itself,
law
Churches,
the Evangelical Christians.
must not claim Apostolic proof in
civil
march of Chris-
if
this is a
even for Protestants, that they are not
scriptural.
If I have not entirely failed in
my
efforts to elicit
truth out of the records of thought, and out of the
annals of history, which are
the
first
time,
I
owe
it
now opened
to the resources of
to us for
thought and
learning which I have found in the standard works
of modern I
German
divinity
and philology, and which
have endeavoured to apply to
impressed as
1
am
with
my
this subject.
Deeply
unworthiness to represent
either, I still trust to have,
by
this process,
and by
the very important contents of the newly discovered
XVU
PREFACE.
book, sufficiently shown the real nature and the su-
German method
periority of the
of inquiry, and the
Now,
satisfactory results already obtained.
be the
case, I believe also that I
if this
have enabled every
thinking reader to judge for himself, whether there
much wisdom
is
in ignoring,
and whether there be
not great injustice and presumption in calumniatingj the Evangelical Churches of Germany, and in vilifying
Germany and German I
have considered
subject entirely
my
it
I frankly
divinity.
new and
own, that
duty to avail myself of a fresh,
and belonging
to the
neutral domain of ancient ecclesiastical history, and
of a problem which all
is
placed at the same time before
Christian nations, in order to test the real result
and worth of what each of them has hitherto done in that field of thought and research.
The
proofs which
I have given o^ what has been achieved already, in this respect,
Germany,
by the
critical
and
will, I trust, at all
historical school of
events rescue, in the
eyes of intelligent and fair judges, from unqualified
and unworthy insinuations and suspicions, a nation and a Church from which not only the fathers of the English Church received the Reformation, but
which in the
last
hundred years have
self-sacrificing zeal for Christian truth
and fought
good
(alas!
shown
a
and doctrine,
only too long single-handed the
fight for intellectual
and
spiritual Christianity,
against the overwhelming indifference of this sceptic
and materialistic age.
Thus much every body
PREFACE.
XVlll
may
know, and ought
easily
to
have learned,
pronounce upon German theology a task has not been undertaken
;
if
he
that so arduous
by the noblest and
purest minds of a great, although religiously divided
and
out of levity, or for the
politically torn, nation
much
purpose of showing ingenuity and learning, out of hatred against Christianity
been supported, and in
its
and that
has not
principle accepted,
by the
;
people at large, out of infidelity and irreligion. revilers of
German
divinity
ought to appreciate, the gers of
German Church
less
it
might
know, and
also
fact, that the defects life
The
and dan-
are chiefly attributable to
the political misfortunes and suiferings of
Germany,
not to the individual or national want of religious
The
spirit.
this
history of nearly a century proves that
attempt to place Christianity upon a more solid
and a
really tenable basis has
been undertaken out of
courageous love of truth, and that
it
has been carried
out with sacrifices greater than any class of individuals or any nation ever
made
to that holy belief, that
there must be truth in history as well as in reason
and conscience, and that and in Christianity.
this truth exists in Christ
And
this faith is
and has ever been so powerful in I
boldly appeal to
world and to the ing out
my and
Fatherland, that
judgment of the
infallible verdict of history, in
speak-
conviction, that there exists at present in
no country so much inward, feeling
my
the impartial
so general,
{kith in Christ
true, sincere, religious
and Christianity, and so
PREFACE,
much hope
for a better future as to religion, as in
Germany, and Liberty scandal
XIX
in Protestant
Germany
in particular.
inseparable from abuse, and therefore from
is
the political history of the politically freest
;
nation in the world
men and
is
But
the best proof of that.
Christians ought not to be frightened,
by
such abuse and such scandal, into a betrayal of the sacred cause of liberty or of truth. I have spoken,
First of
all,
long time
I
felt,
distracted and
further done feels
bound
among
and
do so
I speak, freely
as a Christian,
this subject.
feels,
and has
the critical state of Christianity in this
yet nobly so
as
to vindicate the
a nation he respects.
before
I
have
Fatherland,
who
struggling
a son of
my
age.
honour of I lastly
his country
have done so
England.
I have wished to
Germany and
the Continent the
as a grateful guest of
vindicate
on
who
character of the great body of English Protestants, as not being a party to those
calumnies.
I
know, from an experience which
deeply engraved in fairness
absurd and malicious
my
inmost heart, the
spirit
is
of
and justice which distinguishes the nation
among whom I have now lived almost twelve years. The slanderers and revilers of German religion and divinity
do not speak the voice of the Protestant
much less of the Christian people, of EngThe attacks upon Germany issue from two One of them is an extreme fraction of the parties. clergy,
land.
evangelical
class in
the Church of England and in
XX
PREFACE.
some dissenting bodies to every free
a fraction which, unconscious
:
become
of its origin, has
first indifferent,
thought and to
This, however,
is
owing
and
to accidental,
circumstances
transitory,
then hostile,
critical learning.
all
unfortunate isolation from the religious rest of the world,
I
hope
and especially to that
;
and of Germany
life
of the
in particular, in
which English Protestants have lived these
two
last
hundred years, with the single exception of John Wesley. attacks
But, principally and systematically, these
upon Germany come from a party which
either has joined, or tlie
Church of
ought,
Rome
if consistent,
to join,
a party in which, whatever
;
the individual earnestness and personal piety of of
its
members may
many
be, all Christian ideas are ab-
sorbed by sacerdotal formalism unsupported by cor-
responding doctrine, and by catholic hierarchical pretensions unfounded
themselves,
in
and
placed
flagrant contradiction with the records of the
of England, as people.
as
w^ell
up
as a fable, if
an
necessarily
the
bitter
divinity,
leaders
their
Christianity
it
to
be true.
enemies
now
must be given
infallible authority
knowledged declaring
German
with the feelings of the
Those who once were
preach that historical
in
Church
be not ac-
All these are
and detractors
which makes inward
religion,
of
and
not the form of Church government, the principal object,
rational
and which basis,
establishes its
according to
the
history
upon a
general rules
of
PREFACE.
XXI
The leading men of that school know why they revile German Protestantism and German philosophy and doctrine. They know evidence.
well
full
instinctively that their efforts
sacerdotal authority
restore exclusive
to
upon a system of
delusion, and ignorance,
will
superstition,
be vain, as long as
there exists a nation bent, above
all
things,
upon
conscientious investigation of Christian truth, both
by
free
tion
thought and by unshackled research
which of
all
;
a na-
more than
tyrannies hates none
that of priestcraft, and of all liberties loves none so
well and so uncompromisingly as that of the intellect.
But the Christian public in England is not repreThat great body is neither sented by that party. unwilling to extend the hand of brotherhood to the Evangelic Churches of the Continent, nor ashamed of the
name
will
men
of Protestants.
Nor do
I think that history
acknowledge as legitimate the authority of these to lay
ligion.
down
the law in
divinity
and in re-
do not see how such an authority
I at least
can be founded upon what they have achieved in Christian research or thought, or in
the
learned
interpretation of Scripture, or in the field of mis-
sionary labour, or in other great national works, or finally in the free
domain of science and
I do not believe therefore, that
they have acquired such able in the
common
by
literature.
their achievements
titles as are valid
and
avail-
conscience of mankind, to brand
by indiscriminate condemnation,
as infidel rational-
PREFACE.
XXll
ism, the wliole theology of
Germany, and
to vilify
the most learned and profound Church of Christen-
dom their
in the present day; unless they titles
the
irrationality of
mean to claim as own system,
their
and that absence of charity in which they glory
when speaking of
the Protestant divines of
Germany,
and of the Protestant Churches of the Continent. Hastings, Sept. 7. 1851.
The statue of Hippolytus, that precious monument of the fourth century, of which I had already pointed out the importance in the "Description of Rome" (vol. ii. B. p. 329. N.), and which is frequently menpresent Volume (pp. 13. 210. 223.), Few never yet been well drawm and engraved. persons may even have seen that barbarous repre-
tioned in the lias
sentation which Fabricius exhibits in his edition of
the
-works
of Hippolytus.
I
therefore thought
it
right that the historical restoration of Hippolytus
should be accompanied with a worthy faithful copy Mr. Gruner's lithograph, prefixed to
of his statue.
the present Volume, faithfully reproduces a classical
drawing made from the original. The statue is above life size, and represents the bishop very characteristically in the Greek pallium, with the Koman toga If it does not give an individual slung over it. likeness of Hippolytus, at all events
it presents to us the effigy of a Christian bishop of the Apostolic age,
and may,
in every respect,
be called unique in the
history of ancient Christian religion and art.
FIVE LETTERS
ARCHDEACON HARE,
OF THE
WORK LATELY PUBLISHED AS
ORIGEN'S PHILOSOPHUMENA, OR,
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
ANALYTICAL TABLE
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
FIRST LETTER. Proof that our Work is of undoubted Authenticity BUT THAT it IS NOT THE WoRK OF OrIGEN, NOR OF CaIUS Presbyter but of Hippolytus, Bishop of Portus near OsTiA, Presbyter of the Roman Church, and Martyr.
;
;
Page
Importance of the publication of the the Exhibition of
all JSTations
Judgment on German ence for
Work
in the -
-
-
Danger of the
theology. -
Year of -
3
indiffer-
-
-
-
6
-
-
-
7
Proof that the work is neither of Origen nor of Caius. No ancient author names such a work of Origen The author must have been a bishop, at or near Rome Proof that it is the work of Hippolytus. A work of the same title is mentioned as the writing of Hippolytus by
11
critical researches
Faith and inquiry (Niebuhr's belief)
10
Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, Peter bishop of Alexandria
-
-
-
Character of the edition of M. Miller
-
-
-
14
-
-
-
17
:
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXVI
SECOND LETTER. or the Work, and the Contents of its principal Part, " The Exposition of the Heresies," are DIRECT Proofs of the Identity of our Book with that READ AND DESCRIBED BY PhOTIUS AS A AYoRK OF BiSHOP HiPPOLYTUS WITH THE SAME TiTLE.
The Plan
Page Photius mentions the work of Hippolytus against all heresies, giving particulars about it which agree entirely with that before us
-
21
-
25
how to be explained ? Our work ends with the Noetians, and so Photius says The number of the heresies enumerated (32) is the same The relation of our work to that of Irenaeus corresponds
26 27 27
Irena^us referred to
-
by Photius, and
-
-
in our
work
Photius says, Hippolytus begins with the Dositheans
with the account of Photius Originality of our
work
-
-
-
method and contents
in
-
28
-
29
-
35
Contents of Book V. I.
The Naasseni or
Ophites.
The name explained
Their principles (Logos = Adamas), apocryphal tradiTheir birthplace, Phrytion, Gospels used by them. Mystical
gia.
ninus Pius
hymn
belonging to the age of Anto-
-
-
-
-
-
II. The Peratae or Peratics founded by Euphrates Name explained. Their system
Their sacred book, 01
HI.
The
(from
Sethiani
ri«p«r/)p«(Ttf
irpodtJTtioi toiQ aldipog
i://'0,
2»jO).
their system
Their
Ibllowers.
Amen., Achamoth
-
-
36 36
-
37
-
37
sacred book,
IV. Justmus. Wrote the " Book of Baruch." hi.s
-
-
-
-
-
38
System of -
-
39
Relatl(jn of these (older) sects to the (later) Ophites
of Irenieus
-
-
-
-
-
-
40
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXVU Page
The
allusion in the First Epistle to
these sects
The scheme
-
-
Timothy
-
-
-
relates to -
40
of the late origin of the Gospel of St. John
destroyed by these accounts
-
-
-
-
41
Contents of Book YI.
V. Simon
the
Fables about his meeting with
Gittean.
-
44
Books on his doctrine (MeyaXr] cnrocpaaig) His system His cosmogonic system. His tale about Helen Simon did not identify himself with God Hippolytus' account compared with that of Irenasus Hippolytus avoids the mistake of Irenaeus and Tertullian about the inscription, Semoni Sanco
45
Peter
-
-
-
-
-
.
Simon
is
When
the " Great
not a mythical person
-
-
-
Allusion to St. John's Gospel
(?),
-
-
-
and quotation of
Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians
Pearson's mistake
Extracts
Volentinus.
52 53
-
-
''Sophia''?)
-
-
from
his
-
-
own works -
-55
-
56
57
(the
-
System of Valentinus and the Valentinians The two schools dvaroXiK)] (cf. didaaicaXia avaroKiKi] Clemens) and IraXiKtj. 'A^iSinicog and 'Apdeauivrjg :
54
St.
Bearing of these new facts upon the prologue of St. John's Gospel for the of Simon, the system Sige in Importance of the Ignatian controversy (Epistle to the Magnesians,
VI.
50
Announcement " must have been
written (perhaps by Menander)
p. 8.).
46 48
-
61
-
62
in -
Q5
VII. Secimdus, extracted from Irenasus
-
-
66
VIII. JEpiphanes, extracted from Irenseus
-
-
-
-
67 68
-
-
69
Defective character of our text proved
IX. Ptolemceus reproduced
after Irenseus
on Colarbasus must have been written by Hippolytus, but has been Qmitted by the
Proof that an copyist
-
article
-
-
-
-
-
70
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXVlll
Page
X. Marcus and the Marcosians. The account of Irenfeus
much
ry
^
on
own
Hippolytiis'
abridged.
his relation to Irenaeus
declaration -
-
-
Ilippolytus' delicacy in treating the Gnostic errors
The
XI. Colarhasus and the Colarhasians. Irenajus
XII.
-
-
-
-
-
from Irena2us and Hippolytus, given
The account
of
75
-
-
76 82
-
him compared with
of
-
-
-
-
82
on the controversy about the age John's Gospel, and the Gnostic theories
83
that of Irenseus
Bearing of of St.
74
in juxtaposition
Perversion of the doctrine of metempsychosis Cerinthiis.
73
-
Curious relation of the two texts,
Carpocrates.
XIII.
article
-
-
this article
Contents of Book VII.
XIV.
Original article
Basilides and his son Isidorus.
Character of the system
XV.
from Empedocles
XIX.
XX.
-
-
Theodotus of Byzantium
Theodotus the
-
88
-
89
and idea of Christ
90
-
diKaiov)
-
Relation of this article to that
Ehionites.
ofIi'ena3us
(^t6
-
-
His system derived
-
-
His book
PrepoJi.
XVIII. The
87
87
from IrenjEus
Original article.
Marcio7i.
XVII.
86
John
St.
Satarnilus, copied
XVI.
-
-
Importance of those from the
Quotations of Basilides.
Gospel of
-
-
-
-
-
-
-91
-
-
-
-
Trapezite^ father
92
of the Melchise-
-
-
-
92 93
Defective state of our manuscript in this article
-
94
Age
-
96
dehites
-
-
-
-
Belation of the Theodotians to the Ebionites
XXI.
of Theodotus
-
Nicolaus, father of the Nicolaites.
Stcphanus Gobarus refer
XXII. XXIII.
Ccrdo. Apcllcs.
Theodoret and
to this article
Compared with the
The
-
-
-
clairvoyante
-
article of Irenajus
Thilumena
-
-
97
-
98
-
100
9
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXIX Page
Contents of Book
XXrV. The
XXV.
Docetce.
The name attached
Curious extracts
sect.
Monoimus
the
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
105
The quotation of Peter of
Our
108
The Montanists^
^pvyeg.
be defective
-
-
-
-
112
-
-
-
-
113
likely to
XXX.
104
Only an abstract of the
Alexandria corresponds to the original text, as can be proved by our text
XXIX.
102
103
-
-
with the article of Irengeus
Qua7'todecimani.
text of Hippolytus,
-
Epistles to Theophrastus.
Arab.
His system
to a particular
-
-
XXVI. Tatian. Compared XXVII. Hermogenes XXVIII. The
YIIL
The Encraiites
-
text
is
also here
Contents of Book IX.
The Noetians. A mistake of Theodoret rectified by Hippolytus. Origin of the name of Callistians. Fragments of Heraclitus Juxtaposition of Noetus' and Callistus' systems Relation of this article to Hippolytus' homily on Noetus
1
Chronological mistake of Epiphanius about Noetus' age
118
XXXI.
XXXII. The chasai.
Elchasaites.
Their
Alcibiades of Apamea.
fabulous
and second baptism
book. -
14
115 118
El-
Their Christology -
-
-
Conclusive comparison of our work with Photius's account
II
120
THIRD LETTER. The Government and Condition of the Church of Rome
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
UNDER Zephyrinus AND Callistus (199 222), according TO St. Hippolytus, Member of the Roman Presbytery and Bishop of Portus. Hippolytus' account of Callistus^ bishop of Callistus s fraud,
ration
Rome
-
125
attempted escape, punishment, and libe-
by Hyacinthus, Marcia's eunuch a 3
-
-
127
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXX
Page Callistus,
favourite of Zepliyrinus,
and
at last bishop of
130
Rome his relation to Sabellius
and Noetus, and quarrel
with Hippoljtus and his party his practical views
-
-
-
131
-
-
-
133
-
135
remarks on the account of Hippolytus Mistake of the editor about the chronology of the
Critical
life
of
136
Callistus
FOURTH LETTER. Hippolytus' own Confession (the tenth book). Conclusion FROM the Recapitulation in Book X., on the defective Character of our Text. Moderation in the judgment on the Greek philosophers Proof of Hippolytus' authorship by comparison of his chronological system with that adopted in the " Chronicle," founded on the 72 races Critical remarks on the condition of the manuscript First part of the Confession of Hippolytus " On the one eternal
The
God "
142
143 146
-
authorship of the work "
Universe," decided
-
On -
the Substance of the -
-
-
149
Mistake of Photius, who supposes the author of that work -151 to be Josephus Hippolytus proved to be the author of the " Little Laby153 rinth"
---------
Genuine character of Le Moyne's fragment of the work " On the Universe " Second part of the Confession of Hippolytus, " The Doctrine of the Logos " Analysis of this part
-
-
-
-
-
The working of the Spirit of God not limited to the holy men of the Old Testament The validity of the Law f'>ui)ded on mail's nature
153
154 162 163
164
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXXI Page
Hippolytus' opinion about the character of the Prophets,
compared with an expression of Frederic Schlegel's
-
165
Apologetical character of the speculations of the Fathers
167
Difference of Hippolytus' interpretation of the Bible from
method of modern orthodox school
-
-
168
-
-
171
Truly conservative and catholic character of Christianity rightly understood Providential history and development of Christianity Limited truth of all Confessions of Faith Conclusion of Hippolytus' Confession of Faith. Address
174 177 179
the
Traditional interpretation, and
its
danger
to all men to fulfil their divine destiny The end of the book is wanting The second fragment, supposed to conclude the " Epistle to Diognetus," may be the wanting conclusion of our
181
book Text and
187 translation of that fragment
-
-
-
188
to Hippolytus
-
-
-
193
Reasons for ascribing
The
186
it
so-called pantheistic colour of
his Confession,
common
to all the Fathers of the -
-
four centuries
some expressions in -
-
fii'st
-
194
FIFTH LETTER. Hippolytus' Life and Wiutings, and the THEOLOGicAi AND ECCLESIASTICAL CHARACTER OF HIS AgE.
----------
The most important evidence of Hippolytus' authorship depending on the much doubted circumstance that he was a Roman
Le Moyne's Arabia
conjecture that Portus -
199
Romanus was Aden -
-
Tillemont Le Nain's and Ruinart's opinions
-
-
200 201
Cave's uncritical article about Hippolytus
-
-
201
Inquiry upon the historical evidences Eusebius and Jerome
-
.
-
-
202 202 204
in
-
The " Chronicon Paschale
-
vel
-
-
Alexandrinum "
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXXll
Cyril and Zonaras, Anastasius,
Nicepliorus son of Callistus
The barbarous Pope
title (in
Gelasius, a
The circumstance
Page
... Nicephorus,
Syncellus, -
mere conjecture of a
late copyist
-
206
of Hippolytus' having been at the same
time bishop of Portus and
The seven suburban
Roman
bishops,
" Episcopus Portuensis,"
presbyter, explained
among whom
there
of Hippolytus
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
The historical truth in Prudentius' account examined . . The importance of Portus The picture of Hippolytus' martyrdom on the wall of -
-
how
-
-
210
-
211
the
accounts in different texts of the "Liber Pontificalis"
-
209
Character of the
-
Hippolytus' supposed Novatianism,
208
statue
Age of Hippolytus (beginning of the third century) Time and place of his martyrdom. Comparison of
-
207
the
-
-
Prudentius' description of the locality.
Paschal Cycle
is
to be recognised in the
still
modern constitution of the Roman Church Monumental relics in Porto, and testimony of the
sanctuary
205
the Bibl. Patr.) in the quotation of
_
212 215 217
his
-218
to be explained
219
Reconciliation of his transportation with the account of his
Age
bloody martyrdom
-
-
-
-
221
of Hippolytus' statue, the most ancient Christian
portrait of a historical person
-
-
-
Imperfect character of Hippolytus' Paschal table
The Works under
the
223 224
name of Hippolytus examined.
-----
Angelo Mai's fragments
Editions of Hippolytus' works.
of Hippolytus
-
226
Fabulous character of the anonymous work of the " Episcopus Cyrenensis "
A. I.
-
-
-
-
-
226
Ilippolytus' Polemical IVorhs.
" Refutation of all the Heresies."
studies of the author
-
The .
philosophical -
-
Comparative table of the 32 heresies in the " Refuta-
229
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXXlll Page
Book V.
tion," according to
BookX.
-
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; IX.,
-
-
with those in -
-
231
-
Genealogical and chronological table of the 32 here-
-
233
-
-
237
-
-
241
The Little Labyrinth," or Treatise against the heresy ofArtemo The novel of the Tubingen school built on the frag-
243
sies
-
-
-
-
The method of the arrangement explained Idea of a new edition of Hippolytus' works II.
"
ments of
The
this
book
.
fact sought, postulated
us in the " Kefutation"
The
_
_
by Neander,
-
-
-
struggle against Gnosticism presupposed
formula of Callistus
.
_
-
245
given
is
-
246
by the
.
-
247
" The Little succession of the three works Labyrinth," the " Cause of the Universe," and the
The
:
" Refutation of III. "
all
Heresies "
-
The book
Against Noetus."
is
-
-
a homily.
248
The
allusion to the injustice of Callistus in calling our
author a Ditheist
_
_
_
-
249
Juxtaposition of the Confession in our work, and the -
-
252
-
-
260
IV. " Against Vero " The German method, as it appears in Dorner s book, compared with the method of the seventeenth and
261
homily Ilpog
'Noijruv
-
-
Dorner's article on the Noetian heresy
eighteenth centuries
Analogy of the tation "
-
-
-
-
Yero and the
" Refu-
-
treatise against
-
-
-
-
" This book was written after the " Refutation
V. " Demonstrative address to the Jews Character of this treatise.
_
-
263 264
-
-
-
265
-
-
266
-
-
-
-
-
.
267 267
-
-
269
Translation
VI. " Address to the Hellenes," etc. Description of Hades
"
262
VII. Special polemical writings against heretics
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXXIV
------
Page
B. Doctrinal Writings.
On
"
I.
Antichrist
Example of his interpretation of the Apocalypse The time when Hippolytus wrote this book ÂŤ II., ni., IV. "
On
the Gifts of the Holy Spirit,"
-
-
"
God, and on the Resurrection of the Flesh," " . Good and the Origin of Evil "
V. " Hortatory Sermon to Severina " VI. Doctrinal
festal
Homilies
-
272 273 274
On On -
275
-
-
-
276
-
-
-
276
-
278
C. Historical lVo7'ks.
The (Book
I.
-
Books of the) Chronicles
or
Importance of the catalogue of the
Roman
bishops
given by Hippolytus, as followed by the subse-
quent chronographers Original character of the
Latin text
-
-
II. " Demonstration of the
Time
-
-
.
work
differing -
-
279
from the -
-
280
of Easter according to
281
the Table"
D. Exegetical Works.
On
I.
II.
On
-
281
the historical works of the Old Testament
>
282
-
282
On
III.
Holy Scriptures
-
all
the
-
-
the Psalms and Songs of the Old Testament
Historical and philological views of Hippolytus on
283
the Psalms IV., V.
On
the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes.
phets
VI.
On
the
-
New
-
Testament
On
the Pro-
-
-
-
-
286
-
-
-
-
287
Restoration of the catalogue of Hippolytus' writings on his
Cathedra
-
-
-
-
-
-
and Nicephorus, compared List on the Cathedra compared with the Authors and _ our Fragments
The The
Lists of Eusebius, Jerome,
288 290
292
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXXV Page
Character of Hippolytus and his Time.
Dorner's exposition of the leading philosophers of that age G. A. Meier on the place of Hippolytus in the develop-
329
ment of the doctrine of the Trinity Great difference of Origen's doctrine from that of the author of the " Kefutation " Reason of the " Philosophumena " having been ascribed
296
to
------
Origen
-
-
-
-
-
298 301
Difference of the doctrine of Hippolytus from those of
our creeds General importance of the " Refutation " in the controtroversy about St. John's Gospel Historical sketch of the development of Church-govern. â&#x20AC;&#x17E; ment in the age of Hippolytus Increasing authority of the Bishop
304
-
307 310 311
of discipline about the marriage of Presbyters
312
Constitution of the
The system
302
Roman Church
in that time
Hippolytus' character as a writer
Hippolytus the
Rome
first
-
-
-
-
314
preacher of note in the Church of -
-
-
-
Importance of the researches on the Fathers _ Hippolytus' moral character The object of " Hippolytus' Apology" explained
.
317 320 321 323
-
326
-
-
-
-
Historical view on the Fathers of the
Church
-
Postscript.
Remarks on two
articles in the "
the " Ecclesiastic "
-
-
Quarterly Review " and -
-
-
Second Postscript.
-----
Remarks on Professor
Jacobi's articles in the " Deutsche
Zeitschrift fUr christliche Wissenschaft
Leben"
und
christliches ÂŤ
328
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS
XXXVl
APPENDIX. The Fragments IMai
INDEX
.
Angelo
of IIippolytus collected by -
-
TO the First
Volume
-
-
-
-
ERRATUM. Page
184, line 9, for Tvud read rvwdi.
339
-
345
FIRST LETTER.
PROOF THAT OUR TICITY; BUT
NOR
WORK
THAT
IT IS
OF UNDOUBTED AUTHENNOT THE WORK OF ORIGEN
IS
BUT OF HIPPOLYTUS, NEAR OSTIA, PRESBYTER OF THE ROMAN CHURCH, AND MARTYR. OF
CAIUS
BISHOP OF PORTUS
PRESBYTER,
Carlton Terrace, June 13. 1851.
My
dearest Friend, This year
full of
is
indeed an auspicious one, and
noble emulation, rather than rivalry, and of
friendly cooperation, both viduals.
among
nations and indi-
Instead of destructive wars, bitter jealousy,
and sullen
has given us the Crystal Palace,
isolation, it
the Exhibition of the Industry of
all
Nations, and a
peaceful concourse and good understanding jurors and visitors from
Moreover,
countries.
all
among it
promises to give a fresh impulse to historical and philosophical literature and inquiry last
;
for within the
few weeks one of the most valuable monuments
of early Christianity has been restored to us by a discovery, which, if I
the most important century,
am
not greatly mistaken,
made upon
that ground for a
not excepting that of the Syrian
scripts in the
Libyan Desert.
is
A
lost
manu-
work, in ten
books, on the internal history of Christianity in the first
and second centuries, written undoubtedly by B 2
!
ON THE
4
^^
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
an eminent author at the beginning of the third, has just been published.
How many people
will smile at this juxtaposition
Some, perhaps, because they consider the Industry as a Pandemonium, a
box
books
at all
and since the
;
whom
May
of
first
we know
profession
;
these
of
There are very
They
and I disdain But,
classes.
afraid to think, is
?
"
this
to
among
(being
by
speak to you of either
this
there
are
multitude, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; people
and who ask, with Pilate,
*^
"What
seriously attempted
to
prevented either by pre-
they despair of uniting reason and
knowledge and peace of mind.
unhallowed fear
cious, because
being
these,
and superstition, or by the love of power
or of money), faith,
Now, among
unfortunately,
Having never
truth
out
find
judice
fancy,
barbarians, others obscurantists
also timid persons
truth
they are
of early ecclesiastical history, the
better for us and our children.
some are mere
elegant,
such a comparison wdll seem
to smell strongly of learned pedantry.
the less
of
this class care for
to utter their evil bodings.
ashamed
many, however, to
more
if
or,
But few of
of Pandora.
Temple
less
is
The
pernicious ignorance,
knowledge
is
child of
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;perni-
not less necessary from
sought after; and a real knowledge of
Christianity, of
which that of
its
earliest history is
an integral branch, was never more needed than
now, when indifference and ignorance threaten us witli
all
tlic
evils
which are foolishly apprehended
LETTER
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY.
I.
from inquiry and knowledge. fore, that all
we,
who
It
5
seems to me, there-
human
profess a faith in the
mind, and in the truth of Christianity, should not shrink from declaring our conviction of the import-
ance of discoveries on the tical history.
field of early
Facts on this vast
valuable, because
they are
so
ecclesias-
the
field are
more
very scarce.
I
do
not think that I exaggerate the importance of our lately discovered work, if I say that
we
really
This
is
and authentically knew on
it
doubles
this subject.
the motive which induces
me
these pages, destined for publicity, to you, friend, together with
whom,
all
for near
to address
my
dearest
twenty years,
I have
had the happiness of thinking and inquiring,
and
whose love of truth I have found no
in
fort than in
your erudition and
critical
less
com-
judgment.
I say then confidently, that I consider
an au-
it
spicious event, worthy to be registered in the nals of this remarkable year, that the
to has been published in it
providential, that a
light
it.
book
an-
I allude
I cannot help thinking
work which throws
so
much
on the history of Christianity, from the time
of the Apostles to the beginning of the third century,
and especially on the internal history of the
Church of Rome, should have been brought out at moment. For this is a time when many feel
this
by the progress of Popery the Church of England, but also
disheartened, not only
among
the clergy of
by what they hear of German B 3
rationalism.
The
in-
6
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
formants of these good people must have very vague notions,
and very
(if
little
theological literature of
any) knowledge of the
Germany
:
else
how
could
they confound in one condemnation the most different principles
and researches,
nents, those pels,
who
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Strauss and
oppo-
his
attack the authenticity of the Gos-
and those who defend them with an earnest-
ness of thought, of learning, and of faith, which, if
the accusers of
German
theology possess, they ef-
Thus it comes, that many are fectually conceal? frightened by the very name of critical researches into
the origin
doctrine.
of
Christianity
They hear
so
much
and of
Christian
made
of the abuse
of the critical researches and hypercritical scepticism against received opinions, accompanied, as usual, a most uncritical credulity of the critics in
own
assertions,
that
they
entirely
by
their
overlook
how
others seem to be bent
more than ever on stopping
and suppressing, or at
least discrediting, all inquiry
into the origin
and history of what they would impose
upon us and the generations undoubted
historical truth,
faith, and, if possible, as the
to
come, not only as
but even as
articles of
law of the land.
Now I
consider this despondency a want of faith, and this
obscurantism the worst of
all
persecutions, if
it
could
be practically carried out, and the most dangerous
the pompously
I deem demanded divorce between reason and
faith, rational
conviction and religious belief, alto-
fuel for revolutions, even if only attemjDted.
LETTER
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY.
I.
gether unholy
;
and I have no hesitation in
7
calling all
views low, which are derived from the idolatry of the
form or of the dead and killing
may be am sure we do
letter
;
however that
principle of separation
called holy,
views high.
not want
to
I
renew Christian
faith,
and these inquiry
less
but more.
also
I
be-
with Niebuhr, that Providence always fur-
lieve,
nishes every generation with the necessary arriving at
doubts; and as there
which
faith
belief, I
is
means of
and at the solution of
the truth,
its
no reasonable and tenable
is
not founded upon rational historical
cannot help thinking
we have just now
it
of importance, that
so unexpectedly got our
knowledge
of facts respecting early Christianity doubled.
And genial
is
to
there not
something striking, and conof the year 1851,
the character
history of the discovery
statesman of high merit, to
Mount Athos
the domain of
?
M.
A
Villemain, sent a Greek
to look out for
Greek
in the
French scholar and
literature.
new treasures iu The fruits of this
mission were deposited, in 1842, in the great national library,
already
Among them
possessed
of
so
many
treasures.
was a manuscript of no great antiquity,
written in the fourteenth century, not on parchment,
but on cotton paper and it was registered as a book " On all Heresies," without any indication of its au;
thor or age.
The modern
date of the manuscript,
anonymousness, and probably, above title,
all,
this
its
awful
deterred the scrutinising eyes of the learned of B 4
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
8
who glanced
nations
all
Greek
distinguished
over
It fell to the lot of a
it.
scholar and writer on literature,
a functionary of that great institution,
M. Emmanuel
Miller, to bring forward the hidden treasure. first
unknown
of an
wi'iter 1
He was
struck by some precious fragments of Pindar, and lyric poet,
quoted by the anonymous
he transcribed and communicated them, in
:
846, to his literary friends in Germany, who, highly
appreciating their value, restored the text, and urged
him
to publish the
It appears that
whole work. during this time
looked deeper into the book offered
Miller had
for in
itself:
to the University Press at
it
M.
Oxford
1850 he as a
work
of undoubted authenticity, and as a lost treatise of
Origen
men
**
Against
all
the
The learned
Heresies."
presiding over that noble institution determined
and have just published
to print,
sanction of their authority,
if
it,
thus giving the
not to the authorship,
at least to the genuineness of the work.
done
in
bach's
*'
this
they
did
for
They have Wytten-
Plutarch," for Creuzer's " Plotinus," and for
Bekker's
more
what
case
**
Greek Orators."
And
they deserve the
credit for their liberality in the present case,
since the
name of Origen is almost branded in the all who have never read his works, who, I
opinion of
am
Am
afraid, are the
majority even in learned bodies.
I not right, therefore, in saying that the publica-
tion of this
work
is
congenial to the character of
1851, by showing the good results of international
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; LETTER
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY.
I.
communication and friendly cooperation
?
9
The book
was discovered by a Greek sent from Paris, and has been most creditably edited by a French scholar,
and very
by an English university
liberally printed
The
press.
publication has been accomplished
by
a combination of different nations, and could scarcely
have been brought about otherwise.
at this time
I could not help dwelling for a
moment on
those
circumstances, before entering on the real object of
now do without
these letters, which I will preface, after stating
how
further
have become acquainted
I
with the work in question. Dr. Tregelles, to
whom
I
hope we
shall soon
be
indebted for the most authentic Greek text of the
New
Testament, informed
me
last
week of
the ap-
my heart by his warmth with which the almost veteran among living authors on the
pearance of the work, and gladdened
account
of
centenary early
the
monuments of
Christianity, the venerable Dr.
Routh, had immediately studied the book, and
knowledged
its
importance.
consequence, and perused
it
I procured a
me
so evident, that I feel
them
to
you
I maintain
copy in
as soon as I could
I have ah'eady arrived at conclusions,
ac-
;
and
which seem to
no hesitation in expressing
at once. :
Firsts that the
work before us
by Origen. B
5
is
genuine, but not
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
10
Secondly y that son
much
Thirdly^
it
is
the
work of Hippolytus, a perknown.
celebrated, but very little
that
this
celebrated father
and martyr,
Hippolytus, was a presbyter of the Church of
Rome, and bishop PortuSy
but
bishop, as a
neither
of the
harbour
Rome,
of
an Arab, nor an Arabian
Frenchman imagined he might, and
Cave said he must, have been. Fourthly^ that this book
full
is
of
valuable
au-
thentic extracts from lost writers.
Leaving the discussion of the third and fourth points for future letters, I shall limit myself in this
two points,
to establishing the proof of the first far as this
rangement and the contents of the work in I maintain, then, that
work of the
as
can be done without examining the ar-
our treatise
is
detail.
an authentic
earliest part of the third century,
but not
by Origen.
The arguments which prove and
positive.
this are
Heresies," or any "Refutation of
which
both negative
ancient author names or quotes,
the numerous works of Origen, any " Against
among all
No
is
lished.
the undoubted title of the
Miller
is
all
Heresies,"
book now pub-
indeed right in saying, that the
seven books contained in the Paris manuscript, from the fourth to the tenth, are the continuation and end
of the same work, of which the " Philosophumena,"
printed
among
The author
Origen's works, form the
says so himself in
first
book.
more than one passage.
:
LETTER In
I.
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY.
11
A
Re-
fact, that first
book bears the same
**
title,
futation of all Heresies ;"and the title Philosophumena,
which we find besides in some manuscripts, dently only a special name given to the for these, as
we
see
evi-
is
four books
first
now, contained an exposition of the
systems of the ancient, and in particular of the Greek, philosophers, preparatory to the refutation of the here-
That special
sies,
which occupies the six
title
recurs in our manuscript at the end of the fourth
book, to signify that the
latter books.
first
part of the work ter-
minates here. It is also right to first
a
add that our manuscripts of
book attribute the work
marginal rubric
in
to
this
Origen, and that
our Paris manuscript
calls
the concluding confession of faith that of Origen.
But I agree
entirely with Christian
Wolf, Le Moyne,
Fabricius, the Benedictine editor, and the
recent
learned biographer of Origen, Professor
Redepen-
ning, that the introduction with which the
first
begins proves the contrary.
The author
has undertaken the work as an act of
incumbent upon him both
Now
as a bishop
Origen can never have said
book
says that he
official
duty,
and a teacher.
this
of himself:
yet no other interpretation can be affixed to the fol-
lowing words heretics,
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; " No
other person will refute the
except the Holy Spirit delivered to
Church, which the Apostles possessed they imparted to those faith.
Now
first,
the
and which
who had embraced
the true
we, being successors of the Apostles, B 6
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
12
and endued with the same grace, both of high-priesthood and of teaching, and being accounted guardians of the Church, will not shut our eyes, nor keep from declaring the
Interpreting
doctrine. "
true
words in the sense of the writers of the centuries, I
am
but simply meant the
word
that
any Pagan or Jewish of a Christian
office
But a bishop he must have been,
bishop.
to
three
quite sure Hippolytus did not attach
to the title of high-priesthood
sense,
first
these
describe
his
office
and
who used
its
respon-
sibiUty.
But
these words prove our author to have been
if
a bishop w^hen he wrote the work, the ninth gives
still
sided at or near
Rome, and was
eminent one, of the
Roman
know no more
who
book
clearer evidence that at that time he re-
of
a
member, and an
presbytery.
the
primitive
Even they ecclesias-
than what they may have learned from Bingham and Mosheim, must be aware that the six
tical polity
bishops of the towns and districts in the immediate
neighbourhood of
Rome
formed, even in the second
century, part of what was then called the Church of
Rome.
They were
integral portions of her presby-
tery and took part in the
and
in the
pline
election of her bishop,
important functions of ecclesiastical
and administration.
One
of those
bishops was the bisliop of Portus, the
suburban
new harbour
the Tiber, opposite to Ostia, formed by Trajan. polytus, in almost
all
disci-
of
Hip-
the ancient accounts respecting
LETTER
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY.
I.
him, bears the
title
of Episcopus Portuensis
dition about him.
tra-
only say here, that his
will
I
and we
:
was any other
later that there never
shall see
13
celebrated statue in the Vatican Library, found in
the year 1551, in the very ancient cemetery near
Rome,
described (about the year 400) by Prudentius
as the place of the burial of Hippolytus, the bishop
of Portus near Ostia,
is
have been that bishop
:
prove him to
sufficient to
for
he
represented sitting
is
on the episcopal chair or cathedra, and the Paschal cycle inscribed on the chair
a
is
Western Roman one.
But the book before us does not speak less clearly upon this subject. Without entering here into the detail of the curious contents of the ninth book, I will
only refer to the numerous passages in
it
where the
author speaks of himself, in the singular, as of an influential
and
member of the Roman clergy word " we " in acts of ecclesiastical
active
and he uses the
authority exercised * ix. 7.
(p. 279.),
by the clergy
as a body.*
Now
Zephyrinus and Callistus patronized the
heresy of the Noetians
dWd
;
:
Kairoi t)nCjv ixrjdETrore <Tvyxi^pt]<ydvTiov^
7rXtL(TTdKig dvTiKaQearcjTcov rrpog
avTOvg Kai diaXt^dvrujv koI
The same official and authoritative position of the author appears in the pasIv ydp rqi sage, ix. 11. (p. 285.), where he says of Sabellius
daovTag
jSiacfafxsvbJV
r^v dXrjOsiav ofxoXoyHv.
:
v<p' y)fiu)v
TrapaivtiaGai ovk taKXrjpvvero' rjviKa de avv t<^ ILaXXiaTiiJ
tjiiova^ev
(who was then bishop of Rome)
Compare
also the following passages
:
Callistus as fearing the author personally
persons excluded from the Trig
tKKXrjaiag
vcf
Roman
r)fiwv ytvofjitvoi
vtt'
ix. 12. (p. :
avrov dveceleTo.
289.) he speaks of
(p.
Of some
Sel^oiKojg ajue.
Church, he says 290.).
Now
:
ik^Xtjtoi
only the
ON THE
14
^^
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.*'
though Origen paid a short that time,
when
visit
to
Rome
about
he was very young, he could never
have acted that part or used that language, being simply a visitor from an Eastern church,
been
at
Rome
under
Callistus,
if
which he was
he had not.
Our first argument evidently excludes Caius, as much as the second does any one who was not a
Roman
clergyman at the time.
byter of the Church of
Rome
lytus, a disciple of Irenasus
;
That learned pres-
was indeed,
like
Hippo-
and another work of our
author, and one which decides the authorship of a
was ascribed in early times to Caius.
third,
But never
was any work on the general history of heresies to have
Now
been wTitten by
this
Roman
said
presbyter.
an ordinary reader, finding so considerable a
work assigned
confidently to Origen, might suppose
book under that
that some
title
was
really ascribed to
the learned Alexandrian by some at least of the
many
ancient writers
ments
:
yet there
is
who not
treat of his literary achieve-
the slightest record
that
Origen ever wrote a work under any like title. But perhaps it may be the same with Hippolytus, whose station and history seem alone to agree with our book
same
?
title is
Roman
On
the contrary, a book of exactly the
ascribed almost universally to him, the
presbyter, and bishop of Portus near Ostia.
Roman Church could expel and none but a member of the Roman
decree of the presbytery of the
from
its
communion
;
presbytery could speak thus.
;
LETTER
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY,
I.
Eusebius (H. E. celebrated author
22.),
15
speaking of Hippolytus, the
of the
**
Chronological Annals,
which go down {222)f
the
to the first year of Alexander Severus" and of the " Paschal Cycle," which begins from
year of that reign, mentions, amongst his
first
works, that "Against
all
the Heresies" {irpos irdcras
Jerome does the same, which must be
TCLS alpsasLs).
considered in this case as an independent testimony for
he gives the
titles
of some works not mentioned
by Eusebius. Epiphanius (H^er. xi. c. SS.) cites the name of Hippolytus, with those of Clemens of Alexandria and of Irenaeus, as the principal authors
who had tise
refuted the Valentinian heresies, the trea-
on which occupies so prominent a part in the
book before
us.
Finally, the letter of Peter, bishop of Alexandria
(who suffered martyrdom in 311), on the Paschal time,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;a
letter,
the authenticity of which, doubted
even by Routh (Reliq. Sacr^, Mai's discoveries*,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
iv.), is
now proved by
quotes a passage from the work
" of Hippolytus, the witness of the truth, the bishop of Portus near irdcras
ras
decimani
;
Rome, Against
aipscrscs),''
and
this passage
all
the Heresies (Trpbs
about the heresy of the Quarto-
I shall
prove in
must have existed
my
next
letter, that
in our work,
our present text gives us only an extract in
but that this as in
several other places. *
See the new edition of the Chronicon Paschale vel AlexanBonn, 1832.
drinum, by Dindorf.
;;
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
16
We may
sum up
the arguments brought forward
The book cannot have been
hitherto in a few words.
written by Origen, nor even by Caius the presbyter to either of
and nobody ever attributed with a like
title.
On
them a book
the other hand, such a book
is
ascribed by the highest authorities to Hippolytus,
bishop of Portus, presbyter of the Church of
who
and wrote about 220,
lived
Cycle" and his statue expressly
is
Rome,
Paschal
state.
in a marginal rubric cannot
The name of Origen avail against
*'
as the
such negative and positive evidence.
besides no fresh argument
in the Paris manuscript
:
for the
It
work contained
evidently the continuation
is
of the book printed, on
the faith
of manuscripts,
under Origen's name, and among his works, but gene-
and
rally,
to
be
for very cogent reasons,
pronounced not
his.
But perhaps there may be some argument in store which we have not yet touched upon. Ay, there is and
it
alone,
is
a piece of evidence which, even
would put an end
to all controversy
specific description of the
tion it
Against
*'
tallies so
stood
tlie
au-
For we have an authentic and
thorship of our work.
Hippolytus
if it
on
all
contents of the work of
Heresies"
exactly with the
;
and
this descrip-
book before
cannot have been given of any
other.
us, I
that
mean
the account which the patriarch Photius has noted
down his
of the contents of this
reading,
known
as
*'
work
in the journal of
Photii Bibliotheca,"
The
LETTER
my
object of
AUTHOR AND AUTHENTICITY.
I.
second letter being to go through the
whole account of the heresies, in order to prove
open
I shall
But ing
without express-
gratitude and respect for the learned editor.
His plan stood
this,
with Photius' own words.
it
I cannot conclude this letter
my
17
at first
was to give the text exactly
as
it
but finding this impossible, in consequence
;
of the innumerable blunders in the manuscript, he has received such corrections into the text
as,
on the
whole, could scarcely be doubtful, reserving for the notes his further suggestions for rendering the text
which
intelligible,
part of the text
very often
contribute
But
scure.
having, the
I
hope
to
;
prove
mite toward rendering
1 trust it will
edition
not.
He
has used
scarcely intelligible, or at
and
this, it
less
to
ob-
not be forgotten that the
adopted by the editor
principle first
my
is
in both respects, that a great
is still
very corrupt.
least
a
it
much moderation
so
is
a right one for
and that we owe the advantage of
not only
a
thoroughly
accurate,
and on
whole a readable text, to the sagacity and
good scholarship of
him,
who,
having
to
wade
through shoals of blunders, and to point out chasms, omissions,
and
other
corruptions
in
every
page,
contented himself with correcting those errors and defects with a sparing hand, reserving the rest for
a more complete edition, to be published at Paris.
beg besides
who have never perused manuscripts should consider that, if we read the I
to say, that those
*B 9
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
18
much
ancient classical authors with so
been enabled
ease,
we have
do so by a similar process of pro-
to
gressive criticism carried on through ages.
Having but last
book
of
little
my
**
time to spare from the
Egypt "
for this
to the second Christian century,
having the end of
and
my
next
my
fifth
and
sudden digression
you may be sure of
correspondence in a few weeks,
letter in a
few days.
Ever yours
faithfully,
BUNSEN.
SECOND LETTER.
THE PLAN OF THE WORK, AND THE CONTENTS OF ITS PRINCIPAL PART, " THE EXPOSITION OF THE HERESIES," ARE DIRECT PROOFS OF THE IDENTITY OF OUR BOOK WITH THAT READ AND DESCRIBED BY PHOTIUS WORK OF BISHOP HIPPOLYTUS WITH THE SAME
AS A
TITLE.
;
'
Carlton Terrace, June 20. 1851.
My
dearest Friend,
The
account given by Photius, the learned
patriarch of Constantinople, runs thus * **
A little
lytus
was a
book of Hippolytus' was disciple of Irenaeus.
;
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
read.
Hippo-
It is a treatise
thirty-two heresies, beginning with the
on
Dositheans,
and going down to Noetus and the Noetians.
He
says that Irenaeus entered into a refutation of
them
and that he, Hippolytus, made a
in his Lectures,
The
synopsis of these, and thus composed this book. style of the
turgid,
He
book
though
says
it
is clear,
and rather
by the apostle Paul. with
but not
some things which are not quite correct
for instance, that the Epistle to the
dressed
stately,
does not come up to Attic speech.
the
whom
He
is
Hebrews
is
not
reported to have ad-
congregation, in imitation of Origen,
he lived on familiar terms, and of whose
learned works he was a great admirer." *
Photii Bibliotbeca,
c.
cxxi.
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES,"
22
Then
what Hippolytus
follows a long account of
had done, to encourage
the
writing
and secure
the publication and preservation of Origen's works.
But to
this,
all
if
we look
a
of Hippolytus
short notice
turns out
closer,
little
Eusebius, immediately after his
be a blunder.
and
his
works, men-
tioned this in reference, not to Hippolytus, but to
and zealous layman, Ambrosius,
that good
Origen liimself
calls his
taskmaster,
Jerome had taken the
write.
terpreting the
.
In imitation of him
So much
We
count.
.
.
by
in-
Ambrosius," as if they signified
(^\])])o\yt\xs)
for the
last part
,
.
.
Ambrosius, &c.
of the patriarch's ac-
can dispose almost as easily of the state-
ment which precedes taken
events
who made him
first false step,
two words of Eusebius' account,
first
" From that time *
whom
this in Photius.
from Jerome, who,
It is at all
among
Origen's
works, mentions a homily on the praise of our Lord
which Hippolytus
" that he
and Saviour,
in
preached
the cliurch in the presence of Origen."
in
This can only mean,
if
the text
signifies,
is
correct, that the
sermon was preached when Origen was present, probably, therefore, at
when
the Alexandrian doctor was
Rome. Photius, perhaps, read
events,
it
differently f: at all matters not to us whether Jerome misun-
* k^ iKtivov.
Euseb. lI.E. vi. 23. f Instead of Troporroc, irpdiovToq or prcceuJite instead of jrrasente and then it would mean that Hippolytus had preached, like Orij^en, learned sermons, worth publishing; for this, we know, hud never been done at Home before Hippolytus. ;
;
:
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
23
derstood a Greek text or the patriarch a Latin one
both blundered.
But the remainder of Photius' account of the book, which is assuredly the same with ours, must be
his
own, and written as his impression on read-
ing Hippolytus' work, and of the discussion about it
with his council.
expression " a
little
in ten books, of
I
was struck, at
book
first,
by the
" {(^L^Xihdpiov)^ for a
which seven and a half
fill
work about
300 octavo pages.
But it is to be considered, that he takes no notice of the " Philosophumena ;" and the rest, the account of the heresies, occupies less
250 pages.
than
Photius
script containing
Roman Clemens
it.
It
and Polycarp's
which together would
as
second section of
probably he had only
second part before him, that
nothing surprising in
word manu-
two Epistles of the
fully equal to this
Hence,
same
126.) for a
to the Corinthians,
Hippolytus* work. this
(c.
at least the
Epistle to the Philippians,
form a volume
the
uses
{^L^XihapLov) soon afterwards
expression has
must be confessed indeed
that our manuscript has no passage quoting the Epistle to the
Hebrews but the quotation may have occurred ;
in the introduction,
where the author, most probably,
spoke of the relation of his work to that of Irenaeus.
Such a general introduction seems
The "Philosophumena" rather
to
be wanting.
in our manuscripts
abruptly with an introduction,
have been a special one for that
first
begin
which may section
of
24
ox THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
the
work.
also
have occurred in the
But
alluded
passage
the
philosophy
learn
main systems of Greek
of the
first,
third,
the " Philosophumena,"
from the introduction to that they treated,
or
We
second,
lost
or at the beginning of the fourth book.
may
to
and the account of these forms our
;
first
book, with an appendix respecting the Brachmans (in
which Megasthenes' Mandanis
is
named, but Be-
written Dandamis), the Druids, and Hesiod.
author says he had in that section given
sides, the
an
account of
systems
and we
;
mystical
the
Now, what we read exclusively theories third
:
it
Greek
astrological
of
the
writers,
fourth
and
book
treats
astrological
therefore clear that the second and
must have been exclusively or principally de-
voted to an exposition of the mystical systems antiquity. for
quoting the Hebrews, as a corrective of mystic
that passage
sacrifices,
may
where our manuscript
to
of
Here our author had ample opportunities
\mters respecting
Or
but
and Egyptian.
Assyrian,
mathematical
of the is
the
to
Chaldapan,
the
to
the
from other passages, that he
see,
had referred not only also
and
also is
rites,
and mysteries.
have occurred at the end,
defective.
But who can say that this censure may not refer some other work of Hippolytus, and apply to
the author, not to our book diately certainly does.
about the
fact, that
At
?
all
What
follows
events, I have
imme-
no doubt
Hippolytus expressed himself in
LETTER that
way
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
Epistle
respecting the
to
25
the Hebrews,
and therefore incorrectly in the eyes of the
He
arch.
could no more have ascribed
Paul, than
apostle
it
patrito
the
any one of his cotempo-
did
Western Church, or even any Alexan-
raries in the
drian writer openly, before Dionysius, about the year
The Romans knew
250.
better than anybody, from
their first regular bishop, Clemens, that
was not
it
St. Paul's.
The
rest of the
account given by Photius
and accurate enough
he speaks of before
to
us.
prove that
Ere
we have
is
positive
the
work
I enter into a detailed
proof of this assertion, I will briefly state the three leading points of First
:
He
by Photius. sects,
my
Our author
argument. follows the arrangement stated
with the old
begins
Judaizing
which were not connected with Valentinus,
as,
according to the general tradition of antiquity, Simon was.
This
him and
is
the characteristic difference between
Irenaeus.
That pious and learned bishop of
the Gauls, having to deal principally with the Valentinians of his time, his
immediate adversaries, gra-
dually ascends to Valentinus personally, and lastly to
Simon and the Simonians, whom he
as the root
had
to
of the Gnostic system with
contend.
method,
the
book of
this
considers
which he
Hippolytus adopted the reverse
truly
historical
one.
The
second
section (book vi.) begins with Simon,
the arch-sectary, and then proceeds to Valentinus.
C
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
26
But the
first
(book
of Jewish
sects
v.)
and
their speculative
of those primitive
who, having
cabalistic
Testament and
Old
treats
Christians,
dreams about the
Jewish
the
cosmogonic
symbols and
connected
rites,
both with Judaic
Jesus of Nazareth, as the Christ,
known
set forth
theories
;
whereas
in later times as the Gnostics (a
those
name
first
adopted, according to Hippolytus, by these Judaizing sects) started
from Gentile and anti-Judaic views.
Photius evidently found these Judaic
sects, as
do in our book, at the head of his treatise expresses himself inaccurately.
them Ophites, is
them
as at
he might have done, or Naassenes,
Dositheans, a sect not mentioned in our
all.
But
Judaizing schools
:
at all,
sect
not correct
;
represents those earliest
so the author of the
corum," begins the is
name
the
to Tertullian's book,
This
but he
Instead of calling
the same thing, or Justinians, he designates
which
book
as
;
we
De
*'
list
for
Appendix
prasscriptionibus ha3reti-
of heretics with Dositheus,
Dositheus was not a Christian
but lived before Christ, and founded a mystic
among
treated
the Samaritans.*
by Hippolytus
The last of the heresies work read by Photius
in the
was that of the Noetians
:
and
so, in fact, it is in
our
book.
Secondly: Our work, like that read by Photius, *
784.
Epipban. Hares,
Anm.
iv.
Samarit. p. 30. sq.
Dorner, Person Christi,
p. 144.
Neander, K. G. i. See particularly
A. Ritschl, Die Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirehe (Bonn, 1850), p. IGl.
-
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
27
contains the enumeration and refutation of just thirty
two heresies, a number corresponding neither with the enumeration of Irenaeus, nor with that given by
Epiphanius*, or by any other known writer. Thirdly
work
Photius
:
us that his author gives his
tells
upon that of
as based
Irenaeus,
extract from his " Lectures."
you whole
articles
Now I
and
as being
shall
an
soon show
copied from Irenaeus, which give
leaving out his declamations and prolix
all his facts,
Of
refutations.
course Photius does not say that
Hippolytus gave nothing but such an extract.
He
evidently could only copy such articles as Irenaeus had
written
;
certainly not the account of the Noetians,
and others
later
tinuation to his
own
who knew
if
Hippolytus'
Irenaeus, with a con-
would not have
times, Photius
spoken with such regard of writers,
But,
than Irenaeus.
work was only an epitome from
it
;
nor
would
later
Irenaeus full well, have called
Now
an indispensable book.
employed by our author
?
He
what
is
it
the method
takes, in the articles
copied from Irenaeus, the historical facts, generally
word in
for word.
many
Then, leaving out the
rest,
he gives
cases very important additions, in the
most
authentic form, by extracts from the works of the heresiarchs.
Besides, he has several articles which
To
are entirely his own. all
those on heresies
generally on
all
these necessarily belong
more recent than
which
his great master
* Haereses, xiv.
c 2
Irenaeus, and
had omitted.
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
28
But, in the next place, Hippolytus has also some elaborate
by
"more
of his
articles
Irenaeus,
own on authors
whom
about
he says himself*,
accurate researches," as
With
and as his works prove.
we may
articles,
treated
had made
Hippolytus
respect to
all
these
say that, as far as the facts are
concerned, and, therefore, the extracts from the heretical works, tical
our book
a very conscientious cri-
is
enlargement of Irenaeus.
For,
we look
if
to
the facts given by that father, and pass by his theo-
we
logical refutations, sively, to the first
and in
by
his
this
own
book of the greater
the
far
reasoning.
Hippolytus' work
provement of the
are reduced,
is
We
five
almost exclu-
against heresies
portion
may
is
taken
therefore say, that
both an enlargement and an im-
first
book of Irenaeus, and
Photius* assertion, that the author gives
it
still
adopt
as a syn-
opsis
made from
book
refers to Irenaeus for that very purpose.
Nor
;
up
Indeed, a passage of our
Irenaeus.
does the improvement consist only in those
incomparably more copious and authentic extracts,
but also
in the chronological, or rather genealogical,
account of the heresies, which he has substituted for Irenaeus' arrangement.
provement
in
There
is
also a great im-
another essential point
account of the heresies
is
:
Hippolytus'
preceded by a lucid and
learned review of the systems of physical philosophy, principally those *
of the Greeks, but also
ciKfiiUaripov t^iTCKTug, p. 203.,
of the
speaking of the Marcosians.
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
In this
Egyptians and Assyrians. collected is
is
first treatise
he has
what best proves the great argument which
entirely peculiar to
him and
Hippolytus says he
work.
29
characteristic of our
will
show that whatever
given by the heretics as Christian speculation, and
even doctrine,
borrowed,
is
in
its
first
principles,
from those older systems, and in particular from the
Greeks; only with
this difierence,
that the
Greeks
have the merit of invention, and of having expressed every thing
much
better.
ment of want of
He
applies the
the mysteries and
originality to
orgies which those heretics
same argu-
wanted to introduce into
the Christian world, and which he endeavours to
show
to
be a reproduction of those of Paganism.
then, proceeds his argument, their
how can they and how can they
not their own, inventors
?
If,
principles are
claim credit for them as father
them upon Christ
?
That point once established, says
it is
unnecessary to enter into any de-
and the apostles Hippolytus,
first
tailed refutation of those heretical principles.
very sensible idea
is
This
such a favourite with him, that most
of the articles which are his
own
are preceded by, or
interwoven with, a recapitulation of those speculative principles of the philosophers,
on the heresy he
is
to explain
that sometimes this
which bear specially
and refute.
method of reducing the
It is true
heretical
systems to Pythagorean, or Platonic, or Aristotelian speculations,
termed
is
fanciful.
not
quite conclusive,
and may be
Indeed, the whole refutation c 3
is
not
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
30
always satisfactory, and the whole idea
not original.
is
Pantaenus, the founder of the Catechetic school of
Alexandria, himself originally a thorough Academic philosopher, had
first
recommended and applied
method, as we know from Clemens, his
that
disciple.
Irenaeus had taken this hint, or at least thrown out
idea that
the
it
was useful to trace many of the
speculative opinions of the heresiarchs to the doc-
the ancient schools of Greek philosophy. The nineteenth chapter of -the second book proves this. But this chapter goes through the argument sufficiently in a very hurried and confused manner to give him the merit of having inspired the first four books of our work, but not at all to make trine of
:
the author his transcriber. accurately,
by recurring
Hippolytus carried out to the sources,
what
his
master had sketched out roughly, and he treated methodically ally.
as
He
what Irenaeus had touched upon incident-
worked out the argument
as
completely
he could, and made his succinct but coherent
review of ancient philosophumena an integral part of the work, placing
it
judiciously at the head.
Thus
understood, the comparison of that chapter of Irenaeus
with our
first
four books leads to a striking confirm-
ation of Photius* account,
and furnishes
over, with a proof of the originality of the
of the independent researches of
its
us,
more-
book and
author.
These, then, are the three points I hope to prove
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
31
and of these three the third
satisfactorily;
most important, and I do not see
how
is
the
irresistibly conclusive.
I can
go through
argument
this
conscientiously, without a complete enumeration of
the thirty-two articles in question, with reference to these points, and especially to the third.
be a long one.
will therefore necessarily
keep
endeavour
to
myself to
call
This letter
strictly to the subject.
I
shall
If I allow
your attention here and there to some
of the special results, in showing
how
new
the
facts
which we learn from our author bear directly upon the
critical
controversies of our day, the
attaching to the subject will be
beg you not to consider the
new
materials
now opened will
for
this as
my
excuse.
But
I
an attempt to exhaust
thought and
to us, which, for
interest
many
investigation
years to come,
occupy the thoughtful scholars who care for
truth and Christianity, but merely as the hints of one
who
is
among
the foremost to travel through these
records, and, as he passes on in haste, cannot see
the gold of truth and knowledge lying on the surface, or glittering amid the stones and rubbish, without telling
If I
you of
am
it.
not mistaken,
vered book will oblige to speak or write earliest
all
this
auspiciously disco-
who think
it
their duty
on the doctrinal history of the
Church, to give up the method followed
almost without exception, from the fourth and c 4
fifth
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
32
down
century
and
to the eighteenth,
by Basnage, and above
know, whether
all
in reading
first
combated
by Mosheim.
I
do not
modern
the ancient and
accounts of heretics you have had the same feeling
but
I
confess
I
have always
greatest fools, they
who
felt
;
a doubt w^ho were the
invented and believed such
absurd and wicked imaginations and conceits, or they
who
seriously refuted them, or finally, they
all this for
who took
For certainly
a piece of history.
all
those
representations of heresies from the fourth to the
eighteenth century have led, and needs must lead, to
much like that of the Pharisee in the may be worded thus "God, I thank am not as one of those monsters, sinners,
a conclusion
temple, which thee that I
:
sons of Belial, nor
but that tian."
I
Or
condemned
to dispute with
them,
am a good (Catholic or Protestant) Chrisin
a
strain like this
:
" but that
I
am
philosopher, knowing, as a reasonable theist, that this is stuff* of the
but at
true,
all
*
a all
dark ages,' most probably not
events of no interest for our en-
lightened and advancing age, in which I have the (well deserved) privilege to live."
stand last
how
I
can well under-
that good, pious, and learned divine of the
century, Gottfried Arnold, at Halle, tried his
hand
at the
whether
ancient heresies, in order to find out
at the
bottom of
all
that absurdity there
not been some thought, and in wilful wickedness
all
had
that apparently
some honest and respectable con-
LETTER viction,
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
and above
which are
how we knew
all,
people really said
laid to their charge.
reaction in Arnold
There
and I consider
;
those
that
and impiety
absurdity
the
all
33
a decided
is
as
it
one of the
triumphs of modern criticism, that we have got over
mere reaction of an ingenuous mind,
this
as well as
over that dry, unhistorical (and, I must add, generally uncritical,
and always prejudiced) way of treating
the theological systems of the
first
three centuries,
not judging them by what they are in themselves,
but simply by what they be, with reference to
;
ages
;
upon
but they are at
may
be supposed to
certain terms, formulas,
and
These formularies may be
theories of later ages.
true
are, or
all
events not those of the
first
and the metaphysical distinctions they proceed are not revealed facts, but conventional philo-
sophy.
All I can say ing
on
this
is,
different ground. is
of very
strict
you
work
recently discovered
you have
that if
subject,
will
as
Our good
hail
a similar feel-
with
me
this
standing upon a very father of the
Church
orthodoxy, and does not always
use very mild language towards those
who taught
different speculative
and exegetical theories in
time, two successive
Roman
But he does
his
bishops not excepted.
so in self-defence, as
he himself
says,
and with the unmistakable accent of Christian conHe does not disdain to look viction and charity.
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
34 for
thought in the midst of apparent absurdity,
whom
purpose even amongst those
for honest
he
Moreover, he thinks philosophical con-
combats.
troversies cannot be understood v^^ithout an adequate
philosophy
:
thought, he supposes, right or wrong, can
He
only be appreciated by thought. it
well to ask the
deems
therefore
question, whether the theories,
logical, metaphysical, or physical, discussed
among
upon Christian grounds, were not discussed
Christians
before by Hellens and barbarians under the form of
pure reasoning
and he comes
;
very often they were
He
so.
the assumption that he and
stand
the
heresies, if
followed each
Above
all,
other,
he thinks
to the conclusion that
further proceeds
we
shall better
we examine them instead of going it
fair
to
upon
under-
as
they
backward.
even a heretic
let
speak for himself, and not in broken sentences (by
which method you may make any one say pretty
much what you passages.
like),
but in long, coherent, distinct
This method certainly proves
valuable for the knowledge of facts saves
us
much
weariness,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which
;
if
itself
very
and besides
it
any one does
not know, I would beg him to read through Epiphanius, and he will
know
it
for life.
Let us see now, whether these advantages do not
show themselves
in
the fifth of the work.
the very
first
book on
heresies,
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
BOOK This book
treats first
35
V.
of the
Ophites
or
Wor-
shippers of the Serpent, as the symbol of the moving principle of the universe. 1.
The Naasseni
Hebrev^^
word
from nakhashy the (30 pages, 94 123.)
or Ophites,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
for a serpent.
They, and
their cognate sects, called themselves
Gnostics, as being the only persons
"depths" (p.
name
94.);
who knew
the
but they received, like the others,the
of Naasseni or Ophites, because they said the
Serpent was the real God, to
whom every
consecrated, as representing the
first
temple was
generative sub-
stance, the moist element, corresponding to Thales'
water
(p.
They also
11 9. sqq.)
Man
Logos f the "
glorified in their
everything,
called the first principle
from above," Adamas,
hymns
consists
(p.
95.
of three
cf.
in Jesus, the son of Mary.
they
He,
like
122.).
principles,
which elements
psychical, and material,
whom
all
spiritual,
coalesced
James, our Lord's brother,
had delivered the whole system
to
Mariamne.
known
used as their Gospel that
to
us,
They
by some
ancient quotations, as the Gospel according to the
Egyptians* *
(p.
A \6yiov of
98)
;
and another
(if it
was not substan-
Christ, written in this Gospel,
is
alluded to in
one of their books (p. 99.) ottov ovk 'ianv ovSk BijXv ovSk dpatv. Pseudo-Clem, Rom. Ep. ii. § 12. orav tarai to. Svo Vr, Kai to t|w WQ TO fcw, Kcii TO dfj(Ttv jxtTCL T^g B-TjXc/af, ovve dpcJiv ovTe BtjXv. :
:
Comp. Clem. Alex. Strom,
iii.
p. 465.
*c 6
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
36
tially the
101 .).
(p.
same), called the Gospel accordingto
They
also
made use of the Gospel
and of the Epistles of
Thomas
of St. John,
Old
St. Paul, as well as of the
Testament. Their reasonings seem principally founded
upon speculative ideas of Philo's school*, which they attempted to support either by the most unscrupulous misinterpretation of Scripture or by dark ancient rites
and mysteries. The birthplace of Phrygia
this sect is evidently
and mysteries of
for to the language, rites,
;
this country, the fruitful soil of all orgiastic extrava-
gances, everything beautiful mystical
reduced in the
is
A
last instance.
hymn, by which the public
cele-
bration of the mysteries was opened in the theatre in
honour of thinks
Attis, is given in this place.
Schneidewinf
belongs to the age and style of Mysomedes,
it
who flourished under Antoninus As to their rites, they seem Phrygian, that
is,
phallic symbolism.
Pius. to
orgiastic, wild,
have been truly
and connected with
They did not adopt
of their priests, but forbade marriage,
Next come
II.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
the
Perat^
or ,
(p. 119.)
Peratics
founded by Euphrates called
138.),
the mutilation
o
(pp.
12S
IlsparLKo^,
which name Clemens Alexandrinus rightly under-
* is
tK
To
this class
belongs the question (p. 98.), Whether the soul
TOV TTpOOVTCr OT fK TOV
llVTOytVOVQ
avTou yevovc, which gives no sense
author
is
proved by 124, 27, 43.)
t Philologus,
iii.
24G.
;
>*/
(thc text
hllS
iK
TOV
the use of avroytvijg by our
U
tov Ukix^'I^'^vov x^^vc-
;
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
Your remark
stood as indicating their country.
our conversation on the subject has led
name with
nect this
Ademes^,
nion,
a Euhoean 7]
irspav,
;
as
me
in
to con-
the description of his compa-
This makes him
as the Carystian.
and
37
Euboea
is
called so frequently
the country beyond the channel, Peratae
must be taken
for a general designation of the school,
from the native country of their founders or leading authors.
This
The name Origen
;
not in contradiction to the fact that
is
became decidedly a Phrygian one.
a cognate sect
was known before from
of Euphrates
but so
little
we know
did
of him,
that
Neander thinks he may have lived before Christ, f We have here a mixed sect, which, starting from general Oriental and Jewish speculations, and local mysticism
their
own way
whole system
and
it
is
and
orgies,
adopted Christianity in
as an order of the initiated.
Their
decidedly fatalistic and astrological
would seem that they interpreted
their
name,
Peratai, with reference to the Greek nrspav^ trans, or TTspav, transire, saying that
by
their gnosis they
alone of mankind should pass through destruction
and get beyond
it,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;a
derivation,
which proves
only that they did not like the true one
(p. 131.).
Their sacred book too had a title not easily explained: Ot irpodarsLOi 'seos aWipos, " the suburbans up to the *
Theodoret
also calls
him Ademes
:
in
our text the name
written in another passage Kelbes, and in a third Akembes.
f Kirchengeschichte,
i.
771.
*
is
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
38
ether" (pp. 130. 131. 49.).
Euphrates did not solved
Paul
is
evi-
physical
first
moving principle
triplicity of the first cause,
the visible world,
is
seem
The Demiurg,
their leading doctrines.
the evil principle
The Sethiani
(pp.
St.
The worship
Old Testament.
the Serpent as the
III.
decidedly
is
for Christ
;
and they quote the Gospels and
as well as the
and the
Christ,
element in their wild
integral
speculation;
before
extracts here given
by the
dently an
live
Neander's doubt, whether
to
of
(p. 135.),
have been
or creator of
(p. 136.).
138— 148.), from Seth,27;<9,
constantly, but falsely, written in the text ^LOtavol.
— Their
sacred
book was
called
from the name of the old patriarch
Ilapd^paaLS ^t]0, 147. sq.),
(p.
who
was ever among the Jews the symbol of mystical and lying tradition, to which the famous columns of Seth also belong.
Logos
They worshipped the Serpent and the made use of Orphic theology,
(pp. 142, 143.),
and of the mysteries of Eleusis*, and believed themselves, like all Gnostics, the only elect
knowing
and the only
(p. 14G.).
IV. JusTiNUS, not of course the martyr, but the Gnostic (pp. 148
Baruch"
*
who wrote
for his sect (p. 149.).
the son of p. 144.:
proposes
— 159.),
Mary and Joseph
the *'Book of
— He regarded Jesus
as
His followers
(p. 156.).
where, instead of fityaXtiyopia (for which the editor
fisydXyj
topTi'i),
I
read fuydXa opyui
*Xta(Tiac opyia instead of (pXouiig lovopyia.
avvopyia or vpyia.
M.
;
and
p. 145. 21.,
Miller conjectures
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
They
had other sacred books. causes or
first
principles (p. 150.),
39
adopted three
also
and had genealogies
Edem
of angels, springing from Elohim and
(Eden),
Amongst their names we meet Amen, which may explain Apoc. iii. 14. and the well-known Achamoth of the Irenaean Ophites (i. 30, Elohim sends Baruch to Jesus, when he was 31.). the female principle.
:
twelve years of age, in the time of Herod, watching sheep.
He
brought him the message of the true
God, and encouraged him Jesus answered,
kind.
*/
to
Serpent, becoming wroth at
death on the cross
(p.
this,
The
when
to
all."
manThe
followers of
initiated.
Of all this we knew next to nothing hitherto. It now clear that we have to deal with sects which
were coeval with Peter and Paul,
But they with
started from
the
who
also
of
mixed up
Asia
ground
they could not help
;
Minor.
although, being
drawing Judaism
Our
into the sphere of their speculations.
we
Simon was.
opposed to the Valentinians,
started from Gentile
Christians,
as
foreign Judaism,
mysticism
pantheistic
Hereby they were
as
it
brought about his
156. sq).
this sect took a frightful oath
is
announce
Lord, I will do
shall see presently,
author,
derives the Valentinian
principles from Simon, and brings Cerinthus, also belongs to
the
with them.
But he
from
all these,
tirely
the whole
list,
first
century, into
who
connection
distinguishes the Ophites en-
and places them
at the
head of
which, he repeatedly says, indicates
ON THE
40
the order they appeared in.
Irenaeus represents the
Ophites expressly as predecessors of Valentinianism
:
but the schools he enumerates are evidently mixed
up with first
Nothing
this system.
is
more
natural.
The
outburst of Gnosticism sprang from a mixture
imbued gene-
of Christianity with Phrygian Judaism,
and mysteries.
rally with Gentile speculations, orgies
The Jewish element was considered But,
portant.
after
as the least
im-
Valentinus had taken upon
himself to solve that great problem of the world's history, Judaism,
by interpreting
it
as the
mundane evil Gnostics appropriated many of the
the Demiurg, or the
lations
and
fictions
working of
principle, those
leading specu-
Thus we
of Valentinianism.
can explain the representation, which Irenaeus, in the last two chapters of his
We
Ophitic systems.
first
have only
book, gives of the
now
the pure, pri-
mitive Ophites before us.
And
are they really
the contrary,
my
that most probably to
whom
unknown
to us
I
?
hope, on
dear friend, you will agree with me,
we have here
the very heretics
the Apostle alludes in the fourth chapter
of his First Epistle to Timothy. nealogies "
(i.
4.)
must be
The
*'
explained, as
endless ge-
many have
suggested, of the cosmological genealogies of aeons or angels.
Here we have them,
the most ancient sects.
in the very
words of
All that has been said against
the Pauline origin of that Epistle, and of the Pastoral Letters in general,
on the score of the allusions
LETTER
II.
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
to heretics, thus falls to the ground.
proved in state
my
41
I believe I
have
"Letters on Ignatius," that the internal
of the Church, as to the organization of the
congregations, leads irresistibly to the same result.
But do you not ground,
and
is,
ment
our book
if if
scheme of the
see, that the v^^hole
Gospel of
late origin of the
is
St.
John
falls also to
the
authentic, as undoubtedly
it
our author deserves credit for the arrange-
of his
historical
and justly claims
account,
authority for his extracts from the sacred books of
those Phrygian-Jewish fathers of Gnosticism
Ophites
all
know
the Logos, and
The
?
worship
all
the
Serpent as his symbol, or that of the Demiurg op-
posed to him
:
for
on that point there seems to have
been a difference among them. ever, not to the
personified
man, and
in
identified
Nazareth, the son of Mary. alternative, therefore, St.
seems to
with
me to be first
how-
refer,
to the
The only
John, towards the end of the
down
They
Logos of Philo, but
Logos
Jesus of admissible
this.
"When
century, wrote
his evidence respecting Jesus the Christ,
and
placed at the head of his exposition those simple and
grand words on the Logos, he either referred to sects
who had abused
the speculations about the Logos, as
God's thought of himself, or he did not. it
in
seems to
mind
so
If he did, as
me impossible to doubt, he cannot have had much the philosophical followers of Philo,
who abhorred
the very idea of the personal union of
the Logos with
Man,
as
the Christian heretics
who
!
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
42
way
perverted this idea in one
sects
him
the very
which we have now become acquainted with from
their
own
know
hitherto.
says
This being
or another.
the case, I maintain that he had before
is
writings, the very titles of
At
all
which we did not
events then, what the Apostle
not the Christian and popular expression of a
speculative system of Valentinianism, but the simple
statement of the
fact,
that the
Logos
is
neither an
abstract notion, nor an angel, nor an ^eon
word existed
Man
as a term),
but that
He
(if
that
one with the
is
Jesus, the Christ.
That
this reasoning is
sound, the progress of our
For even
researches will easily prove.
in the second
stage of Gnosticism, the Gentile one,
we
very words of St. John evidently alluded
find the to,
long
before the last quarter or third of the second century,
when, according to the most unhappy of gical conjectures,
and the most untrue of
views, the system of Strauss
made
its
all
philolo-
all historical
and Baur, that Gospel
appearance as the fag-end of Gnosticism
In declaring myself so strongly against Baur's historical hypothesis, I think it is only fair to add, that
no one has done more
for the speculative
compre-
hension of the Gnostic systems than this eminent writer, of
whose researches concerning that part of
the history of philosophy those only can speak with-
out respect,
who have never
read them or
incapable of understanding them. before us show, that
many
The
who
facts
are
now
of his acute illustrations
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
43
difficult
and abstruse concluding chap-
ters of Iren^eus' first
book, and especially his treatise
of the very
on the Ophites (Gnosis, pp. 171
by the work before
fully confirmed
necessary
us.
un-
It is
Neander's representation of
say, that
to
— 207.), are wonder-
those systems in the second edition of his ''Ecclesi-
History"* gains many a confirmation from our
astical
But
pages.
some
beg
I
to refer the reader especially to
which Dorner gives
hints
his marvellous
in
work on the " History of the Doctrine about the
"On
the
Origin of the ancient Catholic Church," a book
full
Person of Christ ;"f and
A. Ritschl,
to
of independent research.
BOOK
VI.
Simon, Valentinus, and the Valentmians. 62 pages, pp. 161
—222., with copious extracts.
The author
at the
beginning repeats that he in-
tends to enumerate the heresies in succession. J * Kirchengescliiclite,
2d
edition,
i.
764
— 774.
t 2d edition, pp. 297. 355. note 196., p. 365. note 207. I The first period is to be corrected thus "Oaa [xtv ovv I^okh :
Tolg (t.
ctTvb
Kara
Tov
6(p(.ojQ
Tag
As
TraptiXrjcpocn,
Kara
Kai
reXtiujcnv
fii'naaiv) tCjv xp6vu)v ilg (pavepov rag do^ag dvoaiwg
kKovaiujg) Trpoivsy Kafisvoig TTSHTTTri
ap^ug
TOV
'EXiyxov
to the story of
(t.
(t. 7rp<7£v.)
iv ry npo TavTijg
rwv
Tovg iXsyxovc^
the same story
is
Hist. xiv. 30.
Compare
told of
Hanno
(t.
ovaij
aioiatcov i^tOeixijv.
Apsethos the Libyan, and
161.), the editor refers to Apostolius Prov. v.
/3£/3\<fi
his
parrots (p.
"iracptor.
Almost
the Carthaginian, ^lian. Var.
Justin, xxi. 4. *c 10
;
Plin.
H
N.
viii.
16.
44 V. Simon of Gitta compare the Gittean, § 3.).
— The
where he
in
iv.
Samaria (pp. 161
pp. 51
—
him
story of Peter's meeting
died,
at
new form.
told here in a
is
— 177.:
90.; Irenasus,
i.
23.
Rome, Simon
caused himself to be buried alive, promising to rise like Christ
This myth
(p. 170.).
is
any other about Simon's death
just worth as
much
as
the utter diversity of
:
the stories, and the fabulous nature of the whole,
prove
this.
this, that
But how can men
person, and that to him, or to
down
of sense conclude from
Simon must have been altogether a mythical
Ills
we can have no
his
immediate
writings belonging
disciples,
(true or supposed) system
As
There were such works.*
who wrote
?
the principal book
on Simon's doctrine, our author mentions the " Great
Announcement, or Revelation 165
(pp.
— 168.), — a
ing
tlie
[juLsydXT] airocjiaaLs)
Gnostic work,
fables, decidedly anti-Judaic
ing impurity.
"
full
of Pagan
and antinomian, favour-
The Simonians had mysteries bearThe Valentinians (p. 175.).
same character
took their start from these tenets
although nobody " will believe that the Great Announcement," in which ;
some verses of Empedocles are quoted, was Simon's work, any more than that the books of days are by
St.
Simon appears throughout, not
as a
nian
sect
but as a
of our
man combining
tlie St.
Simo-
Simon.
Still
mere impostor,
with Christianity certain
metaphysical tenets, which were formed by his im* Compare on
this point
Grabe, Spicileg. Patrum,
i.
308
— 310.
;
:
LETTER
:
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
45
mediate followers into a system, based, like that of
all
the Gnostics, upon the assumption of the evil principle as
one of the primary acting causes of the universe.
The
Great Announcement," bearing Simon's name,
''
represents therefore the system of the Simonians in the
The
generation after him.
first
istence (says this book, p. 163.) in
man, who serves
as
God
lives in
all
is infinite,
and manifest
From
man.
and abides It
the
:
The
that can be thought.
ex-
all
dwelling-house.
its
of a double nature, latent
comprehends
root of
is
first
ivord of
that original root, the hid-
den principle, spring three pairs of manifestations
Mind and Thought Voice
and Name
{vovs koL sirlvoia)
{<pwvr)
Reasoning and Reflection
The
infinite
power
;
koL ovofjua); (Xoyca/jLos kol ivdv/jurjais).
(pvvaixLs) is in all these six roots,
but potentially, not actually {hwdfjusu ovk hspysia,
comp.
p. 171.).
power must be
In order not to perish, the infinite typified,
it
tuated,
loses nothing
it
progressive
imaged
becomes extinct
otherwise
by
manifestation,
:
{s^acKovl^saOai,);
whereas,
if
thus ac-
this manifestation.
those
six
roots
By
a
become
three other av^vyiaL, or pairs
Heaven and Earth
;
Sun and Moon Air and Water.
The called
infinite
power working
by a compound name
:
in
all
He who
of
them
is
stands, has
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
46
stood, will stand (6 karoos, 6 aras, 6
(tttjo-o/jlsvos)
;
a term
dimly alluded to in the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, which say, that
Simon
called himself
Stans (the Standing)*, and reminding us of Apocalypse, cial
8.
i.
Simon considered himself
manner the manifestation of
as in a spe-
this infinite
power
but we have already seen that
this was,
according to him, the general attribute of
man when
(p. 175.):
he had attained to knowledge, with a difference only in degree.
Simon endeavoured days of the creation,
to explain
by
his theory the six
and to build upon
mogonic system (pp. 16G
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
174.), for
it
a whole cos-
which he quotes
the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and the Prophets. also
He
pretended to find proofs of his speculative system
in St.
Epistle
Paul's writings, of which he quotes the First to
He
the Corinthians.
tries
likewise
to
show that the Greek mythology points to a similar And here his mysterious Helen becomes the theory. prominent
figure.
Helen
is
to
him the
successive in-
carnations of Beauty, dazzling the powers that
work on the
that
Simon
earth.
carried about a
the newly embodied licr,
(Buvd/uLscs)
Every body knows the story
woman, whom he
Helen of
a forlorn slave, at Tyre,
Ti'oy.
He
and said (or
said to be
had bought is
reported
we have no extracts to vouch for this), human nature redeemed by him. But
to have said, for
that she was wliat our
book seems *
to prove (in spite of tlie con-
Ritschl, p. 161.
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
47
fusion between reports, anecdotes, and extracts)
is,
that he called the ideal Helen, not his paramour, the '*
and that he placed her in con-
forlorn sheep,"
nection with the daughter of the Canaanitish
w^hom Christ healed It
may be
true, that
in passing
Simon
woman,
by Tyre (Matt.
said he
was
come
Saviour, and that he himself had
to
Tyre
loosen her from her fetters, he himself being
power over
all."
*
may be
It
xv.).
his Helen's
*^
to
the
also true, that the
Simonians worshipped two images, said to represent
Simon and Helen, under the Minerva,
and called them
(Kvpio9, Kvpla)
enough
who
likeness of Jove and
Lord" and "Lady"
but our author himself
;
is
to add, they excluded from their sect
candid
any one
by the names of Simon and They considered it therefore clearly
called those persons
Helen
(p. 176.).
calumny.
as a
It
may even be
Simon and Helen was
of
**
true, that the conduct
the cause
or pretext of
those scandalous orgies of the sect, of which our
author gives us such shocking
details.
Indeed,
it
seems impossible to doubt, from the extracts here given
(p. 175.),
phemously and *
that
some of them
satanically
(in his
time) blas-
abused the most sacred
for-
Compare Acts viii. 10. Ovtoq Iotiv Hvaiiig rov Qtov fxiThe history of this Helen of Simon is told by Irenaeus, j)
:
tj
ydXi].
and Theodoret. In the text only necessary to read Iraipav instead of trkpav, In Hippolytus' text, I read (p. 175. to understand the sense. Tertullian, Eusebius, Epiphanius,
of the latter
it is
14.) '0 dk [iiapbc^ tpacrOtig rov y.,
ipaaQtiQ
rov yvvaiov, instead of o Ce \\jvxpoQ
which gives no sense whatever.
48
ON THE communion
mularies of the ancient liturgy of the
to
designate and sanctify their horrible impurities*, jus-
by saying, they were redeemed,
tifying their conduct
washed, emancipated,
but by
way
grace.
that
But
Simon
not by their works,
free, saved,
all
this
does not prove in any
said of himself, or that the
Simo-
nians said, he, Simon, had appeared to the Jews as the Son, to the Samaritans as the Father, and to the
Gentiles as the Holy Spirit. author, though confused,
For the account of our
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the quotations from
the
" Great Announcement " being here interrupted by the traditional story of
Simon and Helen, and the scan-
dals connected with
it,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; proves
words referred to Jesus, and not
that those
clearly
to
Simon. For, after
the exposition of the immoral principles of the Simonians, the extracts begin (p. 175. 24.) with sentences
evidently relating to the
life
of Jesus.
Having
re-
deemed Helen, he thus vouchsafed salvation to mankind through his own intelligence (or by means of the knowledge he gave them of themselves). For the " angels having administered the world badly, in conse* TavTTjv eivai XsyovrfQ ri)p TfXdav aya7r>/j^, kuI to " "Ayiog
uyiog" (or uyiov ayliov) telligibly printed
Kcti
"
'AX\//Xoi;g
Kal to liyiOQ ayiojv
.
.
uyid^iTs^^ .
XXij
.
(now unin-
og ayianOi]criTaC).
These horrors reappear almost literally in the account of the " Infamies des Couvens," authentically detailed in the protocols of Ricci's visitation of the Tuscan convents, under Archduke Leopold, published by De Potter. It is not irrelevant to add, that the Bernese Protestant fanatics, whom I saw in 1841 in prison after their just condemnation, perverted in a similar
way
the sublimest passages of Scripture in their impure orgies.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; LETTER
II.
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
49
quence of their love of power, Jesus came (Simon for the
said)
work of restoration, having been transformed,
and made
like to the principalities
the angels.
He
and powers, and to
thus appeared as a man, not being
such, and seemed to suffer in Judea, although he did
not really suifer*, but was manifested to the Jews as the Son, in Samaria as the Father,
among
the other
Holy Spirit. He allows men to call him by whichever name they please." f Now, how could Simon say of himself that he had suffered death in Judea ? The whole account, nations as the
therefore, refers least,
to Jesus,
and
gives,
originally at
Simon's doctrine on the appearance,
sufferings of Christ.
Thus
about the Son, Father, and
life,
Spirit,
becomes
intelli-
Jesus did call himself the Son in Judea.
gible.
and
mysterious saying
that
To
the Samaritans he manifested the Father; and indeed
woman
the words spoken to the Samaritan
in
John,
iv.
21
and the worship of the Father, and nothing about the Son.
It is also quite intelligible
could say, that Jesus appeared as the
the
* is
Holy
Holy KÂŤi
Spirit
Spirit,
(St.
Jesus refers them to the Father,
2S.)f
;
for it
among
is
said
how Simon
the Gentiles
was under the authority of
poured out upon them, and commu-
iraQtiv iv Ty
'lovSal<jt,
fir) TmrovOora the text before St^oKtjKsvat. There can be
StSoicrjKivai
now deformed by having kuI
:
no doubt as to the sense, and I think none either as to the reading.
I Baur, Die Christliche Gnosis,
D
p. 305.
ON THE
50
by them, that the Apostles preached Jesus among the Gentiles. Of this I feel quite sure. But I confess I can-
nicated
not understand the meaning of the *Most sheep,'' an evident allusion to the Parable, in connection with
Helen, except by assuming that Simon combined the
woman
account of the Canaanitish
with his allegory
of humanity suffering inider the fetters of slavery in
The mother
the form of Helen.
crying out for
help for her daughter possessed by the evil spirit {SaL/jLOVL^srai,
Matt. xv. 21.), the Apostles requesting
Jesus to redeem her {uTroXvaov avT7]v, his first saying that
he was sent
*'
to
v. 23.),
and
the lost sheep"
{ra TTpo/Sara ra aTrdXcoXora, v. 24.) of Israel, were
by Simon,
allegorized in this
as
alluding to
human nature
and to the work of redemption
life,
{\vTp(0(7L9,
pp. 174. 12., 175. 25.), and then mythicized by reference to
Helen first
Helen of Troy, Helen of the mysteries, finally Helen at Tyre,
of Stesichorus, and
healed by Jesus, and later found in another
shape by Simon, I
may
ticism
who became her
therefore state this as
on
this
passage.
Hippolytus' account; but if
we examine
whom
his
tlie
There
result of our cri-
is
a confusion in
we can make out
the truth,
words with care: whereas Irenasus,
Eusebius and Theodoret have merely tran-
scribed, gave the sliape, that fact,
Deliverer.
whole story in such a mutilated
he rendered
and made
it
very questionable as a
a correct explanation impossible.
LETTER
On our
the whole,
article
naeus
doubt
(i.
it
51
very interesting to compare
is
with the corresponding chapters in Ire-
20, 21.).
Such a comparison
to the relation
as
and
his,
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
both writers.
as to the character of
poly tus' account of facts
is
will leave
no
which our work bears to Plip-
not only fuller and more
explicit,
but also more authentic
extracts,
and on the whole copious ones.
for he gives us
;
Moreover the accurate comparison of the text of the two
authors
interesting,
is
proving,
as
first,
that Irenaeus also had the " Great Announcement"
before him, although he does not quote
Several
it.
passages given in both as representing Simon's doc-
In the
trine are literally the same, or almost so.
second place, such a
critical
comparison will some-
times assist us in restoring the original Greek text of Irengeus, and oftener in rendering the very cor-
rupt text of our author this
by placing
lowing two passages. vi.
pp. 175, 176.
(Iren.
i.
20.,
HlPPOLYTUS.
enim
Kara yap
ipsius
gratiam salvari homines, sed
(^oj^eadai
non secundum operas justas. Nee enim esse naturaliter
Mrjdey
ex
operationes
justas,
accidente
queraadmodum
:
posuerunt, qui
and Hippolytus,
43â&#x20AC;&#x201D;47.)
IrENjEUS.
Secundum
I will illustrate
intelligible.
in juxtaposition the text of the fol-
sed
mundum
fe-
(pvcTSL
S'iaet.
2
(buaKovai.
(1. fj.r]diva)
airiov ^tKr]g h:a)Q (1.
avTov xcipiv
Tiju
avrovg
el
Trpc^ei ric Ka-
TL /cafcoj)*
KUKog
(1.
yap elrai
ov yap
/cak'or)
"RdevTO yap
kan
aWd
(^(^rjalv^
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL
52
cerunt
per
angeli,
hujus-
HERESIES.''
ayyeXoL
01
oi
tov
Koafxov
modi praicepta in servitu- KOU](TavTeQ oaa e(3ov\ovTOf tem deducentes homines. ^la tCjv roiovT(i)v Xoycov ^ovQuapropter et solvi mun- Xovy von'i^ovTeQ tovq avrdv
dum
et liberari eos qui
ejus ab imperio
mundum
sunt atcovovTaq.
eorum qui
fecerunt
repro-
Tf)U}ffEi
de
<1>v(tlv
TOV KOfTfJOV
XiyOVCTL
avdig
ETTL
Xv-
Th)V Iciijjv ardpwTTioy.
misit.
The
words in Hippolytus
last
tation.
But you
$TCIN
into
will
ATCEIN,
baffle all interpre-
immediately
alter
with
me
and, having done so, you will
have not only the true text of Hippolytus, but also the original Greek of Irenaeus, because the sentence is
As
evidently the same.
to the words, ab imperio
eorum qui mundum fecerunt, they are either added by
way
of explanation, or they are the translation
words omitted in the Greek text. the latter
the case
is
;
of
But undoubtedly
and Hippolytus has himself
abbreviated the extract from Irenaeus, or a later transcriber has
We
shall
At out
all
done so with the text of Hippolytus.
meet with unmistakable instances of both.* events, this passage, like
my argument
To
two works and authors. gument, which does
letter,
it
I
many
others, bears
respecting the relation between the
touch upon another ar-
can onlydo justice to in
my concluding
not strike you as one of the
ternal proofs of the book's being written
many
in-
by a Roman,
that our author abstains from repeating Justin the * I restore the text thus ^[fujjva
:
:
Xvcthv
as in the first sentence.
Or
Sk
avrov^
\v(nv
.
.
.
viz. 'lT)aovi>, or
tov Koafiov.
LETTER Martyr's fable
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
mean
I
?
53
the story, not disdained by
Irengeus, and maintained by Tertullian, of the statue
erected to
Simon
Rome,
at
the words Semoni Sanco
having been unfortunately mistaken by that Eastern philosopher for Simoni better, If,
Hippolytus knew
Sancto.
and was honest enough to write accordingly.
from the new
facts
back to the present
we have
specting this darkest of
we
siastical history,
First of
Simon himself
all,
as
we look
discussions
I
re-
points in early eccle-
find that they militate, in
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Baur,
Tiibingen school, others.
all
the
the hypotheses
against
respects,
of
state
before us,
Strauss,
of
the
many
modern
Schwegler, and
cannot consent to
regard
merely a mythical person, the
mythological fiction of one of the great family of the sun, moon, and stars, and his Helen as Selene
or Luna.
Her being
called so in the " Clementine
Homilies," proves only that she was called so in the later stages of the
the whole
Simonian heresy; which agrees with
character of the ingenious, but rather
prolix novel, told in the Clementine Homilies and
Simon of Gitta, the sorcerer of the appears to us, in what we hear of him from
Recognitions. Acts,
Hippolytus, as a real man, a sorcerer and magnetizer of a very questionable moral character,
but who,
according to the testimony of the old fathers, was wor-
shipped in Samaria as a prophet, and as the incarnation of the highest power,
Romans, whether
at
and for a time startled the
Rome
or in Asia
*D 3
is
not certain.
54
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HEEESIES."
He
was, further, a heretical Christian
he perverted
;
the Gospel and the Jewish Scriptures; but he accepted
them
as revelations.
Neander, therefore, has been
wrong
in striking
person
who had nothing
doubtedly, like
him out of the
all
to
of heretics, as a
list
Unmen of the Jewish who took their own
do with Christianity.
the leading
and Pagan party of the time,
views of Christ and Christianity, he had a speculative
system
of his
own
;
but in
this
speculative
system Christianity was no accidental ingredient.
On
the contrary, Christ and the Gospels and their
preaching gave the impulse to the speculations em-
bodied under Simon's name,
formed the centre of them.
and
Simon
Christ's
person
himself, I believe,
no more wrote a speculative book, than Pythagoras or Socrates did his disciple,
:
but, as
we know
that Menander,
and the leader of his school, who lived
and taught at Antioch, was a writer, and inculcated it seems to me reasonable to " assume, that the Great Announcement," or " Pro-
the Simonian doctrine,
nuncianiiento," of the Simonians, although bearing
Simon's name, was written by Menander, or at least
by some cotemporary of
his.
Now,
as
Simon, the
master, belonged to the Petrine and Pauline age,
Menander and
his
book must belong
to that of St.
John, or to the time between the years 70 and 100;
and
it
would be absurd
written in Simon's
to
own name
suppose, that a book or at least generally
considered as the representation of his personal sys'
;
LETTER tern,
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
should be later than Menander's exposition of
the principles of that sect, trinal
b[)
work was not
this
if,
indeed, Menander's doc-
very " Announcement."
In
the book ascribed to Simon, the Gospel of St. John
seems to
me
to
be alluded
to
by the expression, that
Jesus appeared to the Samaritans as the Father. this supposition is correct, it
of the undoubted for
fact, that
would be a
first
was written.
century,
when
to
the Gospel of St. John
who must
;
have died before the year 65,
the
^'
is
have lived to the
Indeed, the uniform tradition
Paul and Peter outlived Simon
that there
If
Great Announcement,"
A
this
Pauline epistle (the
thians) certainly
This
is
it
is,
that
therefore
be assumed
no allusion to the fourth Gospel in
must be
in keeping with the pretension that
book.
direct proof
the book was not Simon'^
Simon cannot be supposed
end of the
If
is
quoted
first
it
to
said to
be
was Simon's the Corin-
in the extracts (p. 167. 10.).
very natural, for the same reason
:
a
book
purporting to be written by Simon might very well
quote an epistle of
St. Paul's,
although not^ Gospel
written between 90 and 100. I must, on this occasion, return for a
the bearing of these of St. John's Gospel.
the influence
new
facts
moment
to
upon the prologue
Whatever may be thought of speculations upon the
of Philonian
evangelical doctrine concerning the Logos, and
upon
the wording of that apostolic prologue, I feel sure that the heretical speculations about the Logos could
D 4
ON THE
56
'*
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
never have arisen, but through the powerful effect pro-
duced
Eastern world, from the centres of Jeru-
in the
salem and of Antioch, by the unparalleled personality
and history of Jesus of Nazareth, the
The
Christ.
Logos, as God's eternal thought or consciousness of himself, before
all
time, was
known well enough
to the
Alexandrian Jews, even at the time of Christ's birth, as Philo's writings prove.
embodied this,
in a real
and
this
lectual leaven
But
that the
man, and had become personal, was the all-pervading
alone,
in the schools
cosmogonical
intel-
which produced that wonderful
mentation in the Eastern world, and
became
Logos was
this
fer-
fermentation
of the Gnostics an
entirely
and mythological process, through a
constant and progressive hypostasis or personification of abstract
notions,
or,
as it were,
by a constant
transformation of abstract neuters into mythological masculines.
This mythological process was the natural produce of two elements. Christ,
The one was
the personality of
and the other was the idea of the Logos,
vated into a moving principle, identified
human mind.
with
ele-
the
All mythology arose in a similar way,
although, being ignorant of the historical ingredient,
we cannot
analyse the whole, and
show
portions are historical, and what ideal. case
ment
we is
are enabled to prove ;
and
this
forms
features of Christianity.
what the
one
in detail
But
what
in this
historical ele-
of the distinguishing
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
57
The discovery of Hippolytus' work throws also a new light upon an obscure point of the Ignatian
We
controversy.
monism, that
certainly
to the
is,
must ascribe
pure Si-
to
Simonian heresy unmixed with
Valentinianism, the system of which Sige, Silence,
in the extracts from the "
Gnostic evolutions,
of
a primitive element.
is
For
Great Announcement" we
find the following words, evidently the beginning of a
solemn address and recapitulation
you then
The
I say
writing
panying
all
what
is this.
I say,
(p. 173. 2.)
and write what
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; ^'To
I write.
There are two offshoots accom-
the geons, having neither beginning nor
end, from one root, which
power
is
(potentia), Sige
Of
these two
is
the Gr^at
Power, the Mind of the Universe, directing
all things,
(Silence), invisible, incomprehensible.
suckers, the one appears above, and this
male
:
the other appears below, the Great
{s7rlvoia)f
female, producing
Thought
Hence, be-
all things.
ing thus ranged one against the other, they form
a syzygia (a pair, copula), and
make manifest
intermediate interval, the incomprehensible neither beginning nor limit
Father, supporting
all
;
and in
things,
stands,
has stood, and
who
the
having
this air is the
and nourishing that
which has a beginning and end.
who
air,
He
is
will stand,
male and female power, according
He who being the
to the infinite pre-
existing power, which has neither beginning nor end,
being in solitude
(^/jLovorrjri).
For the Thought, which
was in solitude, coming forth from thence, became D
5
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
58
And He
two.
himself,
lie
preexisting
became
was one
;
for
having the Thought within
was alone, not however the ;
himself,
he
neither was he called the
But
the second.
though
first,
by
but, being manifested
Father, before she, the Thought, called him Father."
This
is
not Valentinianism
but there
;
is
the prin-
ciple of the preexisting supreme power, Silence
Word
or the
Now
Thought had not yet appeared. That Ignatius, who this ?
may have
as well as St. John,
read the
*^
Great Announcement'*
might have alluded
Magnesians,
if
he ever wrote
the text of the Seven Letters
most eminent
the
critics
work of an impostor,
the
death under his name,
make
it is
is
to it in a letter If,
it.
But such
good evidence
therefore,
(as I believe, with
of our
that
age,
who wrote
may have
certainly had not ceased to be
a mention can no
more prove, against
it
to the early
I have,
"Letters on Ignatius*," assumed these two
heresies as possibly older than Ignatius* death
now
power-
to the contrary, that Ignatius did write
Judaizing Sabbatarians and Docetae does.
my
is)
very natural that he should
that letter, than the allusion contained in
in
it
after Ignatius'
Ignatius allude to a heresy which he
known, but which ful.
the
what follows from
certainly
to the
;
;
and I
believe also that of the Sige to be so.
If any further proof were required of Pearson's
explanation of the Sige in the
p. 68.
*'
Epistle to the
Mag-
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
59
nesians" (p. 8.) being untenable, this passage would
Feeling the difficulty about the
suffice.
a Valentinian
term,
Sige as
Pearson resolved to deny
al-
together that Ignatius alluded to that term in this passage.
According to him, the words, "the Eternal
Word, not proceeding from
Word
which
word does) is
mean
Silence,"
that the
eternal, did not appear (as the
is
after there
had been
human This
silence before.
the argument of a special pleader, not of a histo-
rical critic,
She
Sige.
The Sige
is
the
preceding, not appearing, and
is
not
and is
it
is
not wanted.
Yalentinian's, but Simon's.
I
believe,
that
therefore,
the
Ignatian
knew the '* Great Announcement." may also be found in the " Letter to In the 11th chapter of that passage before us,
which
I
forger
A proof of this the Trallians."
the
fictitious epistle,
have just quoted from
Simon's " Great Apophasis," seems to be alluded to
by the words "offshoots" and "root," there used, with an apparent allusion to the heretical terminology, in an ironical sense. * * Having touched upon the Ignatian controversy, I take this opportunity of saying a word to a learned author who lately has
treated this question in the " Quarterly Review."
He says
that
I seem to have miscalculated the effect of my arguments in favour of Cureton's Syriac text, for Baur says, in his essay upon the subject, that he believes neither in the authority of the one text
nor in that of the other.
I confess, the argument seems to
rather blunt, having no argumentative edge in events, I
beg
to observe to that critic, that I
D
6
it
at
all.
At
me all
have not written
If the article on
Simon
is
quite original, containing
authentic extracts wholly wanting in Irenaeus and
my
and published
Ignatian researches, any more than others,
in order to produce an effect
my own
satisfy
upon
this or that person,
but to
mind, by expressing a conscientious conviction
on a point on which I thought I had something to say. I confess, the arguments which that critic brings forward against Cureton's text (since found in a second Syriac script),
much
and against Cureton's arguments, seem to
me
of a preconceived opinion respecting the case
manu-
to savour
itself,
or to
betray an overrated feeling of the vocation of the critic to question Cureton's competency to judge of this question. But what shall I say of Professor Petermann, who has published an Armenian translation of the Seven Letters, which, if the
Syrian text of the three letters
is
genuine, are as regards these
three an interpolation, and a forgery as regards the remaining four
?
serious
Epistles
This tion, all
Now, is
me
seems to
it
a simple truism, unworthy of a
to say that if the
writer,
Greek text of the Seven
genuine, the translation of the same
is
genuine
also.
begging the question at issue. It is quite a secondary queswhether (as is the most natural supposition, confirmed by
is
Armenian
the other
translations of the
works of the Greek
made from the Greek But it appears to me
fathers) this translation has been
original,
or from a Syriac translation.
scarcely
serious to say
:
there are the Seven Letters in Armenian, and I
maintain, they prove that Cureton's text tract, because, I think, I
Armenian
text
!
Well,
is
an incomplete ex-
have found some Syriac idioms
if
that
is
not a joke,
it
in the
simply proves,
according to ordinary logic, that the Seven Letters must have once been translated into Syriac. But how can it prove that the Greek original of this supposed Syriac version is the genuine text, and not an interpolated and partially forged one ? The Seven Letters and the forged text go together: either there have been no interjjolation and forgery at all, or the Seven Letters, neither more nor less (at that time), were the produce of this imposition.
I take
it
for granted. Professor
Petermann
is
a
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
new view
elsewhere, and giving us an entirely
of the
and character of the Simonian school, the
history
next
61
no
article is
less so.
VI. Valentinus (pp. 177
—
198.).
— After an intro-
ductory dissertation on those leading principles of the Pythagorean and Platonic philosophy, from which
Valentinus
stated to have borrowed his speculative
is
ideas (pp. 177 tracts
— 183.), our author gives us copious ex-
from Valentinus' own work or works, and such
as enable us for the first time to
he
laid
down on
Most probably
know what dogmas
the principal speculative questions. these extracts have been taken
all
from Valentinus' great doctrinal work, the " Sophia,"
which our author does not name, supposing readers to
know
it,
as indeed it
had the admiration
his
as
well as the malediction of the later fathers, of Jerome
Of
in particular.
this
work we do not know
sentence with certainty
;
as Irenaeus,
a single
and those who
followed and copied him, not only never clearly distinguish between that which belongs to Valentinus personally, and that which belongs to his followers,
but scarcely give any genuine extract literally)
1842,
in
the
at
all.
that
British
the
ancient
Museum,
good Armenian scholar prove that he possessed Ignatian production fully is
{KaTct
Great, therefore, were
:
Coptic
inscribed
my
Xs^lv,
hopes,
manuscript of
Sophia,
might be
had still to and now I fear his proves that he possesses none. There I confess I thought he
critical
absolutely no argument in
all
judgment
;
that he has said.
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
62
a translation, or at least an extract, from that lost
text-book of Gnosticism
but unfortunately the ac-
:
curate and trustworthy labours of that patient and conscientious Coptic scholar. Dr. Schwarze, so early
taken away from us, have proved to
me
have
(for I
seen and perused his manuscript, which I hope will
soon appear), that this Coptic worthless (I
trust,
purely
Marcosian heresy, of the
treatise
Coptic)
latest
is
most
a
offshoot of the
and stupidest mys-
ticism about letters, sounds, and words.
Irenasus treats of Valentinus personally only in
paragraph of the eleventh chapter of his
the
first
first
book.
began
his
According to
his exposition, Valentinus
system by establishing a nameless dyad,
or double principle, of which the one was called the
Unspeakable, the other Silence {Sige) primitive dyad, he said,
whom
first
a feminine), and then clesia,
another dyad sprang,
of
the Logos and Life {Zue,
Man
and the Church {Ec-
the people elect, the saved
he arrived at the
first
L) proceeds.
before,"
human race).
Thus
ogdoad.
common
Valentinian system
It begins with
" the a^on who was
In a like manner the ยง
out of this
he called the one the Father, the other Truth.
This tetrad produced
(i.
:
who was called the
Forefather {Projmto?'), and
the Abyss (Bi/thos), invisible, inaccessible, eternal, and for
many
existed
aeons in deep solitude.
Thought {Ennoia)^
Sige or Silence.
With him
co-
also called Charis or Grace,
These generated the Mind (Nous),
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
63
who, being inferior to none but to the Father, was called the Only-begotten {Monogenes),
and the Beginning {ArcM,
him was procreated Truth.
and the Father,
principle) of
No
.
.
.
the Father except the only-begotten Son.
With knew
all.
aeon (§ 2.)
Hippolytus, in his fourteen pages about Valentinus, gives us full eight (pp. 186
own words
;
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 194.) of Valentinus'
and these eight pages are not detached
sentences, picked out in the ordinary inquisitorial way, to prove
what you want the heretic
connected passages, passage.
if
to
have
said,
but
not in fact one uninterrupted
These extracts contain the proof of what
Valentinus'
own cosmogonic system
was, and show
the exact truth of what Hippolytus premises in a few
own
words, as the substance of Valentinus'
which
as to this point
he
system,
Hera-
identifies with that of
and other strict followers.* Hippowords are " The beginning of all is to them
cleon, Ptolemo3us, lytus'
the
:
Monad, unbegotten,
incorruptible, above all con-
ception and comprehension, generative, and the cause
of the origin (genesis) of the Father.
keep
But
This monad
all.
is
these systems differ greatly
:
called
some
to this first principle alone, retaining the
Pytha-
purity
neces-
gorean doctrine in
its
;
others think
it
sary to add a female principle, in order to arrive at
the procreation of the Universe the
Syzygos or
Consort.'"
;
The
and
this they call
exposition of the
* Compare, about Ptolemaeus, our article IX. and Heracleon, Iren. ii. 4., Epiph. Hser. xv.
;
and about him
64
ON THE
**
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
Pythagorean system
strict
this
is
:
" Originally no-
thing existed hut the Father, unbegotten, without place or time, without counsellor or any being that
He
can be subject to perception. tary,
was alone,
soli-
they say, and reposing alone in himself.
as
But, being generative, and not loving his solitary ex-
he willed that what was the most beautiful and
istence,
For him should produce and bring forth. he was all Love {Agape) and Love The not Love unless there is something Beloved."
perfect in
(says Valentinus) is
;
Father himself, therefore (continues the extract),
brought forth and procreated, as he was alone. Mind
and Truth, that
{Nous)
Sovereign and Mother of
Pleroma
And
(the Plenitude)
is,
a dyad, which
is
the
the aeons wdthin the
all
which they reckon up.
then follows the well-known system of pro-
gressive evolutions. I
must
from entering into
refrain
exposition, which will soon be
made
this
further
the subject of
deep inquiries and discussions, both speculative and All I wish to state
doctrinal.
our work
is
better,
is,
that the
method of
and the research deeper, than that
of Irena^us, and the whole exposition our only authentic one, as far as Valentinus himself stricter followers are
But
I
must
and
his
concerned.
direct
your attention
to a historical
point mentioned by Ilippolytus at the end of his exposition respecting the divisions of the Valentinian school.
The controverted question being whether
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
65
the body of Jesus was psychic or spiritual {pneumatic),
the Occidental school took the
first
view, the
Oriental school (AvaToXcKrj BcBacrKaXla) the second.
The authors of the first were " of Italy;" and among them Heracleon and Ptolemseus were conspicuous.
Of
those of the Oriental school he mentions Axionikos
and Ardesianes, of
whom
known
may be
;
the latter
the former
is
entirely un-
the same as Bardesianes
the Armenian, mentioned in a later passage
and then that Valentinian writer
lived
(p. 25S.),
as
late
as
172; for Bardesianes the Armenian must mean Bardesanes of Edessa, which
Armenia.
two
lies
near the frontier of
This piece of information respecting the
schools throws
light
on one of the most ob-
scure points of the doctrine and writings of Clement
of Alexandria,
mean
I
his
" Extracts from Theo-
Oriental School;" a most important
dotus, or the
chapter, which, in
unpublished " Restoration of
my
the Eight Books of the Hypotyposes of Clemens (of
which the
first
book
is
hidden under a
"
false title),
I believe I have proved, forms an integral part of
those
most
esoteric lectures,
instructive
which are the deepest and
work of the great Alexandrian
teacher.
But
I
must
now
proceed,
without further in-
vestigation of Valentinus' speculations, with the text
of our thirty-two heresies.
Simon and Valentinus are when compared with Irenaeus, the whole
If the two articles on original,
— ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
66
—
remainder of the sixth book (pp. 198 222.) is almost entirely copied or extracted from the first book of his master.
as
It is
my
as
far
not the
less curious for that
immediate argument goes,
important even than those original
it
articles.
and,
;
is
more
For
it
proves most palpably, that our author extracted Irenasus
and
;
this is exactly
what Photius
Hippolytus himself had stated he did against that
the heresies.
all
Who,
says, that
in his
work
then, will believe
we read here the book of another author of that who had written a book (never mentioned) of same title and who can doubt that we have the
time,
the
;
work of Hippolytus before us VII. Secundus.
— Five
?
lines only (p.
198.),
these almost literally copied from Irenaeus,
i.
and
5. § 2,,
with the sole addition, that he was a cotemporary of
Here are the two
Ptolemaeus.
texts
Hippolytus.
IREN.EDS.
liEKOVVCOQ fxiv TLQ KaTCt TO
liSKovvBog
avTO Xtyet eiyuL
^oa^a
ti)v
7rpu)-r}y
TeTpada
^e^iav
Oy-
TerpaBa apiffTepaVj ovriog padihovg fxiay
Kul
rijv
T))v he
U.TCO Tijji'
Se
rrji'
uf^ia
rajjieroQ.
rw IlroXe/xa/w ye-
ovtoq Xiyet Terpa^a
Kal eivaL de^iav tra-
(TTSpai', Kal
fxev
TYjV
ical
Terpa^a dpi'
^lOQ KalliKOTOQ* Kal
cLTvoaTdaav de Kal vcrrepij'
aWrjv (Taaay
Zvvafxiv ovk
cltto
ruiy
airoaTaaav te rpiaKovra AlhtViovXiyEL yeye-
v(T-Epii(TU(Tai'
tivai vujv
Kokeladai,
$(t>e,
2/coroc'
:
CvruiXLV
fxi]
vTiadaif
rpuLKovra Aiw- avTwy.
aXXa .... (Latin text:
sed a fructibus eorum.)
uXXa
cnro
twv Kapirwy
:
LETTER
We
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
67
have here an extract, in which the omission of
the words
ttjv TrpcoTrjv
^OySodSa
—
VIII. Epiphanes. Nine manner from what follows
words on Secundus.
is
no improvement. copied in the same
lines,
in
Both
Irengeus,
in Irenaeus,
name
manuscript, the well-known proper
Gnostic has been taken for an adjective derstanding which, I
am surprised,
the
after
and in our of this a misun-
:
not corrected by
is
our learned editor, any more than by Grabe and his predecessors
who
did not observe that the old Latin
interpreter expressed
Iren^us
(i. 5.
it
so well that
he translated
HippoLYTUS
§ 2.).
AXXoe .... (Latin text Alius vero quidam qui et
dLdaffKoXog
clarus est magister ipsorum)
yei-
e/'c
kol
v-iprjXoTspoy
KU)TEpOV
kffTL TLQ
(198. 98.
— 199.
Be Ttg ^Ett
avTwy
ovTcog
'Hv
fj
ap^r] avEvv6r}Togy
TrpojTtj
apprjTOQ TE
Kcil
cLUiopofxaffTogy
eyw fiovoTrira f]u
T^
TaVTT]
Xe-
'
irpo 7zavTii)V 7rpoap-)(i)
avovofjLaa-TOQ, fjv
8.).
Kpavijg
Trjp
Trpoavervoijrog, appt^roQ re kol
apidfiOJ.
AXXog
yvojcrrt-
kireKTELVO^EVOQ
Terpdda .... ovtoq
'irpu)Trjv
'
it.*
iiov6Tr}Ta
koXeI.
TUVTy
'
fXOVOTrjTl
[3e avvvTrapx'JELV dvpafiii', avTYjV ovofj-ai^d) kvoTTjra. avrrj ovofxa^o) Ev6[_Tr]Ta']. rj
kvoTijg,
i]
te jiov6ri]Q, to ty
ovaat TTpo)]KavTO apy^rjy
etvl
jj,))
irpoifXEvcu
ttcivtiov
vor]T})v,
ayevprjTOV te kuI liopaTov,
ravTrj
6
Xoyog
ds
dvvajjLig
*
fju rj
EPOTrjg ELTE /JLOVOTrjgyTTpOIJICaVTO jxi]
TrpoifXEvai
apyjiv
kirl
icav-
Tioy yorjTwp ayiyrrjToy te koi
fjv
aopaTOV,
apXV^
Avtyj
f]v
jjiovada
kuXeJ'
/xovct^a kuXe^.
[lovcihi
ofxoovaLOQ
Compare
avvvizap-^Ei TavTrj Ty ^vvafiEi avvvizapyEt avrrj,
fjv
^vvajiig bfioovcTLog avTrj
Tertullian, Contra Valentinianos,
c.
(t. ojuio
37.
ox THE " REFUTATION OF ALL
68
HERESIES.'
Koi avrrjy ovojxaCu) to ev. av- ovaiog' avTj]) oyojid^u) to ev,
rai at ^vyafxeiCf Kai
Xonrdg
irpoijKavTO tcLq
Xag rwy
re fioyorrjQ
ij
AvTat at TEaaapEg BvydfXEiQ
fiovag re Kal ro tv 7rpo)]KayTO
£j'or7/c,
Trpojio-
Tag
Xonrdg
tCjv
alojyuyy TrpofjoXag.
alojyujy.
(Here follow declamations.)
Then
the text proceeds in both as follows
iRENiEUS
*'AXXoi
^f.
Hippolytus
§ 3.).
(i. 5.
TTctXiv avTuJy Trjy
—
:
(199. 8
— 16).
avTwy
Tiju
Kal dp'yatoyovoy
(1.
"AXXoi
KOL ap-^iyovoy (Lat. Trpu)Tr}y
7rpu)Tr}v
by Hippolytus.)
(Left out
Brj
TraXtv
archegonum) 'Oyloala rov- dpyiyovoy^ 'OySoct^a KEKXijicacn
TOiQ toIq oyufjLaari
Tolg
EKaXEaay
oyofxaaiy
dvev-
TzpCJTOv TcpoapyjiVy ETreiTa vorjToy., Trjy de TpiTtjy
;
TOVTOig
apprjToy,
Koi Ti)y TETapTTjy aopaToy' Kal
TETupTrjy dopuToy.
Kal
ek
Ik fxey Tfjg TrpouTrig Trpoapyfig fiEV TJjg rrpwTTjg 7rpoap)(f}g irpoTrpof^eloXijadai TrpujTu) /cat TTTO)
ap-)(riy,
TijQ
X^c)
Koi eKT(0
Ik
^e
Trifj.-
{ttjq
ap-
TplTU)
KUl dpprjTOVy
tj3B6iib) TOTTU) ayoyofiacFTOV, ek
dcog,
TTJg
TrpojTrig
oydo-
TavTag ftovXavTai
Bvydf^Etg Trpo'vTrdp-)(Eiv tov
dov Kai
'
EK Be Tfjg dyey-
Tfjg
TpiTtO
Kal
TOTTh), dy(t)v6fxa(TToy
\_t6*
ek Be tTjq
'
'
EftBofJ-O)
ek Be ttjq
dyiyy-qToy dopaTOv, dyiyyrjTOV TrXZ/pw/ia
aopcLTOv
TTJg
dp\{]y
CLKaTuXrjTrTOy' TTw], aKaTaXfjivTov
£K Be TTJQ appiJTOV
Be
TOTTo)
ayeyyoijTov hevTEpo) y01]T0V, CEVTEpO) Kal EKTIO TOTTO)
TrXijpiofia
jJEJSXija-daL 7rpu)Ta> Kal TrifiTTTM
Sty/yc,
'"'ci
Bv-
teXei-
u>y teXeiotepoi (f)ayu)(ny
Tfjg TTpwrtjg
oyBodBog. TavTag
Tag f^ovXoyTai Tdg BvydfiEig vTrdpx^Eiy
2tyi}c
Bvdov Kal
Toil
irpoTfjQ
(t. yfjg)'
ovTEg
Kal Ty(i)(TTLKu>y yrioffTiK^jTepoi'
dv
TTpog ovQ BiKaiwg (ptjjyijaEiEy
u)
Tig
Xr/poXoyoi
etti-
ao-
^laTuL
Kat yap Bi/0ou
irtpl
TToXXat
avTOV
»«:a't
yywfiai Trap avTO~ig
'
tov
hid(f)opoi ol p.EV
yap
"AXXoi
Bvdov 01 fjLEy
Be
TTEpl
dBia(f)6pioc
avTov tov KiyovfiEyoif
avToy d^vyoy Xiyovo't,
;
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
avTov ci^vyoy Xiyovai, appeva fxrire ^{jkeiav
fxrjTe
cippeva
fx^re
69 ^rjXvy.
jjijjTe
ij.i)re
oXbjg ofra tl' uXXol Be appe-
vodrfXvv avTov Xiyovaiv Eivai, epfxaippoZiTov
avTw
(f)V(Tiy
pLaTTTOVTEQ.
aXXoL GvvevviTLV aurw aiTTovcnVi
tte-
le tvoXlv
liLyrjv
Trpocr-
yivrjTat Trpwrr)
''^'^«
avrS
GVfXTtapEivaL
kol
eivai
TavTr]V TrpujTTjv avi^vyiay.
av^vyia.
This extract
of great interest for judging of
is
the character of our text.
It is quite clear that
between the words sKoXsaav and Tsrdprrjv doparov the words in Iren^eus' text from KSKXrjKao-i to dopa-
rov have been left out, but scarcely by Hippolytus for the text as
marked them
in his
sKaXsaav
.
.
,
He may have
stands gives no sense.
it
autograph for the copyist thus,
rsrdpTTjv doparov;
may
or they
sim-
ply have been omitted by careless extracting of a copyist.
We
shall
soon see that we have, at
events,
all
not everywhere the complete text of our author.
IX. Ptolem^us article
(pp. 199. £0., 200. 36.).
on Ptolemaeus follows
Hippolytus extracted or rather reproduced as
it
contains facts
Iren^us
Hi vero
(i. 6.
qui
Ptolemseum
thon] dicunt, et Thelesin. votiBj]
circa
Zvo
^e TTspi Tov UToXtp.aiov
av^vyovg
XiyovaiVf
ag
avroy Kai
Ennoeam KaXovai "Evvoiar
YlpQrov yap kve-
irpopaXe'iy
Oi
f'xetv
eum [By-
quas et dis-
vocant,
as far
Hippolytus.
§ 1.)
sunt
it,
—
scientiores, du-
as conjuges habere
positiones
:
— An
also here in Irenaeus.
(sicut
aiv.
YipCJTOV
di- TrpojjaXely,
yap
diaOiaeig /cat
QiXr]-
tvevorjOrj
ri
wg ^aciv, tVetra
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.'
70
cunt), sTra
rjdiXrjffe
Koi
^vicifXEiov,
'Y^ypoiag yajjLEOjyy
riJQ
TfJQ
'MovoyevovQ
Toii
7rpo(3oXi]
aWijXac,
elg
rrj
t:ai
wcnrEp KpaQEt-
^£X{]a-£(t)g,
aXXi]Xag,
Eig
(Tojy
Bu-
kvyoiag kol
Ie
Tfjg
tCjv Zvo
kol
diaOiaEOjy
y TOVTioy
KOI rfjQ QeXy'iaeiog aiare crvy- Tfjg Kpadei(Tu>v
Aio Koi
dto kui TjdiXrjrTE.
'
rCjy ^vo ^ladifTEiijy tovtiov,
i]
TOV TE fiovoyEyovg kcu
7rpo/3o\?/ Tfjg
aXr;-
'AXrjdeiag kuto. ffvi^vyiav dEiag KaTu av'Cvyiav EyiyETO,
kyivETO
rivag
ovg
'
Tiyag Tvirovg kol Ehoyag
CLCtdi" TU)y
Buo CLCiQiaEioy tov TzaTpoQ
TrpoEXdE^r, diEXd£~iy EK Tu>y dopa.TU)V bpa-
Harpog
Tov
(TEiov
rvvrovg ujg
dvo
ElKovag tSjv
/cat
Twv uopariov oparag, rov
TOV
fXEV Tcig,
QEXjifxarog t))v 'AXy]deiav, rijg yovy, Be 'Evvoiag
jjiEy
tov
^EXi'ifj-aTog
kyyoiag
Tfjg Be
Tijy aXij-
tov Nour, Koi hCa dEiaV, KOI Bta TOVTO TOV
klZL-
TOVTOV TOV GeXT/juaroe, o fiiv yEvyrjTOv ^eX^yuaroc, 6 appEViappr]v
Eiicibv
dyEvvi]TOv Kog'Tfjg Be ayEyyrjTOv kyyoiag 6
Tfjg
kvvolag yiyovEV, 6 Be ^rjXvg ^i/Xvc TOV
'S-eXZ/juctroe
Toivvv
'Evvota Toi
fjLEV
kpEyoEi
•
TrpofiaXely
EavT})y eCvvcito
U
1}
civt))
'
?/
T))y
veXr/^a uxnrEp
7rpol3oX))y,
kyyoiag,
Tfjg
yap
ctet
?/
evi/ota
ov fxiyToi
ye
oh TrpoftdXXEiy avTiiy Kor' avT))y kciO'
(1. jcaO'
£avT})y) ?/Bvvaro,
a kyEvoEi. ote EyEvoElro.
aXXa
"Ote Be y tov
-S'e-
TOV ^EXi}fxaTog ^vyufxig XrjfjLaTog ^vyafxig [tTreye'rero]
ETTEysyETO,
TOTE
EVEyOEl,
O
This
TOTE
[o]
kyEyoELTO
7r(0o/3aX-
Xei.
TrpoijSaXe.
his
TO
kyiyETO
Tfjg 'Ej'roetv jjlev
yap
fxlv
Trpof^oX^v
TYiy
kirl
QiXijfJia Zvyafxig
kyiyETO
dvyafXig
'Evvc/ac
to
*
article is followed in Irenaeus, after
some of
wonted exclamations, by a succinct mention of
the heresy of the
ColorhasianSj which
name
served by Epiphanius (Haer. xv.), in giving the text.
basus
Now (for
I
is
pre-
Greek
can easily prove that an article on Colar-
thus
followed in our
he
writes the name),
author too.
must
Not only does
have the
:
LETTER
II.
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
index of the chapters, prefixed to to all the others,
71
book
this sixth
as
mention Colarbasus with Marcus,
as treated of in the fifth
chapter (the authors just
named, Secundus, Ptolemaeus, Heracleon, forming the fourth)
;
but our author himself concludes
book with the following words
now and
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "I believe
sufliciently exhibited their worthless
clearly
shown whose
who were
;
Mar-
"
the followers
But not one word does he
Nor can
say of Colarbasus, according to our text. it
have
I
doctrines,
disciples they are
cus as well as Colarbasus,
of Valentinus' school.
this sixth
be maintained that he meant
to say those
two
taught exactly the same doctrine, and therefore that,
having treated largely on Marcus, he had also said
enough of Colarbasus. Colarbasus gave a
We
new turn
know
contrary
the
to Valentinianism.
No-
thing remains, therefore, but to say, that Hippolytus did insert an article on Colarbasus, and that here too
we have
only an extract of his original text, and a very
careless one. article
The
question
was placed before or
hesitate to say, after as
much
as
Marcus
is
simply, whether that
after ;
Marcus
I
?
he can, the chronological order
Irenasus does the reverse.
do not
for our author follows,
In the
last articles
;
whereas
Hippoly-
tus had closely copied Irenaeus, because Secundus,
Ptolemaeus, and Heracleon were immediate followers of Valentinus,
and preceded Marcus
basus was the disciple clearly states,
who
of Marcus, as
gives Irenaeus'
;
but ColarEpiphanius
own words about
72
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
him
(Haer. xv.
1.), as
they are found in the Latin
text of that father.
tenth heresy, therefore, in Hippolytus, was
The
that of Marcus, and Colarbasus the eleventh.
X. Marcus, and This article relation
is
his followers the
To
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
remarkable for our argument on the
which Hippolytus' work bears
to Irenagus,
Our
were almost
in a peculiar way.
copies
Marcosians.
here
we have an
last
articles
extract very
much
explain the nature of this extract,
I
abridged.
must
first
state that Irenaeus has devoted to this sect nine entire
chapters
(i.
13
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
21.), in
about ninety
folio
pages.
This long treatise consists of two distinct parts, quotations from the
works of Marcus or of the Marco-
sians
and dissertations or declamations against them.
Now,
if
Hippolytus gives the
first
substantially,
and
omits the others entirely, he not only acts as a sensible author, but does exactly what he did in the articles I have this
moment
laid before you.
That
is
also
what Photius says Hippolytus declared he meant to do.
But
I can
says so himself. tracts
and
from Irenaeus, and added
his criticism
sixth
now show you
that our author
For having gone through the ex-
upon
Irenaeus,
his
own
researches
he concludes the
book by saying that the Valentinians
had
gone on glorying in their inventions, the more absurd they were and that, having " made
always
;
out every thing from the Scriptures in accordance with the numbers set forth (the cabalistic numbers).
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
73
they charged Moses and the prophets with those inspeak allegorically
ventions, pretending that these
Now,
about the measures of the aeons. not thought less
fit
I
have
to give an account of such sense-
and incoherent things, the
presbyter
blessed
Irenaeus having refuted their doctrines already with
great skill and pains.
I
have taken from him the
account of their inventions, having shown before that they have stolen
philosophy and the
them from the Pythagorean of the
subtleties
astrologers,
and then fathered them upon Christ." *
Then
fol-
lows the concluding sentence given above, in which
he says he had explained the systems of Marcus
and Colarbasus.
Could we ever have expected proof that the book
now
to find such
discovered
Photius read, and which bore the
is
title
of Hippolytus*
work mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome Hippolytus' account of Marcus
he says, was simply a magician,
is
an explicit
the same which
?
this:
or, to
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Marcus,
speak plainly,
a trickster and conjuror, using also what
we
call
Hippolytus had exposed and explained some of his tricks in the book " Against
animal magnetism.
the
Magi
"
{Kara rcov Mdycov),
these tricks in the
munion.
The impostor used
very consecration of the com-
In speaking of these exposures, Hippo-
lytus says, he had not divulged the last secret word,
* This passage
is
very corrupt in our text.
E
THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
74 ON
which was to give the key
pronounced
to
hour of death.
to
all,
" I have kept silence on this point,"
says Hippolytus, p. 202., "that I
intend to
not at
all
but which was only
very eminent personages, or in the
deal
nobody may believe that is them show whence they
maliciously with
our aim, but only to
:
That blessed elder*, more openly in a general
have taken their opinions. Irenaeus, has spoken out
manner about these doings of theirs. Some have they are always denied having received that word We have therefore made it our taught to deny it. ;
object to inquire
more
more minutely, what
is
accurately, and to find out
delivered to
them
in the first
bath (baptism), and what in the second, which they call
the redemption, or absolution (apolytrosis)
;
But
have penetrated even into their secret.
and we this in-
dulgence shall be shown to Valentinus and his school."
A
sentiment of delicacy,
of which
instances in his predecessors naeus,
who
there
are
few
is
Ire-
(among whom
protests that he does not believe
told of the impurities of the Valentinians),
what
is
and none
in his followers.
The
text goes on exposing (pp. 203
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 221.),
al-
most entirely in the author's own words, the absurdity and fallacy of Marcus' mystic play with the
twenty-four letters of the alphabet.
expect
me
You
will not
to discuss this stuff filling eighteen pages.
* irpiaU'Tipor^ in
its
eminent sense, as a person who had been who had seen Christ.
acquainted with the witnesses
LETTER But
75
well to observe, that this authentic expo-
it is
new proof
sition is a
work
that his
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
is
of Hippolytus' authorship, and sometimes an extract, sometimes an
enlargement, of Irenaaus, in the way in which I have
endeavoured to establish
this already.
XI. CoLARBASus and the Colarbasians.
—
This undoubtedly, extracted from Irenseus, but is left out in our text. The Greek text
article was, i.
6. § 2.,
of Irenoeus ran
thus, according to Epiphanius
tom. S. XXXV.), and the Latin translation Iren^i
interpres Latinus.
Iren^US apud Epiphanium.
Qui autem prudentiores putantur illoriim
(1.
primam Oc-
esse,
tonationem, alter
prud. se putant)
um
et in
onem
ab altero -Sonera
unum ^onum a
ejus,
ipsi
se
cum
U
/caO' v7r6(^a(TLV
XoVf
Tov KoXop/3a-
Trepi
T))v 7rpu)Tr)v
aXX
6/xov
Ti)v tG)v e^
'Oy^oada, oh
uXKov /cat
virb
ak-
eig aira^
alojviov 'npo(Do\r}v
emissi-
VTTO TOV UpOTrciTOpOQ KUL 'Ev-
En-
yolag avrov rerixQcLL, wq av-
Propatore et
noea
[01 (Tov']
non gradatim,
emissum dicunt, sed simul
(i.
:
crearentur, Tog fxanoaajjLevog ^ia(3e(3aiov-
obstetricasse
affir-
rai.
Kal
\6yov Kal
ovksti ek
Et jam non ex Logo i^o)r]g avdpoJTTor KaLEKKkrjffiav^ et Zoe Anthropon et Eccle- Kal E^ avdpu)7Z0Vi ojg ol ciWoi, siam, sed ex Anthropo et Kal £KK\r}(Tiag Xoyov Kal ^wr/v Ecclesia Logon et Zoen di0ao-t r£r£\dai avrog Kal ol cunt generates, in hunc moavTOv aXXa Eripo) rpoTro) dum, dicentes Quando comant.
'
:
gitavit aliquid emittere Propator,
hoc
Pater
vocatus
TOVTO XiyOV(TlV, OTL OTTEp EVEvoi)dri 7rpo(Da\E~ir 6
TOVTO Trarrip est, at ubi quse emisit vera
UpoTrarwp,
ekXijOtj. ettei ^e o
fuerunt, hoc Alethia voca- TrpoEljaXETO aX})dEia 2
i^v,
tovto
76
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
Cum
turn est.
autem
voluit aXiideia
thvofj-dfrdr]
ore
.
ovv
semet ipsum ostendere, hoc ydeXijaev sTridel^ai avroVi tovAnthropos dictus est. Quos TO uydptoTToq kXeyQr). ovQ Ze
autem proecogitaverat post- irpoiKoyiactTO ore TrpoipaXe, eaquam emisit, hoc Ecclesia Tovro ItCKX-qcria wvofxacrdr], Kal vocata est. Locutus est An6 aydpioTTog tov Xoyov, ovrog tliropos (1. Et Anthr.) Logon, hie
est
primogenitus
autem prima Oc-
Subsequitur
Filius.
Logon Zoe,
et sic
:
^wi).
Latin text the
7/
in Irenasus (§ 7.) bears in the
title,
"
On
the Doctrine of the Co-
more general sense of
larbasians," but treats in a
the
/cat
oydodc
His extracts must have stopped
what follows
Valentinian
(^Q)T')]p).
Xoyo) Trptorr)
Hippolytus' article was shorter, but sub-
stantially the same.
here
ri^
Kal ovru)g
KoXovdel de
avi'ereXiadi].
tonatio completa est.
I believe
earn' 6 TTpiororoKog vlog. kira-
doctrine
Some
respecting
the
Saviour
of the tenets here mentioned are
incompatible with Colarbasus' system, especially the
account of the
from
ten
aeons,
number abhorrent
it.
XII. Carpocrates Iren.
—a
i.
24.).
— This
(pp. 255f 256., article
compared with
from beginning to
is
end extracted from Irenaeus, but with curious omissions.
The
relation of the
other presents so
many
two accounts
its
each
interesting points, both for the
criticism of the Carpocratian system,
our work and
to
author, that
texts again in juxtaposition
:
—
I
and for that of
must give the two
LETTER Iren^us
(i.
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
HiPPOLYTUS
24.).
eo,
munduin
et ea quae in
(pp. 255, 256.).
Kap7roKpciTr]Q tov
Carpocrates autem et qui
ab
rd
Kal
IJ.OV
kv
eo sunt, ab Angelis multo dyye\(i}V ttoXv inferioribus ingenito
factum esse dicunt.
autem
e
Joseph natum,
et e^
fuerit, distasse a reliquis
secundum ejus
VOTa, ^LKaiOTSpOV tG)V XotTTWV
quod anima
yeveadai,
firma et
munda cum
evTOVOV
commemorata
Deo
ingenito
quae :
et
mundi
7-a
avTy kv
fxey
propter Bid TOVTO ei
Jesu autem dicunt animam in Judaeorum consuetudine nutritam contempsisse
eos,
Ea
ter
atque
potest
homini-
igitur, quse similiilia
Jesu anima,
contemnere
mundi
fabricatores archontas, similiter
accipere
virtutes
ottwq
'
fjv
kul
kv
dia
ttcktI
TE kXevQepwdilaav, kXrjXvdevaL
avTOV, tu Ofxoia avri/e Tijv
doTTrai^Ofxivrjv. 'Ir/CTOv
kv 'lovhdiKolg 'iQeai avTcov, Kal Sid
KaTa(f)povri(Tat
(ov
Xdaei
kTriTeTeXeKevai,
Kan'jpyrjcre
ret
kiri
irpoaovTa
irddi)
dvdpiOTTOig. EKeivT}
tov
de
Xiyovffi \pv)(i]V kwofxiog
i)aKr}fxivrjv
di
siones, quae inerant
icai
-^(vpijcraaray
hoc virtutes ac- TOVTO dvvdfxeig cepisse, per quas evacuavit
bus.
tov
K*a-
Zvvafxtv,
et propter
quae fuerunt in pcenis pas-
/xerct
avTM
kKElVOV
dvvrjdy
7rdvTU)v
et eas, quae similia TrpoQ
amplecterentur, similiter.
rjj
'7repi([)opa,
KO(Xjji07roLOVQ kK(l)vye~iv Cl
tores eflfugere posset, et per avTTjQ
ei
vtt'
raTTf^^^^j^at
fabrica- Tovg
omnes transgressa, et in omnibus liberata, ascenderet ad Deum,
avTOV
Kadapdv yeyo-
fuisset dyevrjTOv Qeov
hoc ab eo missam esse virtutem, uti
Tijy ce \pv)(i)p
KOL
fuerit vviav, diaixvrjfxoreiKTcu tu opa-
quae visa essent sibi in ea
circumlatione^
Kai
aydpiOTTOiQ yeyo'
TO~iQ
id,
esset,
yeye'Irjaoiii^
yeyevriadaiy
'Iwo'/^
Ofioiov
viro
vTrojjefDrjKorujv
Xiyetj tov ^e
vijaQcu
kug'
fjiev
ai/rw
Patre TOV dyevrjTOv Harpog
Jesum
qui similis reliquis homini-
bus
77
T})v ovv onoiwg
Ty TOV
XpiffTOv
^pv^rj
dvvajjiivrfv KaTctcppovrjaai KOfffxoTTOiiov
twv
dp-)(^6vTiov, ofxoiiog
ad Xan(3dveiv Ivvafxiv 3
k'o-
to~iq
-rrpbg
to
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
78
operandum
Qua-
similia.
propter et ad tantum
avTovQ
ojffTE
quidam autem secundum aliquid
et
di6
•
fxev bixoiujQ avrio
^e Kal STL cvpuTwrepovg, Tiydg ce Kul dia(f)opis)Tepov£ tCjv
qui sunt di-
fortiores,
illo
quam illius puta quam Pe-
vov
stantes amplius discipuli, ut
trus
Paulus
et
elg
teal
similes se esse elvai Xeyovai rw 'hjaov, tovq
dicant Jesu,
adhue
6/joia
TOVTO TO TV(pog KUTeXr]\vda(TLyy
tionis provecti sunt, ut qui-
dam quidem
rd
TTjod^ot
ela-
nav^^^^
WcD^
^^^
'^'"^
/cat
cWo-
•
reliqui/^'''^^toj^' tovtovq ce
et
IkU'
olov Yiirpov
fxadijruji',
i^ard ^t}-
hos autem in nul- cira aTroXeiTreadai rov
'Irjerov.
Ani-iTae de xpvxdg avruiv mas enim ipsorum ex eadem virepiceifxiyrjQ k't,ovaiaQ
Trapov-
Apostoli lo
:
deminorari a Jesu.
l
devenientes,
circumlatione ideo
et
similiter
mundi
nentes
et
rursus
in
did tovto ojaavrojg ku-
Ta(l)poveiy
rwv
[to]
avTy]g yj^iaiadaL dv-
fabricatores,
eadem dignas habitas virtute,
crag, icai
contemesse
T))g
imfxeiog, kcu
quam
wXiov
contempserit ea
magicas operantur et
philtra
quo-
et
pare-
charitesia,
r/yo-ia,
i
reli-
minandum jam
principibus
et fabricatoribus
hujus mun-
yi'lfxaTU,
£)^£tv T<JJV
et ipsi
ad
KoX
quemadmodum
TO
Kvpuvi.LV
KoX
Tov
Koajj-ov,
ov
i'ldrj
TTotrjTcZy fi)]v
aWa
Tuiv ku avT(p iroiYifxaTiov
airavTiJiV' olTLveg fcai auroi Elg
de-
3ta/3o\»)j'
tractionem divini Ecclesiae nominis,
irpug
/va/coyp-
i^ovaiay
et
his omnibus, qua3 in eo sunt
Qui
Xotwd
<pdaKOVTEg
a.p')(J)VTU)V
Toii^e
non solum autem, sed
icai
Trapidpovg te kuI oyeipo'
TrofXTvovg Kal to.
|
facta.
Ti-^vag
ETraoiddg, (j)iXTpa te kuI x«pt'
1
quas malignationes, dicentes se potestatem habere ad do-
:
rCJv
et ipsi Qt ,olv fxayiKug e^epya^ofxevoi
dros et oniropompos, et
di
rig eksivov
avTOv vTrdpyetv. ilium esse. Artes enim pov
incantationes,
que
le
KarcK^povijaeiev
evravda, hvvaadaL ^lacpopwre-
quae sunt hie, posse meliorem
quam
avdig elg to avro
Et
autem plus
Si quis ille
KOcrfiOTroKJUy lia.
idem yojpiiaai.
abire.
rrjg
it:
Btiov
rj/c
et KXyjalag ovofiuTog irpog ,
to.
'E(v-
tdyi]
LETTER
Satana prgemissi
a
gentes,
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
secundum alium
sunt, uti
alium modura, quae sunt
lorum
audientes
et putantes
omnes nos
veritatis
Tov
aaVy
'IvQ.
il-
rpoirop
homines,
esse, avertant aures
prseconio
vird
et
:
TCI
iiceirojy
aKovovreg
KOI doKOVvreg rjixdg
avdpujTtotf
tales Trayrag
aut
omnes nos blasphement,
et
Toiovrovg
ctTTO
TOV
yjjLaTog
Tijg
vitapyeiy,
\J]
a.\r]deiag
communicantes, eis neque in doctrina, neque in moribus, neque in quotiSed diana conversatione. vitam quidem luxuriosam, sententiam autem impiam ad velamen malitiae ipsorum nomine abutuntur, quorum judicium justum est, recipientium dignam suis ope-
Krjpv-
koC^ (3\i7royTeg
in eKeh'djy aTravra,
nullo
Deo
Saravd 7rpoEJ3Ki)dr}Kar aXXoy Kal dWoy
suas a arroarpeipuxn Tag ciKoag avTOjy
videntes quae sunt illorum,
ribus a
79
///idc
to.
(^Xaa-
(prjuuKTiy (t. (3\aor^rifxovariy).
retributionem.
tantum insania effraenati sunt, uti et omnia qu^ecunque sunt irreligiosa et
Et
in
impia, in potestate habere operari se dicant. Sola
humana mala
et
utique
opinione
Et bona dicunt. secundum transmi-
grationes tere
in
enim
negotia Etc ToaovTov Ze HETevcnojxaTOvadai (j)aaKov(n Tag \pv-
in corpora opor- X^Qi 0(Toy TravTa to. ctfiapTi)vita, et in fxaTa 7r\r]pu)(T0}(Tiy ' oTay ^e
omni
omni actu fieri animas (si firj^Ey XEiTrrj, tote eXEvdEpiodElnon praeoccupans quis in oav aTraXXayfjyaL Trpog ekeIuno adventu omnia agat se- yoy Toy virEpayu) Tuiy KoajjLomel ac pariter, quae non TtOiQy tiyyeXwv 0£ov, /cat ov^ tantum dicere et audire non Tujg <7{t)di]aEadaL Trdffag rag £ 4
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
80
est fas nobis, seel
ne quiclem
nire,
nee credere
homines conversantes in his quae sunt
secundum nos
(t.
afiapriaic,
ovksti
dWd
secundum quod scripta depujd)'i(jovTai Tov eorum dicunt, in omni usu aduL iv vwixUTt. factse
Traaaiq fxerevaoj-
Trdvra b^iov
dirocovaaL rd ofXy'ifxa-a eXev-
uti,
vit^e
arsfxi-yr]-
dvafXLyyjvaL)
civi- fxarovvraiy
tates, tale aliquid agitatur),
le (f)du(TaaaL
irapovcriq.
fxiif
apud aav
si
Et TLveg
v//v)(ac.
in mentis conceptionem ve- ev
^xiiKirt.
ytvi-
animiB ipsorum,
nihilo adhuc minus habeant. Ad operandum autem in eo, ne forte propterea quod
exeuntes
deest
in
aliqua
libertati
cogantur
iterum
res,
mitti
in
corpus, propter hoc dicunt
Jesum hanc 1am
:
Cum
dixisse parabo-
cum
es
adver-
sario tuo in via, da operam,
ut libereris ab eo, etc. etc. Alii vero ex ipsis signant,
TovTO)v Tn'EC KoX Kavrrjpid-
cauteriantes suos discipulos Covm TOVQ l^lovQ in posterioribus partibus ex- ToiQ
Unde
tantice dextrae auris.
et
sub
Marcellina, quae
Aniceto
OTTtaii)
TOV he^LOv
fjLadrjrdg kv
fxepecTL
TOV \o/3oi)
(jJTOc.
Romam
venit,
cum
esset hujus doctrinal, multos
exterminavit.
Gnosticos se
Kal
eltcoyag de
autem vocant: etiam ima- KarafTKEvdi^ovdL tov XpiaTOV gines quasdam quidem de- XeyovTEQ VTTO HiXaTOv rw kuipictas, quasdam autem et de pio EKetya) yeviadai. reliqu a materia fabricatas ha-
bent, dicentesformam Christi
factam a Pilato,
illo in
tem-
LETTER pore
quo
fuit
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
cum
Jesus
Et has
liominibus.
coro-
nant, et proponunt eas
mundi
imaginibus
81
cum
philoso-
phorum, videlicet cum imagine Pjthagorse, et Platonis et Aristotelis et reliquorum et
reliquam
;
observationem
circa eas similiter ut
Gentes
faciunt.
This long passage that
we have more
very instructive.
is
It
proves
but fewer words in Hip-
facts
poly tus than in Irenaeus.
It proves also, that,
even
which Hippolytus took principally
in those articles
from Irenaeus, he went to the fountain-head, and completed or rectified the extracts he had
Of
in his predecessor's work. in the
striking instance
we have
this
found a very
passage about the Carpo-
cratian doctrine of the metempsychosis.
The words
in Irenaeus alluding to this doctrine, and beginning
"Ad operandum autem
in eo, ne forte
cogantur iterum mitti in corpus," &c., are entirely unintelligible
;
which precedes
so in fact it.
duced instead of
it,
is
the long confused period
Hippolytus
felt
not a sentence
this,
(I
and intro-
believe) of the
Carpocratian text-book, but undoubtedly the substance of what he found in garbled.
it,
which Irenaeus had
The period which begins
" Ety ToaovTOV hs
/jLSTSvacofiaTovadat *E 5
that
....
passage, iXsvOs-
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
82
rov /njKSTL jsvaaOac iv
pwdi'jcrovTaL
what follows perfectly
As to this wicked
crco/xari,"
renders
intelligible.
perversion of the ancient doctrine
of the metempsychosis,
T
can only say that,
if it is
taken from a work of Carpocrates himself (to
we have no it
right to
whom
impute such gross immorality),
expresses only that part of his doctrine in which
he represented the tragic destiny of the souls living
under the thraldom of the Demiurg, and
by him
into
through
sin
the
all
driven
stages of that
existence, which, according to the " ancient " doctrine of the
East (against which ^schylus and the
mind
truly religious Hellenic
was a curse
rebelled),
in itself.
XIII. Cerinthus, the Egyptians "
(p.
**
educated
with X. 21. and Iren.
i.
25).
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
to
we
esse
muudum
KypivdoQ AlyvTrriujy
quadam [GfoD]
valde
distante
et
ab ea principalitate quas
dW viro ityOvaiag,
virep
jeeit,
super omnia
Jesum autem subnon ex virgine natum
this
vwo
avTog
cKTKijdeiQ
rov Trpojrov
Kt-
dvyajjitiog TLi'dg
kol
iravTa
'\r](rovv
[_iccu']
Traideti^
est yojpi(T^ivr]Q ri]Q
eum
Deum.
by
-yeyovivai rou Kofffiov
super universa, et ignorante est
de rig
kXeyey ou)(
docuit, sed a virtute
separata,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
:
HiPPOLYTUS.
iREN-aEUS.
Et Cerinthus autem quidam in Asia, non a primo
qui
are led
some corrections of our text
Deo factum
be compared
to
:
give the two pas-
I
sages in juxtaposition, because
method
the science of
in
256. twelve lines
vnep ra 6'\a
dyvoovariQ rov
Qtov.
vTredero
f.iri
tov
Ze
ek Trap-
Qivov yeyerijadaif yeyovivai
(impossibile enim hoc ei vi- ioe avrdy ts
'Iwo-/)^
Kal
Ma
LETTER sum
est)
Joseph
fuisse
;
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
autem eum piag
vloy
(t.
olov), ofiolojQ toIq
et Marias filium, si- \oi7ro7g airaaiv avOpwiroig,
militer ut reliqui
omnes ho-
prudentia et sapientia
ab omnibus.
Et post
bapti-
/cai
diKULOTepoy yeyovivuL Kai ao-
Kat
mines, et plus potuisse justi- (^MTEpov. tia et
83
TTTicrfxa
to (3a-
jLitrct
KareXdelv elg
[£K'3 ^'75 VTrep
TO.
avToy
oXa avdey-
smum descendisse in eum, Tiag TOP XpLCTTOv, kv e'i^el ttsab ea principalitate quae est pLorTepdg, Kat tote Kr^pv^ai super omnia, Christum fi- TOP UyVlOdTOV (t. yVli)(TT0V^ gura columbae; et tunc an- HciTspa, hcal dvvafxeig kinTenunciasse incognitum Pa- XiaaC Tvpbg Ze rw tIXei, clttotrem, et virtutes perfecisse;
TTTiivai
(t.
tov
aTTOCTT-^rai)
autem revolasse ite- XpiffTOV CLTTO TOV 'irjCTOV (t. XpLrum Christum de Jesu, et (TTOv), KClt TOV ^IrjCrOVP TTETZOVJesum passum esse et re- divat Kal Eyrjyipdai, top Se CLTrad surrexisse Christum autem XpLffTOP dLafXEfXEVT]in fine
fj
:
impassibilem
perseverasse, KEPat TTPEVfXaTlKoP
existentem spiritalem.
On this occasion I will offer my dear friend, which forces and more
(t. TTUTpi'
KOP^ vwap'^oPTa,
an observation itself
to you,
upon me more
in considering the bearing of this
newly
discovered work on the present controversy about the
age
of the
Gospel of
St.
John,
and conse-
quently on the whole history of the hundred years,
from 70
to 170.
We
have seen that Hippolytus not
only undertook, but really carried out, with no labour,
and a
and with the resources which life
of inquiry there
could
Rome
offer,
a
little
alone
critical
review of the doctrinal history of the Church, from earliest
age down to his
the depths of the
first
own
time.
He
dug
heretical speculations,
£
6
its
into
which
:
84
ON THE '^REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
had remained
historically
an enigma to Irenaeus
he inquired, in particular, into the
and
historical
chronological order of these heresies, being the first
chronographer of the West, and gave, in
points
all
where we can follow him, the most authentic ports
we
Now, when such
possess.
man
a
re-
tran-
scribes an important article from Irenaeus, like that
respecting Cerinthus, without addition or modification,
seal
his
put to
its
mythical the thus,
must be
transcript
whom
How,
truth.
common
taken
then, can
traditions
a
solemn
we
treat as
as
respecting Cerin-
Hippolytus also places at the head of
the Ebionitic view?
And if we
cannot do
this,
how
can we doubt that Cerinthus lived in the time of
St.
John, and that the prologue and other important passages of the
fourth
Gospel
not to late
refer,
systems of the second century, but to early theories of Gnosticism and Ebionitism in the
first ?
Doubtless
the Gospel does refer to theories and speculations respecting the person of Jesus of Nazareth, but to
those which sprang up immediately after the destruction of Jerusalem.
That event, the shock of which
had an echo through the inhabited globe, roused the infant Christian world from slumbering dreams
about future destinies in an unknown
state, to the
consciousness of a world-conquering divine vocation
upon this earth, and to prophetic visions of new kingdoms and new nations directed by Christ's spirit. It brought
on a crystallization of the floating elements
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
85
of Christian worship and of corporative organization
;
human
intellect
to solve the great enigmas of the connection
between
and
it
roused
all
the depths of the
the historical person of Jesus of Nazareth and the origin
and nature of the human
race, of the relation
between history and the divine idea, between inw^ard
and outward revelation and
inspiration.
How
can
any one wonder that those theories sprang up early as
we
We
are told?
as
know now more than ever and we can understand
authentically, that they did; this
phenomenon,
if
we
consider those circumstances,
and the great fermentation into which the decay of Judaism and of Paganism had,
thrown the human If
we look back
for a century or two,
race.
over this sixth book,
we
find
it,
I
think, as interesting for its contents in its first portions, as for the evidence of its
BOOK
authorship in the latter.
VII.
(Pp. 223—260., 38 pages.)
Having
established,
I
believe,
on
sufficient
grounds, the authorship and character of our work, I shall
now content myself with
the sects, adding a few remarks
— This, again,
is
list
of
by way of appendix.
—
Isidorus (pp. 225 an original article by Hippoly-
XIY. Basilides and 244.).
presenting a
his son
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
86
ON THE
tus,
and treated according to
*'
his
own method. Having
premised a recapitulation of the Aristotelian principle,
on which, according
to
him, Basilides founded
upon
his philosophical system, just as Valentinus did
Pythagoras and Plato
(pp. 225 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 229.),
he gives an
own Com-
authentic account of Basilides' opinions, from his
works and those of pared with
tliis
his son (pp.
230â&#x20AC;&#x201D;244.).
treatise, Irenasus'
chapter
(i.
23.)
appears very meagre, incomplete, and incorrect. According to Hippolytus, Basilides was certainly an
Egyptian
(p. 244.).
This
settles
more than one much
disputed and not unimportant question.
This sect used pretended secret doctrines (Xoyoi) of St. Matthias, undoubtedly the same which Cle-
The
mens Alexandrinus and Eusebius mention.* whole exposition of Basilides' system seems
*
ii. 380. iii. 43 b. vii. p. 765. See Grabe, Spicilegium, i. p. 117. sq. acutely that it was a Basilidian apocryphal book, Clemens asserts. The editor ought not to have I (230. 10. and 230. 83.) MarOiov into MarOaiov.
Clem. Strom,
;
25.
the corrupt text {\6yov dv
<1)Q
me
and beau-
strikingly to confirm Neander's elaborate
ill.
to
Euseb. H.E. He guessed which indeed
changed here would correct
nva
Ihov ovtol Kai kcuvov
kcu tujv
MuTOiov Xoyiop Kpv^wv Tiva ivdiaaaipovaiv) thus: \6yov ov ojglSiov ovTOi Kal KaivSv riva Ik tujv riviZv SiaaacpoixTLv.
Xuyoi
ciTTOKpyrpoi.
MarOiov Xoyiov
Kpv(piu)V
(or
c'tTroKpixpojv)
These Xoyot of Matthias are called (230. 83.)
They were, probably, not an apocryphal
out a mystical and philosophical doctrine or traditions Avhich went under his
;
gospel,
perhaps the TrapaSoaeig
name (Grabe,
i.
1.).
The
gospel of the school was the Nazarean one which Jerome translated into Latin, an enlargement first
Gospel.
upon the groundwork of our
LETTER account of
tiful
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
and
it *,
The noble
Gieseler.
some acute observa-
also
of that accurate and
tions
87
truly critical historian,
character of Basilides' ethical
view of the world, which both have so clearly de-
now authentically unknown metaphysical
veloped, hitherto
whole system disclosed
substruction of the
connected ex-
to us in well
which occupy nine tenths of the
tracts,
The keystone
about twelve pages.
by the
established
is
or
article,
of the whole
system of the metaphysical ogdoad and hebdomad in the words
tendency from below upward, from what
what
is
quoted
Among
to descend."!
is
worse to
is
better; and nothing in the better
movable
is
(pp. 235 — 236,): — "Everything has a
is
too im-
the Pauline epistles
But
that to the Ephesians.
Basilides not
only quotes (besides St, Luke's second chapter) the
Gospel of
St.
Jolm
|
it
;
is
evident that his
also
whole metaphysical development,
connect a cosmogonic system with * Kirchengeschiclite,
i.
691
should have been at a loss
—713.
how
an attempt to
is
John's pro-
St.
wonder that Neander
I
to correct the passage in a
Latin text of the fourth centnrj, giving an account of Basilides' system
(p. 693. iv. 3.)
naturam read
:
.... j"
"
" Per parvulam
:
....
radice
Per paraholam
divitis et
et
divitis
pauperis
We
must plainly pauperis, naturam sine radice
indicat."
indicat."
This must be the sense of the words
av(s) a.T:6
TMv
sine
:
'Zinvhi iravra Kdroj^sv
t<Zv xtipovujv tizi to. Kpt'iTTova' ov^iv ct
Toiq KpeiTTomv^ 'Iva
fit)
kutsXOij kutuj.
dKLVi)T6v iartv iv toIq KptiTToaiv, etc.
242. 55. X p. 232.-64., p.
o'vt(j}Q
I read
:
duojjTOV
oiidtv St
t(TTi
ovrwc
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
88
Now
logue, and with the person of Christ.
these
extracts are undoubtedly older than Heracleon's
mentary on tible
St.
John (which
itself is already
com-
incompa-
with Strauss' and Baur's hypothesis about the
origin of the fourth Gospel),
to the time
and belong
between 120 and 130.*
XV. Saturnilus
(Saturninus,
Iren.
c.
i.
24.),
cotemporary with Basilides, lived at Antioch in Syria,
and taught a doctrine
Menander's,
like
mentioned here incidentally.
is
probably he thought
;
But the
cotemporary. is
treated
better to place
it
head of a new school, before his
as the
Basilides,
evidently
Hippolytus inverts
of Saturninus before Basilides.
the order
who
Irenaeus
244, 24o.)
article itself (pp.
copied from Irenaeus. f
XVI.
Marcion, from Pontus.
an original article (pp.
246 —
— This
is,
253.), but not so im-
portant as those on Valentinus and Basilides. *
12.
The
text
of corruptions and difficulties.
After
Page 234.
read to appiiTwv apptjroTSpov instead of to dpprjTOV, dpprj-
The
ToTtpov.
correct than
40
is full
again,
writing
'A/Spnaa?,
The
'A(ipc't^ac.
p.
240.
95.,
may be more
sentence,
unintelligible
p. 232.
— 46., has been thus restored by Dr. Bernays, whose attention
I had called to this
ments
:
UdvTa
work on account of the
ovvy oaa kaTiv eivtiv kui
T(^ jxtX^ovTi (t. orra
t^ pfWovTi)
ffxtWtv dpfiol^tiv civayKaiioQ TTpoaOtiKijv
TOIOVTOV
av^avofxiixiJ
&tUV,
UTTOIOV
(t.
OVK
SvvaTy) ytyovt x^P'l^^^^ V fffikva Tip
mri-ppaTi.
ilTtilV
784.
djro tov OTrtpfiaTOQ
KaipoTQ idioig Kara
dvayKoiuitf)
av^dvofifvov),
ktIoii,',
i.
Ileraclitean frag-
evpuvTa TrapaXnnlv,
k6(th<{J yivtrrf^ni
(t.
'ApfiuZfiv is
t Neander, Kircheng.
trt fit)
loQ
OvSk V
dfl
(t.
vivo tijKikovtov f} (T
6 I
(t.
OV
Kai
Voi](Tai)
Kai^ ti'VTrijpxi rtOtjaavpt-
of course here intransitive,
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
89
few remarks on Marcion, extracted from Irenasus
a
sense, our
29.), as to the
(i.
Em-
author gives an
pedoclean dissertation, interesting for the criticism
on the works of that poetical philosopher, and con-
some new
taining
cording to his
Hippolytus of course, ac-
verses.
favourite
idea,
endeavours to refer
Marcion's tenets, as far as they are truly philosophical, to
some
Empedocles
respects
for which, although it
;
a fanciful
Marcion often copied him 252,
p.
He
19.).*
he
notion,
is
literally (avrals
in
that
urges
Xs^sac,
then gives a short but original
account of a development of Marcion's doctrine for
He
the worse.
the systems which rest sim-
calls
ply
upon the antagonism or dualism of good and
evil,
" the
first
and purest heresy of Marcion" (253,
39.), in contradistinction to
whom
of
XVII. Prepon
the Assyriauy a Marcionist, or fol-
lower of Marcion, and *
KoXo(3odaKTvXoQ
text ^
may
easily
Ttjg
T({)
where, after mention
evangelist
i)
if
T(Zv
we
on
But
MapKog
the
true
Ikhvov kvvujv tiq vXaKTrj Kara rov /cat
koXov
7rpo(pspojv
tovtovq outs UavXog 6 cnroffToXog ovTt
6 KoXojv Xoyojv hddffKciXog dvijyyeiXav.
Kara Map/cov
called
is
consider the whole passage.
avTiirapaQianoQ dyaOov
Xoyovg, Set avToig Xgyfiv
MdpKog
the
(Mark the stump-finger).
be restored
Tovg Ik
lived in Hippolytus' time.
in p. 252.,
Mark
ETreidav oJr, Mapicioijv
Sijfjiiovpyov
kv
who
Pray correct the words
of Paul the apostle, 6
the system of Prepon,
the next article treats.
evayyeXiii)
yiypairrai.
Tovtcov yap ovSkv
He
calls
Mark
the
teacher of good words (doctrines), instead of the "evangelist"
(which means the same), in order to avoid repetition, and perhaps also for the sake of the play upon the word are worse corruptions in our text than this.
Xoyoi.
There
:
We
knew nothing beyond
hitherto
Theodoret
name, which
his
25.) mentions, with other followers of
(i.
Marcion, in his
We
on Apelles.
article
now
addressed to Bardesianes the Armenian in which he set
SUacov),
(to
learn
Prepon the Marcionist* had written a book
that
or
ness,
in
up a
third first principle, Justice
Jewish
the
between good and eviL
Marcion
the middle
evident
from what adopted
in his later writings
For Hippolytus returns
view.
this
as
law,
It is
righteous-
of
sense
conformity with the
follows, that
253.)^
(p.
to
Marcion,
and gives us his celebrated, startling saying, " that the Saviour came down without birth in the fifteenth year of Tiberius," with the addition
" being
mean
the
To
evil."
are quoted
and
good
between
(^fisaov)
explain this expression Marcion's words :
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;"
If he
the
is
mean
(/xsaorrj^),
But
delivered from the nature of evil.
Demiurg and
For
his creatures.
this
he
is
evil is the
very reason,
Jesus descended without being born (aysvrjros), that
he might be free from free
evil.
all
But he
mean'
(jjLsaorrjs),
as
Paul
says,
himself declares, in the words,
good?'
At
One
is
* ^]upKuovi(TTns
Tip. 'Act.
and
Why
as
*
the
he (Jesus)
do you
call
me
good."
this point,
surprise, without
*
also
is
from the nature of good, in order to be
the pure Gnostic school being ex-
rig Up'eiriov 'Acravpiog.
The
text has (to
any remark) the nonsense, MapKtwv,
MapKioviaTrjg
is
the usual
word
vrjiniQ
for Marcionist.
my ng
-
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
91
hausted, Hippolytus passes through Carpocrates to
He
Ebionite heresies.
the
states
that
schools stand in opposition to each other Carpocrates': place
well chosen
is
for
;
these two
(p.
257. 67.).
he partakes of
both systems.
XVIII. The Ebionites ledge the true thus'
God
(E^tcovatot),
who acknow-
as the Creator, but adopt Cerin-
as Jews,
and say,
justified
by the law.
Him
none before Christ
taken from
Jesus fulfilled the law, which
had done, and thus became the This short
larged
it
texts,
Irenaeus'
in order
observe
to
from the original records.
Iren^us
(i.
a
Hippolytus
26.).
Deo factum
;
:
similiter), ut
Cerinthus et
Carpocrates opinantur.
KUGjXOV VTTO TOV OVTOJQ QeOV y£
ofxoiojg T(o ¥^ripivd(o koX
KpcLTEL
^vQevovaiv.
'lov^a'iKolc i^Qcrif
cundum Matthaeum Evangeet
recusant, apostatam ov
(t.
kciI
tov
^e^i/catuJo-Qat
TTonjaravra rov vo^ov.
Apostolum Xpiarov Toy
KapTro"FjOeaiy
Kara vofxov
(pacrKOvrtQ ducaiovadai,
Solo autem eo quod est se- 'h](7ovy Xeyopreg
utuntur,
(p. 257.).
'E/3twva7oi ^£ bfJoXoyovari rov
ea yoviyuL' Tadeirepl rovXpLardv
autem quae sunt erga Dosimiliter (text non
minum
Paulum
the
account, and on the other en-
Qui autem dicuntur Ebiconsentiunt quidem oneei,
mundum
It is well to
which Hippolytus has on the one hand
in
abridged
article is partly
Irenaeus, partly original.
compare the two
manner
live
they are
any had done so before Him, he would
if
;
that, like Jesus himself,
have been the Christ.
lic
They
and Carpocrates' fables about Christ.
^l6 koX
avrov) rov Qe-
(jJvojxdffdaL 'I?/(rouv
(t.
kcu
92
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
eum
legis dicentes.
Qute au-
1
rwv
'h]crovv), kird fxjjdeig
[ttjoo
tern sunt prophetica, curio- avTOv'] IriXeae rov vojxov'
tl
exponere nituntur et yap Kal erepog tlq -KEiroujKEL circumciduntur ac perseve- TO. ey vofiu) Trpoarerayfxiya, rjv Aurant in his consuetudini- ay eKeJyoQ 6 Xpiarog. sius
;
bus, quae sunt
gem, vitae,
secundum
le-
adorent,
domus
quasi
sit
Deo.
ayOpojTToy
eiyat
iraai
\iyov-
aiy.
XIX. Theodotus article,
as
well
as
of Byzantium, an entirely
the following.
as
knowledged Jesus but
yaadai ^e Kal eavrove ofioiwg
Judaico cliaractere TTonjaayrag XpiffTOvg ysyeadaL' uti et Hierosolymam Koi yap Kal avruy ofjioiiog
et
as the
having received the
—
Mary
son of
new
Theodotus acthe Virgin,
spirit at his baptism, in
consequence of his most holy and devout
Some
life.
God
only of his follow^ers say, that Jesus became after his resurrection.
XX. Theodotus
the TrapezUef or banker, father
of the Melchisedekites, was originally a simple fol-
lower of the of a peculiar
among
first
Theodotus
system, in
the Theodotians.
passage of Scripture
he became the head
:
consequence of disputes
theory of Jesus' relation to Melchisedek,
on the
historical account in Genesis, or
or on this
But
on what
It is not stated
Theodotus Junior based
Psalm and the Epistle
his
— whether •
on Psalm
to the
ex.,
Hebrews.
have no doubt he referred to the fourth " Thou art a priest for ever verse of the Psalm I
:
after the order of
Melchisedek
;
"
and one can
easily
understand, that a Gnostic philosopher of the Ori-
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
ental Valentinian school
93
might endeavour from
this
verse to establish the theory, that Melchisedek was
the highest power order, only his
{hvvafjbis),
image
(slkcov)
and Christ, being of :
which
latter
his
word was
one of the technical terms of the school, as the ex" from Theodotus in Clemens' " Hypotyposes
tracts
Epiphanius (Haer. 54, 55.) also connects
prove.
this sect with the Theodotians, as a division or
of them
;
and Theodoret
(ii.
5, 6.) calls their
branch
founder
another Theodotus, as our author does.
Our
article adds, that Christ (being
himself only
an image of Melchisedek) descended upon Jesus,
whom
this sect also considered
I think
we may guess from
simply as a man. this last doctrine of
the Theodotians and Melchisedekites, lytus,
who
why Hippo-
follows the genealogical order of the he-
resies rather than the strictly chronological, placed
Cerinthus with
the
later Ebionites,
more
or the
modern Judaizing Gnostic school, between Valentinus, Basilides,
and Marcion on the one
the Theodotians on the other.
These
side,
and
latter heretics
had either openly adopted part of the Cerinthian and Ebionitic system
;
or at least their speculations de-
veloped some of the germs contained in them
;
per-
haps also the later Ebionite writers had tried to support their doctrines by the profound speculations of Valentinus.
This
is
the general import of the articles on the
Theodotians.
But
that
on the younger Theodo-
;
94
ON THE
tus
and the Melchisedekites
besides very impor-
is
tant for understanding the character of our script.
All that
lines (p. 258. is
79
1.
there, in a
is
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Not
86.).
work which was This
unanswered.
them
said of
is
much
is
word of
a
than what either
Epiphanius or Theodoret relate of them
mark
this circumstance.
refutation
no heresy
to leave
less
manu-
comprised in eight
and now
:
Theodoret's account
is
taken
purposely against this
sect,
from a work
\^^itten
under the
of the " Little Labyrinth," which, I can
title
show you good evidence
was a work
for believing,
of our Hippolytus himself
How,
explained, that his article
so meagre, in a
is
then,
is
it
be
to
work
which was to leave nothing unstated, nothing without refutation
?
One cannot
say that Hippolytus
thought a sufficient refutation was contained in the first
part of his work, on the speculative systems of
the Gentiles
;
for he does not refer to
have here only a hurried extract
is
That we
it.
proved by the
sentence immediately following the eight lines descriptive of the Melchisedekite opinions.
tence cannot be construed
;
and what
it
This sen-
seems to say,
" that there were different opinions held by the Gnostics, and that the author did not think
it
worth
while to discuss their foolish and godless doctrines,"
wholly inappropriate in
itself,
and in
has no connexion with what follows the cause of
much
and then Cerdo took
:
this place,
" Nicolaus was
of the evil of this sect (which his start
is
and
?)
from them (from whom ?),
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
and from Simon."
It
evident, that as all this cannot
is
refer to the Gnostics generally, it
here treated
of,
must
is
refer to those
To
the Theodotians.
by saying that there
95
explain this
a defect in our manuscript,
caused by the carelessness of the copyist, seems to to be highly improbable.
many
passage as one of the part of the seventh
The
odotians,
possess a
made
in an extract,
original
much
contained, in this article,
we
proofs that
book only
a hurried manner.
me
I therefore consider this
text
in
must have
respecting the The-
out in our extract, and must have
left
comprised the refutation of their system, concluding with a sentence the beginning of which
we
have.
Nicolaus was mentioned after this exposition as one
who
himself, or
whose
had imbued the Gnostic
sect,
system with impurity and immorality it
;
and, lastly,
was stated that Cerdo started from the Theodo-
tians, as a peculiar
branch of the Oriental Valentinian
school.
I have endeavoured to reconstruct the
the text only so far as
meaning of
necessary to restore sense to
is
I believe that such was the general
our extract.
connection of the context
:
but what I
insist
upon
is,
whole sentences (not a few words merely) are either wanting entirely, or are
principally, that in our text
extracted carelessly.* *
The
text
now runs
Melchisedekites apiOfieXv
:
thus, after the
meagre account of the wv OVK u^iov KUT-
rvioffmcaiv Se 6ia.(popoi yvcSfiai,
rag ^Xvapovg So^ag
iKpiuafxiv
ovaag iroWdg dXoyovg Tt
Kui (iXaatp-npiag ytfiovaag, (vv ttolvv aenvortpov Trspi to deiov
ao^rjaavTeg d^' 'EXXrjvoJv ^vsx9rj(rav,
oi
0iXo-
TJoXXTjg Sk avrcSv avaTaernog
— ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
96
I cannot leave
Theodotus without calling your
moment
tention for a
upon the Ignatian
at-
to the bearing of this passage
In the longer version
question.
of the interpolated Ignatian Epistles (in that to the
name
Trallians)*, Theodotus'
is
upon two
chronological place of Theodotus hangs
concurring circumstances.
from Epiphanius that
First,
his
The
mentioned.
we
learn credibly
doctrine was
condemned
—
by Victor (188 198); and, secondly, we know that Clemens of Alexandria, in his doctrinal book, the " Hypotyposes
"
(about 210), gave
certain extracts
from some Theodotian writing, with his own obser-
The
vations and occasional refutations.
work of Clemens runs thus
title
:
odotus and from the so-called Oriental school Xifcrj
last
of this
" Extracts from The('Az^aro-
The
hihacTKaXia) about the time of Valentinus."
words evidently do not form part of the original
KttKojv cuTiog yty'ivr]rai l^iKoXaoq,
rdv
t'lg
iTrrd
ISidaOKiv aliatpopiav (3iov re Kal
rag to uyiov Ylvtvfia ^la
rtjg
^
tuiKOviav vttS tujv
ov Tovg fiadijrdg ivvjSpl^ov-
yviocreiog,
I
would restore the SenSB
of the beginning of this passage thus
Twv
The
:
Utpl
Trpog to Sthov oi
hd^opoi
Si rd Srelov
Tlic remainder
rvu)(TTiKU)v ui jviUfiai.
be healed by simply reading
yXfy^f TTop-
ATrOKaXixj/eiog ^lujdtn>T]g
VEVovrag Kal ilSioXoOvra laQiovrag.
TovTOJv
e'lQ
KaTaaraQtig^ og cnroffTCig rijg Kar^ tvdtiav h^aaKoXiag^
c'nroffToXojv
may
(piXoa.
perhaps
instead of
" the
Greek philosophers have approached the Deity with much more reverence." Compare TTfpi
p. 4.
TO 3i7ov.
1.
81
— 88.
sense
:
Tti Su^iivra Tolg 'EXXyjviov cpiXoaixpoig
TTuXaioTfpa Kal irpog to
period, I read: noXXrjg ykvrjTai
is
'SiKoXaog, etc.
^Ciov affxvoTepa. Ci
avrolg
^vffTaaig
is
ovvdOpoKTfia. * Cureton,
Corpus Ignatianum.
As
ovTa
Tor'triov
tO the following
avaTacniog KaKcJv aiTiog yeto be taken in the sense of
LETTER title,
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
but are added by way of explanation, as
ficiently
97 is
suf-
proved by the awkward manner in which
The time
they are placed at the end.
of Valentinus
designates the third and fourth decads of the second
century (that
from 120 to 140).
is,
It is evident
then, that, as everybody allows Theodotus to have
been
than Valentinus, we cannot place him
later
But
earlier than 140.
am
I
inclined to conclude
from the place which Hippolytus diately after the Ebionites,
at
Rome
about the year 130,
as representing a
nor Ebionite,
new element,
— that
him
is
who
imme-
flourished
placed after him,
neither Valentinian
Theodotus lived certainly not
long after the year 150 assigned to
allots to him,
— Cerdo,
;
which
in the title of the
justifies the date
work
of Clemens
just quoted.
XXI.
NicoLAUS, the father of the Nicolaitans.
— Hippolytus takes
him
to
be the Nicolaus of the
Acts, one of the seven deacons. this has
You know
been from a very early period a much
that dis-
But it is remarkable that Theodoret expressly names " Hippolytus the Bishop and Mar-
puted point.
tyr," with Irenseus
and Origen, as the writers who
maintained that the Nicolaus of the Acts was guilty of the scandalous heresy of the Nicolaitans
;
and we
know from Photius
(i.
the Monophysite,
named Hippolytus and Epipha-
232.) that Stephanus Gobarus,
nius (who must have copied Hippolytus) as the authors
who
held that opinion.
If the authorship of
— ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HEEESIES.'
98
Hippolytus were not so well established,
dou-
this
ble evidence might be quoted as a testimony in its favour.
The substance is
of Irenaeus' and Hippolytus' articles
the same, as the following comparison shows
Iken^us
adv. Hcer.
Hippolytus
27.
i.
:
(p. 258. 90.).
Nicolaita3 autem magiIIoWoTc o' av Thjv avarastrum quidem habent Nico- rreiog KUKuiv airioQ yeyivqTai laum, unum ex vii. qui Nt/co\aoc, elg rojy kirra. tiQ primi ad Diaconiam ab A- ^laKoviav vtto twv aTrocrroXojy
ordinati sunt
postolis
:
qui Karacrradelg, og airoarhg
Plenissime autem per Joannis
maninullam
Apocalypsin
festantur
qui
sint,
^cifTicep
'
Zlcl
[The text has which is an
(Tews, (Tis
derived his "
to
of
jSiou
re koX yv6-
absurdity,
an allusion to
is
Cor.
fipw-
$p(o<ris viii.
r£v
5.),
as
to TTopveta.]
system,
according to
(by which he means, as
the Nicolaitans, but the Theodo-
tians, or later Oriental Gnostics),
The God
'A7roKaXv)p£iog
Trig
Koi eidojXodvTa kadiovTag,
fiius is
we have shown, not
luadijrag
ayioi' Ilv£v-
'lo)dyyrjg ijXey^e iropvevovTag
elSwKodvrav (1
Hippolytus, " from these
Tovg
oil
Eyvjjfiii^orrag to
:
laitarum, quaj et ego odi."
a^LCKpopiap (diov re Kal
j3p6)(r£(x)g
difFerentiam esse docentes in fxa
moechando et idolothyton edere. Qaapropter dixit et de iis sermo " Sed hoc babes quod odisti opera Nico-
XXII. Cerdo
Trig
Kar evdeiav dL^aatcaXlag, e^t-
indiscrete vivunt.
" and from Simon."
Moses and the prophets was, according
him, different from the Father of Jesus Christ,
who was
God
the hidden and the good
God, whereas the
of the Old Testament was the manifest and the
LETTER strictly just
God
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
;
an idea which
(as
99
our author says)
Marcion adopted, and strengthened by
work,
his great
as did likewise Lucianus, his disciple. (Epiph. Haer.
23, 24.)
The
words are our author's own
last
former part of the article
from Irenaeus
(i.
28.)
as to their
article
meaning with those
upon him
following juxtaposition shows this Iren^us
adv. Hcer.
i.
(i.
29.).
clearer:
still
HiPPOLYTUs
28.
the
:
copied literally
words respecting
finally the
:
Marcion are identical which open Irenaeus'
(five lines) is
The
—
(p, 259, 1.).
Et Cerdon autem quidem ab
piens,
sunt
qui
iis
monem
erga
occasionem
cum
venisset
Si-
ofjioiiog
a(f)opiJ.ag
rrapa rovrojy
acci-
Roraam
sub ,Hygino, qui nonum locum Episcopatus per succes-
sionem ab Apostolis habuit, docuit 'eum qui a
Lege
annuntiatus
Prophetis
Xeyei
et sit
Deus, non esse Patrem Do- Qeov
mini
nostri
Hunc enim
Christ!
cognosci, ilium TOV fiey :
de Tov
* I
'
koX rov fxev eivat.
TOV de ayaOov.
TovTOv ce TO M.aph:i(i)Vy
rag
ooyj-ia
work of Marcion which TertuUian F 2
it.
SKparvve
re 'AvriTrapa-
take 'Avrnrapa9£(T£ig to be the more accurate
or to be the designation of a part of
rov
Xpiarov Trarepa elvai
avit doctrinam, impudorate dicxetg * k7riytip)]aag,
celebrated
Tov-
eyyoiadai,
yelp
ayv(i)aTOV ^iKaioi',
elrai
jui]
Xpifrrov.
'Irjffov
roi'
TrpoipriTuir
KEKr]pvyfJiEvov
Jesu. Traripa
autem ignorari et alterum quidem justum, alterum autem bonum esse. i. 29. Succedens autem ei Marcion Ponticus, adampli-
Kal
M.(oaiiOQ
uTTo
calls
tcaX
title
offa
of the
Antitheses,
;
ON THE ^'KEFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
100
blasphemans eum qui a Lege avrw 'ido'^ev elg rov tQv dravet Proplietis annunciatus est ruiv drjfxiovpyoy ^uo-^T/yuT/o-ac. |
Deus, malorum factorem, bellorum conciipiscentem,
et et
inconstantem quoque senet contrarium sibi tentia,
ipsnm
dicens.
Our author
Irenasus treats of Marcion after Cerdo.
has anticipated the article
upon Marcion, when speak-
ing of the leading heresiarchs of Gnosticism, and evidently mentions Marcion and his disciple Lucianus here, merely as a transition to a junior teacher of the
same
school, of
whom
Irenaeus does not speak at
all
perhaps because he was posterior to him.
XXIII. Apelles " Marcion, Lucianus).
same
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; He
advanced further in the
direction, setting up, besides the just
the fiery
God
{irvpivoi),
a fourth, the author of
him
derived from these" (Cerdo,
Of
angels.
who spoke
Demiurg,
Moses*, and, as
to
All these three were to
evil.
the Gospels, and St. Paul's Epistles,
He
he picked out what he liked.
attributed the au-
thority of prophecies to the sayings of a clairvoyante
woman
of his sect, Philumena.
This account of Apelles seems in some respects *
Compare
also
Deuteron.
mon Magus founded
24.
iv.
his doctrine
We
upon
have seen that Si-
this passage, taking it
(as Valentinus also did, p. 191. 10.) in the
plying that the
name
of
God was
Colonel Rawlinson, that the Babylonian
cuneiform inscriptionb(v, jav)
is
same
Fire (P^).
name
really Fire.
sense, as im-
Ilearn from of
God
in the
LETTER
II.
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
whkh Rhodon,
severer than that
101
Tatian's disciple,
and an opponent of the Marcionites, gave of him in a fragment preserved by Eusebius (H. E. v. 13.), and written about twenty-five years before our author's
According to Rhodon, Apelles acknowledged
time.
only one
on
first
Hippolytus says, his system
principle.
subject agreed with that of Marcion.
this
'Olcdrvoyante
Philumena
is
also
The author here concludes
who
first,
his seventh book, in
We
order to pass to the Docetcs, the seventh book,
The
mentioned by Rhodon. have therefore in
a continuation of the Gnostics,
derived their system, like the Valentinians, from
Simon the Galilean then the Ebionite sects, or all who regarded Christ simply as man, and who were more or less Judaizers finally, those who mixed up ;
;
these
different
But some of hasty
concluding with Apelles.
systems,
of the articles
we
abstracts.
BOOK
VIIL
(Pp. 261â&#x20AC;&#x201D;277.,
The
possess only in the shape
17 pages only.)
eighth book contains seven articles, of which
only one, that about Tatian,
is
copied from Irenajus:
another, equally short, agrees with the corresponding article of Irenaeus, as to the sense, that
cratites
:
on the En-
the other five are entirely new, and not
touched upon by Irenasus, and E 3
refer, in
some
places,
ON THE "KEFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
102
more recent than
to opinions
One
sies.
is
work on the here-
Monoimus the Arab) gives unknown system. The whole
(about
article
us an ahnost entirely
book
his
very short, containing only seventeen pages.
This can only be accounted for by saying, that
we do
not possess the entire text, but only an abstract, and that abstract not very carefully made.
XXIV. The DocET^. — This
name, used very
vaguely and indefinitely by other authors, from Sarapion (Euseb.
(Divin. Script,
down
12.)
vi. c.
0pp.
12.
to
Jerome and Theodoret 142.),
iv. 1
This remarkable
28.).
of the seventeen, and
They had
here attached it (p.
of curious extracts from
a speculative system, based
numbers from one
by our author
262,
up seven pages
263— 268.), with much new mat-
their text-book (pp. ter.
article takes
is full
is
assumed
to a particular sect, which itself
upon the
to ten, like the Egyptian, treated
in his fourth
book
77
(pp.
— 79.).*
most curious article respecting the ancient Egypnumbers, it is impossible not to recognize There is in it the Chinese system delivered in the Y-king. After a sentence perfectly unintelligible as it stands now. the author has explained how, by repetition of itself, the monad generates the dyad, triad, tetrad, and finally the decad, *
In
this
tian metaphysics of
he continues
(p. 78. 3.)
:
TiJQ dk fiovdSog kutci. t7]t
Kpimv cvyyiutiQ dpiOnoi irapaXafitdvovTai
y',
f',
T,
ahuiptTov avy3"'
(3, 5, 7, 9).
EoTt Sk Kai tTipov dpiGfiov rrvyyeveia irpSg Tt]v jxovciSay ^vffiKurtpa
Kara
t»}v tov i^aKVKXov tXiKog Trpay fiartiaf^ TTjg
dpTiov
^'r(Tiv
correct:
rrjc
Trpuyfia-tifip,
Tojv dpiOfiiov KOI ^laipsffiv. t^rtf. t)
Tijg
eX.
I
read
cvd^oc, &c.
:
t))v
The tov
dvddos Kara Tijv
editor proposes to
tJiuKv kXov
These words allude
iiXikov
to the divine
:
LETTER The Docetian but
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
103
cliristology is not only very original,
also clearly
shows the age to which they belong.
They presuppose the whole Valentinian school. Some light may be thrown by help of this article upon the fragments of the Gospel called after St. Peter.
XXV. to
MoNoiMUS, an Arab, author of an epistle Theophrastus (p. 272.), a man entirely unknown
hitherto, with the exception of
(Haer. 98.).
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; In
Hippolytus
has
tracts
upon
He
from him.
Man was the universe principle of is
all
things
him,
said,
two
lines in
Theodoret
pages and a half which
the four
four
are
literal
ex-
according to Hippolytus
{avOpcoirov zlvai to nrav) (ap')(i]
and the
The system
tmv oKwv).
a genuine Oriental mixture of Gnostic speculation,
proceeding by progressive evolutions of the monad.
But
mixed up with a mythical application of the
it is
Pythagorean speculations respecting numbers, and, as
Hippolytus says
gories.
(p. 272.), of the Aristotelian cate-
In the extracts
we
find the Pentateuch
and
the Epistle to the Colossians quoted, with every word
perverted from
its
Hexaemeron, or the their sense
is this
:
natural sense to
fit
the speculative
six days of the creation
the dyad
is
more
;
and I beheve
philosophical as respects the
treatment of the six days of the creation of tlie material universe. For, without starting from the dyad, and proceeding by a dyadic progression
(2+2+2),
a philosopher endeavouring to explain
the account of the six days of the material creation, cannot show how six proceeds from two by three (6=3x2). If our
fragments of Hippolytus' commentary on the Hexaemeron were not so very meagre, we should be able probably to prove this explanation by the method employed by him. F 4
— ON THE
104
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
''
His ethical system seems a
dreams of the author.
bold carrying out of the
above
:
what belongs and
self,
my
as the
XXVI.
— On 52
—
them, seek thou thyself from thy-
to
say — *My
my body
soul,
self,
mentioned
sentence
first
" Desisting from seeking God, nature, and
God
my
mind,
thought,
and thou wilt find thyself in thy-
;'
Taxi AN, the
Martyr.
lines (p. 273.
five
almost literally from Irenaeus
after his Introduction
(i.
The
form.
disciple of Justin
we have only
his opinions
concise
my
one and the whole."
5Q.), copied
five lines
is
(i.
31.),
30.) had been given in a more
following comparison of those
shows the identity, and gives sense to a
corrupt passage in our text: IHENJIUS
(i.
HiPPOLYTUS.
31.).
(Tariavoe) 'lovffrlvov aKpoar>)g yeyovo)^ ecpoaov rjy
ei^eivo)
ovTOV
ovcev
fxerd
'
Zt
t^e'^/jre
tol- TOV
fxaprvpog,
kKtivov ^iltaaKoXio
t)]v
fxaprvpiay airoardc,
aiag olli^aTL
TavLavog ^e Kal avTog ye^ev avv- vo^EvoQ fxadr]rt)g 'lovarivov
tyiq ekkKii-
di^acrKuXov
api)et£y Koi Tv<pu)delc wfi
KULvd
ovk
Ojxoia
e<l>p6yr)(TEy,
TLva
ETri^Eipiiaag
r^
aXKd 'i(p-q
ett-
5ia0£-
pwu rdjy XoiTTioy/i^ioy ^(^apaKTijpu ?jida(TKa\eiov ait7}ydQ Tii'UQ
TOLQ
CtTTO
yijtTar'
arvrearria-aro,
uopdrovQ
roy ydjxoy rE*pdopa.v
TTopyEiay TrapaTrXrjcriwg ^ciTopyiyu)
craq
ce tov *Acdfx
Trj
irap kavTOv ri]y
cuTtoXoyiay^
iccH
Map-
aiioyag (1.
(TojTr)pi(^
ayrtXoyiay
TroirjcrdfiEyog.
(t.
rivag
dopdrovg)
rrapa
rovg
ofxoiiog roig utto
OvaXEvriyov (1.
fj,vdoXoyi](Taai
i^vOoXoyrjffag).
ayayopEv- ^dopdy
Ktoij't ical '
6/j.oio)g
OvuXeVTIVOV flvdoXo-
ElyciL
Tdfxoy Ze
TrapaTrXijaicog
MapKtuiyi XiyEt. Toy Be 'Addfx (pdaKEL d.p')(r}yoy
fn)
(Toj^EnQai, tiid to
mipaKofjg yeyoj'tVat.
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
11.
XX VII. taining
105
Hermogenes only one page yet conmuch to illustrate what we know about the :
:
Carthaginian painter from his cotemporary country-
man and
19.).
— He
from Matter coeval with
all
ten
:
God
said,
God had made
and not begot-
him.self,
overruled her, and produced order out of
her confusion
;
but
What
Hippolytus, has been related
by
there remained a disorderly
still
residue {aKoa/jbos).
myth
Hermogenem),
adversary, Tertullian (Adv.
and from Theodoret{i.
original in this, observes
is
much
better said by Plato, in a
As
Socrates.
to Christ,
Hermoge-
nes acknowledged him as the son of the Virgin, and believed in his resurrection
:
he had ascended to the
heavens, and left his body in the sun
an idea which
:
he fantastically supported by the words of Ps. xix. 4., as Clemens in his " Hypotyposes " also expressly stated this to have
Hermogenes whose
article
been the interpretation given by
on Hermogenes' system
in every respect
(i.
973
—
as his guess
(i.
admirable
when he gave
978.
XXVIII. The QuARTODECiMANi, about the middle and
is
978.), did not, probably,
think of that passage in Clemens,
same explanation
Neander,
prophet. § 56.).
(Eclogse
the
n. i.).
or those
latter part of the
who
second cen-
tury insisted upon celebrating Easter always on the fourteenth day of the
first
moon
after the vernal
equinox, without any reference to the day of the
— This
becomes
in
some respects the most important of the whole,
as
week.
original,
but short, F 5
article
ON THE
lOG
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
"
book
far as the authorship of the
words quoted from
it
sight the case
first
concerned.
is
Tlie
At
are not found in our text.
For
rather startling.
is
ap-
it
pears, that, if we admit the authenticity of the quotation,
we must
up the identity of our work But I maintain that, in spite of
give
Avith that quoted.
appearances, this very quotation identity of
book
in our
For
tlie
work.
all
but the
and that
I
literal
is
can show that
new
;
many
articles of the sixth, seventh,
this passage is a
we have an
from the incomplete it is
proof, that in
and eighth books
abstract only of the text
This opinion became probable to
of Hippolytus.
But here
we have
text quoted by bishop
Peter
in particular,
a proof of the
of some other
state
demonstrable, that there
connection in the argument
;
is
articles.
a want of
is
and w'hat
me
wanted
to
restore sense to the text, and connection to the ar-
gument,
is
exactly what
is
auspiciously supplied by
the quotation.
As give
this passage
is
you the whole
of such importance, I
article as it
now
stands,
bishop Peter of Alexandria's quotation ''
Some
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
must
first
and then
others, contentious in their nature, simple-
tons in knowledge, pugnacious in disposition, maintain that
it is
necessary to keep Easter on the fourteenth
day of the
first
month, according
the law, on whatever day
it falls,
written in the law,
'
is
docs not keep
it
as
tliat
it is
to the
command
of
apprehensive of what
cursed shall he be
who
ordered;' not heeding that the
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
"
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
law was given to the Jews, who were to passover, that which is
is
received by faith,
Attending to
this
what the Apostle one who
whole
is
now by
not kept
the letter.
one injunction, they lose sight of
saith (Gal. v. 3.)
In
kill the true
gone forth to the nations, and
:
circumcised, that he
law.'
107
other
points
*
is
I testify to every
a debtor to the
people agree
these
with everything which has been delivered to the
Church by the Apostles."
The
text of Peter of Alexandria's quotation pre-
served in the introduction to the " Chronicon Paschale," runs thus **
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Hippolytus, the witness of religion,
bishop of the so-called Portus, near ten literally thus in his sies:'
'
Treatise against
ail
who was has writthe Here-
'1 therefore see that there is a contentiousness
in this affair.
For he (the adversary, the Quartode-
ciman) says thus
:
*'
Christ celebrated the passover
on that very day, and suffered also
Rome,
do as the Lord did."
:
I therefore
But he
is
must
wrong from
not knowing that, when Christ suffered, he did not eat the passover according to the law.
For he was
the passover which had been foretold, and which was
accomplished on the day appointed.'
There
is
no mistaking the sense of
this passage, or
of another from Hippolytus'
" Treatise on the Pass-
over," which Peter subjoins.
Hippolytus and Peter
both maintained, the Quartodecimans were wrong
from the very beginning
;
for F 6
Christ himself did not
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
108
by the law,
eat the passover on the day appointed
for
the simple reason, that, according to the true historical
account of
John and the tradition of the
St.
fathers,
Christ suffered death on the fourteenth day of the
month, and therefore had eaten, but not the paschal
The law
lamb.
of
Moses therefore held good
proper time only, until Christ's death right
for
:
then the symbol ceased
lamb had been
We
;
and
:
for the
this
was
the true paschal
offered.
have therefore two arguments
;
the one which
we read now in our text, and that quoted by Peter.
The one
contents itself with simply flinging back
upon the Quartodecimans the they quote, proving that, ter,
if
they must keep every
tittle
around
us.
But
this
many
let-
of the law, in spite of
a most sound and apo-
may
well be used
divergent Judaizing heresies
certainly
by
itself it
hardly meets
The poor Quartodecimans,
the question.
by
is
argument, which, by the by,
in our days against
law which
they will stick to that
their being Christians. This stolical
letter of the
argument, would say
assailed
" All very well,
:
if
we do is wrong. But the simple fact, that we are not bound to keep the whole law, does not prove that we are wrong because we do
you prove
keep
it
in this point."
call forth
are
to us that what
This natural reply would then
the second argument
wrong on
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
this particular point
:
duct proves that this law ceased to
he was to die
:
at that time
*'
Well
then,
you
own conbe binding when
Christ's
he did not eat the symbo-
LETTER passover
lical
And
;
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
for
109
he was himself the real passover.
therefore on the day, on the evening of which
the Jews eat their passover, he expired."
To
this of
course would be added the explanation, that there
was no irregularity in fulfilment of the law
:
dow ceased. Our text has only but the second
but, on the contrary, a
this,
the reality appearing, the sha-
the
argument
first
explicitly;
directly alluded to in a sentence,
is
which concludes with a phrase quite in the character of our
book and author, and
is
an imitation of
the striking passage in the First Epistle to Timothy (iii.
16.):
"He
who was
manifest in the flesh,
justified in the spirit, seen of angels,
preached unto
the Gentiles, believed on in the world, received
up
into glory." Now, we must recollect, that Hippolytus is here on his own ground, that he had argued this point for many years, more than any of his co-
temporaries, and that he
on the subject.
his time
is
Of
the great authority of all
the disputes in the
world, Hippolytus had not taken so
with any as about
this.
presented, as his most glorious
on
cathedra
the
on which
erected to him probably
death
over"
by
;
much
trouble
His Paschal Cycle
monument and
his
v*^ithin
statue
is
is
re-
relic,
seated,
a century after his
and his celebrated " Treatise on the Passis
quoted on that monument, and referred to
his learned
years later.
Alexandrian brother about seventy
How
then can
we
believe Hippolytus
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
110
to have
argument so negligently and
treated this
meagerly in a book on which he had spent so much time and inquiry, as he continually says
?
We
can
show, therefore, not only that our book contains the sense of the article which Peter of Alexandria
quoted from Hippolytus' treatise " Against Heresies
;
but also
"
what we read
that
all
in
the it
is
nothing but an abstract, carelessly made, from the original work.
ning of our rrjv
(f)va-LV,
Compare the words article, ''ErspoL
IStojrat rrjv
/jLsv
at
rivss
the begin-
(1>l\6vÂŁlkol
and the words of
'yvcoa-Lv,
Peter's quotation, 'Opco
TO spyov.
Bs
ovv otl
<f>t\ovsiKLas
These words of the quotation must not
be taken as corresponding to the passage in whicli that contentiousness
{(fiCkovsLKia)
is
But they
racteristic of the sect.
said to be cha-
refer evidently to
that passage with which our article begins, and which
consequently must have immediately preceded the
words quoted by bishop Peter there
is
"I
therefore see that
contentiousness in the affair."
led to the
same conclusion
seventh book
but in
:
:
our
this article,
MS.
to
We
are thus
which we came in the
has not a lacuna in this place
;
and probably in many other pas-
sages where the text
thing seems wanting,
is
not clear and w^here some-
we have only an abridgment
from Hippolytus' original work, and that a very stupid and careless one. I have already observed,
how
feliort
the
present book
is,
and how meagre
LETTEE
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
certain articles are in the sixth book,
and
Ill
still
more
in the seventh.
Thus, what might appear at
first
sight a stum-
bling-stone, turns out to be a curious
and striking
We
can prove his
proof of Hippolytus' authorship.
authorship by this quotation of a passage, which,
though not found in our text,
is
necessary to
the argument clear and of any force.
We
make
have the
same argument, the same meaning, although not the same words.
XXIX. The MoNTANiSTS (Epiph. IL.28. ret,
iii.
3.), or, as
{^pu^zs), the
;
Theodo-
they are called here, the Phrygians
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; They referred their origin to
a person of
name of Montanus, and were deceived by two wo-
men,
their prophetesses {clairvoyantes^)y Priscilla
and
Maximilla, who, they pretended, saw certain matters,
through the Paraclete in them (to liapaKkriTOv irvsv/jLo),
Some
better than Christ himself.
of them, he adds,
partake of the heresy of the Noetians, and maintain that the Father himself has
become subject
born, to suffering and to death.
It is to
to
being
be remarked,
that Hippolytus says nothing of the scandalous
mys-
* That the whole was an ordinary magnetic process seeras to
me
Hffir.
proved by Montanus' own words about himself (Epiph. 28. § 4. p. 405.)
sleeps,
and I
am
"
:
play upon him (Hterally,
fly
awake.
(o Uarii'yac) the hearts of
Lo
the
man
is
like a lyre;
about) like the plectrum.
Lo
it
is
the
and I
The man
Lord who entrances
men, and gives hearts to men."
ON THE
112 teries
and abominable
cliild-sacrifices
Epiphanius charges some of
this sect.
with which
Theodoret
adds, with reference to this charge, that others call it
calumny
a
which most probably
;
it
was, although
Plirygia seems always to have been the country of orgiastic mysteries,
may
Hippolytus not thought
known
not have
this charge, or
worth while expressly to contradict
it
But the whole
it.
and insane abominations.
article is
very meagre, and, if
not an abstract, would certainly be a proof that he forgot what he had promised to do, and what at the
end he congratulates himself on having done. article passes
in
Our
silence over the assertions of the
and the
Montanists
respecting
ments, and
over their prohibition of second mar-
the
Spirit
riages, mentioning, as their errors, only their
and
fangled feasts
of those
women
festivals,
and the
sacra-
new-
injunctions
respecting the eating of dry things
and of radishes, and then self-complacently winds
up
this
meagre account in 22
lines,
not containing
one word of quotation from their text-books, with " I think I have said enough about these words :
them, having briefly shown to
all,
that their
many
prating books and pretensions are weak, unworthy of regard, and such as no
ought to attend It
may be
said that
tention to write
future occasion
man
of a sound
mind
to."
:
more
Hippolytus expresses his in detail
in-
about them on a
but as he mentions the
eatinsf
of
LETTER radishes,
maybe
he
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
113
supposed to have at least slightly
touched upon the more important points.
XXX.
The Encratites,
heretical only in their
enjoining water-
precepts forbidding animal food,
drinking, prohibiting marriage, and prescribing fasts
Cynics than for Christians, as our author
fitter for
opposes to them the wise words of " the
He
says.
blessed apostle
Paul"
Timothy,
(1
iv. 5.),
cient refutation, and then concludes the
general observation, that he thought
as a suffi-
book with the
it
advisable not
word about the Camnites, Ophites, or Noabecause otherwise some might think them
to say a chiles,
All that remains for him to
worthy of attention. * examine This
the heresies of his
is
own
time.
as
it
As
the subject of the next book.
is
have to treat the historical part of
this
I shall
book, so far
throws a new light upon the history of the
Rome
bishops of
at that time, in
and the doctrinal part
my
next
letter,
in the following, I shall
here
only give very briefly the contents of the ninth bookj so far as
relates to those
it
IX.
two
BOOK.
The Noetians, afterwards
* p. 277.
avTOVQ
also called the Callistians
and the Elchasaites ; with an appendix,
(292.),
aijTuvg
heresies.
49
Xo'yov .
,
.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 53. (t.
r}
Tread:
'(i^a
^ij
Xoyou) d^iovg
ryycutrat).
kuv sv
y)yh)VTni
tovto^)
nveg
(cod.
(t.
re-
nvac^
rjy'niinai.
Ed.
:
ON THE
114
specting the tliree principal sects of
tlie
Pharisees, SadduceeSj and Essenes (p.
Jews, the
279
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 309.)
31 pages.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
The NoETiANS. We learn here many unknown hitherto. First, the real genealogy of the sect. Our Church historians had
XXXI.
things entirely
hitherto believed*,
on the
faith of
Theodoret
(iii.
3.),
Noetus of Smyrna only renewed the opinions
that
of Epigonus and Cleomenes, two heretics of
we knew
Perhaps the
nothing.
less clear
whom
words of
our author, in the epitome at the end of his work,
may be the source of the whole mistake. At all events we now know the truth* Theodoret's words are only a blunder or a misinterpretation.
passage, Noetus
upon it
is
In our
said to have based his doctrine
that of Heraclitus
;
and
it is
then added, that
was the deacon Epigonus (was Noetus a bishop
his
who
disciple,
Rome.
He
spread Noetus' doctrine
first
again had
stranger to the Church
by
a
disciple,
his life
Cleomenes,
?),
at
a
and manners, who
much harm, being favoured by Zephyrinus and Callistus. The Noetian doctrine therefore is did
not, as
Neander supposes, older than Noetus, who,
according to
this,
must have taught
at
Smyrna about
the year 200.
* Neander, Klrchcng. i. 1006. Anm. Theodoret says that Cleomenes was the teaclier of Noetus this is evidently a mis:
take of the compiler.
Noetus.
He
was the
disciple of the successor of
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
115
name of Callistians, name we knew hitherto only
Secondly; we learn that the given to that sect, which
from Theodoret's mentioning explanation, Callistus,
without any further
it
derived from no less a personage than
is
bishop of
Rome
under Caracalla and Helio-
gabalus from 219 to 222, the successor of Zephy-
from 200
rinus, bishop
to 218,
and predecessor of
Urbanus, who was bishop from 223 to 230. Thirdly
;
we
get from our book a new, important
fragment of Heraclitus, and
about his system. stant
method
to
Our
much new
author, applying
Noetus, proves
he stands upon Heraclitus' saying that every thing
''
to
is also its
own
first,
evidence
con-
his
that logically
(like that of
contrary."
Hegel),
In order
substantiate this, he not only refers briefly to
what he had
said of Heraclitus in his second book,
but brings new passages and arguments this question
:
to bear
upon
which renders these pages (282, 283.)
very important for the history of ancient philosophy.
After this prefatory refutation, Hippolytus gives us the systems both of Noetus himself Callistus (p. 289.), mainly in their
think
them
it
will
:
The system of Noetus, as j)ounded by Cleomenes and
284.) and of
own words,
two heresies
illustrate these
in juxtaposition
(p.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
I
to place
exhis
The system of Callistus.
School.
"
When
the Father was
"
The same Logos
is
the
not yet generated, he was Son, the same the Father, justly
called
Father.
But
so called
by name, but one
116
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.*
when he was
pleased to suf- undivided Spirit. *
The Fa-
he became, when ther is not one being, the engendered, himself the Son Son another, but one and and all is full of himself, not of any one the same divine Spirit, the else." He pretends that "the of the Father and Son are one and things above and the things
fer birth,
:
the same, being so called, not below; and the Spirit that
one out of became
Virgin from the himself. He was called Fa- Father, but one and the ther and Son according to same. This is the meaning of proceeding
as
the other, but himself from
is
flesh in the
not different
but the words: 'Dost thou not be; appeared, lieve that I am in the Father, and endured to be born of and the Father in me ?' For the difference of times
He is one, He who a
Virgin,
among men
and
conversed what
as a
Man, con-
fessing himself to those
saw him,
to
who
is
is
seen,
the Son
;
which
that dwells in
be the Son, by the Father:
is
Man,
but the Spirit the Son
is
for I will not
are two Gods, Father and the Son, were able to understand it, but One. The Father, who that he was the Father." was in the Son, took flesh and made it God, uniting (284.) it to himself, and made it
reason of his birth, yet not say there
who
concealing from those
the
The Father and Son One. was therefore the name of one God and this One ;
cannot be two the Father consequently suffered with the person
(irpoaioTrop)
:
Son." 289. 7. v'tov^
t(p(vpEV aipfcriv roidvde' X'eycjv
tov \6yov avrov elvai
avTov KHi Trarfpa ovofxari ^iv KoXovfitvoVf
arutipfrnv.
The
text has
that this correction
is
'iv
no
dk
uv ro
ttv.
less certain
cf'^\
'iv
^i
ovra
irvivfia
What follows shows
than easy.
The learned
LETTER The Noetians
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
117
further say (p. 283.), " There
is one and the same God, the Creator (Demiurg) and Father
of
all."
In this exposition Hippolytus supposes every one to
know, that Noetus
calls
the Father and the Son
one and the same being (pp. 285, 287.). But as to Callistus, he gives a personal, and as it were historical, explanation, in which he tries to show that Callistus
invented a First,
new form
of the heresy for two reasons.
he was obliged to make good
against Hippolytus and his friends
presbytery, " set
You
word
his strong
among
the
are Ditheoi (ditheists),"
Roman
men who
up two Gods, and thus destroy the unity of God.
Secondly, stage,
who
Sabellius,
appears here in his
urged him from his point of view
first
to take that
course.
Hippolytus' severest censure on Callistus'
doctrine
is
that
it
was the offspring of an insin-
cere mind, opposed to truth, and actuated
motives.
Callistus
(says
by bad
Hippolytus, in reference
to the expressions, that the
*'
Father suffered with
the Son") wishes to avoid saying that the Father suffered,
and that there
is
only one person, hoping
thus to escape the blasphemy against the Father.* editor thinks the passage
I think
it
is
unintelligible, because mutilated
:
simply corrupted.
* p. 289. ov yap
SriXei
Xsyeiv tov iraHpa Treirovd'tvai Kal
'iv
elvai
irpoGMTToV [ovTio TTMQ tkirilojv] Ucpvytlv Ti)v tiQ TOV Traripa /3Xa(7^rjliiav.
The words between
brackets, or
some
to the
same
purport, must be inserted to fill up the chasm, the existence of which has not been overlooked by the learned editor.
ON THE ''REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
118
" That foolish, shifting fellow, who, inventing blas-
phemies above and below, in order to speak against the truth, sometimes
is
not ashamed to
fall
into the
doctrine of Sabellius, sometimes into that of Theodotus."
It
is
evident, therefore, that he finds in
Callistianism the heresy of the Theodotians as well
something of Sabellianism.
as
I shall treat of all the
genuine and spurious writings
which bear Hippolytus' name in
must beg you here
I
to
my fifth
compare
But
letter.
this
exposition
and refutation of the system of Noetus with the " Homily of Hippolytus about the heresy of a cer-
Montfaucon found the Greek text of
tain Noetus." this
special treatise,
published
it
in the
and sent
it
to Fabricius,
second volume
of his
who
learned,
but very confused and ill-digested edition of Hippolytus (pp. 5 the
first
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
20.),
volume
(p.
having given the Latin text in It appears to
2S5. sqq.).
impossible not to see that the author
is
me
the same,
but that the homily never formed part of the work
on
all
the heresies.
Its
method and tone
are those
of a sermon, not of a historian writing on doctrinal controversies.
You
will observe finally,
that,
when Epiphanius
says Noetus lived about 130 years before the year in
which he himself wrote (375 245, he
is
p.
c), or about the year
evidently inaccurate in this as in
many
other points of ancient ecclesiastical history and chro-
LETTER nology.
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
119
The groundlessly suspected statement, that (or censured) by a Roman
Noetus was condemned
Synod under Victor (188 hand, no
way
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 198),
is,
on the other
improbable, so far at least
as that
Noetus, according to the authentic account before us,
must have promulgated
his doctrine in the last
Through the support
decad of the second century. his doctrine gained at
Rome,
it
spread over the whole
world, as Hippolytus says (p. 292.).
XXXII.
The Elchasaites.
name
of the book or
and confused.
A
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; This
article
What was known
almost entirely new.
the author, was very
Syrian, Alcibiades
is
about the
of
little
Apamea,
we hear from Hippolytus, a deceitful and senseless man, who (says our author) thought himself a still greater conjuror than Callistus, came to Rome, bringing with him a sacred book. The story about this
fabulous book
('HX%ao-at), had got
is,
it
that a just
It
of whose dimensions
it will suffice
measured
man
here to say, that his
in length fifteen miles (breadth
height being in proportion) league-boots
it
had been inspired by an angel,
to a certain Sobai.
footsteps
man, Elchasai
from the Parthians and given
;
of the old story hollow.
book a new remission of
and
which beats the seven-
all
sins
By
this
was announced
to mankind, in the third year of Trajan (100 of our era).
Those who had
fallen into all vice,
into the most beastly crimes
and
sins,
and even
were to be
:
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HEEESIES."
120
admitted to a new baptism for the remission of their
He
sins.
endeavoured to attach
We
Callistianism.
to
(says
system of his
this
Hippolytus) resisted
unholy attempt, and will now unveil the whole
this
heresy.
As
a bait, Alcibiades prescribed circumcision, and Christ had been born a
living according to the law.
man
like
men
other
Christs before him,
He
;
but there had been other
and there would
still
be others.
used mathematical and astrological formulas, bor-
rowed from the Pythagoreans, and employed charms and incantations against demoniacs, dogbitten persons
and other
name it
The second baptism took place in the God and he who was to receive
sick.
of the Great
was made
;
to call the seven angels as witnesses
heaven, water, and earth, of prayer.
all
spirits,
and the angels
Hippolytus gives the very words of these
truly juggling Oriental impostures (pp. 294, 295.),
And
here I
am
at the
end of
my
second
which has grown a good deal longer than
Looking back
to
the three points I undertook to
prove, I believe I have established factorily.
For
I
letter,
I expected.
them pretty
satis-
have shown that the work con-
tahis just thirttj-tivo heresies,
I
have also shown that
LETTER
PLAN AND CONTENTS.
II.
this account begins
121
with the earliest Judaizing Gno-
Naassenes and their followers), by Photius
stics (the
incorrectly designated as
who were
Dositheans,
a
Judaic sect, and not heretics, but who, as representatives of that oldest class of heretics, are also
alluded to in the beginning of the treatise on he-
appended
resies
to
TertuUian's book,
begins, in fact, as Photius says
Photius
so too does
:
it
end.
by Plippolytus was that of the Noe-
we have found
:
De PrÂŤtherefore,
of the thirty-two he-
states, that the last
resies refuted
tians
"
Our work,
scriptionibus Haereticorum."
this to
be the
But
thirty-first.
our author evidently treats the Elchasaite heresy, which, according to articles in
our work,
method of counting the
our is
the thirty-second, as a short
appendix to the Noetian school. des
of
Apamea, who taught
under the episcopate, and as
Indeed Alcibia-
that heresy at it
Rome
were the patronage,
of Callistus, was intimately connected with the
Noe-
tian school.
No
one
who
is
acquainted with Irena9us, and the
other authors on the heresies, will pretend that this coincidence can be accidental. I have
moreover given many proofs during the
examination of these thirty-two heresies, that what Photius states (from Hippolytus' the relation of this treatise to fully
borne out by our text.
done with
my
own words)
But
is
I have neither
argument, nor with the subject.
G
as to
that of Irengeus,
122 In
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
my
next
letter I
author's account of his his relations to the
promise
it
shall
shall
own
Roman
have to examine our
position at
Rome, and
bishops of his time.
be short; and
I
hope
it
will not
be without interest.
Ever your
I
faithful friend,
BUNSEN.
THIRD LETTER.
THE GOVERNMENT AND CONDITION OF THE CHURCH OP ROME UNDER ZEPHYRINUS AND CALLISTUS (199 222), ACCORDING TO ST. HIPPGLTTUS, MEMBER OF THE ROMAN PRESBYTERY AND BISHOP OF PORTUS.
—
G2
Carlton Terrace, June 23. 1851.
My
dearest Friend,
HAVE
I
my
out in
left
ninth book what
may appear
to
extracts
from
most readers,
the
if
the most important, certainly either the most
not
amu-
sing or the most painful part of Hippolytus' work,
the history of the bishops of
done so
I have
for
Rome
two reasons.
in his time.
One
is,
that this
matter has nothing to do, either with the special
argument of
my
second
letter,
or with the merit
or demerit of the theological views.
judge
For we must
Noetianism independently of the question
whether ported
Roman
Callistus, the bishop
it,
deserved to be
of
Rome, who sup-
declared a saint
of the
Church, or was a rogue and convict, as his
brother bishop, a
member
of him.
be very sorry to be instrumental
in
I should
of his presbytery, says
degrading our good bishop
work
into a
Rome.
Hippolytus' grave
chronique scandaleuse of the Church of
In uncovering the scandals of that Church, a 3
126
ON THE
the
historian
^^
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
must not forget what the pages of
history relate of those of Byzantine court ortho-
doxy, It
or
of
Frank and French royal proselytism.
would be unjust
to visit
the inherent vices of
management of which the people are excluded, upon Rome alone, merely because, out of a number of instances, this story, churches, from
all
the
belonging to an age of bigotry and general decay, has just
My
now by chance been second reason
is,
revealed to us.
that the whole
account
deserves a historical and philosophical consideration
by
It is a piece of history highly
itself
knowledge of the government of the Church
for the
and for understanding the
at that time,
age.
important
spirit of the
I shall therefore devote the present letter to a
historical
elucidation of the
matter,
reducing the
fervent language of our author to a calm relation of
the tale he has to
tell,
and attempting an impartial
review of the proceedings he mentions. denied, that our good father, point, raises the
It cannot be
when he comes
to this
tone of his voice to the pitch of
indignant anger.
We
know
that in the latter years of the reign
of the unworthy son of the philosophical and virtu-
ous but inefficient emperor Marcus Aurelius,
modus,
his mistress
in the history of the palace.
of course
it
Com-
Marcia played a conspicuous part
She married,
as a matter
would appear, the captain of the guards,
and was believed
to exercise a great influence
on the
LETTER
III.
When
emperor.
THE ROMAN CHURCH.
his brutal
127
temper became unbear-
able, she was privy to the conspiracy which put him
to death
by poison and suffocation.
Of this Marcia we knew
already, from Dion, that
she was very kind to the Christians.
We
from Hippolytus, that she was Godloving that
is
to say, that she
now
learn
{(fxXodsos),
had been converted
to the
Christian faith.*
The part she interesting.
acts in the life of Callistus is peculiarly
There was under Commodus, when Victor
was bishop of Rome, a good Christian soul called Carpophorus, Callistus.
who had a Christian slave, of the name of To help him on, he gave him the admi-
nistration of a bank,
quarter of
Rome
which he kept
in that celebrated
Many
called the Piscina public a.
brethren and widows trusted their
money
to
this
bank, having great faith in the Christian character of
Carpophorus. But Callistus turned out a rogue he made away with the sums intrusted to him and when the depositors wanted their money, it was gone. :
;
Their complaints came before Carpophorus for the accounts
;
;
he asked
and when the fraud could no longer
be concealed, Callistus made his escape. to the harbour, Portus,
some twenty
He
ran
down
miles from
the captain, when she was the emawkward. The legal concubine of an unbeliever was not excluded by the canons of the time from
Her marriage with
*
peror's
the
mistress,
is
communion of
man
the Church, as long as she kept only to the
she lived with.
G 4
ON THE *'KEFUTATIOX OP ALL HERESIES."
128
Rome, found
a ship ready to start, and embarked.
Carpophorus was not slow to follow him, and found the ship moored in the middle of the harbour.
took a boat to claim the criminal.
escape, threw himself into the sea, and
up
culty saved, and delivered
the matter into his treadmill of the
Some time
no
was with
diffi-
to his master, who, taking
own hands, gave him
Roman
He
Callistus, seeing
the domestic
slave-owners, the pistrinum.
passed, and, as
is
wont
happen
to
(says
Hippolytus),some brethren came to Carpophorus, and said
he ought to give poor Callistus a
fair
chance of
regaining his character, or at least his money.
pretended he had money outstanding, and that,
He if
he
" Well," said
could only go about, he should recover it. good Carpophorus, " let him go and try what he can recover I
:
I
do not care much
for
my own
mind that of the poor widows."
So
money, but
Callistus
went
out on a Sabbath (Saturday), pretending he had to recover some
money from
the Jews, but in fact having
resolved to do something desperate, which might put
an end to
went
his life, or give a turn to his case.
into a synagogue
saying service.
and raised a great
He
riot there,
he was a Christian, and interrupting their
The Jews were
insult, fell
of course enraged at this
upon him, beat him, and then carried him
before Fuscianus, the prefect of
Rome.
When
this
judge, a very severe man, was hearing the cause, some-
body recognized
Callistus,
what was going on.
and ran
to tell
Carpophorus
Carpophorus went immediately
LETTER to the court,
III.
THE ROMAN CHURCH.
and said
:
" This fellow
but wants to get rid of his
much money, was a
this
insisted
them
life,
is
129
no Christian,
having robbed
me
of
The Jews, thinking
as T will prove."
stratagem to save CaUistus,
Christian
upon having him punished
for
disturbing
Fus-
in the lawful exercise of their worship.
him
cianus therefore sentenced
to
be scourged, and
then transported to the unwholesome parts of Sardinia, so fatal to life in
Some time
summer
after, says
(Strabo,
v. 2.
ยง 7, 8.).
Hippolytus, Marcia, wish-
ing to do a good work, sent for bishop Victor and
asked what Christians had been transported to Sardinia
adding, she would beg the emperor to release
;
The bishop made out
them.
a list of
them
;
but,
being a judicious and righteous man, omitted the name of Callistus,
knowing the
Marcia obtained the cinthus, a
eunuch
doubtedly), and
offence he had committed.
letter of
pardon; and Hya-
service of the palace un-
(of the
a presbyter (of the Church), was
dispatched to the governor of the island to claim and bring back the martyrs.
Hyacinthus delivered
his
name was not upon it, began to lament and entreat, and at last moved Hyacinthus to demand his liberation also. Here the text is somewhat obscure; but thus much is and
list:
clear,
the
that his liberation
name
* 'O Tvxtlp
Callistus, finding his
dk
was obtained by bringing
of Marcia into play.* (Callistus) yovvTTtTiov Kai daKpvojv iKeTeve Kal
awoXvcTfioQ.
AvcMTrrjOsig
ovv 6 'YcikivBoq d^ioi tov
*G 5
avrog Itti-
When
much vexed
very
;
and Carpopliorus
So
made
Callistiis
he sent
him
his appearance,
the scandal had not been forgotten,
was
(his lawful master)
still alive.
Antium (Porto d'Anzo), and
off to
gave him a certain sum a month. here Callistus
Victor was
Whether
with Zephyrinus, or at
fell in
it
was
Rome
no sooner was Carpophorus dead, than Zephy-
itself,
now become bishop
rinus,
of
Rome, made him
his
coadjutor to keep his clergy in order, and gave him-
up
self
to
him
him what he
so entirely,
that Callistus did with
Unfortunately, says Hippolytus,
liked.
Zephyrinus was not only very stupid and ignorant,
money very much, took bribes. Things way until Zephyrinus died, when
but, loving
went on rpoTTOv 'O St
says
in this
^p'f^ai eivai
<pd(JK(i}v
TTtiaQiig airiXvtye :
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "In
^psxpai
MapKiag
kuI
Taffaofiivog awVoJ to ctKivdwov.
tov ILaXXiarov.
The learned
ligentiam (un oubli)."
But who can construe
phrase
that
?
I believe,
not true (^derKwv)
;
editor
vocabulura latere videtur significans neg-
first,
what the
and, secondly, that
it
the rest of the
eunuch
said was was something which
distrest
must have given the governor a reasonable assurance for his own safety. Proceeding upon this supposition, I am led to think our author wrote d^iol tov iiriTpoTrov cnroXveiV (pdaKiov iavTifi fiiv tovto t7rirps\pai MapKiav ro raaao^ivov^ avTi^ ÂŁt flvai uKivdwov. The sense would be " The eunuch asked the governor to set Callistus free saying, Marcia gave him full power (left it to his discretion), and there could be no danjijer for him (the governor) in the affair." 'AttoXvuv was left out :
:
;
at all events.
'lliriTpfxl/ai is
to decide, to arbitrate
have been writers.
left out,
The
:
used in the sense of giving authority
the dative of the person can scarcely
although the accusative
is
rest supposes only a confusion
transposition of the words.
left
out in Attic
and subsequent
LETTER Caliistus
coveted
THE ROMAN CHURCH.
III.
was elected
to
the time.
He
all
131
the eminent post he had became bishop * of Rome,
and the theological disputes
in that
Church began
to
be envenomed. Noetus' sect
was already
spreading
Rome.
in
Sabellius was a rising man, and began his specula-
Hippolytus gives us clearly to understand that,
tions.
backed by others of the presbytery, he had already remonstrated against some of Sabellius' speculations
on the Trinity, he adds
in the time of
(p. 285.),
our remonstrances Caliistus "
"Sabellius was softened by these :
but,
when he was
alone with
(who then protected and favoured the Noe-
tian Theological College established at
that time presided over
him
Rome, and
by Cleomenes, the
Noetus' ancient deacon or minister), cited
" Now,"
Zephyrinus.
to turn towards the
side openly with Sabellius,
Caliistus ex-
system of Cleomenes,
He
pretending that they agreed.
**
did not, however,
but in private told each
that he was favourable to their views,
party,
* Caliistus
is
the only authentic
cessor of Zephyrinus.
Not only
name of all
set-
this pope, the suc-
ancient authors, but also
the " Catalogus Liberianus," the only ancient and authentic
of the early as the
In
Roman
bishops, compiled in 352, spell
Greek etymology
my
(KoXXirrroc,
restoration of the
at
disciple of
his
list
name
Formosissimus) requires.
chronology of the early
Roman
which I intend to publish with some other collateral records and inquiries respecting the history of the second century, I have shown that the name Calixtus appears first in bishops,
a
list
of the eleventh century
;
Calistus
G 6
formed the
transition.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 132
them
tinor
Now
as
much
as
he could
says Hippolytus,
Sabellius,
each other."*
acj^ainst
did not at that
time see through the roguery of Callistus
but he
;
knew it. when CalUstus had been made bishop
afterwards For,
Rome, he threw off
Sabellius as not orthodox.
" because he was
did so," continues Hippolytus,
me, and thought he might in
afraid of
wash
of
He
'*
manner
this
which lay against him before
off the accusation
the Church, showing himself not to be heterodox."
But now the question
how he
arose
right with Hippolytus and
could set himself
For they,
party.
his
under Zephyrinus, had resisted Sabellius, then voured by the
episcopal influence
and
;
fa-
Callistus,
having at that time the bishop and most of the presbyters with
and
him
his friends
bytery, "
You
(p.
285.
had insulted Hippolytus
1.),
by saying
them
to
Hippolytus, thought he must
in the
Now
are ditheists. "
open pres-
Callistus,
make good
those in-
sulting words; and therefore, instead of giving
* I have rendered the sense. (p. 285.)
:
AvTog
to.
afKporepd
says
honour
Tlie monstrous text reads thus
varipov KtpKioTreioig \6yoig npog
fxipt]
luvTov (piXiav Kara(TKevd^(i>v Kat rolg
filv
ciXi'iOdav Xsyujv op.oia
<ppovov(Ti iroTi KciQ' ijtiuv rd ofioia (ppovtlv^ yjTrdra TrdXiv
avTolg rd 'S.a^tXXiov
ofioiujc.
Xtyutv rd ofioia ^povtiv
t'jTrdra
iciau
rd
jrdXiv
Tu 2aC., which docs not seem to
the text noTt
The learned
KciT
may be
restored thus
ISiav rd ofioia
2((tt/\Xtoi' ofioioig.
(p(>oi'{lv
:
S'
editor proposes
avruTg
me
very
t^jpovovcri rroTt
clear.
c
:
kut'
I conceive
Kat rolg pkv dXijGiiav (ppovovd
Xiyuiv ijirdra' irdXiv
c
av rolg
LETTER to the truth,
THE ROMAN CHURCH.
III.
and saying, " As Sabellius
is
133
wrong, you
are right, " he gave the Noetian heresy that turn, the
formula of which I have placed opposite to that of
Noetus (or Cleomenes) himself. school, in
He
established a
which that doctrine was taught, as Hippo-
lytus says, in opposition to the Church.
But he did worse
Christianity,
practical
to
as
To the satisfaction of a great our father. many who for misconduct had been removed from the communion of the Church, and now flocked to adds
that school, he set up the doctrine "that he forgave
the sins of ther laid
all."
down
In order to screen himself, he furthe principle
" If a bishop commits
:
a sin, be it even a sin unto death,
deposed (or obliged to abdicate) for
he must not be all that."
For
This was a bold measure.
time,
at that
although the congregational rights of the laity had
been suppressed, except in their sanction to the election of a bishop,
and more or
power
less
the presbytery
claimed,
maintained, a supreme judicial
in matters of faith
Now
still
and
discipline.
what was the consequence
?
Bishops, pres-
byters, and deacons were received into orders, after
Even he when already in orders, might do so " Did not our Saviour say. Let the
having been married twice, or even thrice.
who
married,
undisturbed. tares
grow with the wheat
unclean beasts in the also
Ark?
be in the Church."
.^
Were
there
not
Such, therefore, must
These and
like
scrip-
:
134
ON THE
tural
arguments were brought forward by
**
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
No wonder
his party
particularly
favoured
wished
Callistus.
increased wonderfully.
He
rank,
who
single
of
ladies
have a substitute for a husband in the
to
humble form of
a slave, or of a low-born freeman,
and who might prefer having no children, so displease their relations
for these
:
as not to
would not be
so
severe if their large property remained in the family.*
In short, Callistus must have preached, according to Hippolytus, something like Moliere's TartufFe: "
II
Such was tus
;
y a avec
Callistus'
his school
was
des accommodemens."
le ciel
conduct according to Hippoly-
still
flourishing,
and abetters were called from This fact,
is
we
and
its
followers
their founder CalUstians,
the substance of Hippolytus' account. find the
name
In
of Callistians mentioned by
Theodoret, under the head of the Noetians.
Leaving Callistus personally to the judgment of *
The Greek text, with some emendations, runs thus
—
Aid Kai TrXrjOvvovTat^ yavpuofitvoi
ov
(Ti/v£xtO|0»/(Tfv
d
iiri
b-)(\oiQ
Sid
(p. 291.)
Tag tjcovdg
KU)\V0V(TI, (pCKTKOVTSQ
ttVTOV
CKplkvUl
yvvai^iv tv d^iq, t7rerpt\ptVj
(i
KuioLvrOj Ttjpelv eavrdjv d^iav
TOIQ
ivdoKOVCTL
dvavdpoi tuv Kai i)v
fx))
jSovXoivTO
'
ydp
Kot rjXiKiif.
elrt
tXtvOfpoi', Kai
KaQaiptlv. Aid
tovtov Kpivuv dvri dvdpog
ytyap.i)pkV7}v. "EvOtv ifp^avTO tTTixtipeiv Triffrai Xsyofievai
(papfiaKoig Kai T<p
TripiStafxtityQai irpog
Kara€dXXtn'^ Sid to ptJTE
U
to
SovXov (SovXefrBai
Td
fir)
t'irt
v6ix<p
droKioig
<TvXXaix€av6fieva
tx^t^v
iVTfXovg^ C(d T))v Tvyy'kvtiav Kai VTripoyKov ovaiav.
Kttl
yt Ik-
TovTo vopinMQ yap.r]Qtjvai e^fi tva ov dv aipijcrtovTai avyKOiTov^ oUtTtjv
clg
HpiaTOQ'ov KOTafpovrjffavrtg ovdiva dfiapTtlv
tbkvov
fiTJTi
s?
THE ROMAN CHURCH.
135
only suggest two observations.
In the
LETTER God,
I will
we must not
place
first
III.
in judging of the
forget,
system here represented under such high colours, that Hippolytus and his minority belonged to a very
who,
strict party,
like the old Jansenists,
may
have
excluded many a truly penitent sinner from the com-
munion of the Church, not considering how many must always be retained in a community, even with the severest discipline,
whose hypocrisy
cipline its
is
The system of
the open sins of many.
adopted by the
worse than
censorial dis-
earliest
Christians changed
when
exercised by a sa-
character necessarily,
cerdotal caste, governing large congregations,
whole populations, and became
and inward contradictions.
difficulties,
the case, the
Roman Church
always
inclined
power
of punishment
mind rather the the
theoretical
strife
a
to
Such being
on the whole,
has,
moderate
exsercie
the
Jesuitism
of
the
and exclusion, keeping
in
practical view of a government, than
one of a moral censorship.
between Romanism and Montanism
respect
nay,
of inextricable
full
same
in
substance
and Jansenism
;
as
that
is
The in this
between
and Hippolytus in ge-
neral takes the line of the Montanists, although he
condemned
their doctrinal system.
This apphes to
both the points of discipline touched upon in this re-
markable book,
who had sinned
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the
indulgence shown to laymen
against morality, and the treatment
of the sins of presbyters,
who had
offended against
ON THE
136
*'
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
that limited celibacy of the clergy, which then ob-
tained in the West, as
it still
system was wrong in
itself, like
Do what you
churches.
will,
that of
torians
must judge
all
priest-
you cannot obtain a Therefore
and truly Christian solution.
clear
The
does in the East.
his-
individuals, during the struggle
of the two contending parties, rather
by
their lives
than by their systems. I
must, to a certain degree, say the same as to the
second, the doctrinal point.
According to Hippolytus,
was not only the moral, but also the doctrinal
Callistus
corrupter of his Church and age.
We shall
consider this point in the next letter
;
express
my
conviction that the difficulties of the case
are essentially the same.
adopt
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and could
to their
have to
but I must here
Good and
men might
wise
scarcely help adopting, according
temper and education
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; opposite views, and
might condemn each other most uncharitably (and most unphilosophically)
but impartial history must give
;
due share to the tragical complications of the times.
its
Before
I
conclude
tliis
letter, I
must advert
to a
double mistake into which the learned editor has fallen respecting the history of Fuscianus'
upon
martyrdom of
the
thus
identifying
it
quite
is
judgment
First he takes this to have been
Callistus.*
Callistus,
that
clear
from
scene
meaning therewith
his ;
death,
although
Hippolytus' account,
* Preface, p. ix.
that
LETTER
III.
THE ROMAN CHURCH.
137
condemnation to Sardinia, so far from caus-
his
ing
on the
death,
his
He
tune.
made
contrary
returned from
his
and became the friend of the bishop, and
The ground of M.
his successor.
seems his
to
have
been,
our
that
finally
Miller's mistake
author
prefaces
account of Callistus* proceedings by the
nical phrase
(p.
285,
8.)
:
"
He
iro-
became a martyr
under Fuscianus, then prefect of
{sfiapTvprjas)
for-
Rome,
that island to
Rome
;
and the manner of his martyrdom {fULprvpLo) was the
Then
following."
follows Callistus' swindling
con-
duct, as the slave of Carpophorus, his deportation and
return.
Indeed, his condemnation would have been a mar-
tyrdom, which, in Greek, means testimony,
way
it
faith as a Christian before the penal
story
if in
any
had been connected with the confession of his
is
judge
:
for
our
one of the proofs that the penal laws against
Christianity as an unlawful religion were not abolished
under Commodus, as some have supposed.
There were
in Sardinia other Christians
on that score
;
author (p. 288.
condemned
and they are called " martyrs" by our 1.
71
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
78.).
Callistus,
however, was
not condemned for his profession of Christianity, but for swindling,
and
for the violent disturbance of the
Jewish worship. This mistake has led
M.
Miller into
another.
Proceeding upon his erroneous interpretation of Callistus'
martyrdom, he thinks himself entitled to
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
138
fix the
year 222 (that of Callistus' death) as that prsefectura
Fuscianus'
of
mistake, independently of
(180
Rome
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 192),
Marcia.
He
and was followed
Commodus, and in the
193
Pertinax became emperor.
That
and
of Victor,
by ^lius Perin that year
for
;
office
must there-
have been in Fuscianus' hands in the reign
Commodus, and probably soon
sini's is
first
prefecture
tinax, at all events before
of
a
consul for the second time in 188,
the ninth year of
fore
of Callistus
does the history
was
is
Commodus
belongs to the reign of
as
this
being based upon an
Fuscianus' dignity of Pre-
erroneous supposition. fect of
Now
urbis. its
conjecture, that he was prefect about
therefore
only a few
years
Cor-
after 188.
too early,
178*, as
our
author's account proves. I remain,
my
dear friend,
Yours ever
faithfully,
BUNSEN.
*
De
Praefect. Urbis, Pis. 1763, p. 87.
FOURTH LETTER.
HIPPOLYTUS'
OWN
CONFESSION (tHE TENTH BOOk).
Carlton Terrace, 25th June, 1851.
My
dearest Friend,
HiPPOLYTUS cannot have
rejoiced
more on
arriving at the end of his account of all the heresies, absurdities,
and impurities, which he had
to
go
through in his arduous task, than I do at being able to-day to conduct you to the holy and
own Confession
v^^ise
In the tenth book (pp. 310
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 331.) he
first
pitulates the contents of the preceding nine. it
may be worth work
dental it
;
may
it
itself.
may
also
reca-
And
noticing here, that he does not
of the heresies observed
exactly follow the order in the
man's
of Faith.
This
may
certainly be acci-
be a mere piece of negligence.
be, that in this abridged account
But
we
have that rather superficial notice, which, he says in the introduction to the at
an
earlier time,
this be, there is
first
book, he had written
about these heresies.
However
one interesting fact resulting from
the epitome with certainty.
This abridged catalogue
142
ON THE
of the heresies occupies seventeen pages of our text,
while the account itself
fills
215.
But some
articles
are scarcely shorter than the corresponding ones in that exposition; a to the fact
want of proportion which points
we have been
led to
by our examination
of the preceding books, that in parts of our present text all
we have only an
abstract of the " Refutation of
the Heresies."
What
appears to
me most
remarkable in the short
sketch of the philosophical systems, which precedes that of the heresies, final
is
the moderation of Hippolytus'
He
judgment on the Greek philosophers.
not assert that there was no truth in them
:
does
he con-
tents himself with saying that their speculations
on
physical philosophy had not led to any satisfactory results
(p.
314. 91.).
His meaning
is,
that
those
systems prove the impossibility of founding theology
and ethics upon physical speculations, and that these speculations had led the Greeks to forget
Creator, in nature, his creatures. states explicitly in the first
book
(p.
With page
This
is
God, the
what he
remarkable conclusion of the
32. 92â&#x20AC;&#x201D;98.).
331. 3. ends the 132nd sheet of our
precious manuscript
;
and one or two sheets are un-
doubtedly wanting, which must have been the beginning of a demonstration, very naturally brought forward in this place, to prove that the wisdom of the
Greeks, the Chalda^ans, and the Egyptians, could not boast of an antiquity like that of the people of God.
LETTER
HIPrOLYTUS'
IV.
The two pages contain
am
now be
any be wanted, and
;
that
new
if 1
proof, should
Hippolytus wrote the work
this is a point
Oar fragment
to clear up.
143
But,
of interest.
not mistaken, they give us a
before us
CONFESSION.
preserved to us of this demonstration
that can
little
OWN
which
my
it is
duty
begins with Abraham's
migration to Mesopotamia, and thence to Palestine,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;a
subject, the author says, " which he
carefully
171
Now
other works.'"
I
had treated
believe
an ancient Latin translation of the very treatises to
which he
of Hippolytus' works
49
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 89.),
translation (belonging to the time of a " Chronicle " bearing the
edited is
first
treatise or
In Fabricius' edition
refers. (i.
we have
name
we
Latin
find a
Charlemagne) of
of St. Hippolytus,
by Canisius, and then by Labbe.
There
every reason to believe this to be the very " Chro-
nicle "
down
mentioned by Eusebius, which, he to the first year of
" Chronicle,"
Roman
towards
Alexander Severus.
the
end,
has a
list
emperors, terminating with him.
indeed give the duration of his reign
have been added in reign
says,
the
copies,
;
as
went This
of the It
does
but this
may
of
the
that
under which such books were written was
generally left open by the author, and afterwards filled
In fact (as we shall see in the next
up.
Hippolytus
may have brought down
his
'*
letter),
Chronicle,"
before he died, to the last year of Alexander (as
we
months.
shall see)
he outlived him, at
least
;
for
some
Unfortunately the manuscript which con*G 12
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
144
catalogue
that
tains
is
incomplete
otherwise,
:
as
we should also have a list of the Roman bishops carried down by our learned author the title promises,
to
Callistus,
ander Severus
;
Urbanus.
successor,
or to his
This
Roman Church under Alex-
bishop governed the
and
successor,
his
Pontianus, was
transported to Sardinia with Hippolytus in the
first
year of Maximin, soon after Alexander's death, and,
probably falling a
sacrifice to the pestilential air of
died there soon
the island,
afterwards,
under the
same consuls.
Now,
we
find
an enumeration
of the ancient divisions of nations
and languages
in this "Chronicle,"
upon the system that
built
the nations sprung
all
from Noah were seventy-two.* had got
this
the tenth chapter
in
of their Gods.
Julius
his
chronography
lus,
or to
first
ments
reign
and 1.
L
Seventy
the nations and
the
to
fifth
who brought down year
221, that which
sectio
of Heliogaba-
precedes the
of Alexander Severus, did
accounts
lingua? Lxxii., et qui
cotemporary of
the
system, according to
this
* p. 50.
But
African us,
the year
of the
Genesis.
Epiphanius adopts also the system
of seventy-two nations.
adopt
of
number of
or seventy-two was the
Hippolytus,
ingenuity
enumeration of the different na-
Christ, out of the tions
Jewish
number, probably before the age of
not
the copious frag-
which Eusebius, Synccllus,
" Erant autem qiice conlusae sunt ii. turrem redificabant erant Rentes lxxu., :
qua2 etiam in Unguis super facieni totius terras divisa? sunt."
J
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
and others have given of
OWN
his
CONFESSIOX.
Now
work.
145
the same
system, which
we
"Chronicle,"
evidently alluded to in our fragment,
is
find
Hippolytus*
established in
in a passage miserably lacerated, but
which may
easily
be restored by the help of the biblical record, and of sect. v.
of the Latin text of the
which book our author
**
Chronicle,"* to
refers for the
names of the
seventy-two nations, f The identity of the systems in the two w^orks is also proved by another point.
Our author counts 215 years from Abraham to JaEgypt the Latin " Chronicle"
cob's migration into
:
Septuagint
equally follows the
years for the time from
Our author
;
for
Abraham
it
counts 430
to the
Exodus.
evidently placed the dispersion of
the
nations under Peleg, Heber's son, and, having arrived at
Heber, mentioned the scheme of the seventy-'
two nations.
This
is
the key to the restoration of
the text, as I give
it
below, putting in brackets the
words inserted by me.ยง
It
is
characteristic of our
* p. 52. 1. 1., of the seventy-two, twenty-five belong to Shem's progeny. After these enumerations it is added again, " Omnes autem de tribus filiis Noe sunt lxxii." f p. 331., ijcrav Sk ovToi oj3' (72) Wvr]j wv Kai to. ovoixara 6KTt6eifxt6a Iv trspatg fiiยฃ\oig.
J p. 53. 1. penult. ยง After he had spoken of dk yivtTai [Trarj/p]
Abraham, he says
(p. 337.)
Qdppa' tovtov 'Naxojp, tovtov
:
Tovtov
"Stpovp [_tovtov
'Payav, tovtov ^aXeK^ tovtov "Eitp'] oOfv Kal to 'Eipaiovg KoKtiaOai
\tovq 'lovdaiovQ' riaav
U
ovtoi
o/3'
tTrl
de
tov ^aXkK tysveTO
in Routh, Reliquias Sacr.
rj
tujv iQvutv diaairopa]
Cf. Jul. African!
Wvr], etc. ii.
p. 244. II
Fragmentuni
ix,
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
146
author,
on
that,
occasion, speaking of having
this
enumerated those seventy-two nations, he adds, that he had done desirous
wishing to sliow to those
so,
learn,
to
who were
" the affection we bear to the
Divine Revelation, and also the unquestionable knowledge w^hich
we have acquired with much labour These are the words of the
respecting the truth."
inventor of a system.
The end of all
his demonstration is to prove (p. 332.)
that the people of
God
more ancient than the
are
Chaldaeans, the Egyptians, and the Hellenes. " There-
go beyond Noah,
fore," he says, **it being useless to will give the division of those
Here we and
find
nicle"
;
that twenty-five sprang from Shera,
from Japhet, as
fifteen
I
seventy-two races."
is
stated in the " Chro-
and we also learn the number (thirty-two)
derived from
Ham, which
is left
out in our present
Latin text.
Hippolytus then, according to our present text, continues thus (p. 3SS. *'
Now
fol.
137. end)
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
having seized this doctrine" (the knowledge
of things divine possessed
of God),
"disciples,
by the fathers of the people
the Hellenes, Egyptians, and
Chaldaeans, and the whole
human
divine nature or the divine being)
.
race,
what the
."
Here our
.
"We
sheet ends, and, at present, our manuscript too. liave to
thank M. Miller
having placed
fol.
133.
transposition undoubtedly re-
after fob 137.
Tliis
stores the
order:
true
for
fortius sheet 133. gives
us
:
LETTER tlie
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
lY.
CONFESSION.
147
immediate continuation of the sentence with
which
137. terminates.
fol.
know MS. As
thought
Still I
it
new page
im-
portant to
exactly where the
in the
the editor only marks the line, and
begins
not the word, with which the new leaf opens, I was left to
guess which are the
But
have since learned through the kindness of
I
words in
first
fol.
133.
Professor Gebser of Konigsberg, whose attention I directed to this circumstance,
as
he was going to
Paris, that fol. 137. (and at present the manuscript)
terminates thus Kol irav ysvos avOpcoircov
'
tl to Sslov
Professor Gebser observes that after ^scov there
is
now a full stop, but added by another hand. The words rt to Sslov are evidently connected with the
first
words of sheet 133.
words
in p. 338. 97.
svTaKTOs this
*
The whole :
passage,
— TouTOv
ral\ "EWrjvtg^ TO Sreiov Kai
tovtov smaKTOs
t]
TOV Qtov^ Kai
ris 6 ovtcos
:
©sos kol is
rj
now
printed
one,
all in
KaXSaXoi Kcd
tovtov evruKTog
ttclv
dr}jiiovpyia^
KopTToXoyojg tovto
yvwfffi Kai daKy]a(i
tovtov
wanting, and
is
thus to be re-
Toh'vv Tov Xoyov KparijcraPTtg fidOere
AiyvTrrioi,
fir]
joined these
by your excellent conjecture of The period thus restored is the
supplied
is
fidOsTs for fxaOrjTal.
stored
rj
Only the verb
hrjfjLLovp^ia.
want
/cai
:
The author himself has
BrjfiLovpyia.
(Tuj(Ppo(Tvvr]g eig
(t, fxaOt]-
y'tvog dvOpixJiruiVf tL
Trap, tjpwv rioi'
r/ffKrjKOTiot',
cLTroSti^iv
dXX'
rj
(piXuJV
dXtjOelag
avrov Xoyovg
ttoiov-
The
construction and sense of these words become thus very easy and clear " Ye nations therefore come to us, and ^livayv.
:
learn what
God
is,
and
his well
ordered creation, from us, the
friends of God."
H
2
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
148
introduction to the declaration of the truth, which
was the principal object of the tenth book, says at the beginning of
as
he
it.
This most important conclusion of the work consists
of three distinct parts
:
doctrine of the
First, the
cause of
all
One God,
the
eternal
things.
Secondly, the doctrine of the Logos, begotten by the
One
all-pervading God, who, being penetrated with
the will of the Father that the world should exist,
made to
all
things
;
and who was
lastly sent to
speak
man, not through the prophets, but himself,
and
to appeal to
man
endowed with
as
a free will,
the abuse of which alone had produced evil.
Thirdly, the conclusion of the whole in an address to
all
ciple
nations by the author, speaking as a dis-
and minister of the Logos, and encouraging
his brethren to have faith in
and divine nature.
(The end
their high destiny is
wanting.)
I.
Hippolytus' Declaration (p.
on
the
One Eternal God,
334.)
" The One God, the first and the only One, the Maker and Lord of all, had nothing coeval with him,
no
infinite
earth, no
chaos,
tliick
air,
no measureless water or hot
nor the blue form of the
fire,
j^reat
or
solid
or spirit {Trvevfia),
heaven.
But
He
LETTER
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
CONFESSION.
was One, alone by Himself, who, willing
what bad no being before
into being
having
call it into being,
to be
;
created
were
for
He
first
different
be,
to
full
and
compounded of two, some of
And
those which were
of one are immortal
is
four. ;
for
simply
but that which consists
;
of two or three or four elements therefore
is
cre-
some
some of
For what
out
;
own
(fiovoova to),
three,
they do not admit of dissolution. one, cannot be dissolved
death
And He
water and earth
air,
some being of one substance
ation,
willed to
elements of the things which
elements he made his
of which different
ra
knowledge of what was
has foreknowledge also.
fire
called
it,
{sirolrjas
when He
ovra ovK ovra Trporspov), except
149
is also called mortal.
is
dissoluble,
For what
is
the dissolution of that which has been
and
called
com-
pounded."
For the
discussion of this
ulterior
subject, the
On
author refers to a special work of
his,
stance of the Universe" (irspl
rrjs
rov iravros ovalai)'^
much
interest for our in-
and
this again is a point of
quiry, and, if I
am
*^
the
Sub-
not mistaken, leads us to a curious
discovery.
You
are aware that in a manuscript published
Le Moyne, and of Hippolytus
homily or
(i.
220â&#x20AC;&#x201D;222.), there
treatise
inscribed thus
:
by
then inserted in Fabricius' edition
*'
is
the end of a
addressed to the Hellenes, and
St.
Hippolytus, from his Address to *H 3
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
150
the Hellenes, which bears the
(Address) to Plato,
title
about the Cause of the Universe."*
This
title is so
that of a treatise mentioned on the statue of
like
the Vatican, "
To the Hellenes and " About the Universe," f that to Plato," or also Hippolytus
in
scarcely a doubt could remain of the identity, even if
Photius did not expressly name
mentioned here
For he says
(c.
all
the three titles
one and the same book. " The book On the Universe,'
as given to
*
48.),
which in other copies
inscribed,
is
the Universe,' in others
*
On
*
On
the Cause of
the Substance of the
Universe.' " J
What the
is
book he
still
more remarkable,
gives us the contents of the very chapter
which Hippolytus here
to
in his account of
refers.
" The book
The author shows
(he says) of two sections.
consists
them
in
that Plato contradicts himself; and he proves that
Alcinous (the celebrated Platonic writer,
who
lived,
probably, in the beginning of the second century)
had spoken irrationally and
falsely
and Matter, and the Resurrection. his
in
own opinions on
that the people of the Jews
ToD ayiov 'liriroXvTov
Ik
He
topics,
much more
According
that of the Hellenes. *
these is
about the Soul, then brings
and
shoivs
ancient than
to his opinion,
man
tuv Trpog "EWyjvag Xoyoi;, rov
yfypanfitvov Kara U\ariov(t (read Trpog riX.)
TTfpi
rj/t;
iTri-
rov Travrsg
aiTiag.
f Ylpog "EWrji'ag
Kai TTfwg
J Ufpl Tov TTrti'Tor, TTJg rov iravTog nlr'uic^ Iv
UXdriova
>)
Kai
rrepl
rov Trai^rog.
aWoig avfyviov kTriypafpo/xevov Ftfpi dWoig It l\ipi T^ig rov iravTog ovciag. tv
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; LETTER
consists of fire
the
As
and
pared for
Now
it
(the
this
(God) formed
it
also calls soul {'^v^rj).
own words
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
the principal part,
spirit)
together with the body, and pre-
a passage through every limb and joint.
connected with the body,
this spirit, plastically
and all-pervading,
same shape
151
besides, of
,
to the spirit, these are his
He
COXFESSION.
and water and
eai^tli
which he
sjririt (irvsvfia),
" Taking of
is
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
is
{scBsi) as
fashioned {rsrvTrcoTat)
the visible body
;
but
in
its
the
essence
rather cold in comparison with the three of which
the
body
You
consists."
here
see
the exact and literal doctrine of
the four elements, of which the spirit
one, carried
is
out speculatively, in the form of a Christian physical
philosophy.
Besides, you see that the theory
of the higher antiquity of Jewish wisdom had been
manner
treated here in the same
fragment
as in the
preceding the Declaration of Faith in our work. dare say
it
was
this that
made some
I
wiseacre of the
Byzantine age ascribe the book to Josephus, under
which name the patriarch himself read doubts on his mind the
first
time, as he tells us.
Hear what he has further **
After having
discussions,
gone
not (ov/c
without any
it
to say
through dva^lcos)
on
these
this
book:
physiological
unworthily of the
Jewish physiology and of his learning, the author treats also
summarily of cosmogony.
As
to Christ,
our true God, he speaks theologically, very
we do
;
nay, he pronounces the very
H
4
name
much
as
of Christ,
ox THE
152
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
^*
and describes without from the
ration
patriarch of
!
A
ninth century,
tlie
Poor Hippolytus
Father."
New Rome,
most learned man of ened in
unspeakable gene-
fault his
in the
become
his age, has
he takes a work of
that
his formularies,
so hard-
yours for that of a Jew, who, he seems to think, did
honour
to the philosophy of his
he wonders how, with Christ almost as if
nation
;
and then
you could speak of
all that,
you were a Christian
!
What
you,
a learned and pious doctor and bishop of the Catho-
Church,
lic
whose
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; you,
had seen
master
said at the
the worthy disciple of Iren^eus, St.
John the
apostle,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
end of the second and beginning of the
third century,
is,
in its best parts,
Byzantine just Christian enough for
had heard of Christ
deemed by the a clever Jew who
Can any man pronounce a
!
judgment upon the conventional superstructure raised by the ages intervening between Hippolyseverer
tus and Photius?
being
Still,
adds,
first,
that
some had
authorship of Josephus
be something in
enough the
Roman
presbyter,
clus the Montanist." :
"
their doubts
who wrote
wrote well
the
Labyrinth,' says at the end of
is
called
Caius,
a book against Pro-
All he can
of
man
then says: "I find that
the author
The author
about the
and he confesses there might
He
for Josephus.
the marginal notes
this
;
although the
this,
in
is
man, Photius
an honest, plodding
tell
us positively
book, called
it,
that he
is
*
The
also the
LETTER
author of the book verse.'
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
*
On
CONFESSION.
153
the Substance of the Uni-
"
Hence,
we
if
have Hippolytus*
his having written this last book,
evidence
for
we know, through
Photius' unwilling, or at least involuntary, witness, is also the author of the " Labyrinth," or the " Little Labyrinth," of which we have some frag-
that he
ments preserved by Eusebius, directed against Theo-
among
dotus and his followers
the Noetians, and
professing to be written under Zephyrinus
own
time."
Whoever
"in our
reads those fragments *, and
compares them with our book and the fragments just mentioned, will have no doubt respecting the authorship
:
they are by one and the same man, as Photius
The author
learned from the author himself.
of the
book " On the Universe " (Caius, according to Photius' opinion) " was elected a bishop of the Gentiles." These words, absurd
as they
may
appear, will prove
to be a historical allusion to the position which
Hip-
polytus occupied in the Church, and in particular at Portus.
They
also receive a striking explanation
from
what our author, in the concluding section of Declaration, says of himself, as
Having gained in saying that
of the
work
it,
the Universe"
we must
have no hesitation
discussed fragment
genuine.
consider that
* Routh, Reliquiag Sacr.
H
is
5
ii.
his
shall see presently.
this fixed point, I
Le Moyne's much
"On
to understand
we
it is
p. 129. sqq.
Li order the end,
:
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.'
154
of the whole, or of the
either
of the two books
first
we have
of which that treatise, as
seen, consisted.
Having treated of cosmogony and of the Logos, the author came to the eschatological part, and opposed to Plato's
myth
the Gorgias something of the same
in
nature, only that
it is
based upon Judaic and Chris-
which that under Peter's
tian apocalyptic fictions, of
name was very popular
at
Rome.
no doubt
I have
that Hippolytus did not give his description of as a revelation,
To
but
prove the
Hades
as a Christian picture.
the authorship I will
identity of
show, in a note to the passage on the eternal pu-
nishment of the bodies of the wicked, that a sentence, utterly unintelligible as the text stands
now,
can easily be restored from the corresponding passage in that treatise.
With an experienced
critic,
this alone settles the question.
11.
The second part of Hippolytus Confession of Faith The Doctrine of the Logos.
Now
this
sole
universal God,
one and
first
cogitation begets the
(Logos),
not the
by his
word
the the of
indwelling universe. all
beinfi^s
reason
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Oi/roc ovv fiovog Kal Kara iravTuyv
Qeoq,
Word
Auyov
in evyoyjdeig uTroyeyy^i ov
the sense of speech, but as
:
<jjg
(f)(t)yiiy
aXX
irpioToy
Xuyou
ly^idderoy rov
of TrayroQ
Ilim alone he be^at j-wyoy
Xoyiafiuy. is,
oyrujy
Tovroy
kyirra' to
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' OAVN CONFESSION.
IV.
155
which was was yap oyy avroQ o Trarrjp r/v, e^ Father himself: the ov TO yevyr)dfji'at airiov rolg being born of whom was the yLVOjxivoLQ. AoyoQ i)y kv aurio that
for
the
cause of
The
beings.
all
Word was
in him, bearing
him who had
the will of
be-
Bikeiy tov yeyep-
TO
(^epiov
ytjicoTOQy
ovK aneipog
gotten him, being not unac- TTUTpog kvvoiaQ'
quainted with the thoughts
For when from him
of the Father.
he came forth
£fc
begat him, being his
first -
begotten
had in
speech,
himself
the
he
TciQ
be,
complished
the Logos it
in
yEVOflEVOQ
kv
T(o TcaTpiKio
kyyorjOeiauQ
yiyeaOai Koa^oy TotcaTci tyAo-
When, therefore, the Father yoQ commanded that the world Kat should
TOVTOV
(t.0wr/)»'), £^£t ey lavTio
ideas Ideag, odey KeXevovTOQ TtaTpog
by the Father.
conceived
tov
yap rw
TOV yEvvi](TavTOQ TrpotkQeiv,
TrpijJTOTOKOQ (piop))
who
Ixjia
Tfjg
aTTSTeXuTO apiaKojy 0£w. TCI fxey eTrl
yeyiaei 7r\r]dv-
ac-
vovTa apaeva kul ^yjXsa
elp-
detail,
yai^ETO
Now
oaa
Be TvpoQ v-nrrjpeaiay
what by gene- Kal XeiTOvpyiay, i) upaeya ration, he made male and ^rjXeiojy (t. cipcreyci i) S>;female but that which \£ta)r} fXT] 7rpo(T^£o/x£va, >/ ovte. was to serve and minisapaeva ovte ^{jXea. Kat yap ter^ he made either male, al TovTiov TTjOwrat ovaiai k^ not wanting the female, or neither male nor female. OVK OVThJV yEVOflEVaif Tvvp Kal For the first elements of TryEVfjLa, vBiop Kal yrj, ovte these, which sprang from apaEva ovte BrjXea inrap'^Et' that which was not, fire and [_OVT EKCKXTrjg f^] TOVTCJV spirit, water and earth, are ZvvaTaL (t. vTrap')(ELy ekcictt)] neither male nor female nor TOVTbJV BvvTai) ttpoeXOeIv upcould male and female come out of any of them, except (TEva Kal S'/'/Xfa, TrXr}y el /5oupleasing God.
was
'
to multiply
:
;
as
far as
the commanding- XOITO 6
6
KeXevCJV
0£OC
'iVO.
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
156
God
willed that the Logos AoyoQ
should accomplish
I ac- elvat
it.
vTTOvpyr].
ayyiXovg
'E*:
irvpoQ
bfioXoyu), Koi
knowledge that the angels ov TOVTOiQ Trapelyai ^ijXEiag are of fire and they, 1 say, In like Xeyio, "HXtov Is koi aeXyi'rjy have no females. manner the sun and moon Kai aaripag bfxo'naQ Ik rrvpog and stars, I conceive, are Kal TryevfxaTog, koi ovte ixpat' of fire and spirit, and are vag ovre ^rjXeiag vevojJiLKa, El, neither male nor female; but from water have come swim- vdarog te ^^a vr]KTa Eivai ming and flying animals, ^iXoj (t. ^iXojv^ Kal Trrrjva for so male and female ap(TÂŁya kol ^IjXeW ovtu) yap ;
:
God
ordered
it,
willing that
the moist element should be
In like manner
generative.
ekeXevctev 6 ^EXtjtrag yifioy EJyai T))y
out of the earth came creep- 'O^oiiog ing things and beasts, and Brjpia
and
males sorts
females
of animals
:
of
gos
;
For whatever God made. These made by the Lo-
nor
could
they
be
otherwise than as they were
But when He had made them as He willed, He then marked them by giving them names. After made.
these he created the lord of
the whole,
compound ments. to
making him a of
He
make him
all
the
apaEya Kal ^)]Xea' ovriog yap f]
TU)V
"Ocra
ettoLel
b QEog.
E^Tj/jiiovpyEi,
adds
Tavra Aoyio
ETEpiog
fxri}>vya}XEya,i)
Ie (t.
T(i)y
f/) ojg
'Ettj
yEviaQai
wgiyEyEro/'OrE
ETroir]rTEv oyofjiaTt
IXTjyEv.
yEyoyoTiov
yap ydiXijaEy,
(})V(ng.
ydiXyjaE Kal
KaXiaag
Eay)-
rovToig Toy Tray-
apj(oyTa ^rijiiovpyCby
apyovra
(t.
Zr)fxiovpy6v^ ek iraawy
ele-
did not intend avyQiriiiy a god, and
Kai
IpTrerct
all
for this
of.
He willed, things He
overlay,
Kal TravrodaTTwy i^wojy
the nature of created things iyE^EXETO
admitted
yfjg
Eic
QEog yo-
vypdy
fail
ovffiUjy EffKEvacTEy'
^Euy BtXioy TTOuly
ov
E(T<p7]XEy,
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
He
He
to
make
make
:
thee.
image
but willing
But
if
man
Him who made
with great things.
to
Trapa-
heiyfxa' apdpu)7rou •^eXwj', av-
dpwTTov
ae
^iXtiQ
KoX
iiroiriffEV
Ze
el
vTraKovE
SeoQ
r&J
kol
tcettolyikoti,
avri^aive
vvVf
/JLiKp^ TTiarog
jxiya
yeviaOaij
'iva
£vp£0f<f,
TTiaTevdijvai
IttI /cat
^vyjj~
dllQ.
Him
is
Him: wherefore he
alone of is
of
Aoyov
Tov
t^eiC
and transgress not now, fiTj in order that, having been rw in small found faithful TO things, thou mayst be trusted
Word
Ei yap ^eou
avdpojTroy.
ae ^diXrjffe Troirjaai, e^vyaTO'
thee,
The
7r\avw),
(fx^
thou
wouldst become a god, be obedient to
aW
157
thee
thee a man, a
He made
If
could have done
for thou hast the
;
of the Logos to
but a man.
had willed
a god, so
!),
CONFESSION.
ayyiXov
an angel (be ovhe
to do so, or
not misled
OWN
TovTov Tov' dio
6
Aoyog
fxoyog e^ av-
0£oc, ovffia virap-
K'at
God, being the substance X(oy Qeov. 'O ^e KoajJiOQ ki, But the world is of ovhiyoQ' ^10 ov Qeog. ovtoq
of God.
nothing it is
;
therefore not
God
:
also subject to dissolu-
ETTL^i^eTaL Kal Xvcny ote joov-
'O ^£ KTiffag
Xerai 6 KTiaag.
when He willeth who QEog KUKoy ovk ettolel' ov^ev created it. But God the ETToiEL [01)3 KoXoy Ku) dyacreator did not make evil. He made nothing which doy ayadog yap 6 TrotCJy tion,
'
OvBe
ETTOIEL
was not beautiful and good for the Maker is good. But the man who was made was
(t.
a freewilled
dpixJTTog
TTOtfl
:
creature,
possessing a ruling
not
Ka)
TToiwy).
all
ovK
^^oy avTE^ovaioy
things by thought and au- OVK
apxoyy Einyoiq.
6
^£ yEyofXEyog ay-
under- ovK apyovTa
standing, not governing
vovy ov koI
E)(oy
vovy
r'jyy
(t.
Exoy),
e^ovcti^
Kal
and power, but ser- hvyafxei ndyTOjy KpaTovy, aXand havinf? all sorts of Xa hovXoy, Ka) Trctvra ex^^
thority vile
O
KoXoy
ayadog yap
ayadoy,
'
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.'
158
He, from rd EvavTia' oq
contraries in him.
being freewilled, generates evil,
which becomes
so by-
being nothing
accident,
not
it
:
for
avre^ov-
yeyy^f
avfx^e^rjKoroQ utto-
i/c
if
[ov]
TeXovfXEvov
thou dost
ri^
VTVapyELVy TO KaKOV klTL-
(TLOV
ovcey
fJ^£y
it is
ovcev^
(t. cl-koteXov fxtvov
fiey from being willed 7rou]Q' ly yap rJ lay fj-i] not so thought to be and being such from the begin- ^eXeiy ku) yofii^eiy tl KUKoy
called evil
;
Man
ning, but an afterbirth.
being thus freewilled, a law was laid down by God not ;
For
without need.
man
if
had not the power to will and not to will, why should a law have been established ? For a law will not be laid
down
for an irrational being, but a bridle and a whip ;
but for man, a
command and
TO KaKoy oyofxai^STaiy UTT apyy]Qi
Ov
otW
eTTiytyofxeyoy.
Qeov
eI (t,
(hpi^ETO, ov iJ.uTr]y
yap
ov)
Kay
men
yofJiOQ yelp
In
yore.
of
aXoyo) ^ww ov^
TrpoaTETayfjiEyoy
yioy
Ktti
these
things
overruled by the AVord the
Father,
bringing voice the morning
evroXj)
^e
the
of
light-
anterior star.
}]ijL(Jjy
/cai /x)/ Trou'ty'
^la
Copicrdr)
^i-
"Ey-
ETTciyiodEy.
did tov 'KpoEipr)jXE-
wpi^ETO
^EO(piXovg, yOfXOQ
are
God, the only-begotten child of
)(a\iJ'OC Kul
yov Mwi/aewej ar^jooc EvXat>ovQ
and Godloving man. all
fl))
established by Kal irpoaTijxoy tov TroLEly to
forementioned Moses, a de-
But
uy-
yofjiog opii^oLTO
aXXd
times nearer to us, a law TOVTO) i'6f.iOQ was laid down full of gra- Ka'njjy aylpibv vity and justice, by the
vout
TO
/cell
^iXEiyTi Kai yofiog wpi^ETo);
'O
opiadfjfTETai,
just
6
El)(^Ey
^iXEiy
OpCOTTOQ TO •9-fAeiv, Tl
jji))
a penalty, to do, or for not aydpwTTco doing, what is ordered. For /.moTis,
him law was
oy
avTE^ovaiov oyToc, vofxoQ
vito
(t.
ov/c
ffEfxyoTtjTog
7rXi]pi]Q
KaioavyrjQ. EioikeI 6
Ta
Aoyog
Kal
^t
6 Qeov, o ttjow-
to Toyoyog TVUTpog walg,
After-
f.u)(T(bupov
di-
Trcivra
(l)U)a'(l)6pog
?/
rrpo
(piorr).
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
wards there were just men, God these were
friends of
;
OWN
CONFESSION.
"ETTftra
(t. (fiOJVT]'
159
ettsltci)
KaioL avdpeg yi.yivr\VTai
cl-
(f)(.koi
called Prophets, because they Qeov' ovTOL TrpocprJTai KtuXrjyThese foretold the future. rai 3ia to irpocpuiyeLV rd jjleX-
had not the word (underXovTa. standing) of one time only
0~iQ ov)( eroQ Kaipov
;
but the voices of the events Xoyog eyiysTO, uWd Bict 7raforetold through all ages (Ta>y ytvedv ai Tthv TrpoXe-
showed themselves
them yoaivdiv
to
foretold TrapiffravTO' then alone
the future, not
when
they gave answer to
who were all
liXXa
vavTO,
sent,
kcu
jaovov
eKsi
cnrsKpi-
dia ttcktiov
ages
because,
:
yevewy ra kao^xeva
on
they persuaded
men
by
fore-
;
^eiKyvyTEQ,
dov
t)]v
vTrefxifxvrjCTKoy
in explaining the pre- aydpuJTTOTrjra'
not to be careless
7rpoe(pi]-
fiev ret TzapMyrjjxiya
they reminded humanity of Xiyovreg, ;
evaTvobeiKTOi
present, but
in speaking of things past, yayro,
them
ovk
roig rrapovarip
i]viKa
those
'through
(bwyal
They
intelligibly.
to.
de
eyearwTa
padv/duy
fxy)
tTret-
^e fxeXXorra irpoXi-
TO.
telling the future, they ren-
dered
every
one
alarmed,
yoyreg,
opwyrag seeing things predicted long beforehand, and looking for- fieya
ward
to the future.
Such,
O
who
ÂŁix({}6^ovg
our
TotavTT} <jj
Kadianoy, Tcpoa-
KCU rd f.iiXXoyra. if
Kad' ijfxdg
Trtcrrtr,
TzdvTeg dydpiOTroty oh HEvolg
by vain
are not persuaded sayings,
is
men who
ijfxdjy
irpo ttoXXov irpoeipr]-
CoKuJi'Tcig
ye men,
faith, the faith of
Kara eya
top
pijfiaffL Treidofxivojy,
ov^e (t\e-
are not carried
the impulses of our ^ida[iaai KapViag (rvyapira^O'
away by own hearts, nor seduced by the
persuasiveness
of elo-
fiiyojy,
ovdE
ETTEiag
Xoyitjy
iriQayori^TL
ev-
BEXyojJEyujy,
quent speeches, but who are not
disobedient
to
Zvyd^Ei words aXXd
spoken by divine power.
^Eia.
Xoyoig Xe-
XaXrji^Eyoig ovk a-KESovyrioy,
:
ox THE "REFUTATIOX OF ALL HERESIES.
160
These
things
Word
the
them,
God gave
Word. And
in charge to the
*0
y&>*
^£
Aoyog £00f yytro
*
spake and uttered
man back
bringing
by these very words from
him through the
force
necessity, but calling liberty of his
Xf-
(t.
yiov IC avroDr) eTnarpicpiov tov
him
of ardyi:r]Q
(jiq.
aXX
^ouXaywywv,
to ett'
own
Word
This
5r avTuiy tCjv \6yu)v
not enslaving avdpwKov EK wapaKorjg, ov
disobedience,
cord.
Kat Taura Qeog EKeXEve Ao-
E\Evdepi<fy
Trpoai-
Eicovcriu)
free ac-
the Father
sent in after times, no longer to speak through a prophet
piffEL
KaXcov.
Aoyov
El'
6 Trarijp
Tovrov
ray
vfTTEpoig aTreVreXXei'
ovketl
TrpoipijTOv
^lo.
not wishing that he should
be guessed at from obscure announcements, but should
be made manifest
Him,
He
I say,
world, seeing
to sight.
sent, that the
him,
revere him, not
XaXelr, ov aofJLEVov
aXX
aKOTEivHJQ
avTO-i\^E\
(pavEpit)Qi]vaL'
TOVTOVyXEyii),\Jnri(TTEXkEv~^ 'ira
might
command-
ing them in the person of
(t.
TovTov Xf'ywr,
i'va) Koarfxog
bpibv Zvait)Tn]d7] ovk
prophets, nor frightening the fXEVov Zid TrpoawTTOv
by an angel, but himand speaking to them. Him we have known soul
self present
to
ZC
ovhe.
\\jvyjir,
evteXXo-
7rpo0r;rtuj',
dyyiXov
^oCourra
aXX' avTOv Traporra
TOV XEXaXr^KOTa. Tovtov eyrw-
have taken his body from
a virgin, and
to
man
on the old
new in
KT}pvcr-
^iXuiv,
vTrovoEiffBaL
fXEv EK napdii'ov crujfxa di'EiXr]-
have put through a (poTaKaLToyTTaXaiui'dydpiOTroy
formation, having past did
his
life
through every
might become a Kiag every age, and
age, that he
i:aij'i]g
K'oVo,
EV
TvXdaEOjg
(3iu)
hd
(.XiiXvOoTct,
7r£0opr/-
7rd(Ti]c
ha
//Xi-
ivdar]
law for yEyj]d7], tjXiKiq. avTog 7'6fxog might by his presence exfcal aKOTToy tov 'idioy dydpu)~ hibit his own humanity as an aim for all men and noy TrdffLy dy6pu)7roig £7ri^£is»; ;
LETTER
IV.
HirPOLYTUS'
might prove by the same,
God
that
has
OWN
CONFESSION.
iraphJVy
made nothing on
^C avTov eXey^rj
/cat
fjir]^ÂŁy
161
eiroi-qcrey
6
Qeog
and that man is free- TTOVYipov, KoX ojQ avTe^ovtTiog 6 willed, having the power avdpoJTiog i-X^^^ ^o Se'Xeiv fcai both of willing and not willTO fxr) ^iXeiy, ^vraTog wv kv ing, being able to do either. Him we know to have been djx(poTipoLQ' rovTOV (t. ov Tov) a man of our own compo- avdpojTroy ic^ev (t. elg ^ly) sition. For if he had not TOV Kaff ijfJ-dg (pvpajxaTog ycbeen of the same nature, in yoyiyai. Et yap fxy] sk tov vain would he ordain that avTOv vTrrjp^ei fiaTTjy yojjiO' we are to imitate our masdeTtl fxifxeladai Toy diduffKa' ter. For if that man were Xoy. Et yap tKeiyog 6 aydpioevil
;
of another substance,
how
can he order me, who am born w^eak, to do like him?
and how
is
he good
and
TTog
tL
hepag hvyxayey ovalag,
to.
ojjoia
dardeyei
keXevsl
irecpvKOTiy
ifxoi
KoX
rw
nwg
But that he ovTog dyadog kol dUaLog; lya ? might not be deemed other Ee fxrj ETepog Trap f]fJ.dg vothan we, he bore toil, and fxiadrji Koi KafxaToy vTTf'/ietve, vouchsafed to hunger, and /cat ireiyjiy i]deXT}(TE, Kal dixpTJy did not refuse to thirst, and ovK iipviiaaTOi Koi viryt^ r]pi' did not and in sleep, rested resist suffering, and became IJ.T]ffej Koi Tradei ovk dyTEiney obedient to death, and mani- Koi ^ayuTio vtrrjKOvat) koX amrighteous
fested his resurrection, offer- (TTUffLy ing up his own humanity in fxeyog
all this, as
e(paylp(t}(Tey,
ky
Trdffi
the firstfruits, that iBiov aydpijJTroy,
thou,
when thou
art suffer-
airap^a-
TovTOig
tov
Iva av 7ra-
o-^wv ixrj aOvfiyc, aXX avOpiO' mayst not despair, but, TTOV aeavToy ofioXoyCoy, irpoathyself a acknowledging ZoK^g (t. trpoff^OKhjy^ koX arv o man, mayst thyself expect what the Father granted to TOVT<o TraTTip Trapiax^y (t. tov-
ing,
him.
T(o Trapiff^eg),
1G2
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
This then
is,
as
it
were,
second article of our
tlie
commen-
author's creed, or rather his philosophical
tary on the prologue of the Gospel of St. John. shall it
I
have to prove, with respect to this part, that
agrees with the system of Hippolytus, as w^e find
expressed in his other genuine writings
and above
this, I shall
prove that
ferent from the system of
him
to
;
it is
entirely dif-
whom
the marginal
note in our manuscript attributes the work
But
covered.
I can
now
re-
do neither the one nor the other
without a
satisfactorily,
it
and, over
collateral
examination of
Hippolytus' other works; and this will be the object of
my
next and concluding
letter.
I must, therefore, confine myself here to a short
analysis of the contents, as a preparatory step to the
further inquiry.
This passage contains the author's theory on the
Logos
;
which
the origin of cussion
is
is
evil.
interrupted in the middle by that on
The
insertion of this second dis-
not very skilful
:
still
the two points are in-
timately connected with each other, and with the whole
theory of the creation, as they were also regarded in the various Gnostic systems.
If
God
created
evil,
how can we combine this with the doctrine of the eternal divine Word, as being the full expression of God's nature and will ? How can we avoid placing evil either in the Father, or in the Logos ? Unquestionably (thinks our author) in either.
His way
to escape
it
must not be placed
from the
difficulty
is
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS'
lY.
—Evil
OWN
CONFESSION.
163
by accident, not originally. It endowed with reason and being man, exists, because with free will, necessarily had the power of doing tins:
exists only
what was forbidden
;
and
evil
came from
his
abuse
of this liberty of action, which however was necessary for
being
his
God's representative on earth, and
destined to be elevated to the divine nature.
Having thus cleared the
field for the eternal action
of the "Logos, he goes on defining
it
more
evidently following closely the prologue. is
accurately,
The Logos
to our author, as to the fathers of the second cen-
tury, God's eternal consciousness of himself, or the
objectiveness of his substance, which
He is
truth.
of the Greek word; as speech (\6jos say, the objective manifestation of (\6yos=^XoyLaiii6s),
The
reason and
=
(j)covt]),
God, and
that
is
to
as reason
or God's essential consciousness.
Father, by the act of self-consciousness, generates
the Logos;
inward are
is
therefore the Logos, in the twofold sense
and, strictly speaking, the Logos, as the
Word
of God, inspires
the holy
all
men who
become the teachers of mankind, and though not exclusively, inspired Moses
called to
especially,
and the prophets.
Here tent
it
is
clear
how
strongly our author
is
in-
upon inculcating three very important truths. working of the Spirit of God, for that,
—
First, that the
according to our author's
more simple theory,
working of the Logos before the not limited to the holy
men
is
the
Incarnation, —
is
of the Old Testament.
;
164
ON THE
He
claims (as
we have
seen) for
them the
priority,
but not the exclusive possession, of the Divine Spirit although he does not expressly say, what Origen says most positively, that those persons
mind
a very rude the
of
Spirit
must be of
who would deny
(aypoLKot)
God was working
the
in
that
virtuous
and holy men of the Gentiles, such as Socrates.
Such being our author's opinion, (and
Law
of the
lidity
is
is
also evident
not founded on the external
authority which imposed
tached to
it
the second point), that the divine va-
this is
it,
and on the curses
non-performance, but on
its
its
at-
inward
correspondence with the will of God, and therefore
" Man," says our auman's nature, reason. " being, and can only be brought is a rational thor,
with
to obedience viction." alist,
by
his free consent,
Hippolytus, therefore,
what
but,
himself the
first
is
much
founded upon con-
is
not only a Ration-
God
he makes
stronger,
Rationalist, as infusing his divine
reason into the Logos, and tlrrough him into man.
The
obligation to obey the written
founded upon
its
Law, being thus
conformity to reason (divine and
human, which are taken by our author to be one in essence), must therefore clearly cease, when someThus by this thing better and more perfect appears. second proposition, no less than by the pares the
The this:
way
first,
he pre-
for his doctrine of the Incarnation,
third proposition
is
no
less
remarkable
;
it is
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The prophets are indeed called prophets from
LETTER
IV.
HIPPOLYTUS'
foretelling future events
point more
than
;
OWN
But
165
and he enlarges upon
upon the this is
this
endowments
collateral
of the prophetic mind, because
by the Gnostics.
CONFESSION.
had been denied
it
by no means the exGod's eternal rea-
clusive vocation of the prophets.
son spoke through them quite as
much
in
what they
pronounced on the past, and on the events they themselves lived to see.
He characterises
their oracles
on
by saying, that by them they reminded mankind of their humanity (yTrsjjLL/jLvya/cov rrjv dvOpcothings past
TroTTjTa).
This cannot mean that they refreshed their
memory the sense must be, that they reminded the human race of certain special chronological
:
facts as integral parts of the divine plan
versal history of
mankind,
this
of the uni-
history
being the
divine development and realization in time of
was divinely beheld before is this
all
time in the
what
Word.
It
prophetic treatment of the past, that elevates
Joel, the oldest,
and Jeremiah the
latest,
of
the
prophets of the independent Jewish state, above the
kindred characters in the Hellenic world, such as
Homer was compared
with Joel, and Demosthenes compared with Jeremiah, more than any prediction of external future events can ever do. predictions treat outward events
phics of events in the
kingdom of
Indeed, their
only as hieroglytruth.
It is the
low, materialist, unbelieving, Jewish view, patched up in the
seventeenth century by scholastics
who were
neither scholars nor independent philosophers, and
166
ON THE "REFDTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
held sacred by
men
and afraid of
destitute
and liberty of evangelical truth,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
it is
light
tlie
only this de-
graded and impotent view, along with great ignorance
and an
system of interpretation, that could
irrational
lose sight of the divine character of the prophets in
their elevated, comforting,
and
faithful survey of the
past or future destinies of mankind, as being one
family in God, realizing here upon earth, individually
and nationally, the decrees of love.
what Frederic Schlegel true
his eternal
wisdom and
In short our author says in his language,
historian
as
said,
when he designated
a prophet with his
the
turned
face
backward.
They were also
inspired, says our author,
spoke of the persons and events of their
" exhorting men not gence and levity
much
(/x?)
to
abandon themselves
paOv^slv).'"
of a philosophical
cognise the really are,
men and
signatura),
mind
is
as
It
to negli-
does not require
to perceive, that to re-
events of one's time as what they
and what they
seal of history
when they own time,
and thus
to
put the
upon them (what the mystics
call the
much an
signify,
evidence of the knowledge of
the future as any prediction, and as
much
a proof of an
inspired insight into the past as any proj)hetic inter-
pretation of the figures of times.
It follows,
from
men and
this
events of bygone
our author's view, that
even those predictions were not an evidence, less the highest, of inspired
simply foretold external
knowledge, so
facts.
much
far as
they
Hippolytus, like
all
LETTER
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS*
IV.
CONFESSION.
167
ancient writers, believed undoubtedly that sucli foretelling
power had also been displayed by other persons,
and even by
false prophets,
but that the true prophets
foresaw, in an event of which they spoke as coming,
an integral part of the development of the kingdom of truth, justice, and blessedness,
upon
fore
which
is
among mankind, and by men, and
manifested
be
to
there-
this earth.
Having thus explained
his general
view of the law
and of the prophets, he passes to the second portion of his doctrine of the Logos,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
his being
embodied in
the person of Jesus of Nazareth, the true and real
man.
It
me
seems to
well as in the
first,
clear, that, in this section as
our author intends to speak as
popularly as he can, and to avoid as
bringing forward his
own
much
as possible
speculative system.
The
fathers of that age evidently considered their speculations in
futed,
the main as merely apologetic.
by reference
to Scripture
They
re-
and constant tradition,
the objections of unbelievers and the errors of the heretical philosophers. tical, either
when
it
They deemed a doctrine heresome facts related or when it destroyed the mean-
directly denied
by the sacred records,
ing or authority of Scripture, and led to consequences
incompatible with those
first
principles of Christianity
engraved on the reason and conscience, which, consciously or unconsciously, are always appealed to as
the highest and conclusive evidence. so,
they
felt
called
upon
If,
in doing
to offer a solution of those
ox THE
168
philosophical or historical puzzles and riddles, which
had
(in
most
cases) given rise
systems they
to the
opposed, they did this apologetically, in self-defence.
But they by no means agreed nor did they assume, rity for their system,
at
in these attempts
that
time,
but offered
arguments as they could urge,
it,
:
any autho-
with as good
for a respectful
and
thoughtful examination, as not being in contradiction to the sacred records
We
and reason.
and the
dictates of conscience
must therefore beware of supposing
that, because our author does not enter into the well-
known doctrinal controversies of his time, he had not If we his own opinions on the subjects of them. find them recorded in other writings of his, we have merely to prove that they are compatible with the view here so plainly stated, and that they rest upon the same grounds.
Having
said
now
thus much, I will
pass to the
third and concluding part of our author's Confession
of Faith, after I have given utterance to some reflections
which
this
tenth book has awakened in
my
mind. It
is
clear that the parts of the Confession of Faith
hitherto examined are a philosophical explanation of
Now, while
the prologue of St. John's Gospel.
seems
to
me
that this
commentary
as the text (although not so full), I
that
many
of
my
readers, divines
is
it
as intelligible
have the feeling themselves, will
rather think I ought to say that the
commentary
is
LETTER
IV.
no
unintelligible
less
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
CONFESSION.
169
These per-
than the text.
sons ought to be aware, that, in saying (or thinking)
so,
infidels
they place themselves on the side of the
;
what
for
or useless
and no
;
Christianity.
back
I
not intelligible
is
well that some will fiing
full
this insinuation as
more against
ever said
infidel
know
either untrue
is
an
and answer the
insult,
attack by protesting their orthodoxy.
they are ready to
that
test this
I also
know
orthodoxy by an
unqualified submission, either to the word of God, or
the
to
orthodox formularies of the Ecumenic
Councils, at least to those of the fourth and fifth
But they must not take
centuries.
it ill if
ment, or extricate For,
culties.
themselves
they
if
God, they show very
down
its
out
I reply,
my
argu-
of their
diffi-
that in saying this they do not answer
back upon the w^ord of
fall
respect for
little
by setting
it
most sublime and important declarations
unintelligible to the
human
as
reason, which accepts the
Scriptures as containing revelations of truth respect-
who
profess a faith
must have than
the
abhor.
and
false
still
less respect for the
is
that divines,
something not
in
dissentients
There
me
It appears to
ing divine things.
intelligible,
sacred records
whose doctrines they most
more ungrammatical
scarcely a
interpretation,
than
the
old
Unitarian
translation of the last words of the first verse of the
prologue, least this
"
And
the
Word was
shows an endeavour I
a
God
to bring
;"
but at
words which
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
170
of reason, into accord-
relate to the very substance
ance with reason, as they conceived to have
been met on
this
it
;
As
ground.
and they ought comparison
to a
of the apostles of this dry Protestant orthodoxy with
the eminent leaders of the Gnostics in this respect, it
would be
nestness
their
in
prologue
;
Those men showed them-
ridiculous.
of intellectual and moral Christian ear-
selves full
speculations respecting this very
whereas,
one reads
if
Protestant schools have said on years,
there
is
all
it
speaking, but chaiF to be found in
the
old
during these 250
anything,
scarcely
that
it.
philosophically
The
text
is
ex-
plained by theological terms and formularies, which at least
must be taken
shown tions
to be conventional,
from the sacred text.
proved
till
they are
to be the necessary and only possible deduc-
;
Now
this has
and I have no hesitation
never been
in saying, that
no
honest and intelligent criticism can prove them to
be sufficiently warranted, biblically or philosophically, for exclusive
concilable
acceptance
with the
:
true,
nor are they genuine,
writings of the fathers of the centuries.
I
first,
speak advisedly
.;
strictly re-
uninterpolated
second, and third
for I have read these
writings with a sincere desire to understand and appreciate
them; and,
but the
liberty, or rather I exercise the duty, of a
Protestant
in
Christian
judging them, I use nothing
searching
for
truth.
Those
orthodox divines forget, what our excellent friend
Maurice
has, lor
many
years, endeavoured,
it
appears
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS OWN CONFESSION.
IV.
in vain, to impress
that revelation re-
but does not make truth,
veals truth,
must be true its
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
upon them,
Now,
in itself.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
that truth
true in
if
substance, not through any outward
must be
revealed truth
reason
of the
is
171
itself,
authority,
For
intelligible to reason.
Divine substance,
in
the image and
reflection of the eternal.
Divine reason, and therefore
able to discover (as
acknowledged
the laws of the
and
in space,
movements of the
must be allowed
(as it
have done)
to
celestial
bodies
have done
to
degree) the laws of the
to a certain
moving
it is
human mind
in time.
The same answer ing these
I
difficulties,
must return
to those
who, see-
and despairing both of human
reason and of the Scriptures,
fly,
in their materialist
which makes them rebel against the
faithlessness,
God
within them and in the Scriptures, to the external authority of a set of priests claiming infallible authority for their decrees,
Rome,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I care
or from any other place.
against their absurd sophism anity
is
true
;
or
contain
God
to
The
true
?
it.
Now
if
argument
Scriptures either
mankind
;
or they do not ;
or he did
Christianity be not true (and
me
in
many
of their
what authority in the world can make
But
assume),
whether from first
Either Christi-
is this:
the deepest scepticism stares at writings),
My
Christ either spoke the truth
it.
not speak
not true.
it is
contain the word of
little
if it
it is
it
be true (as of course they ought to
true, because true in itself, I
2
and wants
ON THE '^REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
172
no authority whatever is
not
all
what the Church is
to
make
asserts of Christ
this
substance,
it
that
point.
If
and Christianity
by
divinely true, and therefore true
vine
But
true.
it
have to say to them on
I
own
its
di-
essential that this should not
is
be conceived to be true through an authority placed
between Scripture and the conscience.
Ko make
divine authority
given to any set of
is
Spirit in the Church, that
body of men professing science
is
truth, his
men
The supreme judge
truth for mankind.
is
to
the
to say, in the universal
is
The
Christ.
God's highest interpreter.
universal con-
If Christ speaks
words must speak to the human reason and
conscience, whenever and wherever they are preached: let
them, therefore, be preached.
If the Gospels
contain inspired wisdom, they must themselves inspire with
heavenly thoughts the conscientious in-
quirer and the serious thinker freely be
made
let
:
them, therefore,
the object of inquiry and of thought.
Scripture, to be believed true with a full conviction,
must be
at
one with reason
By
treated rationally.
not lose strength
which
but we
;
are to submit to
ritual
who
let
shall
no Church ever had.
in Christian discipline,
who
:
authority,
care for Christ
if freely it
:
freely
if :
it,
therefore, be
taking this course
there
there
gain a
There
is
we
shall
strength
strength
accepted by those is
strength in spi-
acknowledged by those is
strength unto death in
the enthusiasm of an unenlightened people, if sin-
LETTER cere, is
IV.
and connected with
no strength
which
identifies
lofty
it,
and
faith,
CONFESSION.
173
But there
moral ideas.
be compared with that of a faith
to
moral and intellectual conviction with
religious belief, with that
by such a
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
of an authority instituted
and of a Christian
striving to Christianize this
life
based upon
world of ours, for
Let those who
which Christianity was proclaimed.
are sincere, but timid, look into their conscience,
and
ask themselves whether their timidity proceeds from
whether
faith, or
Europe
faith.
siastically,
it
does not rather betray a want of
in a critical state, politically, eccle-
is
Where
socially.
reclaim a world, which,
if it
power able
is
the
be
faithless, is
so under untenable and ineffective ordinances if it is in
a state of confusion, has
by those who have
may subdue ideas much
liberty
:
less
spiritually ;
or superstition
spirit in the hearts of the
more
revive faith.
convinced that governs
it
wants not
But, however this be, I
God
by the
less,
am
He
and justice
eternal ideas of truth
who have conquered,
but
firmly
governs the world, and that
engraved on our conscience and reason sure that nations,
irreligious
immense majority of the
I believe that the world
religion.
Armies
it ?
cannot conquer
deny the prevalence of a destructive and
people.
which,
can Jesuits and Jesuitical prin-
ciples restore religion, I
?
become confused
guided
but armies
to
become
;
and I
am
or are conquer-
ing, civil liberty for themselves, will sooner or later as
certainly
demand
liberty of religious thought, I
3
and that
y//
ox THE
17-4
those whose fathers have victoriously ligious liberty, will not fail to
With
tical liberty also.
sent irresistible
demand
acquired re-
and
civil
poli-
these ideas, and with the pre-
power of communicating
ideas,
what
can save us except religion, and therefore Christianity
But then
?
that which tible
and
is
it
must be a Christianity based upon
eternally God's own,
as invincible as
He
is
and
is
as indestruc-
himself:
based upon Reason and Conscience.
I
must be
it
mean reason
spontaneously embracing the faith in Christ, and Christian faith feeling itself at one with reason and Civilized Europe, as
with the history of the world. is
at present, will
fall
;
or
it
be pacified by
will
To prove
liberty, this reason, this faith.
this
that the
cause of Protestantism in the nineteenth century
with the cause of Christianity,
identical
necessary to attend to this fact sink and
fall,
until they stand
ground, which, in
my
;
us, then, give
basis, all
up
is
only
must
upon
it
this indestructible
inmost conviction,
all
is
the real, it.
notions of finding any other
attempts to prop up faith by
outward things:
is
that they both
genuine, original ground upon which Christ placed
Let
it
let us cease to
effete
forms and
combat reason, when-
contradicts conventional forms and formularies.
ever
it
We
must take the ground pointed out by the Gospel,
as well as
by the history of
Christianity.
then hope to realize what CIn'ist died
Church God's
fulfil
We
may
for, to see
the
the high destinies of Christianity, and
will manifested
by Christ
to
mankind, so as
to
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
0W:N-
CONFESSION.
175
make the kingdoms of this earth the kingdoms of the Most High. I am aware, my dear friend, that all this is
only true of the true religion
:
nobody but a
fanatic
But
or an idiot can apply this test to any other.
here
my
dilemma returns
true religion
or on
;
either Christianity
:
Taking
this
down
the law, as being
God ? high ground, I hope I
ful to find that there
is
visible
am
This
Spirit.
identical with
power of the
spirit I believe to
human
into the universality of the is
truly thank-
and traceable in the
history of Christianity the overruling
Divine
that
what plea do you reason with
us on Christianity, and lay infallible like
is
be infused
conscience, which
the God-fearing
and God-loving
reason, and which answers in those sublime regions to
what
called
in things connected with the visible world
common
sense.
and conscience it
has
have been so great, that
I find to
overruled
all
is
This divine power of reason
the imperfections and errors
both of ancient and modern communities and formularies.
Any
Protestant
Christian,
who, taking a
Christian view of the world's history, and leading a Christian
life,
goes
rationally
and conscientiously
through the history of Christianity, can in perfect
communion with
himself
feel
the Churches of the East
and West, and see the working of the Spirit scholastic,
and even in Tridentine
definitions, if
will only interpret the Scriptures honestly
and ac-
cording to the general rules of interpretation I
4
in
he
;
if
he
17G
ox THE "REFUTATIOX OF ALL HERESIES."
take
the writings of
spirit, as a Hniited
tianity,
the fathers according to the
part of the development of Chris-
and judge their speculations, not
as aggressive
dogmatism, but as philosophical explanations given in self-defence
;
and
finally,
he consider the de-
if
crees and formularies of those Churches, not in the light of his
own
stood by the
members of
that, as I
system, but as they were underthose Churches.
I confess,
prefer St. John's and St. Paul's
lative doctrines infinitely to
specu-
those of the fathers of
the second and third centuries, so I prefer theirs
considerably to the formulary of Nice, with the let-
which I cannot conscientiously find that they
ter of
Allowing
agree.
I
this,
must
see,
in
the fol-
all
lowing definitions of the Councils, an element of imperfection, of defect, of error, which develops itself necessarily in the
on just ;
side of
as the
it,
same
ratio as the
element of truth, which
must manifest
same degree
itself
from the fourth
all
the
groundwork
against
going patiently along with
Dorner, through
by the
I find
more and more,
as the true original
consistently maintained
And
development goes
destructive
in the
is
more
efforts.
men Hke Neander and
dark and darkening ages
to the seventh century, I arrive at
the conclusion respecting the formularies concerning
the divine and
human nature and
later Councils
would have been decidedly wrong,
will, that
even the if
they had laid down the contrary of what they maintain,
which would have been what the heretics either
LETTER
OWN
HTPPOLYTUS'
IV.
CONFESSION.
were (sometimes with evident
said, or
posed to have
said.
If there
of a divine ordinance of tory of the Church.
is
human
177
injustice) sup-
any manifest proof
destinies, it is the his-
There were certainly many
cir-
cumstances which wonderfully facilitated the spread-
The
ing and the maintenance of Christianity.
ancient
Judaism had merged
were worn out.
nationalities
and the destruction of Jerusalem had
into Rabbinism;
extinguished the sanctuary, with which, since Ezra, the faith of the Jews had been identified.
ism had also lost unbelief of the
Greeks
;
so
its
Heathen-
national basis and local faith
Romans was
the
The
was their remaining superstition.
human mind was yearning
:
grosser than that of the
after
some high and
restor-
ing union and fusion of the different nationalities;
and the idea of a common humanity and a common truth, born out of Christianity,
the world's deepest longings. First,
difficulties.
there was
was the fulfilment of
But then look
at the
decaying
civili-
the
zation of an effete world; and on the other side the
barbarism of a fresh and noble, but wholly undeveloped conquering race. national
life,
and hallowing religion literature, in
There was no nation, no
the only sound supporters of a pure :
there was a general decay in
learning, in philosophy
:
there was a
universal despair as to the destinies of mankind.
The
world seemed to be actually governed, not by God,
but by the culties.
devil.
Then look
to
the inward
diffi-
There was a very imperfect representation I 5
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
178
of the Christian Church in
with that of Nice, of the
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
the Councils, to begin
all
a system excluding any action
which means the
laity,
Christian
people,
and representing only a part even of the clergy.
Then
there were
all
the intrigues of Byzantine
perors and empresses, imperial aide-de-camps,
and
There were the passions and am-
palace eunuchs. bition
em-
of an uncontrolled
There was the
clergy.
odium theologicum of the doctors.
there
Finally,
was the rage of the ruling powers of the age
for re-
alizing Christianity, not in social institutions, not in
the duties and works of love, but almost exclusively in hierarchical discipline, test
communion with
of
and
for
Christ
in certain speculative formularies,
making the
God
and
sole
consist
which necessarily
brought their antagonist principles, and therefore schism and persecution along with them.
This rage
was intimately connected with the despair of the hu-
man mind, and national
end
for
with the death of all nations, and of all
Debarred from such an existence,
life.
of realizing God's purpose with the world),
no fatherland defend,
all
to cling to,
no national
to its end,
and shared, so
of the rest of mankind.
world with faith
make
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; having
institutions to
the leading Christian minds were seized
with the appalling idea, that
to
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the
which man was created (because the only means
this
;
world
this
far,
world was drawing
the despairing feelings
They looked
but they did not itself,
with
to another
feel a vocation
its social
and national
:
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
Now
efforts.
CONFESSION.
179
object of their Christian thoughts
institutions, the
and
OWN
the great miracle of the history
of the last fifteen hundred years
was renewed notwithstanding
is,
that the world
all this,
and that the
fundamental records and ideas of Christianity have been saved, and, although very imperfectly, developed, and preserved for future development, in the
whole of Christendom as
it
exists at present in the
East and the West. Against the pretension of those formularies to be rules of faith, I
must move the saving clause of qua-
tenus concordant,
must
limit
my
and that in a twofold manner.
I
assent to their clear concordance, not
onlywith Scripture (which
is
the great Protestant prin-
ciple),
but also with the earlier fathers and decrees
for, in
the sense of the ancient
Churches,
it is
this
continuity which gives them a claim to supreme au-
and
thority,
Church.
invests
Now
them with the
this continuity,
infallibility of the
whatever be
its
value,
does not exist, as to what the ancient Churches say or are supposed to say, except partially and imperfectly.
Therefore, beginning from the formulary of Nice, all
confessions of faith stand doubly
so soon as they aspire to
upon
supreme authority.
That limited truth which they possess ought
to
aspire
to,
sufferance,
not
only because
is
all
they
they are
merely true in a limited sense, but also because an unlimited authority attributed to them crushes the very element
of
life
in
them. *i 6
I
defy those
who
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
180
me any
claim more, to show
author of our time,
whether CathoKc or Protestant, who, being wedded to the letter this research,
of any formulary, has gone through philosophically and
and
historically,
has not evidently betrayed facts and reason, or been
brought either to open scepticism, or
else
to that
dry and unproductive outward formalism, which is only another form of scepticism. No Protestant in particular will ever arrive at
world presents to me, and as
that satisfactory re-
which the history of the Church and of the
sult,
a philosopher
feel his
mind
settled
both
and a Christian, who takes his
stand on the confused and idealess formalism of that
age of despair and hypocrisy, the second part of the seventeenth, and the tury. will
first
part of the eighteenth cen-
If he can read the old fathers critically,
and
be consistent, he will arrive at open unbelief.
Let no one search, unless he be prepared to take the high ground of Christian to
life
apply historical criticism to
dependent speculation
But above makes
all let
a bargain with his reason
and
and in-
This
is
true.
Whoever
and conscience, will
bruise and twist them, and lose all
but
liberty,
facts,
to the ideas, of Christianity.
him be honest and
tion and of faith.
and
the
power of convic-
true, not only individually,
also nationally.
As
to those
who
love servitude,
and fancy they can
avert scepticism by authority, and to those their Christian cliarity
by
who show
priestly anathemas, their
LETTER
OWN
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
CONFESSION.
181
learning by ignoring facts, and their wisdom by super-
seding Christian wisdom with arbitrary decisions and dictates, let
me
say to them with Christian frankness,
what Hippolytus says
Quartodecimans.
to the
will take the formularies of the Councils
Church
why
reason
law binding upon them,
as a
they do not take them
them show
let
all,
If they
and of the
— not only >
all
the formularies, past, present, and future, but also the
other ordinances which the same Councils, with the
same authority, have tus'
laid
upon mankind.
argument holds good against them
bound by any part of the
As
bound by the whole. friend, let us
thank
bound
us
;
and
let
live,
they are
as such, they are
law,
to ourselves,
God
Hippolyif
:
we
that
my
are
dearest
not thus
and, if necessary, die, for the
God
precious liberty of the children of
!
III. Conclusion.
Address
to all
men
to fulfil their
divine
Destiny,
Such
is
the true doctrine
about the Deity,
O
ye men,
and Barbarians, and Assyrians, Egyptians and Libyans, Indians and Ethiopians, Celts, and ye captains, the Latins*, and all ye who dwell in
ToLovTOQ
Hellenes
Xrivig re
Chaldgeans
Ba7oi
* This
is
6
TTCjOi
aXrjdrjQ koyog^ Krai
to
fiap^apoi,
Kai
re
TO
Qsioy
aydpi07roi"FiX-
'Affavpioi,
XaXAt-
yVTTTloi T£ KoX Al^VEQ, 'Iv^Ol T£
Kal
AWiOTreg,
KeXrol re
Kal ol arpar-qyovvTeg Aartvoi,
iravrtg
a piece of learning and
re
a
ol
rz/v
'EvpojTTTjv
speech of his own.
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.'
182
Europe, Asia, and Libya, to ^Acriav re kol At€u^v /carotwhom I am become a coun- Knvi'TEQf OLQ avi.i€ov\og eyio sellor,
being a benevolent dis-
Aoyou
(^ikavQpuoTTov
yivofxai,
Lo-
ciple of the benevolent
V7roj0)(ajv jjiadrjrrig
Kal (piXai'-
gos, in order that, flocking
to us, je us,
who
may be
taught by
the true God, dida-^dfjre
is
7rpo(TCpafx6vT£g
viru)Q
dpOJTTOQj
Trap'
Tig
ijjiuiy
b
and what His well-ordered ovTiog Qeog, kol ij tovtov «vworkmanship, and may not raKTog ^riixLOvpyia, firi irpoffattend to the sophisms of i^ovTtg ao^iafxaaiv kvri^y'iov artful reasonings, nor to the
promises of
vain
Xoywj',
yur/oe
jjiaraioig
l-rray-
delusive
but to the grave unadorned of simplicity
yeXiaig
K\e\piX6yii)P
a'lpETL-
heretics,
By
truth.
ye
will
knowledge
this
escape
a\X
airXoTTlTL
ap- yvw(T£U}g
the
proaching threat of the
fire
of judgment, and the dark lightless
Ku>y,
aXrjdtiag 0-£JLll'^,
aKOfXTrov
CL
ETTL-
I'jg
kK^EV^taQe
tTrep-
yojXEvr]v -rrvpog Kpiaeiog clttelXijVf
KOL
rciprapov
^ocpepov
eye of Tartarus, oi^ifxa
never illumined by the voice (^wr^C of the Logos, and the ebulli-
u(l)u)Ti(r-oy,
f^V
Aoyov
i^ciTCiXaijKpdey,
tions of the everflowing lake \Dpa(Jixov aevruov
of hellish fire*, and the ever ivvr)g
vtto
XtfJLvrjg,
Kal
ye-
(? C.yeri'Tjrpog) (pXoyog,
For in the " Chronicle" Hippolytus says (sect. ii. p. 50.), " Romanl qui et Latlni." Perhaps he had an apocalyptical reason for
this,
Roman from
considering Latinus, as Irenaeus did, to be the
by the
signified
power.
his
P-2.5.). * Cod.
secret
number
word
666, as denoting the pagan
Indeed I find he adopts this interpretation liis treatise about Antichrist (0pp. i.
master in
\if.iV7]Q
may
Hlppolytus which might be yttwrj-
ynnnjTpoQ ^Aoyor. Ed. yivvi}Topoq.
wanted perhaps an adjective of
yttrro,
also ])e conjectured that
TiKov.
It
Xilivrjg
yivvt/Topa (pXoyog,
he wrote
iSpacr/uov
aivrdov
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS OWN CONFESSION.
IV.
fixed, threatening eye of the avenging angels of Tartarus,
183
Kal TapTapov-)(^(ov ayyiXiov ko-
and the worm which winds itself without rest round the mouldering body to feed upon
Xa(TTu>v
ofxfia
cnrsiXy,
Kal
ael
kv
fxiroi'
(TKwXijKa
airav-
crrojg £7rL(rrpe(j)6iJ.tvoy iiri
to Ik-
This thou wilt escape, bpaaav (Toffjia (hg ettI rpochijy.* having been taught to know Kal ravra fikv cKcpev^r], Qeou the true God and thou wilt Tov ovTa dida-^delg, eL,eLQ ^e have an immortal body, toaQavarov to aibjxa Kal a(f)dapgether with an imperishable it.
;
soul, and wilt receive the Tov afia \pvxy, [^xai] fjaa-iXei' kingdom of Heaven hav- ay ovpavioy aTToXy-iprj^ o ey yij :
ing lived on earth, and having
known
I3lovq Kal ETTOvpayioy jSacnXia
the heavenly King,
emyyovg,
thou wilt be a companion of
ear]
Ik
6fxiXr)TrjQ
Qeov, Kal (TvyKX-qpoyo^OQ Xpt-
God, and a fellow-heir with Christ, not subject to lust, or OTOV, OVK ETTLOvfitaiQ
*
The
aTTOvmav
For
or sickness.
passions,
unintelligible text runs thus iTTKyTpicpo^ivov^
The learned
:
Kal
aKuiXr]Ka
rh tK^pdcrav aiofxa
liri
7/
7ra0£(Tt
Ti-
Kal yoffoig hovXovixEyoQ.
Coq
(Ti^naroQ
lTri(Trpk<pii)v,
editor observes the silence of despair.
I restore
the text from Hippolytus' own words. In the above-described fragment of the " Treatise on the Universe," we read, in a pas-
sage very similar to ours, the following words fiev
TO
ffiTTvpoc,
TTvp /j.^
d(T€e(TTOV
TfXevTidy,
Siafxsvei fitjde
Kal
(Tuifia
dia<p9eipit}v,
tK GO}p.aTog iKtpaaaoiv Trapafx'tvei. must have written in our passage :
(xrpicpofisi'ov IttI
instead of wc
to iK^pdaav aujpa.
liriarpkipbiv
seems to
(i.
122.): Kal tovtovq
a.Tt\evTTjTOV,
CKcoXt]^
airav (tt
The man who
(t)
Ss
d'
Tig
odvvjj
said
this
Kal o-fcwXjjKa dTravaTojg
tTri-
The emendation wg
me self-evident.
Iwl Tpo(pr]v^
Sw/yaroc
was
intruded when airavrfrMg had become aTrovalav, which demanded
a genitive.
This rhetorical passage
position of the doctrine laid
down
in
is
remarkable as an ex-
our text,
—that the body
of the pious becomes immortal after death, like that of Christ.
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIEB.
184
For yoraf y«p Qeoq' oaa yap
thou hast become God.
thou
hardships
whatever
when
hadst to suffer
ijiELvaq
a man,
avdpiOTrog
Tradr)
on
^idov)
ravTCL thi^ov
(t.
dpojTVOQ
eiQ'
oaa
Xovde'i
6£w,
inrCjv,
av-
He gave them to thee because man
thou wast a
which
is
;
but that
God
proper to God,
TrapuKO-
de
ravra TrapiyEiv
has declared that he will give eTrijyyeXrai Qeogj orav thee when thou shalt be dei^eoTTOi-qdrig, adavarog fied, being born again an
known made thee.
immortal,
having
God who
has
This
is
eavTOV
in the very
by him,
To yap
O men,
Therefore,
iinyviJjvaL
t^
KaXovfj.e.i'o)
persist
M?)
not that you will exist again. he,
is
whom
wash away the
man-
sins of
fxi]he
(t.
to wa-
Xpioroc
Xii'^poiJ.e'li' ^L(TTa(7r]-e.
to 0£oe
roivvv
"j"
(f)i\E-)(dpri(TrjTe
the yap kaTLV [w] o kutu
of all has ordered
vrr'
ahrov.
;
God
TpwO
eTriyvojfrdijyai
not in your enmity and doubt kavTolg, aydpLOTTOi,
For Christ
yevrrj-
TrsTroir}-
Tovtsctti to
{t^"]
ffVjx€it)riKe
known by him.
act of being
rbv
ore)
to
befalls
self
called
0£ov.
aeavTOV.
know onehim who is
For
thyself.
tcora
Know
the meaning of
kiTLyvovg
delg *,
(t.
ttcivtijJV
0foe> og) Ti)v ctfxap-
Tiav e^ uvdpu)iTit)V aTroirXvveiv
kind, renewing the old man, TrpoaeTa^e, veov tov TtaXaibv
having called him his image aydpwTToy *
The
text has
rhv TTtTToiTjKOTa
:
yevvi]9eiQ.
Bfo'j'.
tence refers to
1
Cor.
xiii.
simply transposed the words. before imyvMcrOrivat.
[r(/7j
13.
EiKova
Tov-ea-L to VvwOi Gsavrov, tTriyvovg
I have
Moreover, I have inserted
uttoteXw}',
:
The
sen-
rort dk iiriyvvjao^iai KaOihg koI tTTf-
yvoiaOiju.
\
fit)
6i\tx9pt)rTr]Tf,
0iXfX0(O'iT»7Tf
but
instead of
The words
Greek word. :
p.))
(piktx^iiaiirf^
which
are taken from Proverbs,
iii.
is
not a
30., pr)
not in the sense of quarrelling with each other,
in that of treating
their divine vocation.
each other as enemies, acting against
LETTER from
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
the
love
to
forth
his
If thou
thee.
TVTTov,
ap-^rlg ^la
ctTr'
ae
elg
r)]V
185
eTrideiKvif"
art
obedient to his solemn be- fxwoQ hests,
CONFESSION.
beginning typi- Tovroy KaXeaaQ
showing
cally,
OWN
(TTopyyjv
'
*
ov Trpocrra-
and becomest a good yjuaaiy viraKOvaaQ ae^volQ,
kol
him who is good, ayadov ayadog yevofxevog }ilthou wilt become like him, avroii ixrjryjgf ear} bfioiog inr honoured by him. For God
follower of
beggar
the
acts
towards
Ti[xr]dtig.
H.OV
yap
Trrw^^fuet
thee, and having made thee Qeog KOL ae Qeov noirjaag
God
do^ay avrov
to his glory
Now
elg
before I say a word on this third part of the
me
exposition of the true faith by Hippolytus, let
request you
to direct your attention to the state of
our manuscript.
You
have
will
perceived
our
that
text
ends
abruptly, in the midst of a sentence, with rather
*
This important sentence needs correction, unless one will
He cannot have was the Father, which the words in the present He cannot have said that Christ ordered men to
place the author in contradiction with himself. said that Christ
text imply.
wash
off sins.
ajxapriav
ÂŁ|
XpLcrrdg yap iariv 6
dv6pu)7rojv
dv9p(x)7rov ciTTOTtXijiVy
Kara irdpra Qthc^ og
tii)v
dTTOTtXvvnv Trpcxrlra^f, vkov tov irctkaiov
HKOva TOVTov KoKkaag
air' dp)(r]g^
Tr)v
elg
ere
God, according to His eternal purpose of redemption, ordered Christ to wash away the sins of mankind, The absurdity of the present text making new the old man. becomes still more glaring, if we recollect what we have just heard Hippolytus say of the relation of God the Creator to the Logos. The corruption of the text may be accidental (through the repetition of the last two letters of Qtog) ; but it may also drrodeiKvifievog <Tropyi)v.
be the consequence of a designed correction
in pejus.
186
ox THE
startling
God acts the beggar towards made thee God to his glory" *
words
and having
thee,
'^
:
.
.
.
Certainly the book did not end here, nor with this
So solemn an address could never come
period.
to
a close without the doxology, which terminates the
" Treatise on the Universe*' (0pp. i. 222.). How then can a book of such length and labour, the \york of his life,
But, moreover, must
have ended without it?
it
not have had a solemn conclusion, worthy of what pre-
cedes? is
The whole winding up,
We
wanting.
closing sentence of ticle
the real conclusion,
come
have, at the utmost,
what
I
to the
have called the third ar-
of the author's Confession of Faith
:
no further,
if so far.
Herein I me.
But
am
will
sure,
my dear friend, you go along with
you not think me too
ciful, if I assert,
bold, or too fan-
that Providence has most probably
preserved for us the real conclusion
?
and that the
chasm, between the end of our text and the beginning of the fragment I allude I
am
sure
reasons for
You
you
to, is
perhaps not very great
will at least listen patiently to
what appears
my
so strange a conjecture.
recollect the very beautiful
Our learned
?
and justly ad-
what follow next are These absurdities, we must suppose, occupy the whole of folio 136., for it is only on folio 137. that the passage about the antiquity of Jewish wisdom begins, which the editor has judiciously inserted in its proper place, *
editor assures us that
astrological absurdities.
after 132.
LETTER
HIPrOLYTUS' OWN" CONFESSION.
IV.
mired second fragment,
works
Justin's
in our
wliicli
This epistle
and Hefele has very properly received
his collection of the Apostolic Fathers.
be aware,
that,
lost
the
most
critics
work of
You
{syKOTrr}).
fallen
out,
to
believe
it
will also
MS. we says
How many
itself,
words or sheets had I cannot
the reasons which have induced
that this fragment does to Diognetus.
have prepared of
not belong to
this relic, I believe I is
have proved
the lost early letter
of Marcion, of which Tertullian speaks as
we
me
In the edition which I
that the letter to Diognetus
Catholic, but that
as
pos-
scribe copied had here a
he evidently did not know. all
into
it
be the end of some
to
The manuscript
which the
original
the letter
have believed
antiquity.
chasm
here state
is
though the second fragment appears
the conclusion of that epistle in the only sess,
of
work of a cotemporary of Justin the
certainly the :
editions
given as the end of that patristic
is
gem, the " Epistle to Diognetus." martyr
187
possess only the
first
being
half of
it;
and that the second fragment, that which has an end, but no beginning, must be by another author. letter is
curious
addressed to a Gentile philosophical
questions
That
who had put some to
writer
the
specting Christianity and the Christians
:
and
reit
is
evidently written immediately after the great Jewish rebellion under Hadrian.
Indeed
it is
highly pro-
bable that the Diognetus addressed in that letter is
no other than Diognetus the philosopher, the tutor
188 of
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
Marcus Aurelius, of whom that good emperor
speaks so feehngly and gratefully in his memoirs.
The second fragment on the other hand addresses, not one, but many the author speaks as a teacher of the Gentiles, being himself a disciple of the man:
loving
He
Word.
speaks of his great labour and
knowledge, which out of love he had communicated to his fellow-creatures belief, that the **
in
times,"
Word
:
and he expresses
and that the Lord's Passover
He
order.
his firm
will settle all difficulties
about
will progress
then concludes with a solemn dox-
ology.
But hear
his
own words:
I
you the
give
will
whole text, as I have arranged it for my edition of the " Epistle to Diognetus," with the assistance and sanction of two eminent philologers, fxaKCLpios)
preach strange
I do not
things; nor
zealous
;
am
but,
I irrationally
(o
Ov
^eva
XoyojQ
oi^nXuf)
ov^e Trapa-
a\Xa
cnroaToXojy
^riXuf,
having been a
disciple of the Apostles, I
am
become a teacher of the Gentiles, imparting that which has been
Lachmann
and Haupt.
delivered to
jua0J7r?/c
yei'Ofjiei'og
CLOucTKaXog
tdiufy,
yivof.iai
ra Trapa-
CoBevTa u^iojg VTrrjperoJv* yt-
the
worthy disciples of truth. For liow should he who has
vo}xivoiQ
aXr]decaQ
yap opdSg
Tig
fj.adi]-a~iQ.
dihci-)(^de\g
Kai
been rightly taug]it,and been beloved by the Word, strive to learn clearly
not
Aoyw
TrpofTcpiXijg
yerrjdeig
what j"
7rpocr(pi\tl ytvx'ijOtig,
j"
LETTER
Word
the to
IV.
HIPPOLYTUS'
has
His disciples
them
OWN
CONFESSION.
manifested ^la Aoyov detj^Oivra (pavepaig
For
?
Word when He
to
revealed
the
fxadrjrdiQ
olg
;
appeared, AoyOQ 0avfte, speaking openly, not recog-
himself
189
by the unbelieving, but expounding all to his disciples, who, having been accounted faithful by Him, nised
fXEvoQ, fxadrjTaig ^e
voQ
01
,
6
Xa-
Trapp-qaiq.
cnriffTwy
VTTo
XCjVf
icjjavepojo-ev
voov-
yu/y
^irfyoi/fxe-
XoytaBivTiQ
TTtcTTol
understood the mysteries of the Father. the
For
this reason
Father sent the Word,
vir*
avTov
fxvcTTijpLa.
kyvcotray
Trarpog
ov xapiv otTreoTfiXe
that he might appear to the
and He, though re- Adyoj', 'iva jected by the Jewish peo- VTTO Xaov by the ple, was preached Apostles, and believed in by ciTroarroXiov world
Kocrfjiui
(pavrj
;
the nations.
This
is
He who
ciTifiafTdelg,
6g Sid
vtto
Kr]pv)(^deigf
ovrog 6
edvuiv eTTKTTevdr].
'
otTr'
was from the beginning, who appeared as new and is found a.p-^T}gj 6 Kaivog (payelc, Kal to be old, and who, ever TToXaiog evpeOelgj koI Trayrore young, is begotten in the hearts of believers. This is viog kv ayiiop Kapdiaig ytvvio-
He who
has ever been, and
to-day
accounted a Son, by
is
whom the Church is enriched, and that simple grace
is
made
fxevog
'
ovrog * 6 aÂŁ<, 6 arifispov
vlog Xoyi(7deig, rii^eraL
>/
di
ov
eKKXrjtria kol
abounding in the believers,
which
vouchsafes
standing,
which
under- awXov^ivr] kv ayioig manifests
ttXov-
yerai, irapiyovaa
X"P'^
TrXr^Qv-
vovv, (f)ave-
the mysteries of God, which
announces the times, which povaa
*
6 Gin.
i.iv(TTr]piaf
hiayyeXXovaa
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
190
rejoices over
which seek
is
it,
the
faithful,
given to those
who do
who
KcupovQ, yaipovaa
'
_ ^ \(.TriC,r)TOV(XL
I
e-n-l
^
,
iriarulc, r
,
oig
CiopovLityr],
not break j
* TtiaTEioq oh their sworn faith, nor over- upKia step the boundaries set thjeir fathers.
of the law
is
Then
by
ovhe
opia
^paverai
Traripioy
irapopi-
the fear elra (j)6â&#x201A;Źog yo/uov ctce-
sung, and the ^ETat.
grace of the prophets
is
un- rai Kcu
7rpo(f)r]Ta)y
xcipiQ yiv(ti'
derstood, and the faith of the
Gospels
is
established,
and
Ka\ evayyeXiioy TriariQ
atceraL
the tradition of the Apostles IBpvraL Ka\ is preserved, and the Church
(pvKaaaeraL koX
^ocriQ
leaps for joy.
aTrocTToXijjy Trapa-
If thou dost
not grieve this grace, thou aiaq ^apctj" aKipr^.
come to know that which the Word preaches, by those
wilt
whom He
chooses,
when He
For whatever we are moved, by the will of the Word commanding us, to anwill.
nounce to you, with labour and out of love, we become
you messengers of the things which have been revealed to us. If you read
fxj)
f}v
kvTTbJy ETrtyvwarr]
S^iXei
wy
^t'
oiJLiXei
oaa yap
.
KeXevoyrog EL,EL7rE~iy
xapiv
a Aoyog
iDuvXerat,
ore
BeXijfxari
rov
Aoyov
eKunjdr^^EV
TTOJ'OU, E^
fXETCl
Twy
7r7/C)
ekkXt]-
Uyu-
a7rof:aXv(j)6Eyru)y
to
and hear these things with diligence, you will know
what God vouchsafes
to those
who rightly love him, and you will
become a paradise of de-
light,
a tree ing,
yjjuy yiyofXEda
OLQ
vjMy
KOiycovoi.
Eyrv^oyTEQ Kal aKovaavTEQ ffTTOvdrjg
jjLETa.
Trapi^EL
opOwQ,
(')
Oeuq
EicFEadE to~iq
01 yEVOjJLEyoL
Tpv<pfiQ,
vera
aya-Kwaty irapaCEKTOc
TrayKapiToy ^vXoy Evda-
raising in yourselves all fruitful
and flourish-
adorned with manifold
Xoiiy
dyarEiXayTEg iy kavrdlQy
TTOlKlXotr
KapTTuTg KEKOa^-qfJiE-
LETTER
For
fruits.
HIPPOLYTUS'
ly.
OWN
in this garden rot.
CONFESSION. yap tovtw
ev
191
T(o Xi>)pi(o
are planted the tree of know-
But
^v\ov
and the
ledge,
not
is
it
tree of
the tree of
knowledge that
kills
disobedience that
kills.
it
is
:
it
is
God
that
7r£(f)VT€VTat
in the
uvaipei.
TO.
yeypajbifxi-yay
typifying
radise,
through
the
Our
knowledge.
knowledge
aatifxa
wg Qeog
yvwcrecug
kv
^(oiiQ
utt'
Kal
Trapa-
juiiaro)
life
parents, not using that
first
^v\oj'
rfjg
irapa-
i)
ovU yap
Koi)
in the midst of Pa- ^vKuv *
life
^(oriQ
ov to
dW
yvil)aeo)Q avatpe~i,
beginning planted the tree of knowledge and the tree ^PXV^ of
rxW
•
For
not written without a
meaning,
^vXov
ypu)(7£0)Q Kal
life.
leiaov i^vrevcrey, did iiridsiKyvQ
iiiorjy
"
yvwaewg Kada-
y
fjLrj
ol
citt'
rightly, througli pCJQ ')(jpr](Tafxtyoi
the seductions of the s-erpent,
have been deprived (of life). For there is neither life without knowledge nor is there abiding knowledge
TrXayrf rov rat.
oi/re
ocpewg
yap
f
a.pyf]Q
yeyvfxyojy^wi)
ayev
;
without true
yyu)(T£it}c,
wherefore dyev they were planted beside each life
And
other.
;
to
because
up,
blame knowledge
"
Knowledge
but
charity
:
dXrjdovg' ciu
ttXt]i]y
the
when applied to life, without the command of truth, he says
i^ojfjg
aioy sKarepoy TrecjiVTevTai.
Apostle saw this power, and
wished
ovre yyuxrig daipaXyjs
ovyafj.Ly Tijy re
Eyidioy
6
dTrocrroXog
dyev dXrjdeiag Trpoard-
yjjLarog elg
^(i)r]y
d(TK0Vfxeyr]y
puffeth yyaxTiy ^e^Kpoixeyog Xiyei "
edifieth."
For he who imagines that he knows any thing, without that true knowledge, which
* yydjdEixjg Kal ^vXoy
cm.
yvu)Gig
(^vaiol,
oiKodoiJiel"
^
de
//
dydxri
oydpyofxi^wy
el^E'
yat TL dyev yyu)aeu)g dXrjdovg
f
oi^k
.
.
iy^£.
;
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
192
by
seduced
having
But
loved to
seeks
life,
live.
May, therefore, thy heart be knowledge, and may true wisdom be !
thee as
to
eXTridi
i^ioijy eTri^rjrCjy tir
Kapirov
(pvrevei,
ZoKu>v.
ijru)
(70L
Kap^ia
Xoyog
dXrjdi^g
ovv
yru)(TiQ, i^wTJ he
ttjOOO"-
If thou bearest the tree
of that wisdom, and its
6 he fjLerd (p6€ov kiri-
i^fjv'
and
fear,
fruit.
vouchsafed
TOV
VTTO
TrXai'drai prj ayairijaaQ
6(J>eu)g
plants in hope, yvovQ Koi
waiting for the
life
tyVlOy KoX
i^wiJQ, OV/v
learned TO
has
knowledge with
is
serpent,
the
who
he
the
and
ignorant,
is
not
from
witness
receives life,
fruit,
lovest
thou wilt ever eat piov KoX KapTTOv
which abounds before God, which the serpent does not touch and Eve will not come near to seduce thee
ov ^vXov
yop-qyov fxevoQ'"^
cpi-
epojy rpvyijatiQ
that
;
del ret TrajOciGew tv-Kopovfjieva^, tjv
'6(piQ
TrXaj'r;;^
nor will she be
defiled,
aTTTETai.
ovhe
ffvyxpuiTii^erai
Ei/a,
dXXd
Trap-
ov"^
but
will be trusted as a virgin. ovde § (pdeiperat,
And
salvation
made
is
Bsj'og
TriaTeverai'
Kai
arior})-
manifest, and the Apostles deUrvrai, Kal diroaToXoi
piov
have got understanding, and ad- (TvyETii^oi'raif Kal to Kvpiov the Lord's Passover vances, and His flocks are Kuaya Tvpotp-^eTaif kuI KXi]po\ gathered, and all that is not
||
well ordered
and
is
harmonized,
to teach the faithful
is
avvdyovTaiyKa) ncivTa a-fia
\.
to.
uko-
apfio^sTai, k^I oihdfTKwy
the delight of the Word, by ayiovg 6 Aoyog EvcppaiysTai, di whom praise is given to the ov 7raT})p hoL,u^eTaij w Ij ho^a Father, to whom be glory for
ever and ever
:
^(^loporfievng.
§
vvS't
Eva.
Amen. j"
elg Tovg alibyag' a^)]y.
TTopov/^iiva 11
Kijpoi.
or woOovfitva.
^
J
Kai fitrd Koanov.
TrXdyi].
LETTER
OWN
sum up my argument
I will
We
HIPPOLYTUS'
IV.
CONFESSION.
in a
want an end for our great
193
few words.
work
in ten books,
a winding-up worthy of the grand subject, of the author's high standing and pretensions, and with the
Now we
solemnity of a concluding address.
find
such a concluding fragment, which wants a beginning
Whether we
and an author. or
its
style,
if it
not, it
is
consider
its
contents,
might very well
be, the
close of our work.
The author
of the fragment takes the same ground
He
as ours.
calls
himself a disciple of the Logos,
and
a teacher of the Gentiles
He
preaches the Logos as the all-inspiring princi-
ple
;
He
so does Hippolytus.
to the
Church, that
is
;
Hippolytus.
so does
attributes this Spirit
community
the
to say, to
of the faithful disciples of the apostles
:
so
does
The working of that Spirit, infused Hippolytus. into the community of Christians, will lead to har-
mony and
concord respecting All this
of festivals.
and wrote
more
for,
closely,
is
as our
which
just
next
faith,
worship, times
what Hippolytus letter
will
will also afford us
prove
lived still
ample oppor-
tunity of showing in detail the unity, not of doctrine only, but also of style
and language, between our
book and the fragment.
Now, I,
my
before
I
proceed to this
dear friend
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
I believe I
last inquiry,
must
thing in defence of our author, to those
be inclined to
fly off directly,
K
and
shall
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; say somewho may
to despair of his
194
ON THE
orthodoxy, or to deny the authenticity of our book,
on account of certain expressions,
in the third
and
concluding part of his Confession of Faith, which to
some people if
may sound as pantheistic, appears to me that the ortho-
in our time
not atheistic
It
?
doxy of such people respecting the
Spirit
is
as idealess
They being alarmed by this
and dead as respecting the Logos and the Son. have just as
much
cause for
third article on account of as
what they
Pantheism,
call
by the second on account of a supposed incorrect
Trinitarianism.
If they will read any philosophical
father of the
centuries, even Athanasius himself,
first
they will be shocked by expressions respecting the nature and intelligence of
man
very
much
like these;
expressions certainly abhorrent from the terminology of Paley and Burnet, as
of the see,
Roman
much
as
from the language
Catechism, but not at
all,
that I can
Paul and
St.
John, nay,
from the words of
of Christ himself. St. Paul's saying,
St.
What can they find stronger than Him we live, and move, and
" In
have our being," or than Christ's repeated declarations respecting
divine nature
?
a bare theism, let
among
those
the identity of the
human and
Before they identify Christianity with
them look
at
what
who know nothing
it
better;
has produced
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a maimed
Judaic INIohammedanism, a system impotent to connect
God
with His
gives us an
own
manifestation, a S3^stem which
extramundane God, with a godless world
and nature, which leaves man, God's image, in a po-
LETTER
IV.
HIPPOLYTUS'
OWN
sition irreconcilable with Christ's
CONFESSION.
most solemn words
and promises, and which degrades Revelation to
itself
an outward communication, which, as one of their
apostles said,
might
been vouchsafed just
criticism
the
aught he could
(for
as well to a dog,
So much
pleased God.
to
195
for theism
see)
if it
and the
have
had
theistical
As
upon our author's concluding sentences. authenticity of
presently have
pantheism
it
be.
such expressions,
so
we
shall
more of Hippolytus' pantheism,
if
In the mean time I remain.
Your
faithful friend,
BUNSEN.
K.
2
FIFTH LETTEK.
HIPPOLYTUS LIFE AND WRITINGS, AND THE THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL CHARACTER OF HIS AGE.
K 3
Carlton Terrace, 27th June, 1851.
My
dear Friend, I
am
sure you have been wondering wliy, in
proving that Origen
is
not the author of our work,
I have not availed myself of an
argument which has
forced itself upon us in almost every section of this
remarkable document,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
I
mean
the impossibility that
such a book should have been written at Alexandria, or
by an Alexandrian scholar who had merely passed
a short time at
Zephyrinus. seclusion, have later in the
Roman
Rome,
How
as a visitor, in the time of
Origen,
could
known
all
in
that passed
his
literary
many
years
bosom of the College of Cardinals, or the
presbytery, as
ecclesiastical coteries
it
was then called
and chit-chat of
all
?
Rome
?
the
How
should he know, or what would he care, that such
and such a Christian banker in Victor's time, who was dead when young Origen came to Rome, lived
How
could
he know what Alcibiades the Syrian talked at
Rome
in the quarter called Piscina puhlica ?
K 4
ox THE
200
*â&#x20AC;˘'
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
under Callistus about the Elchasaite impostures so
many
writings
or
?
other things and facts with which his genuine
show no acquaintance
I can assure you,
that I feel the force
argument very strongly.
much
farther,
above
all,
and
?
I
of this
even hope to extend
to establish in
it
this letter that,
Origen never could have written the Con-
which we have just read; for the
fession of Faith
simple reason, that his
own Confession
of Faith
is
based upon a different system, and bears a decidedly different character, even in language, style,
In short, I
theological terms.
am
and
in its
convinced that
every thing in our book points, not only to the West,
but to ities
Rome
itself,
did not
and
with the same identical
from Photius that found in
all
its
that, if the ancient author-
us that Hippolytus wrote a book
tell
it
title,
and
if
we
did not learn
we have we must have come to the
contained exactly what
details,
conclusion that Hippolytus wrote
it,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; supposing
it
granted that Hippolytus was a Roman.
But
this
to prove till,
is
precisely the point
which
I
am
obliged
Everybody had indeed thought
first.
so,
in the seventeenth century, the French eccle-
siastical writer,
concile earlier
Le Moyne, not knowing how and
in the traditions
later titles given to
to re-
Hippolytus
about his martyrdom, took up the
unfortunate notion that the Partus
Romanus
(or ra-
ther Portus iirhis Itomce) mentioned as his bishopric,
was the Portus Romanus
(or
Romanorum)
in Arabia,
LETTER
now
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 201
V.
called
Did not Eusebius mention Hip-
Aden.
poljtus along with Beryllus of Bostra, which
Tillemont Le Nain
Arabia ?
felt
in
is
himself in a similar
embarrassment, but was content to say that the
title
of Bishop of Portus might be an invention.
The
only reason he gave for this sweeping sentence was, that there
a great confusion about the said Hip-
is
men
polytus, and that wise to
do justice
of his Church found that,
to all the traditions,
two Hippolytuses
were not enough, and that there must have been
On
three.
the other hand good honest Ruinart de-
clared very judiciously he saw no necessity either for
two or for three
and although there
;
"Acta Martyrii"
v/ere
no genuine
of Hippolytus, bishop of Portus,
near Ostia, whose death Prudentius had sung, his
hymn upon
celebrated
other
'*
this
martyr was
as
good
as
Acts."
Unhappily
this did
not satisfy Cave, the
canon
of Windsor, when, in his elaborate literary ecclesiastical
in
a
very learned, but infelicitous
Dodwell
Le Moyne's that there
no doubt ;
country.
is
so apt to do), he not only embraces
but goes so
to
say
only two points on which he
has
opinion,
are :
and uncritical
points which are well
and rejecting the very best evidence
established,
Arabia
many
Questioning
article.
(as
he came to treat of Hippolytus,
history,
first,
far
as
that Hippolytus was a bishop in
and, secondly, that he was a native of that
Yet
it
is
not difficult to
K
5
show
that
Le
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
202
Moyne's conjecture
as to the first point
is
not only
groundless, but involves impossibilities, and that the
second assumption dicted
by the most
is
positive evidence.
Leaving the dead critics
purely gratuitous, and contra-
to
bury their dead, and the
of that school to explain misunderstandings
and fables as
they like,
I
will place
the whole
inquiry upon the solid basis of authentic facts and clear evidence.
Eusebius (H. Eccl.
vi.
having
20.),
arrived
at
the times of Zephyrinus, or the beginning of the third century, says, that at that period flourished
some distinguished tlien
names
*'
eoclesiastical
Beryllus
authors
of Bostra in
;
and he
Arabia, and
who also was the chief of some other may designate a single town, as well as a whole diocese in the common sense. You see immediately how slender the grovmd
Hippolytus,
church," which
would be
for
because he here
making Hippolytus an Arabian bishop, lived
at
the
same time with, and
mentioned immediately
after,
Beryllus,
is
who
Supposing we knew
was a bishop in that country.
nothing about his native country, and were to be
guided by probabilities,
it
must appear the most un-
likely thing in the world, that
most prominent
two out of the three
ecclesiastical authors in
Christendom
at a given period (Caius the presbyter is the third),
should both be bishops in Arabia. to
explain
how
it
happened
that,
Nor if
is it difficult
(as
we
shall
LETTER
HIPPOLYTQS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 203
V.
was bishop of the Harbour
see presently) Hippolytus
of
Rome, Eusebius should
understand
First,
it.
and
of the East;
Western Church
either not
his
literary
in the second
notoriously most defective. title
know, or not
man
Eusebius was entirely a
knowledge
of the
and third centuries
is
In the second place, the
of Bishop of the Harbour of
Rome must
have
appeared rather apocryphal to an Eastern writer in Constantine's
who knew something
time,
the
of
power and influence of " the bishop of old Rome." He had before him a correct list of those bishops of
Rome
and no Hippolytus was among them and a separate bishop of the " Harbour of
;
:
what could
Rome
"
mean
I
?
in his authorities
have no doubt, Eusebius found
about Hippolytus,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
suspect him of having read his works, find,
for I
that he was a bishop of that harbour
thought
it
do not
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; what ;
we
but he
a mistake, a blunder, a false writing,
and
therefore expressed himself guardedly.
But treatise
is
it
not strange, that Jerome, in his short
on the
early times,
ecclesiastical writers
illustrious
should
repeat
these
very
in
words of
Eusebius, adding, " the name of the town (of which
Hippolytus was bishop)
I could
not learn"
?
This
may sound as a very high authority in the ears of those who have never read Jerome's historical writings critically,
in particular that treatise
on the whole,
is little
bius, just as his
''
of his, which,
more than an extract from Euse-
Chronicle" K
6
is
a translation from that
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
204
Jerome was not
of Eusebius.
Roman
good
a
man
of research: as a
made
(although by birth a Dahnatian), he
inquiries only for immediate practical purposes
;
and,
and not very good-humoured
as a very pugnacious
theological writer, he cared little for such historical
information about old times as he did not particularly like.
The
doctrines of the fathers of the second
and early part of the third century were not taste
but he takes care not to attack them: on the
:
contrary, he defends and uses tics
them against the here-
of his time, and against his opponents.
no doubt, he could Eusebius meant, dence
to his
easily
as
have
have found out what place
Hippolytus' diocese and resi-
for in this article
;
I
he quotes some works of
Hippolytus, not mentioned by Eusebius. should he take the trouble
?
But why
Hippol^'tus' violent at-
tack upon Callistus, as not only a liar and a scoundrel,
but as a heretic, was a disagreeable subject.
The
phrase above quoted means therefore sim23ly, No?i
mi
ricordo.
At
all
events,
nor in Jerome,
is
it
is
clear that neither in Eusebius,
there the slightest indication of their
having taken Hippolytus for an Arab and an Arabian
They
bishop.
bishop
;
say they do not
but that a bishop he
know
w^as,
wliere he was
and a very eminent
ecclesiastical writer of his time.
Yet, not only do
all
the subsequent chroniclers and
ecclesiastical historians
a
document anterior
to
know
this
;
but
it is
Jerome and Eusebius.
stated in
This
is
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS LIFE AND WRITINGS. 205
the " Chronicon Pascbale vel Alexandrinum," which, in the extract
from the
drian bishop Peter
treatise of the learned
(who
Alexan-
martyrdom about
suffered
311), respecting the celebration of Easter, gives his
quotations from Hippolytus, as
our own book
(p. 107.).
we have shown, from
Hippolytus
nated by his Alexandrian brother so-called Portus, near
^'
is
here desig-
Bishop of the
Rome."
Cyril and Zonaras give the very same designation of
Hippolytus in their historical works.
Roman
Anastasius, the
presbyter (about the year 650), the learned
chronicler of his Church, and
who knew and used
the old fathers, calls Hippolytus " the bishop of Portus, that
is,
of the Harbour of
Rome " (Fabr.
i.
2\S.).
Nicephorus the Constantinopolitan (about 830), in his " Chronography," calls him '^ a Roman historiographer," evidently with allusion to our work.
The
learned Syncellus (about 880) mentions Hippolytus in his
" Chronicle,"
(p. 358.), and
calls
at the proper jilace,
under Callistus
him most correctly " Saint Hippoly-
tus, the philosopher,
bishop of Portus, which
Rome." The Byzantine
is
near
historiographer, Nicephorus,
son of Callistus (about the year 1320),
very accurately of Hippolytus,
calls
bishop," which, though inaccurate,
who
treats
him " a Roman is
easily reduci-
ble to the exact truth, and to his usual designation
among
the later
the epithet of
(which
Greek
writers,
Papa (which means
signifies the
who
also give
bishop), or
same, or an abbot).
him
Nonnus
Against rous
all
this evidence is to
be put a barba-
placed over a quotation from Hippolytus,
title,
ascribed to pope Gelasius, in a collection of testi-
The
monies about the two natures in Christ.* sage quoted
is
pas-
indeed found in Hippolytus' treatise
against the heresy of Noetus
;
and pope Gelasius
may have quoted it. But the title which quotation bears in the MS. is evidently not by
(about 492) this
Gelasius, but by a barbarous hand, as the wording
shows
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
'*
Hippolyti episcopi et martyris
metropolis in
Memoria
grammar nor
sense in these words.
haeresium."
There
Arabum
is
neither
The passage
not in " Memoria h^resium," which ought to
our great work: but as
it
exists in the special trea-
we may
tise
against Noetus,
the
work which the barbarous
tioned.
*'
Arabum
like
many
suppose, that this was
metropolis"
basis to build a conjecture
is
mean
copyist found is
upon;
men-
an unfortunate for
it
originated,
others, in a misinterpretation of the pas-
sage in Eusebius' " Ecclesiastical History," which
we
have already examined. 1
may
saying,
therefore safely
no
Rome
of
author makes
ancient
Arabian bishop residence
;
and
make him
a
liibl.
the evidence
by
Hippolytus an
all who name any place of his Roman, bishop of the Harbour
called Portus, opposite to Ostia.
It requires a special
*
sum up
Tatr. torn.
viii.
ed.
knowledge of the confusion Lugdun.
;
Fabricii Apol.
i.
225.
LETTER
V.
which began in the
latter part of the seventeenth cen-
and of the ignorance which prevails in many
tury,
places at present respecting the
earliest history of
Episcopacy, and of the Church of
understand
ticular, to
how
Rome
in par-
there can be anything
surprising in the circumstance, that a
Roman
cler-
gyman under Severus and Alexander could be called a presbyter, as a member of the clergy of the city of Rome, and could at the same time have the charge Church
of the
other the
title
title
at Portus, for
which there was no
For such was
than the old one of bishop.
of every
gregation" in any other suburban
" presided over the con-
man who city,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at Ostia, at Tusculum, in the
cities.
And what
is
rather curious,
they have bishops now, as members of the pres-
bytery of the city of Rome, with the body of certain presbyters and deacons of which they form the go-
verning clerical board of the Church of Rome.
The
relation of those suburban bishops to the bishop of
Rome
must, in a certain degree, have been analo-
gous to that which, in later times, existed between the suffragan bishops and the metropolitan
know nothing whatever town not
like
Portus must have had
of course
towns
had
be doubted,
their
;
of the particulars.
bishop
:
as
own bishop, caneven much smaller
its
their
their diocese, or their paroecia,
but we
That a
was
city
called
and the members of
their congregation or church t\ie\x plehs
;
from which
word, in later times, was derived the Italian word *K 8
208
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES." But
pievanOf or parish priest.
in those times there
existed no paroecice in the sense of p)<^rishes, which
There can therefore
a corruption of that word.
is
be no difficulty on this point
know more
of
it
;
and he who wishes
to
need only read his Bingham, and
The
the authorities there collected.*
made an exception
as
parishes
to
:
city of for,
as
Rome it
was
not thought convenient to have two bishops in the
same town (although Linus and Cletus had been co-bishops, according to the best authorities), there
were fixed local centres from the the Christian
earliest times for
work and administration
;
and
I
have
proved elsewhere that they were connected with the
Regionarian divisions of the
city.
After Constantine
these divisions had their churches, called
from which
Cardines
:
iialis for
a parish priest
know from 600.
latter
term the
derived, a
is
Carcli-
word which we
the time of Gregory the First, about
That these primitive parish
governing
TituU or
title
clerical
priests
formed the
body of Rome, together with the
Regionarian deacons, established for the service of the Christian poor and widows, *
Origg. Eccl.Hb.
ii. c. xii. t.
Council (of 25G), Can. 117.:
is
generally acknow-
p. 171. sqq. First Carthaginian " Petihanus episcopus dixit, in
i.
una plehe Januarii collegae nostri praesentis, in una dioecesi, quatuor sint constituti contra ipsum." In the third Carthaginian Council (397) .
.
.
:
" plehes
accij)iunt rectores,
of Ilijjpolytus of Eusebius.
:
.
.
hoc
.
quae episcopum est, episcopos."
nunquam habuerunt Nicephorus,
v. 15.,
trtpar TrapoiKiaQ Trpotarioc, instead of the iKKXijaiac
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 209
LETTER
V.
ledged
and there can scarcely be a doubt that the
:
suburban bishops were connected with that body as of the
assistants
modern
metropolitan.
constitution (since the
by which the
suburban
seten
We
know
their
eleventh century)*,
bishops were
de-
clared the regular assistants of the pope, as " Car-
Episcopi,"
dinales if
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;a
Rome
constitution
upon
not rest
did
it
their
unintelligible,
primitive
connec-
and Portus were at
tion
with
that
time miserable places, and had been so for
This accounts also for the maintenance
centuries.
of the
title
tuensis),
eminent
Ostia
for
;
of Bishop of Portus (Episcopus Por-
which
is
always given to one of the most
Episcopus Portuensis,
by the most ancient as
tius,
we
shall
polytus at Portus citude and
Leo
Rome.
of
ecclesiastics
is
Now
this
authorities, including
The
see.
Pruden-
basilica of Saint
mentioned, as an object of
is
respect,
in
title,
that given to Hippolytus
the lives of
Leo
III.
Hipsoli-
and
IV., who, in the eighth and ninth centuries,
restored and adorned
f There is scopal palace in the Porto of this day
still
it.
;
the epi-
and a tower
near Fiumicino, on the spot where the branch of the
Tiber
is
traversed,
called Torre di Sant' Ippolito.
is
* Yan Espen, Jus Eccles. Univ. t. i. tit. 22. § 14. t Liber Pontificahs, in Vita Leonis III. " Leo III. fecit in basilica beati Hippolyti martyris in civitate Portuensi vestes," :
etc.
In Yita Leonis lY.
:
"
Leo lY.
in ecclesia beati Hippolyti
martyris quae ponitur in insula Portuensi," etc.
;
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
210
His statue gives him the same
nument,
I
liave
This mo-
title.
have been
said elsewhere, cannot
erected on the spot where
it
was found before the
time of Constantine, who, as well as Galla Placidia,
under Theodosius the Great, erected sanctuaries and buildings in the old Christian cemetery on the Via
Tiburtina, in a spot called tainly
it
the form of the letters in this
But
Ager Veranus,
cer-
cannot be later than the sixth century, from
monument was
in the first letter,
just
Now
the inscription.
found, as
1
have stated already
300 years
ago, in
the spot
which Prudentius has so graphically described in his (xi.)
hymn on
Saint Hippolytus
;
a
hymn
writ-
ten in the time of Theodosius and Honorius, and of which I shall
presently
say more.
It
is
here
only necessary to mention, that Prudentius calls his
" Portus,
residence
at
the
mouth of the Tiber."
The
statue found in that place represents a Chris-
tian
bishop sitting on his cathedra.
tified
as Hippolytus,
first,
He
is
iden-
by the representation of
the Paschal Cycle, beginning with Alexander Severus,
mentioned as
by almost
all
and, secondly,
the
by Eusebius, and
his invention
authors
by the
titles
who speak of him many of the works
of
which the same authors ascribe
to him.
Ideler*,
with his usual good sense and judgment, says, the paschal table there represented necessarily implies
*
Handbucli der Chronologie,
ii.
213. sqq.
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 211
that Hippolytus was a
Arab
;
for it is
man
of the West, and not an
entirely different
from the AlexBesides, the
andrian Paschal Cycle used in the East.
two Latin
SS
letters,
(that
is,
Bissextus), used in
man
the midst of a Greek inscription, prove the
We
Latin.*
may
therefore say that
a
statue,
this
found in the very same ancient Christian cemetery,
which was
and described under Theodosius
visited
as the place of rest of Hippolytus, the
martyr and
represents Hippolytus, as
every body
bishop, if
it
agrees, represents a Latin,
the
As
to the age of Hippolytus, there are
tradition to
and therefore the man of
Harbour of Rome. one uniform
He
and one uniform testimony.
is
reported
have lived under bishop Zephyrinus and Alexander
Severus, at the beginning of the third century
and
statue confirms this
;
have examined, he
calls
from the (ix.
L).
in the ten
" his
end of Victor
his
:
books which we
own time
"
the period
till after Callistus'
death
This book was evidently written after
Callistus' death,
which took place in 222, and there-
fore in the first year of
Alexander Severus.
book he quotes several other writings of speaks of long and renewed researches
during that whole period as a the presbytery. as the distance
man
;
In this his
;
he
he appears
of weight in
All these circumstances, as well
from Victor's death (198, the sixth
* See Franz, Elementa Epigraphices Graecae,
p. 351.
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
212
year of Septimius
Severus) to
that
of Callistus
(about 222), which he speaks of as a cotemporary,
prove that our book was written by an old man.
The time of Commodus (188 him, with
all particulars
to 192)
is
familiar to
of the palace and of the
presbytery.
martyrdom.
suffered
martyrdom place
his
when and where he The chroniclers who mention
remains to be examined,
It
it
This, speaking literally,
under Alexander Severus.
must be erroneous
;
for the
Christians were singularly favoured and prosperous
under that emperor.
But
in
the very year of the
death of Alexander Severus (235), the persecution of
Maximin
lists
the Thracian began
of bishops of the Church of
and the authentic
;
Rome,
written under
Liberius, state that, under the consuls of that year,
Severus and Quintianus, bishop Pontianus and " Hippolytus the presbyter " were " transported to
unwholesome
Sardinia, the
As
this point is of great
rical criticism
island."
importance for the histo-
of the account given by Prudentius re-
specting the martyrdom of Hippolytus, I will insert
below the original text of the " Catalogus Liberianus,"
compared with the most authentic (not yet published) text of the "
politan
MS.
criticism
of
Liber Pontificalis," from the Nea-
discovered by Pcrtz,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a specimen of the
on the most ancient annals of the Church
Rome, which
I
have prepared.
I
add the corre-
sponding two most authentic texts of the second
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 213 recension, the " Catalogus Felicianus," and the
Ve-
* ronese text of the " Catalogus Paulinus." * Catalogus Liberianus,
Liber Pontijicalis, cod. Neapol. sect, vii.
sect. iv.
PoNTiANUS, annis
Pontianus
quinque,
an.
sedit
viii.
mensibus duobus, diebus sep- menses v. dies ii. fuit autem Fuit temporibus Alex- temporibus Alexandria consutem. andri a consulatu Pompeiani et latu Pompeiani et Peliniani Peligniani. Eo tempore !Nepo- in eandem insulam defunctus .
tianus
(1.
.
.
kal. Novembris et in locum ordinatus est AnQui insulam no- tberos xi. kal.' Decemb.
Pontianus) episcopus est
iii.
et Hippolytus presbyter exules ejus
sunt deportati in
.
Sardiniam
civam
Severo
et
Appia
Quintiano consulibus.
In ea-
Calisti
dem
est
episcopatum d x.
insula
discinctus
iv.
.
etiam sepultus est in cymiterio via
et
cessavit
kalendas Octobris, et loco ejus ordinatus est Anteros xi. ka-
Decembris consulibus
lendas
suprascriptis.
Catalogus Felicianus^
Catalogus Paulinus, cod. Veron.
sect. vi.
sect. viii.
PoNTiAKUs, natione Romanus Pontianus, natione Romaex patre Calpurnio, sedit an. nus, patre Calpurnio, sedit anviii. mens. v. dies ii. Martyrio nos V. menses ii. dies xxii. Hie fuit coronatur temporibus Alexan- Martyrio coronatur. dri (sedit) a consulatu
pore
Pontianus
Hippolytus
Pompe- temporibus Alexandri
Eodem tem-
iani et Peliniani.
episcopus
presbyter
et
exilio
a con-
sulatu Pompejani et Peliniani.
Eo tempore Pontianus pus et Hippolytus
episco-
presbyter
sunt deputati ab Alexandro in exilio sunt deportati ab Alex-
Sardiniam insulam Bucinam, andro in Sardiniam insulam et Quintiano consulibus. Bucinam, Severo et Quintiano In eadem insula maceratus et consulibus ibique maceratus Severo
:
afflictus fustibus, iii.
kal.
defnnctus est fustibus, defunctus est
Nov. Hie
fecit
ordina- Novembris.
U
Hie
vi. kal.
fecit ordina-
214
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
It is scarcely
doubtful that this presbyter
celebrated author.
For, as
we have
member
of the six or seven suburban bishops was
presbytery
of the
therefore,
in
of the
a very
as that catalogue
is,
Church of Rome, and
summary
succinct,
list,
says
that
that
such
might be called a presbyter.
Besides, after Maximin's persecution, there
before
our
is
seen, every one
of Decius
250,
in
Hippolytus suffered
is
none
which nobody
in
nor do any of his
;
writings point to the time after Alexander Severus.
We
may
therefore set
it
that Hippolytus suffered in
the
first
down as a well attested fact, martyrdom under Maximin,
year of his reign, 236 of our era, or
at all events before its close in 238.
prising that
we hear no
Hippolytus,
if
he died in that persecution
have scarcely any details about Starting from this gained,
we can
V. episcopos
vi.
for
we
it.
easily separate the historical
per loca
:
ground which we have
safe
tiones duas, presbyteros v. dia- tiones
conos
not sur-
It is
further particulars about
conos
from the
ii.
presbyteros
V.
episcopos
vi.
vii.
dia-
quern
Quern B. Fabianus adduxit na- beatus Fabianus adduxit et seCatacumCalisti via Appia, die deposi- barum. Cessavit episcopatus
vigio et sepelivit in coemeterio pelivit in cojmeterio
tionis ejus ix. kal.
Decembris.
dies x.
(On
the
expression
Coemete-
riam Catacumbariim, instead of Coemeterium Calisti, compare RoesteU's remarks in the Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, i.
p.
374.)
torn,
:
LETTER T. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 215 mythical part of Prudentius' account of Hippolytus'
martyrdom. Prudentius found his " Memoria," or chapel, in
He
the catacombs of an ancient cemetery.
calls
the
place (218,214^.) a spacious cavern (specus), although
too small for the people
came
place
"
to visit
who on
the festal day of the
it
Angustum tantis illud specus esse catervis Haud dubium est, ampla fauce licet pateat."
There can be no doubt about the that
by the
side
site
he says
for
;
of this sanctuary was the great
church in honour of Rome's protomartyr, S. Lauren tins (215. sqq.), of which he gives a description,
my article on the "Description of Rome" has shown.*
and an accurate and this basilica in
I
historical one, as
have proved there that what he saw
church which
now
belongs to the fourth century. basilica the ruins of a still
is
By
the side of this
church of St. Hippolytus were
visible in the seventeenth century.
the episcopal
1551.
the splendid
takes the place of the apsis, and
monument
On
this spot
of Hippolytus was found in
I have proved in the " Description of
that this was the place
combs, called
*'
in
Rome"
of the old Christian cata-
Agro Verano," a locality on the That Hippolytus' remains
ancient Tiburtine road.
were deposited here, *
is
attested
Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, vol. S. Lorenzo fuori
312â&#x20AC;&#x201D;327. (Church of
ii.
le
by an authority p. 329. sq.,
mura).
iii.
C. p.
:
216
:
:
ON THE "REFUTATIOX OF ALL HERESIES."
greater, as well as
ancient, than that of the
more
Spanish poet. The " Calendarium Liberianum," of the year S52, has the following article on the anniversary festival of St.
IDIB.
Hippolytus
:
AUG. HIPPOLYTI IN VIA TIBURTINA.
This indeed
is
only authentic
the
with the history and
memory
day connected
of Hippolytus.
Pru-
dentius also says " Si bene commemhii, col It hunc pulcherrima
Roma
Idibus Augusti, mensis ut ipsa vocat."
We
are therefore on historical ground, as far as the
locality goes,
deposited.
residence
where the remains of Hippolytus were
But Prudentius also knows, that his was at the mouth of the Tiber,' and at
Portus (now Porto)
itself
" Tyrrheni ad lltoris Oram, Qua?que loca a^quoreus proxima Portus habet."
He
further
was
at the
knows that he had a
flock,
and therefore
head of an independent congregation or
church, which, at that time, as
had a bishop
as rector.
we have
seen, always
Speaking of the venerable
martyr, he says " Plehis araore suce multis comitantibus ibat."
We
have already seen that plehs
age for the people of a
city,
having a bishop at their head.
is
the term of the
forming a diocese, and
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WHITINGS. 217
Y.
That Portus became a bishopric,
from
distinct
the neighbouring and almost adjacent one of Ostia,
may
be accounted for by
easily
peculiar character, least,
as
being, since Trajan's time at
the real harbour of
abode for
Rome, and
trade brought
the place of
whom commerce and
the foreigners
all
importance and
its
across the sea to
banks of the
the
All foreign forms of worship seem to have
Tiber.
been established at Portus
:
for
can scarcely be
it
accidental, that there should have been found its
ruins a
pompous
amongst
inscription of the time of
ander Severus, purporting to belong to a
Alex-
monument
erected by a sacristan {vsodKopos, cedituus) of the tem-
This inscription has been
ple of Serapis at Portus.
pubhshed by Spon. (See Fabr.
But
as a poetical amplification of
tales.
As mythical we must
torical
and far-fetched
to
47.)
there are, certainly, circumstances which
must regard
fect,
i.
we
popular
consider the very rhe-
wdcked pre-
story, that the
name was Hippolytus, ordered him pieces by horses, as Hippolytus was
hearing his
be torn in
of old
;
which does not prevent the cruel heathens
around from stabbing him into the bargain.
Still
such was the accredited legend even in the time of Theodosius.
Prudentius found
it
painted on
by the
wall of the sanctuary of Hippolytus,
the basilica of St. Laurentius. clear this
that
his
rhetorical
Indeed
account
remarkable picture, which at
L
is
all
it
the
side of is
taken
quite
from
events repre-
:
218
:
:
OX THE
sented the saint's body as carried away by furious horses,
and the remains collected by the
faithful.
(123â&#x20AC;&#x201D;174.) Exemplar
scelerls paries
habet
^luhicolor fucus digerit Picta super
illitus, in
omne
quo
nefas.
tumulum species Hquidis viget umbris, membra cruenta viri.
Effigians tract!
Rorantes saxorum apices
vidi, optime Papa, Purpureasque notas vepribus impositas.
Docta manus
virides imitando effingere
dumos
Luserat e minio russeohim saniem. Cernere erat, ruptis compagibus ordine nuUo
130
Membra per incertos sparsa jacere situs. Addiderat caros, gressu lacrymisque sequentes, Devia qua fractum semita monstrat iter. Moerore attonlti, atque oculis rimantibus ibant Implebantque sinus visceribus laceris. caput niveum complectitur, ac reverendam Canitiem molli confovet in gremio. Hie humeros, truncasque manus, et brachia, et ulnas, Et genua, et crurum fragmina nuda legit.
Ille
Palliolis
Ne
140
etiam bibulaj siccantur arena?,
quis in infecto pulvere ros maneat.
Si quis et in sudibus recalenti aspergine sanguis Insidet,
bunc omnem spongia pressa rapit. sacro quidquam de corpore silva
Nee jam densa
Obtinet, aut plenis fraudat ab exsequiis.
Cumque
recensitis constaret partibus ille
Corporis integri qui fuerat numerus
Nee purgata
aliquid deberent avia toto homine, extersis frondibus et scopulis Metando eligitur tumulo locus Ostia linquunt
Ex
:
:
Roma
placet, sanctos qute teneat cineres.
Ilaud procul extremo culta ad pomoeria vallo Mcrsa latebrosis crypta patet foveis. IIujus in occultum gradibus via prona reflexis Ire per anfractus luce lateutc docet.
150
;
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WEITINGS. 219
V.
Primas namque fores
summo
tenus intrat hiatu,
lUustratque dies limina vestibuli.
Inde ubi progressu
facili
!N'ox obscura, loci
nigrescere visa est
per specus
ambiguum
160
;
Occurrunt Cffisis immissa foramina tectis, Quas jaciant claros antra super radios. Quamlibet ancipites texant bine inde recessus Arta sub umbrosis atria porticibus :
Attamen
excisi subter cava viscera montis
Crebra terebrato fornice lux penetrat. Sic datur absentis per subterranea solis
Cernere fulgorem, luminibusque
frui.
Talibus Hippolyti corpus mandatur opertis,
Propter ubi apposita est ara dicata Deo. nia sacramenti donatrix mensa, eademque
170
Gustos fida sui martyris apposita, Servat ad seterni spem Judicis ossa sepulcro Pascit item Sanctis Tibricolas dapibus.
Besides that picture, Prudentius found a tradition, according
which the venerable
to
bishop of
Rome, but
truth and his
martyr had at
disapproved by the
one time followed a doctrine
died professing the Catholic
attachment to the Cathedra Petri.
This account must have been true, so far at least as
the
first
part
The
inaccurate. rect,
although
it
is
concerned
but
it
indication of the time
certainly is
is
not cor-
points clearly enough to the his-
The poet
torical truth.
;
Invenio Hippolytum, qui
says
:
quondam schisma
I^ovati
Presbyter attigerat, nostra sequenda negans.
Now
Hippolytus
Novatianism
;
is
never brought in contact with
and even when he wrote that book, L 2
in
which he
refers to
many
other preceding works,
Novatus was not above the horizon.
Hippolytus'
historical horizon closes with the Callistian
earlier
branch
Novatus' heresy cannot be placed
of Noetianism.
than 245
;
the year which Epiphanius, in
a very loose manner, gives as that of Noetus and
Noetianism, directly against
all
historical evidence.
But Novatianism, which followed upon Noetianism, had the same rigorous tendency (though more strongly brought out), which was advocated and urged against
Noetianism by Hippolytus. of
inaccurately
bishop
of
friend of
In speaking somewhat
Hippolytus'
controversy
with
Rome, one might designate him Novatianism. Of course Callistus
the as
rose,
with the reaction of the Church against this heresy
and blame remained attached
a
;
to the previous opinions
In the course of the fourth cen-
of the martyr.
tury, those petty school-quarrels lost their interest,
and those un edifying family scandals were studiously
Who
would speak,
Rome,
covered with a
veil.
of Callistians
and how few, out of Rome, knew
?
that nickname
?
What
is,
therefore,
at
more
natural,
than that Prudcntius (or the popular tradition before
him) should make the violent opposer of a bishop of
Rome, who would not
act
upon the rigour
lately
exacted by Novatus, a cotemporary and friend of this heretic
But
if it
ticism to
?
is
contrary to the rules of sound cri-
maintain the exact historical truth of such
LETTER
V.
details, in
dentius,
it
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 221 'm account by a Spanish poet, like Pru-
would be
still
spite of such historical
The was
uncritical
to
con-
whole account as mythical,
sider, for that reason, the
in
more
evidence in
favour.
its
story could never have originated, unless there historical truth at the
bottom
:
who
otherwise,
under Theodosius, would relate so disagreeable a fact?
especially
when recommending
the saint (as
Prudentius does) to the devotion and invocation of his
orthodox diocesan, Valerian, bishop of Caesarau-
gusta (Saragoza), a historical person, sat in a Spanish council in
know
381
Besides
?
there was good reason for the
to disavow the doctrines professed his dispute with the
same time
to
bishop of
known
Roman
to
have
we now
hierarchy
by Hippolytus
Rome, and
in
at the
connect his heterodoxy with Nova-
tianism, rather than with a system once patronized
by two
successive bishops.
Thus, by separating the dentius' account,
we
two elements in Pru-
find every statement
cleared
As
up as to Hippolytus' country and station. the time of his martyrdom, the question
and how we can reconcile the
fact
is,
to
whether
of his
trans-
portation to Sardinia at the very beginning of the reign of
Maximin, with the account of
martyrdom.
Maximin seems
remove from
Rome
his
bloody
to have intended
to
the friends of Alexander,
all
whose household consisted
In great part of Christians.
*L 3
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
;
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
222
This having been accomplished by the banishment of the bishop of
Rome
and of Hippolytus,
likely that he should afterwards have
tence of death to that of deportation. there
is
it
not
added the senBesides,
if
any truth in the story which Prudentius,
is
in the reign of Theodosiiis,
found painted on the
wall of the chapel erected over or
by the
side of the
tomb of Hippolytus in the catacombs, Portus, not Sardinia, must have been the scene of his martyr-
Now
dom.
account
and
is
it
do
I
very
difficult
to believe, that this
without any foundation, as the
his place
But
is
of abode
not see
been permitted
person
are so entirely historical.
why Hippolytus may
to return,
not have
after the death of
Pon-
tianus in September, 2S6, and then, continuing his
zealous activity at Portus and at
sentenced to death for there
is
new
Rome, have been In this way
offences.
no contradiction between the two
stories
and the origin of the representation on the wall of his chapel, at farthest about 150 years later,
accounted
for.
Nobody
reports
that
is
Plippolytus
suffered
martyrdom under Decius (249
251), which
in itself
would be most improbable,
we have not
as
the slightest trace of his having lived
till
As
mouth of the
to the story of the martyrs at the
Tiber under Claudius Gothicus (268 is
as
mythical, for a
second century his of those fabulous
*'
man who
own
calls
that time.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;270), the date the end of the
time, as the whole nature
Acts," which were published at
LETTER
niPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND
'^YRITINGS.
223
century, in a of which I shall soon have to speak. *
work
Rome
y.
towards the end of
The next question
last
the date of the* removal of
is
the remains of Hippolytus to that ancient Christian
cemetery, near the resting-place of the Western protomartyr, St. Laurence, where Prudentius saw his
Now
sanctuary.
removal took place (as
if that
very probable) in the time of Constantino, safely affirm that about the
much later, now admire early
:
it
is
we may
same period, certainly not
the statue was erected to him, which in the Vatican Library.
may be
It
we
thus
cannot be later than the sixth century.
This statue therefore
probably older than
is
famous bronze statue of
Rome, which
St. Peter's at
at all events
sidered as an ideal statue.
Hippolytus,
we have
the
art,
must be con-
Thus, in the statue of
most ancient
portrait of a historical person,
work of ancient
the
St. Peter, in the basilica of
a very
Christian
respectable
and a venerable Christian monu-
ment, representing the most eminent writer of the
Roman Church two
valuable
Cycle, and a
in his time.
records list
But
it
of antiquity,
also preserves
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the
Paschal
of the martyr's writings, both en-
graved on the episcopal chair on which Hippolytus is
seated.
As
to the
* Ideler,
Paschal table, I must refer to Ideler's
Handbuch,
"Acta Martyrum ad
MS.
ii.
p. 214. no. 4.
The
title
of the
work
is,
Ostia Tiberina sub Claudio Gothico, ex
codice regime bibliothecas Taurinensis."
L 4
Romae, 1795,
fol.
ox THE ''EEFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
224
excellent and conclusive examination * for
of
its
proofs
tlie
Although
being a very imperfect contrivance^
calculated for a period of 112 years (7 times 16), is
so
faulty,
very soon.
it
must have been abandoned
it
This imperfection
At
Rome.
that
when
the time
not surprising at
is
the Greeks understood
the art of making very accurate sundials, and even
astronomical calculations,
Romans
the
very confi-
dently (and, I doubt not, very pompously) erected their trophy, the Syracusan dial,
upon the Comitium,
without the slightest notion that the united omnipotence of the senate and people of
not make a
do
its
and
could
If then, in the age of Alexander
duty.
of science and
Severus, amidst the gradual decay literature
Rome
transplanted to another meridian
dial
which stares us
art,
in the face at every
step in that period, Hippolytus tried courageously,
but
failed,
Greek
we can only
ancestors,
say that (in
the Gentiles), he was a true
So much
of his
spite
and his character as an apostle of
the
for
But we have more have to examine the
Roman.
Easter table
Hippolytus.
about his writings.
to say list
of
We
on the monument, along with
the catalogue which ancient writers give of his works,
and with the quotations occurring
Patrum
"
in the
and similar Greek compilations.
besides to inquire,
*
how
far
Handbuch,
we
ii.
p.
find in
222. sq.
*'
Catenae
We
them the
have spirit
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 225
V.
and language of Hippolytus, the presbyter of the
Roman
Church, the bishop of the
Roman
harbour at
Portus, the martyr under Maximin, and the writer of the
work " On
In doing
I
so,
the Heresies,"
all
hope
I shall
now
before us.
be able to vindicate the
genuineness of some of the works
of Hippolytus
already known, as well as to give additional proofs of his having been the author of the book on the heresies.
hope
I
some
also to gather
characteristic
and of
features for the picture of his character age, which
is
to conclude
my
his
letter.
I shall divide the
works of Hippolytus into four
classes,
— polemical,
doctrinal, chronological, exege-
tical.
My
quotations will
two
to the
refer
folio
volumes of Fabricius (Hamburg, 1716), the only edition of this neglected author to be
Gallandi's *'
edition,
Bibliotheca
p. xliv
—
Patrum
—
had
single.
second volume of his
(Venet.
"
and 411
xlix.
the
in
530.),
1760, is
tom.
fol.
ii.
a better arranged
reprint of Fabricius' most clumsy and ill-digested
book, and contains occasionally the correction of a misprint, and even one lation
of
manuscripts,
worth naming.
It
compilation,
the
in
is,
seventeenth century,
new fragment, but no and
no original
like the rest of the
conventional
— great
in
col-
criticism
work, a
manner of the
small things, toler-
able in those points which are of
some
relative im-
portance, perfectly insufficient, and often decidedly
absurd
in
the
most important. *L 5
Since
Gallandi,
226 ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES." notliing has been done for the text of Hippolytus as
new
Interesting
a whole.
materials, however,
have been collected by the indefatigable Cardinal
Angelo Mai,
whom
to
As
lasting gratitude.
the
literary
world owes a
new fragments
these
are dis-
persed in the volumes of the vast Collectio Vaticana, I shall treat of
here
them
mention some
to
book which
I
of so
many
my
to find in the British I
Mu-
other rare works, to your incomparable dearest friend:
I
mean
the
The anonymous author (Episcopus i?i
have
owe, like that
'*
Acta Mar-
tyrum sub Claudio Gothico" (Rom. 1795, bishop
I
fragments contained in a
was unable
seum, and the knowledge of which
library,
But
an Appendix.
in
partihus
infideUiiDt.,
foL).
Cyrenensis, a
aud, according to Mai,
Monsignore de Magistris) takes these " Acta Martyrum," of course, to be genuine, although they had long
been condemned by
all
note
critics of
;
and conse-
quently he assumes Hippolytus to have suffered mar-
tyrdom about 265 or 2G8. of his fancies. lytus,
He
But
invents a whole
life
most venial
of St.
Hippo-
based upon conjectures which have not the
slightest foundation, criticising
writers
this is the
all
Cave and even French
the time with considerable learning for their
uncritical assertions
and suppositions.
shameless part of this fiction
is,
But
the most
that he regularly
quotes parts of the text of Epiphanius, as the words of Hippolytus, assuming that he copied Hippolytus literally in
his article
on Marcion (Haer.
xKi.),
and
in
all
those about heresies on which Hippolytus had
This book
written or might have written.
specimen of that monstrous sort of lying
where truth
is
a good
literature,
trodden under foot, in order to en-
is
throne old fictions and impostures, aggravated and multiplied.
It is in a laborious
what those works on the an humbler way.
life
and learned manner,
of St. Philumena are in
In them, as you know, a
life
is
constructed out of the inscriptions on three bricks, exhibiting her name, with the palm-twig and the
anchor, those well-known Christian symbols. tian remains
combs
at
were found in
Rome, with
called blood,
a
but what in
my
vial,
time
in
Chris-
the cata-
containing what
is
fact is the deposit of the
wine used at the communion, in a loculus or excavation, the
mouth
three bricks. attested to
of which was shut
up by those
These remains having been said and
work
miracles, books were written (I pos-
sess two) relating that
Philumena, now the favourite
female saint of the South of Europe, then the dauo-hter of a
king of Greece in the time of Maxentius, was
taken prisoner with her father after his defeat by the
Roman emperor
near the shore of the Adriatic.
Maxentius (the story goes on) proposed to marry her, being enraptured by her beauty, but, when she refused him, ordered her to be drowned with an
anchor tied to her body.
The anchor duty by swimming upon
and the anchor. its
So much
L 6
for the
name
having, of course, done the surface of the sea
:
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
228
like a cork, tlie tyrant ordered the saint to
which was done accordingly
:
be beheaded,
thereupon her remains
were deposited in the catacombs,
after
her blood had been preserved in the
some drops of
Here
vial.
have the utmost made of three bricks and a This
kind of imposture, amid the
a brutish
is
noon-light of publicity in
had just
as
impudent
(remember the French nation)
yoii
vial.
Europe
lies in
letter
but have we not
:
France under Charles X.
of the Virgin
Mary
to
the
and are we not sure of having others
;
of the same sort before the end of 1852? Now the method of the anonymous bishop, the author of your book, is not substantially different, and indeed
only an exaggeration of that employed in the great
upon such truth
reactionary assault of false learning as is thought dangerous. for
it
It is
even more dishonest
induces the reader, for a while at least, to be-
some reason
lieve that there is
whereas there
is
for
what
is
assumed;
none, no more than for the story
concocted out of the three bricks. I
beg your pardon,
gression
;
against a
but
new
it is
my
dear friend, for this di-
really time that
rococo
edition
of this
method of mixing up history and Paris, in
we should guard hypocritical
fable, issuing
from
which the old fable reappears, seasoned
with romantic poetry and some speculative phrases stolen
from Gorres, the
flither
positions which defy truth science.
And where
of these hybrid com-
and confound the con-
are the learned
men
amom]: the
!
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 229
V.
who can moderate and repress such Where is a Ruinart ? Where is a Bossuet ? And Letronne is dead To return to the new materials which this hishop iji clergy of France,
attempts
?
partibus infidelium has brought together, he refers to
more than he communicates; and much of that may be a mere fiction but he gives (p. xliv. his schedcs for
:
ex cod. MSS.) a different recension of the passage in the book on Antichrist respecting Dan.
kingdom
of iron), and a
vii. 7.
more complete Greek
the commentary on the Psalms.
(the
text of
I shall note in the
proper places whatever I think worthy of remark in this folio of
500 pages.
A, HIPPOLYTUS' POLEMICAL WORKS. I.
Kara
Traacov alpscrscov
Against all the Heresies;
or,
sXsyx^os.
Refutation of
all the
Heresies.
Ten books
:
of which the
first
four give an outline of
those speculative systems of the old philosophers, from
which the heretics of the
had mostly taken
first
and second centuries
their speculative ideas
;
principally,
therefore, of the writings on physical philosophy,
whatever refers
to
these four books
we
already possessed the
first
and
Of among
cosmogonic constructions.
230
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
Origen's works
and we
;
find that a great part of the
fourth, with the middle of
begins,
which our manuscript
extracted from Sextus Empiricus' work
is
against the mathematical (or dogmatical) philosophers.
Sextus Empiricus was an older cotemporary of Hip-
As he was
Commodus.
polytus, and wrote under
what he could
a Gentile writer, Hippolytus took out
use, in order to give the Christian reader the requisite
materials without the necessity of recurring to a
The
heathen writer.
first
book
any work that we know.
not extracted from
is
Diogenes of Laerte's
book cannot have been published lytus' death.
At
all
till
Hippo-
after
events, the extracts
which Hip-
polytus gives in the course of the later books, as
w^ell
as in the first,
from the w^orks of the Greek philo-
sophers, leave
no doubt
ancient philosophy at
its
as
to
having studied
his
sources.
These
first
four
books were probably distinguished afterwards from the rest as " The Philosophumena." In judging of the
title
of the whole work,
that aipzais in
good Greek
a philosophical
school.
is
we must not
The tenth book perhaps
contains, in the
form of an epitome, the
succinct
of Hippolytus on the
ject, to
We
treatise
which he alludes in the
have established that the book
shown
not so
that the
earlier,
same sub-
first.
treats,
tius says, of exactly thirty-two heresies
also
forget
the proper term for
;
as PIio-
and we have
method of enumerating them was
much simply
chronological, as genealogical.
:
LETTEK
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND VfRITIXGS. 231
V.
Having gone through
all
the details of each article,
which have any bearing on
my
render the truth of
The
tables.
assertions evident
exhibit a
will
first
now
this subject, I will
by two
summary view
of
the series of heresies contained in the " Great Refutation,"
compared with that
book
in the tenth
;
the
second table will show their genealogical and chronological order.
Comparative Table of the Thirty-two Heresies IN THE " Refutation," according to Books V. to IX.j WITH those in the Tenth Book. Books V. A. The
to
Book X.
IX.
Sects of the Ophites.
Book V. I.
Naassenes (Ophites) calling themselves Gnostics pp. 94
I.
Naassenes;
p. 314. 1
—
15.
:
—123. II.
(Euboeans
PeratcB
scendental III.
?
Tran-
?
or Hebrews
—
from Heber ?): pp. 123—138. pp. 138—147.
Sethians
;
IV. Justinians
(from
11.
PeratcE: pp. 315.
16—316.
48.
III.
Justinus
/S'ef/nans.-pp.
316.49— 318.
20.
the Gnostic): pp. 148—159.
B. Simon and Valentinus, and the dualistic Valentinians.
Book
VI.
V. Simon, the Gittean pp. 161 :
IV. Simon: pp. 318. 21—319.
—176. VI. Valentinus
50. :
^^.
177—198.
V.
Valentinus and his school pp. 319.
51—320.
73.
—
:
:
ox THE "REFUTATrOX OF ALL HERESIES.'
232
VII. Secu7idus
198. 8 lines,
p.
:
Iren.
VIII. Epiphanes: pp. 198—199,
Other Va-
9 lines, Iren.
lentinians, 8 lines, Iren.
IX. PtokmcEus
16 lines,
p. 199.
:
Iren.
X. Marcus:
— 221.
pp.
200
(left
out in our
Iren.
XI.
Colarhasus text).
C. Basilides and the Basilidian Gnostics,
Marcion and
Marcionists,
and
Theodotians,
the
Ebionites,
the
Nicolaites.
Book VII. XII. Basilides
:
225—244.
pp.
(His son Isidorus
:
VI. Basilides pp. 320. 74—322. 33.
p.
230.)
VII. Justinus pp. 322. :
XIII. Saturnilus
:
pp.
244
246
— 253.
33.
24G, Iren.
XIV. Marcion,
XV. Prepon
:
pp.
253.
p.
XVI. Carpocrates
pp. 255
:
256. Iren.
XVII. Cerinlhus:
pp. 256, 257,
Iren.
XVIII.
The Ebionites:
p.
257.
11 lines, Iren.
XIX. Theodotus of Byzantium pp. 257, 258.
XX.
Theodotus the Trapezite
and kites
the p.
:
Melchisede258. 8 lines.
XXI. Nicolaus and
the Nico-
laitans: p. 258. 8 lines,
Iren.
XXII. Cerdo:
p.
259.
8 lines,
Iren.
XXIII. Apdles pp. 259, 2G0. :
'
34—324.
::
LETTER
Y.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 233
D. The DocetcB, Monoimus,
and
Montanists,
the
The Docetce: pp. 324. 75—325. 11. IX. Monoimus: pp. 325. 12 —326. 38.
VIII.
co-
their
temporaries.
Book
VIII.
XXIV. The Docetce
;
pp.
261—
268.
XXV. Monoimus:
269
pp.
X. Tatianus p.326. 39 ;
—
273.
XXVI.
Tatian
;
XIV. Cerinthus:
4 lines,
p. 273.
XXVII. Hermogenes
XV. The
pp. 273,
:
82—
Ebionites:
p.
328.
98—1.
274.
Quartodechnans
Montanists:
pp.
275, 276. 27 lines.
XXX. The Encratites
:
p.
XVI. Theodotus of Byzantium p. 328. 2—13. XVII. The Melchisedekites pp. 328. 14—329. 18. XVIII. The Montanists (Phry-
:
pp. 274, 275. 15 lines.
XXIX. The
pp. 327.
328. 96.
Iren.
XXVIII. The
— 44.
Tpp. 326. 45— —327.66. Xll. Marcion) XIIL Apelles: pp. 327, 67—81. XI. Cerdo
276.
:
gians): pp. 329.19
Iren.
—
33.
E. The Noetians and Elchasaites
Appendix about
Jewish
the
Sects.
Book IX.
XXXI. The XXXII. The
(Callis-
tians): p. 329.
34—330.
60.
Noetians
tians): pp.
XIX. The Noetians
(Callis-
279—292.
Elchasaites: pp.
292—296.
XX. Hermogenes:
330.
p.
—64. XXI. The Elchasaites 65—331. 78.
:
61
pp. 330.
11.
Genealogical and Chronological Table of the Thirty-two Heresies. I
St.
chronological and synchronistic
shall give the
dates according to
my
Peter to Origen."
I
" Chronological Tables from have divided these tables into
ON THE
234
*â&#x20AC;˘
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
epochs according to the ages succeeding each other in the series of the seven generations of
occapy the time from Origen our
:
a period of
era, to 254),
St.
men, which
Peter to the death of
225 years (from Pentecost 29 of
which in
fact represents seven ages,
or seven generations of mankind.
I
have chosen
form of marking the epochs for two reasons.
by a universal law,
I believe that,
this
First,
all religions
de-
velop themselves primarily according to the succession of individual lives, both in the traditions respecting facts,
them.
and in the form of the ideas connected with In the second place,
I find that, in the history
of Christianity, this development by natural ages extends to seven generations, taking a generation, in the ordinary acceptation of the word, to denote a
space of about the third part of a century. sider this division therefore as the
I con-
most natural, and
the leading individualities of each age as the safest
landmarks for the history of that our ecclesiastical history. Origen, there tion.
is
a
first
Down
marked epoch
to
in
great period of
the death of
every genera-
After that time an entirely new law of deve-
lopment begins, no longer according to the leading individualities,
but according to that development,
of which the elements are the masses, and the ages periods of national
The epochs the following
:
life.
or ages, according to
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
my
tables, are
— LETTER V. HIPrOLYTUS' LIFE AND Tlie first age.
(29 to
70: Nero.)
— ;
^VRITINGS.
235
The age of St. Peter and St. Paul, 29 to 70 or from Peter and James to Peter and Paul from the first Pentecost to the death of the two leading apostles (65), and the destruction of Jerusalem (70). The age of St. John and of Clemens, from 71 to 100: the last apostle (t98) and the first historical bishop (Clemens, from 78 to :
The second age.
(7
1
to
100: Domitian.)
86, or to the 5th year of Domitian).
The
The age of Ignatius and Basilides Ignatius under Trajan (tl08): and the first apoloand gists and Basilides under Hadrian. Grow-
third age. (101 to
127:
Trajan
Hadrian.)
:
ing consciousness of the Christian sacrifice as the act of redeemed humanity, and
growing idea of episcopacy
as the repre-
sentation of the free individual conscience,
by the The fourth age. (128 to 156: Hadrian and Antoninus Pius.)
side of the collective conscience of
the elders and of that of the congregation. SetThe age of Polycarp and Valentinus.
tling of the Canon. Gnostic philosophy, and Christian literature. Hijginus (128 131) andP/Ms (132—149). The fifth age. (157 to The age of Irenaeus in the West, and of Theo187: the two Antodotus and Pantcenus in the East or the end ;
nines and
Commo-
dus.)
of dualism, and the beginning of Catholic science.
(164
The
sixth
age.
(188
Commodus,
to 215:
Septimius Severus,
and Caracalla.)
Anicetus (152—163),
— 187).
Montanism begins
and Soter 157.
The age of Clemens of Alexandria, and of or triumph of Catholic Victor at Rome Hippolytus' science and the hierarchy. 199), and earlier writings. Victor (188 :
—
Zephyrinus (200—218).
The seventh age. (216 The age of Origen, or last attempt to recon cile scriptural Catholic science and the ecAlexander to 254 Hippolytus' later writclesiastical system. Severus and MaxiCallistus (219—222), Urbanus (223 ings. min.) 235), Fabianus 230), Pontianus (231 :
—
—
(236—250) and
According to
this
Cornelius
(251— 253),
frame the thirty-two heresies
range thus in the history of the Church
;
ox THE "FtEFUTATIOX OF ALL HERESIES.'
236
THE SECTS AND THEIR
THEIR PLACE IN HISTORY.
WORKS. Section
The Ophites. I.— IV. The Gospel of St. James
— UpodaTeiov — Seth — Baruch.
Simon and
— Psalms
fore the Gospel of St.
Paraphrasis
'H neyd\r] dir6(pa(ns.
John was
between 70 and
written,
(Menan- Simon belongs
his school
y.
der).
Gnostic Sects.
I.
Origin in the Johannean age, be-
the
to
99.
age
first
(27 to 65).
Menander taught
his doctrine at
Antioch, in the second age. Valentinus, VI.
Extracts (from
end of the the
first
own
of Valentinus, with the
TTie ScJiool
taught towards
Valentinus
the Sophia?)
third, Ignatian,
the
and
part of the fourth, his
affe.
exception of Theodotus: or the dualistic Valentinians.
VIT.
Secnndus.
Epiphanes.
VIII.
Ptolemseus.
IX.
Valentinians of the
X.
Marcus.
Colarbasus.
nsean age.
XII.
School.
Extracts.
Isidorus, Basilides' son.
Saturnilus.
or Ire-
fifth
— 187.)
XI.
The Basilidian Basilides.
(157
Basilides taught in the third, Ig-
XII.
natian age, about 120 or 130.
XIIL
Saturnilus, in the fourth, or
Va-
lentinian age. Tlie Marcionites.
Marcion. XIV.
Marcion
'hvrnrapaBe-
Prepon.
XIV.
The Sects one
Rome
;
fourth age,
Prepon
God and
;
fifth age,
about
1
60.
acknowledged
which
Creator of
all,
had
but maintained that Jesus
Carpocratians.
Section
II.
Ebionitic
and
mixed Sects.
been a simple man.
The
at
about 130 to 150.
aeis,
A. Ebionitic Sects.
XVI. |
Cerinthus.
The
XVI
Ebionites.
[.
XVIII.
I
J
•
•
The second
or Johannean age, as
to the beginning of these sects.
;
LETTER
niPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WPvITINGS. 237
V.
B.
Mixed
Sects of Gnostic
and
Ebionitic principles.
Theodotus of Byzantium, early
Theodotus and the Theodotians.
XIX. XX.
the
These Sects were
influenced
fifth
in
or Irensean age.
by
Nicolaus, father of the
XXL
Nicolaites.
Cerdo taught
XXII.
Cerdo.
at
Rome
about 132
(fourth age), and had influence
upon Marcion.
XXIII.
ApeUes.
Apelles, disciple of Marcion, fifth
Extracts.
or Irensean age.
The
XXIV.
Docetffi.
Ex-
tracts.
XXV.
Monoimus.
ad
Ep.
The
or Irenaan age.
fifth,
Theophrast.
XXVI.
Tatian.
XXVII.
Hermogenes.
Ex-
tracts.
Sects
and
J
both as
orthodox to
Christ,
to
God
but with some
Section III.
error in other points.
The Quartodecimans. XXVIII. 1 > The Montanists. XXIX. The Encratites. XXX. J The Noetians (Callistians).
XXXI. The
The
The
and sixth age.
Noetians,
sixth
age
the
Callistians, seventh age.
Extracts.
Elchasaites.
fifth
Ecclesiastical Sects.
XXXII. Ex- The
Elchasaites,
the
seventh
age.
tracts.
It results
from
this list, that the
the whole chronologically
;
work proceeds on
but that Hippolytus has
method with the
He
combined
this
gives
the Gnostic, and then the Ebionitic sys-
first
tems, which indeed of the old sects. sects,
is
The
genealogical.
the only reasonable division third section comprises the
orthodox both as to the Father and the Son.
:
In each of these sections the order
Thus Hippolytus takes
first all
is
the Ophitic sects,
then Simonism, then Valentinus and alistic
chronological.
all
purely du-
Having gone through
Valentinians.
all
of
them, he takes up Basilides, an author rather older than Valentinus, but whose disciples were fluenced by Valentinianism.
much
in-
After having treated
of the Basilidians, he proceeds to Marcion, whose
system partakes somewhat of both Valentinus and
One would have supposed that the aron Cerdo, who taught at Rome before Marcion,
Basilides. ticle
would have preceded, and that on Apelles, Marcion's disciple,
would have immediately followed that on
his master.
Indeed, this
in the tenth
book
that
in our
*^
:
its
the arrangement chosen
is
having been abandoned for
Great Refutation," proves that the
author must have had systematic reasons for the
The
change.
article
on
Cerdo, according to the
chronological principle, precedes
that on Apelles
but both are discussed only
after all the Ebionitic
systems have been
This seems to
ground
to
assume,
treated.
that
a
was a mixture of
there
Ebionitism in these two Marcionites, as one of
Cerdo may be considered, on account of nection with Marcion, the
me
man
whom
his con-
of his age.
This
brings us to the twenty- third heresy.
From
XXIV. to xxvii.
we have
sects
which evidently
were tainted with Valentinianism, but started from points different from Valentinus and from each other.
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 239
V.
They seem
to
relatively to
one another.
The
third
be in the right chronological order
class of the
sects
which rose before
Hippolytus's time, were three immediately prece-
ding him.
The Montanists
three
beginning cannot be placed earlier than
their
:
are the second of the
157, nor later than 167: they belong, therefore, to the sixth or Victorian age
and we have no reason
;
to
doubt that the two others did so likewise.
Then came
the sects of his time, that
of the sixth and seventh
least
Roman
on the
In these thirty-two
works
treatise
articles
at least, of
The
unknown.
which
is
same
tenth book
is
that
mentioned in the
as in our
as his
we have
:
own.
extracts from
which seven have
prises twenty-one heresies
are the
(at
horizon) after Callistus, as bishop,
had established the school of Noetus
fifteen
to say,
For the Elchasaites appeared only
order.
cal
is
ages, in their chronologi-
titles
:
all
earlier succinct
first
book.
It
com-
the beginning and end
work.
Dr. Bernays, of the University of Bonn, the orna-
ment of the
philological school of Ritschl, at
sire, in a critical letter
my
de-
addressed to me, has treated
this point, together with others, which his profound knowledge of Heraclitus and of the ancient writers,
and
his ingenious sagacity generally, have suggested
to him.
I
am
sure
when you read
it
you
will
be
delighted with the critical talent and judgment dis-
played in this Epistola Critica,
ox THE "REFUTATIOX OF ALL HERESIES."
240
Before
proceed to the review of
I
lemical writings of Hippoljtus, let
the
titles
own
of his
the course of the
*'
writings, to
tlie
me
other po-
recapitulate
which he
refers in
Refutation."
Other books {sTSpav fBi^Xoi) of a chronographic
1.
nature
;
them he had given the names of
for in
seventy- two nations (sOvrj)
:
2.
llspl TTjs rov iravTos ovaias: x. 32. p.
3.
M-LKpos \a/3i>pivdo9.
I have treated of the last letters,
and
the
x. 30. p. 331.
two
in
my
shall return to all three in this
334.
preceding
review of
his works.
The
then,
result,
of an
impartial
criticism
of
the works attributed to Hippolytus seems to be,
with the exception of the apocryphal works,
that,
recognized
such by
as
criticism in the
the
of
fathers
undoubted genuineness.
They unite
writings of the earlier fathers.
The
most of the
external evidence
of the writers on ecclesiastical history
is
in
by a record engraved upon an
monument, representing Hippol} tus seated as upon
his cathedra.
The
internal
is
identity of style and of thouglit in
them
tlie
a
many official
bishop
an unmistakable
all,
and in many of
a striking reference to the age in which the
author
new
of
external and in-
ternal evidence in a greater degree than
cases supported
historical
last centuries, all the others are
lived.
light
Even
the smaller fragments receive a
and a fresh interest from the discovery of
"Great Refutation;" and
this
work again could
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 241
V.
be proved to be by Hippolytus, from the many points of coincidence in
its style
writings and fragments,
proofs of
its
and contents with
if it
authenticity in
his other
did not carry sufficient
itself.
I shall take this opportunity of submitting to
you
new edition of now become in-
a few observations on the idea of a
the works of Hippolytus, which
is
dispensable.
The
edition of Fabricius, reproduced with slight
variations
by Gallandi,
tion" its
The
text of the
scarcely readable, and,
is
Until
childhood.
first
scholar of the
tained in
it will
critical
in
school, the
Refuta-
respects, in
all
corrected
'*
by an able
fragments con-
be unintelligible for the greater part,
were those restored by Schneidewin and Boeckh.
as I
not only incomplete, but
is
digested and scarce.
ill
have before
prove to
me
me
emendations by Dr. Bernays, which
not only that they can be restored, but
that there are other ancient fragments not found out
by
the editor.
The
edition
which ought now to be
should consist of two volumes. contain the text of the
upon a
*'
The
all
would
Refutation," established
collation of the Paris manuscript
would unite
prepared
first
;
the second
the other works, with the spurious
ones as an appendix.
The
materials
cipally in
Turin.
for
this
second volume are prin-
the noble libraries of Paris,
We owe
Rome, and
to the learned editor of the
'*
Refu"
ox THE ^'REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
242
tation,"
M. E.
Miller, the long wished for " Catalogue
of the Escurial Manuscripts will not help us
I
am
afraid that they
much.*
my
Let us hope,
"
;
dear friend, that the generosity will not allow this
and zeal of the Clarendon Press
opportunity to pass for superseding the edition of
1851 by a more complete one next year. I
have established above, upon the evidence of
Photius, and of Hippolytus himself,
that the au-
* The " Catalogue des Manuscrits Grees de la Bibliotheque de I'Escurial, par E. Miller" (Par. 1848, 8vo), contains the following indications respecting Hippolytus :
P. 315. 466.
:
:
Tov
474.
KiXTjiov,
Cod. 524.
public par Fabricius.
fol.
85-89.
et sur I'Antichriste,
523.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Hippolyte sur la fin du monde. Cod. 511. fol. 145-158. Hippolyte TrspJ Tijg awTtXiiac
Cod. 169.
Homelie sur
:
la fin
du monde
par St. Hippolyte.
Hippolyti sive potius mcerti Epitome temporum ab orbe condito usque ad annum vice-
ISIarcellini vel
simuni
Ileraclii
indictionibus et
imperatoris
cum
consulatibus et
cognitione dignis.
aliis
404.
Extrait de la Chronique d'Hippolyte sur Vierge Marie. [See p. 495. cod. 570.] Cod. 504. No. 7. Extrait tlicologique tire des Peres
491.
que Diodore, Hij)polyte, Severin, etcCod. 564. fol. 90, 91. Extrait de la Chronique de
492.
Hippolyte incip. 'lax-wCuc 6 yei'onevog. Extrait de la Chronique Cod. 564. fol. 206-215.
361.
Cod. 445.
:
la
:
tel
:
St.
:
de
St.
Hippolyte
le
Thcbaiu sur
les disciples
du
Seigneur. 495.
fol. 127-132.: Extrait de la Chronique de Hippolyte sur la Vierge. Fabric. B. G. vii. 187. Titulus catenae in Proverbia Salomonis, Proverbiorum liber et in eum catenoe sanctorum patrum Basilii,
Cod. 570. St.
513.
Hippolyti papai Romani, Origenis, etc.
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 243 thor of the treatise on the " Cause of the Universe" also the
is
author of the book called " The Little
Labyrinth."
now proceed
I shall
more accurate
to a
examination of this book, of which we have important fragments.
IL 'O
[jbiKpos
Aa^vpivOos
'
or,
Kara
rris ^ApT^/jLcovo9
alpsasays \6jo9.
The Little Labyrinth;
Treatise against the
or,
Heresy of Artemo,
The second
title
is
given by Photius
(c. 48.),
who
believes Caius the presbyter to be the author, and
evidently takes
it
to
Labyrinth."
'*
Little
*'
Little Labyrinth "
is
be a different work from the But, as the stated
by
all
subject
of the
the authors to be
the refutation of this very sect, and since Eusebius
(H. E.
V.
2S.)
that heresy,
quotes passages from
it is
as it
the
The book appeared
would seem *^
as
against
and
Eusebius evidently did not know
the same work. the author.
it
clear that both are titles of one
;
for
it
at first anonymously,
was expressly recognized in
Treatise on the Cause of the Universe."
The and
doubts respecting the author of this
treatise,
the obscurity in which Hippolytus'
and writings
life
were purposely involved, explain the confusion.
Routh(Reliq.
Sacr.ii.
129â&#x20AC;&#x201D;134. 141â&#x20AC;&#x201D;157.)
has,
with his usual judgment and learning, illustrated the three fragments which Eusebius has ^iven us, and 51
2
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
244 is
evidently inclined to pronounce
the
it
a work of Hip-
Those fragments concern the heresy of
polytus.
of the
school
As
Rome.
and second Theodotus at
first
writers of that sect, besides the elder
and younger Theodotus, they name Asclepiades,
The name
riermophilus, and Aj)ollonides.
of Ar-
temo does not occur in those fragments. Eusebius
true,
the
Artemonic heresy
that
Artemo
lived
but
;
this
and taught
of Alexander Severus.
ments Hippolytus
It
is
book was written against
says, the
at
In the
treats
does not prove
Rome
of these frag-
first
of the
in the time
of
assertion
the
Theodotians, that Zephyrinus had adulterated the doctrine of the plies,
first,
Church of Rome.
To
this
he re-
the primitive Christian
that Scripture,
psalms and hymns, and the ecclesiastical writers, from
Roman
Clemens the against
them
asserted,
:
Irenogus, were
to
and secondly,
witnesses
that, if Victor, as
they
had maintained the true doctrine, he was
the bishop
who had excluded Theodotus,
and chief of their
sect,
the father
and that he had done so
for
his
having taught that Christ was a simple man.
He
confirms this assertion in the second fragment,
by the history of Natalius
Na talis
in
(i:)robably the
Caecilius
the dialogue of Minucius Felix), "
became a public confessor of the truth not long ago, indeed in our
own
and the second Theodotus, both Theodotus, seduced him
to
time."
who
{ofxoXoyi^rrjs)
Asclepiades
disciples of the elder
become
their bishop,
;
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WPJTINGS. 245
V.
with a salary of 150 denarii
what happened
(7/. lOs.)
Now
a month.
Something, says the author, which
?
might have made an impression even on
and Gomorrah. night
Angels of
the
Sodom
Lord came one
and beat him, rather unmercifully
so affected him, that he ran in sackcloth
which
;
and ashes
Zephyrinus, and on his knees besought, not only
to
the bishop, but the clergy and laity, displaying the stripes of the
He
giveness.
lashes,
show him mercy and
to
was received with some
for-
difficulty into
the Church.
In the heretics
third
fragment the author
were given
to speculation,
says,
these
and studied geo-
metry much, admiring Euclid, Aristotle, and Theo-
who
phrastus, and almost worshipping Galen,
only about the year 200
and changing
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
;
but made light of the
some of them
Scriptures, declaring or, as
died
to
be spurious,
they said, correcting,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the text
of others, but without the authority of ancient manuscripts
:
he adds, that some even rejected the Old
Testament altogether. This statement has been made by the Tubingen school the basis of what I must call a novel.
Church of
Rome
is
said to have ignored the
The
Gospel
of St. John, and repudiated the doctrine of the Logos, till
the end of Victor's episcopate (198 after Christ)
an incredible
assertion,
which they endeavour
strengthen by the gratuitous, and utterly
to
untena-
ble proposition, or rather fiction, that the primitive
*M
3
Roman
congregation consisted almost exclusively of
Jewish and Judaizing Christians.
Neander has refuted
how
little
this assertion,
the fragments of the
*'
warrant the system built upon them. that there fact
is
is
known
to us,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that some
and which must
have happened under Zephyrinus. (Kircheng. This
is
we do not know
of what
how
a bright example, is
the
"
But he admits
something to be explained,
referred to not
and shown
Little Labyrinth
first
i.
997.)
the finding out step to the dis-
covery of the truth.
The explanation of that unintelligible assertion is now before us for we know the fact implied in the :
account.
Zephyrinus found
in his
Church, as the prevalent
doctrinal tendency, that which
The
distinction
we
call
Monarchianism.
between the Father and the Son was
very marked, the monotheistic principle being concentrated in the Father.
the
Word
Christ,
The Eastern
distinctions between
and the Son, and between Jesus and the
were rather kept
or dangerous.
But, as
centre of the world, so
in the
background
Rome
could not cease to be
it
became that of Christen-
dom. All new theories were sooner or there by their authors, or
as useless
by a
disciple
later discussed ;
and generally
they were repudiated and rejected, as soon as they
seemed It
to
endanger the general
ecclesiastical system.
was therefore really an important change, when
Zephyrinus inclined
to the
Noetian speculations.
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 247
which we know he did
We
see also
not
does
author of the "Labyrinth"
that the
contradict
the
assertion
of
Theo-
the
In this respect he turns the tables upon
dotians.
them, by asking
them,
at the instigation of Callistus.
if
how
Victor could have favoured
he expelled Theodotus from the
Roman
congregation.
Thus the unknown
fact implied in the accounts,
and which Neander sought
after, is
given to us, and
the whole most satisfactorily explained.
But,
my
dearest friend,
may we
not say also
we
have here another proof of the hollo wness of the
Tubingen novel
?
cient to prove this. tially that
The formula of Callistus is suffiIt is, as we have seen, essen-
of Noetus
and the system of Noetus
:
presupposes the whole development of the struggle against Gnosticism, which began before the death of St.
John, and was afterwards carried on by the Ca-
tholic
Church under the banner of the doctrine of the
Logos.
All that there
is
of truth and reality in the
account of the struggle between Judaizing Petrinism
and rationalizing Paulinism, was well established by the great critical school, in which Schleiermacher and
Neander, Nitzsch and Rothe, are so eminent has been added by the
new
It runs against the first
ticism,
both as
to
:
what
school has no truth in
it.
principles of historical cri-
chronology and as to internal con-
siderations.
As
to the authorship of this remarkable work,
M
4
it
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
248 is
declared by the writer of the " Treatise on the
Universe
" to
work on the
be
his
;
and the author of our great
heresies says that he
the
question respecting the
This also settles dates of the
relative
" Little Labyrinth" and the
The
the writer of
is
the " Treatise on the Universe."
" Great Refutation."
three works were written in the following suc-
cession
:
" Little Labyrinth,"
First, the
of the
" Cause of the Universe"
Secondly, Universe," to
which the author
to
refers
treatise
tation" refers as his
:
Thirdly, the " Great Refutation"
know
to
:
on the " Cause of the which the author of the " Great Refuthe
itself,
which we
be the work of Hippolytus.
Now the writer of the
'*
Little
Labyrinth "speaks of
the times of Zephyrinus as of his own, only just past. It
must therefore have been written either under
Callistus, or
Urbanus, the bishop in the time of
Alexander Severus. sible, if
The
first
is
evidently impos-
one considers the author's position in regard
to Callistus
;
nor would he have spoken of Zephy-
rinus as " not long ago."
Everything, therefore, in-
duces us to believe that the written under Urbanus {223
'*
Little
Labyrinth" was
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;230), and the " Cause
of the Universe " soon afterwards.
For the " Great
Refutation" must have been composed under Alex-
ander Severus, in whose
was banished.
The
last
title is
year (235) Hippolytus strangely supposed to
:
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 249
refer to the entangling of the heretics
by reasoning
evidently alludes to their errors, which entangle
it
mind of the simple
the
a sound refutation
Christian,
and out of which
Thus our '' The
him.
disentangles
author says in the opening of the tenth book
:
labyrinth of the heresies has not been broken through
by
force,
but opened solely by argumentation through
the power of truth."*
III. JlpoS NoTJTOV.
Against Noetus,
The Greek Fabricius,
(compare the
title
t. ii. i.
text
is
printed,
p. 233.).
in
the
edition
In
MS.
this
the
work bears
(evidently framed by a copyist)
Latin translation of Turrianus
Deo
is
inscribed
:
'OfuXia
And
'IttttoXvtov sis Trjv aipsaiv Not^toO tlvos.
de
of
from a Vatican manuscript
p. 5. sqq.,
:
the
" Homilia
trino et uno, et de mysterio incarnationis,
contra haeresin Noeti." signations.
Both
But the book
is
are evidently later de-
a homily, or a sermon,
whether really preached, or written in that form.
The lost
conjecture of Fabricius, that
was a part of the
heresies, is now untenable. But I show that the Confession of Faith contained
work on the
hope *
it
to
Tov \aâ&#x201A;Źvpiv6ov rwv
e\syx<{> dXijOeiag
aipt^rreojv
ov
SwdfiiL dtaXvTaj'Tei;. 31
6
jSiqi,
happrj^avreg^
a.\}<d fx6v(p
ON THE
250 in
"
treatise
tliis
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES." one with which our
so like the
is
work concludes, that the juxtaposition of the two would by itself prove the identity of the author. 1 give this juxtaposition without any other comment.
The I
parallelism of both
have called the
first
polytus' Confession
naturally limited to what
is
and second
was particularly directed
Hip-
Noetus
and we must not forget
:
book
that the conclusion of the
intended to
principally
of
to the point of the Incar-
nation (the second article)
is
articles
for the treatise against
:
on' all the heresies
men
excite
to
become
godly and godlike.
The
two
exposition of those
articles
comprises
half of the whole homily (ch. 9. to the end).
not to recognise
impossible
in
same author who wrote our work.
more
style is tlie
whole
;
Of
directed against
the
course the
rhetorical, the exposition broader,
is
tian heresy
It is
preacher
the
and
one point, the Noe-
whereas the writer of our work had
to
compress his thoughts on the subject into as few
words
as
possible,
and had
towards encouraging
dom and become
love
like
There
is
men
to
offered to
God, even,
as Jesus if I
am
to direct
his
accept the divine wis-
them
in
Christ,
Zephyriims and
him publicly a
ditheist.
and
to
had been. not mistaken, in a pas-
sage of our homily, a decided allusion justice of
energy
Callistus, in
to the in-
having called
Treating of the relation
of the Logos to the Father, according to St. John's
-
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 251
V.
the "Word
author says
the
verse,
first
is
(ch.
with God, being God,
:
" If then
why
then (some
14.)
one might say) dost thou speak of two Gods
/
myself,
One
only I establish two persons
:
As
?
to
do not speak of two Gods, but merely of and,
{TrpocrcoTra),
as the third, the Incarnation (oLKovofjLla), the
grace
of the Holy Spirit."
add that the very introduction of
I will merely
both the Confessions of Faith Against
the Heresies
all
:
is
begin-
strikingly alike
Against Noetus,
i.
:
—
8.
ning of book X.
Tdv Xa^vpivdoy ov loia
piaeojy
aXXa
i^ioro)
rfJQ
Tr]v
rfjc,
'Ettci^j)
aXr]- ettI
cnr o^et^Lv' tote
TrXayijg
fuLara
Tai
tXey^^w, aXr]deiaQ
kiTrl
Oeiag
ai-
ovy
Kai 6 Not/-
i]dr)
EiaXvaavreg, trpoa- Tog ayaTerpaTTTai, 'iXQ^fXEv
^vvafxei
Lfxev
riLv
diapp{]^arTe£
evre^pa
riiy
yap aTTodEi^ty,
aocpiar-
rrig
aXyjdEiag
'lya
(TvaT)](TU)ixEV
Ti]V dXrjdeiay.
aavarara (parepwdijae6 rijg aXrjOeiag opog
stteI
£7rio£i^0/], etc.
I will sential, is
now
give the text, omitting
and premising only, that
more than one interpolation
tise against
14.,
Noetus.
I
I
what
is
not es-
do not think there
in the text of the trea-
mean
the passage in chap.
where the introduction of the Holy
Spirit not
only disturbs the whole connection of ideas, but puts
Hippolytus in opposition with himself, by making
M
6
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
252
Holy Spirit the third person {irpoacoTrov). have therefore marked these words as spurious, by
liim call the I
placing
X.
them between QeoQ
32.
KalfiovoQ
cnravTtiJV Troirjrrjg
teal
(Tvyxpovov
Kal KvpLOQ,
ov \aoQ
ov^ev,
TvpioTOQ
6
eiQ
asterisks.
tVxfJ'
Elg Qeog,
(c. 9.)
aXXodey (pol,
oy
tTriyu'wcJCO/xej^,
ovk
aceX-
(ek) ToJy ayiit)y ypacp-ltv
7/
ov\
aTreipof,
y yr\v rsTEp-
v^ojp anirprjrov
pav, ovK aipa TrvKVOV^ ov irvp ov
^epfxdy,
Xetttov,
irvevjjLa
OVK ovpavov f.ieya\ov
av
aX\'
ixop(f)i]v'
Kvavijxovoq
ijy eIq
EuvTtf, OQ B's\i)(ra£ E7r0ir}(T£ TO.
ovra OVK ovra TrpoTEpov, ore ridi\y](Te
Troieiv
wg
pOQ OJV TWV {(TO^liviOV. 33. OvrOQ
OVU
TrpuiTov
ov
£yyoT)de).g
Xoyoj',
(1)C
(l)(j)i'r)i'j
TrarroQ
TovToy ^oyoy
(Tfxoy.
to
£^
(UTLoy
T0~ic yiyofj-iyoLQ.
7iy
ciW
KTifrat.
oynoy
(l)ip(sjy
yap
Aoyog
tov
Ik
cifxa
*
I
napavTiKa wapiaTYi
yEyofXEyoy
Ei^iyai
(piDyt),
otl
wg
i]QiXr}(TEy.
)]fjuy e(Ttl
avyyjioyoy >}r,
fxoyoy
Qeov avTOc
ojy iroXvg ^r, ovte
fjioyog
yap aXoyog ovte
aao(j)Oc, ovte
yeyyt'ifrayTog aCvyaTog, ovte cc^ovXevtoc
TTpoeXdely, TrpioToroKog tovtov
yiyofityog
Koa/xoy
'O KOCTfioy Eyyo7]dE\c,
to ^iXeiy ov^Ey TrXrjy avTog
tov Ilarpog kyyoiag' T(o
tavTt^
E)(^u)y
fxrj^Ey
£7roirf(T£y, <o
6 TO
Tov yeyeyyriKOTOCy ovk aireipog Kal rrjg
Ka\
ov to yeyvijdiiyai avTapKEg ovy
7]y,
ey avT^
QEog fxoyog virap-
(c. 10.) yjjjy
Xoyi- ^EX)](Tag TE Kai (^QEy^afXEyog
yap oy avrog
Harijp
ei,
KOi
Aoyov
airoyevva (rvy)(jioyoy, i€ovX)jdi]
Irdiuderoi' rov
eyiyya'
.
.
flOVOQ
Qeoc,
Kara Travrwv
TrXrjv tjUTrfi-
(t. (pcoyjjv)
TTurra Kat
* Ka)
i)y
have corrected the passage thus
evidently belong together, as
:
may be
TO for
i)y
TV
ay.
(pu>vi]
y)y,
ky avrw, avrbg ote iideXrjaey,
and Trpuro-uKog
seen from the parallel
LETTER tv
£)(£i
TTurpiK^
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 253
V.
eavT(o
rag
tv
rut
idiag,
evporjdeiffag
KaQiijg
oQev KeXevoPTog TlciTpog ylve- voig
Kara tu Aoyog
(rdai Koajxov to
Kaipolg
avrw,
Trap'
top
tdei^e
rjdeXrjcreyf
Aoyov avTov
ujpiffyLE-
ov
rci
ttouT,
ote
^i
TTUl'TCl k'K0tr](T£V.
aTreTeXelro apsffKiop Gcw.
"Oca
ridiXrjtrey,
ztto'iel
"Ore
6
Qeog.
de
^lev
^iXei
(pdiyyeTaL
TrdyTci
Xoyov
yEvof-iEradLCL
^e
ote ttXckt-
^elki'vei,
(TOcjtii^ETat.
(TEL
ote
TeXel,
e.ydvfjLeTTaL
yap
to.
ical ao(f)iag
TEX^ya^ETaif Xoyo) fiEV ktO^iov, (TO(j)l(^
ovv JiV
TovTOv avrov'
6
koI
dio
v7rap-)(iov
Aoyog
fiovog e^
Oeog,
Qeov, 'O
ds.
KOff/uog
/cat
.
'lL7roir](7Ey
Gtoc yap
.
Tujv di
ovaia Kal
e^ ov^EPog' ^10 oh Qeog' ovrog
eTTLdi^eraL
.
KOCFjJLWV.
i]QiXr](TEVi
dt.
Cjg
yu'OjjLEi^ojy ap'^^rjyoy
EpyaTr\y
Aoyov
kyiyyi} Aoyor, oy
'iyjjjy
EV EUVTM CLOpaTOy TE UVTa
Xvaiv^ ore jSov- KTL^ofxiyo)
Xerai 6 Kriaag
Kai
avf.i€ovXoy
irpoTEpay Kul
KOCTfxo)
(pojyjjy
(pCJg
bparoy
(^QEyyofXEVog,
(pojTog
Eic
TU)
ttoieI,
irporiKEV Trj kt'ktel
yEvyCjv,
Kvpioy, Toy
vovv, avTu) [xoyo) irpoTEpoy
'idiov
opaTov virapxoyTa tm ce yivofxiyo)
opocToy
aopUTOP
KOfTfjKi)
ttoleI,
oiriog
ovTaf
dtU
tov
(payfjyaL Idcoy 6 KOfTfxog ffiodrj-
yac
dvi'r)drj'
irapiffTaTO
poy ^E
(H.)
avrw
Kal
ovTwg
ETEpoc.
"Ere-
Xiyoyy ov Zvo QEovg
passage in the book against Koetus (chap, x.), TrpoTspav (pOiyyofjivog
;
and from another passage
in our
own
33. p. 336.), 6 Aoyog 6 Qeov 6 irpioToyovogTcaTpogTraig^
pov
(pkXTipopog (piovf].
cpojytjy
treatise (x. tj
irpo kuia^o-
.
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
254
ct/W wg
(f)u)g
v^wp
Trr)yfjgy
Xiyix), yj
o)Q
aKrlya
yap
EK
fjLia
ij
ek tov
hdg iy avTog ^£ No^<0£
yijjLMy
^la hiKaiiov
ajpiffdrj
"^yyiov
tTiai'ioQtv.
ui'Cpojy
^ici
Mwiifrewr,
rov
TrXljprig
Aoyog
Harpog pov
ujpii^ero
Ta
navra
dij
covg hid TryEv-
ijydyKaaEV tovoirojg
cvycijUEiog Tijy
Xa€ovr£C
TO
kuI
^£ 'ihiOKEy voj-ioy
TraTpMug
ZlolkeI feat
avrov,
^t
HciTpog.
(pdiyL^aaidai,
(rEfXv6rr}T0Q kol hiKai- TTVoiay
oavyrjc.
6
OvTog
7rpo(pi]Tag, kul
evXa^ovc Tovg
Kcu ^eocptXoiic, ro/JOQ
Tolyvy
fjLoyog ek
irpotiprffxivov fiaToc ciyiov
uv^puQ
Noi/c, og Trpo-
E^ELKyvTO ivaig
koctj-im
HdyTU
Qeov.
'Trayroc, to
ov cvvafxig
i'^
Aoyoc. ovTog ^e
u)g
?/
Avyafitg
ijXiov.
cltto
Tray HuTrjp,
^e
eK (pioroc,
^iXtfixa
Tijg
utto-
ti]v
jjovXrjy
tov
IlciTpog
u Oeov, 6 TrpiOToyovog KaTayyEiXojffty. ttcuc,
(p(jj(7(p6poQ
?/
irpo
(pajyi'i.
eiocrcpo-
(12.) 'Ey
Toiyvy
TOVTOig
"ETret- TToXiTEvofiEyog 6
Aoyoc
Ecpdiy-
ra ciKaioL av^pec yeyEvr]v~at yETo TTEpl EUVTOv, j]Cr] ydp (piXoi GfoD ovTOi 7rpo(f)f]Tai avTog EUVToii Kijpv^ kyiyETO, •
KticXyjyraL
Cid
Tu idLiXXoy-a.
to
Tvpocpalyeiy CELKyvioy
....
niXXovTa Aoyoj'
vEffdai £y ayOpojTroig.
(14.) Et irpog
ovy
he oi/y
ay
QEOvg (t.ovy Qtovg
aW y
;
ti
Tig^ hvo XiyEic
(pi)a£tEy
XiyEiy QEOvg)
.
.
Adyog
QEog wy,
Toy Gfd»^,
{(p{]aEiEy
6
(pai-
.
avTig lun
hvo fiEy ovk
kpG)
Eya, Trpoaiorra de
hvo, oiKot'Ofjiiay ce TpiTrjy, Ttjy
XdpLy TOV ay iov HyEVfiUTOg
yap
£ig, irpocnoTra
^E hvo, oTi Ka\ 6
Yiog' '^to hi
TlaT))p
TpiToy
jj-EV
to
ay toy
Uyed 'EVfJ.
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 255 IlaTrjp i.i'TeXXeTai,
Ylog
TeXeif
Aoyog
vofxiaQ
^i*
Oko-
Harijp TTiaTEverai.
ov
utto-
detKvvrai
^e
cvv ay etul
(TVfX(p(i)via
eIq 'iva
Gtov, eIq yap kcmv o
Qeoq.
O
6
yap
i^eXevu)^ Uarijpy
vTraKOvioy
he
Yiuq,
GvvtTi^ov ayiov
to
Jlarijp £7rt Travrwv,
u)y
M
Ylog dtd TcavTMV, to
Hyevfxa ev
iratjiv.
Eva Qeov
roj^iiaai
fXEdaj Eciv
Ytw Kal ayio)
ce
" AXXiog te
cvi'a-
f.ii]
IIvEVfiaTt
tti-
^lovdaloi fxkv
yap
dW
HaTEpa,
Ed6t,aaav
6
ciytov
ovtojc YlaTpl kcu
1^1^
(TTEvaojfXEy.
Ce
'O
Jlvevf-La.
Yloi'
r]v)(^api(TTt](Tai',
ovk
yap ovk
ETiiyvojcTar. ^ladr)Ta\ ETviyvoj-
aav
Y'loy,
aXX
aylo),
fxaTt
ovk ev YIvevKal
Cl o
t)pvri-
(xavTo.
He
then quotes different
passages
John
;
xvi.
amongst 28 ;
Atyei yap ovTiog TOV
HaTpoc
Tl CE
others
—
'
'Eyw
E'^ijXOoy, Kal
EffTtV TO
UaTpoc, aXX'
ek
r'/Koj.
EL,fjXd0V EK TOV ij
6
Aoyog
;
Ti
ds TO £^ avTOv yEvvr}dEV, dXX' 7/
nVEVfia,
TOVTEfTTLV
6
Ao-
yog; '
O
civTUJi^
^E
Aoyoc
Twv
(17.) Y[i(TT£V(To)fiEy ovy,
f.ld-
\6yu)i' (t. XiyoJi' h' Kctpiot dcEXcpol, fcarct r>)v
ttci-
icpdeyytro, ^i
pdhoaiy TMV 'AiroffToXioy,
on
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
256
ov
'TTOV SIC TrapciKofjCf
dovXayioyioy,
KrjQ
ftiq.
aW
avay
Qeoq Xoyog
Map/ar,
Trpoaipicrei Kn-
dipiq. eKovaifDj
TuvTOV Tov \6yov tv
Xwv.
ovpaywv
air
/car-
eXev- fjXdEV Eig T))y ayiav Trapdivov
ctt'
'lya
aapiioidElg
Xa^ojy Ce
Trig,
/cat
El,
av-
\pv\))y T))y
vffTEpoig [(ca/poTc] aTriareXXey aydpu)7riyt]y, Xoyit:))y ce Xiyoj, 6 Yiarijp ovkItl cia Trpncpyjrov
yEyoycjg
XaXeiy, ov aKoreivuJg
aydpujTTog,
tcrjpvfforo-
aW
fjievoy vTTOvoElaijai ^e'Xwj',
TOV Aoyov [otTreareXXev]] TOVTOV
opQv
Xiy(s)v\
(TOJOrr]
'iva
avTov.
aW
TTctpEffTt
avTov Traporra
Qiyov
ray
aijjfxa
TraXaioj^
KaiviiQ
Ev
Kudotjg
lia
iXriXvduTCi,
aydpojTroiQ
*
ov tu
xaVra
IlaTtjp
6
aw-
Tvpog
OvTog
ha
T-qpiav ardptoTtioy.
aydpoiirov
dia.
yofjiov fcat TTpocprfTwy EKr]pv-)(dr]
lya
Our author has ii.
Eig
elg
tjXLKio.
KotTfJLoy
E(payEp(jjdi],
(t/jottoV
Qeog
ky
(TU)fjaTL
avOpioTTog
TeXEtog
izacnv TrpoEXBitiy' ov yap
Trapojy *,
In these
Toy KOfX^oy
OvTog irpoEXdojy
ijXiKiaQ
7ra<T//
ETridEi^r]
sage in Irenajus,
TrapEaofjiEyog
TTEcpopr^Kara,
7ra<Tr]g
aydpcoTToy
'iClov
dt
oy vaTEpoig Kaipdlg,
teal
avTOQ y6jJ0QyEVi]dri kcu TOV
aXrjdEiag Xo-
ciyEiXrjcpoTa
7rXd<TEU)Q
ftt(i)
(jyajjia
EiirafXEy ayojTEpu), utt-
EffTEiXEy
icap-
ek
'iyvojfiEy
Aoyog,
ETTotrjffEy.
Toy XeXaXrjKura.
Tovroy
(V-
yog, OTL Eig E(7Tiy 6 IlaTyjp, ov
dyyeXov ^o^ovyra
cC
\pv)(Tjy,
KaL
'Ej' TidffLy oi/v utto^e-
CEiK:-ai ijjjly Tijg
jxevov cunrpoffijJTrov TrpocprjToJy,
ovde
TOy TTETTTOJKOTay
To7g TTKTTEvovffLy Elg TO
(t.
KOfTfjLOC
ovk evreXXo-
dvaoJTrrjdT]
Iff-ly
afAapTiac,
Ei^Tog
rovroy (pdapcrUiy aydpiOTzoig TrapiKryr]
(pai'epiodfjvaL'
ai/roi//ft
oVa
Trarra
Taaiav
i)
rpo7r»)r,
K'ctra
(^ay-
aW
aXr)-
words imitated the beautiful pas" Ideo per omneni
39. (ed. Potter, p. IGl.)
:
venit £etatem, et infantibus infans factus, sanctificans infantes in parvulis parvulus, sanctificans
exemplum
simul et jectionis
:
illis
pietatis
in juvenlbus juvenis,
sanctificans
Domino.
elTectus,
et justiti®
exemplum juvenibus
Sic et senior in senioribus, ut
fectus magister in omnibus,
:
banc ipsam habentes a3tatem, et subfiens, et sit
per-
non solum secundum cxpositionem
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 257
V.
on
Kai di avTOv kXiylrji
Qeog
ETToirjcrev 6
"lya de
fxr)
htj^ev
tTepog irap' yfidg
vofMadrj, Kal ndjiaTOV vitejXEive^
KoX 7reiv7]v
ovK
Kal
U)Vi
OTE
Kal KafXVU)V
Kal
Kal Trddei ovk a^rctTre,
^L^l'^f
Kal ^EiXiuiy (^EvyEi^ Kal
VTrZ/fcoi/o'e,
kv
fjievog
irdcrL
fi))
Qpiowov
KOi
wq
tov dvTTvov
'iva
(tv
Tra- Qeoq, Kal TTOTrjptov 'Kddog Trap-'
aW
dv' aiTElrai 6 did tovto itapayE*
ddvfi^gf
ofioXoyoJVf
TrporrdoK^Q (t. TrporrdoKi^y) Kal
(t. TovTu)
XvTTctrat,
7rpo(TKe(pd\aioy KadEv^Ei 6
ETzl
tovtolq
(TEavTUP
TOVTW
KOTTl^,
Kal avd- TvpodEv^oixEvoc
cnrap^d-
e(pavip(t}(reVf
\Ziov dydpu)7roVf
o
av-
ItElVq,
ffracTLV
(TV
oiiy Koi ret
EUVTOu ovk cnravaivE-
koI vwvto ripi-
S'amrw
cr)((i)u
Ovrwc
(18.) dp(jj7riva
Kal ^i\pffy rai EvdElKVVfXEVOQ OeOQ
rjdeXrjcrey
ripvrjffaro,
HrjaSy
duie yEVOIXEVOQ drdpOJTTOQ.
Trorrjpov
Trarrjp
7rapE(T')(EV
irapia^Egy
E-vwy
(bvaiy
rj)v
yoviog kv Koafxo), Kal dyioviuiy Kal
idpo7,
dyyiXov
vtt'
kv-
dvvafxovraL 6 kvdvvajjLiov Tovg Eig
avTov TrtarTEVovrag Kal &a-
vdrov KaracppoveTv epyw hd^ag'
Kal
padidorai
6
^t-
'lovda
ira-
ytvojcrKiov
tov
viro
^lovdav Tig kcTTiV
Kal UTifxd'
^ETai VTTO Kaia^a, 6 irpoTEpov utt'
avTOv
QEog'
UpaTEvofXEVog
wg
Kal VTTO 'Upojdov k^ov-
dEt'elrai 6 jxiXXiov Kpivai 7ra-
aav
Trjv
VTTO
IliXaTOv 6 Tag dadEVEiag
yifnov dvaBE^dfjLEvog*
Kal vtto
(TTpaTLlOTuiv TVaii^ETai
<0
(TTi]Kov(ri
veritatis, sed et
secundum
yfjVf Kal jxaaTii^ETaL
TTUpE-
)^/Atat )(i\ta^â&#x201A;Źe
Kal
aetatem, sanctificans siraul et seniores,
exemplura ipsis quoque fiens." But Hippoljtus has kept clear from the hasty conclusion at which Irenseus arrives, that Jesus
must have lived
to his fiftieth year.
258
ox THE " REFUTATION OE ALL HERESIES." livputL /.wpLciceg
ap-^ayyiXu)}^' daiu)y
ayyiXwr
kcu
'Iou-
vtto
i^ai
^vXo) Trpocnryjyi^vrat, 6
7n)^UQ ojQ Kafxdpav rov ovpa-
vov
Haripa
KOL rrpoQ
JDoiov
Trapariderai to TrrcujLia o a)(a)-
Tov Harpog'
pLffTOQ
klovaiav
Xahe'iv
Tidr)f.ii
pai' ^U)i}V
WurpoQ
Kal
6
ev
rove
t))v
fj-vt]-
rEi:povg
TpU]p.EpOQ
avrog
aylcTTaTcu, Ij
life
VTTO Coy
4w//.
evidence of the
human
was mani-
theme with Hippoljtus
shall find it in a third
6
yapL'CojJLElOQ' tiuX
aidiTTCiaLQ KCU
last antithesis of the
koX irXev-
EXi<T(T6fi£yog
and of the divine nature in Christ's
(he
ejuav-
citt'
rvaaE-at,
TidETai
EyEipOJl''
of
avTi]v'
TTUffLV
aiv^ovL fXEiiD
festly a favourite
'Eyw
Xoyx'7
ovk
ce
^arurov,
vtto
EtTreV
<^w/),
This
£i7rac»
Trjv \pv)(ijv
"On
avrijy.
et^vpuvero
//
^elvai
t^ax)
Kai £^ouo•/av e^io TrdXiv
f-iov,
Tov
kcu kXi-
K£(f)aXi]v EKTrrei 6
vijjv
:
for
we
undoubtedly genuine writing
his.
Taking the whole together,
I
maintain that only
one and the same author could, in two writings, having a different character and aim, express himself so similarly as to observe throughout the sion of thoughts in the
same succes-
argument and the exposition.
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 259
This will become the
way
in
who
writer
we
evident, if
which the same subject
The only
Origen.
more
still
consider
by
treated
is
agrees with the view
of Hippolytus on the relation of the Logos to the
Son, and of both to the Father and to the Spirit, Tertullian: or
As
him.
against Noetus, to
that
is
but nobody could attribute our work, regards the
countryman and cotemporary of Hippolytus, Caius the presbyter,
him
we have no
authority for ascribing to
either of these writings,
speculative dicate a
treatise
whatever.
mind more
directed
His fragments to
in-
and
philological
historical criticism: of polemical writings
know
and
or any doctrinal
by him we
only one, that against the Montanists.
Both
Hippolytus and Caius being disciples of Iren^us,
and both being members of the Church of Rome, it
might be supposed that their theological systems
would be much
alike
their points of view
but their tendencies and
:
were evidently very
different.
Origen and Hippolytus, on the other hand, have
many
points in
common
as doctrinal writers.
both had a decided speculative bent deeply in the Scriptures turn
in
;
They
both searched
and both had a fanciful
;
well
speculating, as
as
in
interpreting.
Having said thus much, I will add, that there were no two writers more different, nor two systems more divergent, at that time, in the Catholic Church. I
must
refrain here
from
entering
into
this
But dis-
ON THE
260
cussion, because
its
proper place will come when
have finished our rapid
critical
we
review of the remain-
ing writings and fragments of Hippolytus. If any one wishes to see the philosophical argu-
ments
in the
discussed,
I
homily against Noetus fully and lucidly
would
in his
Dorner's article
to
" History of the Doc-
Person of Christ,"
trine respecting the
Dorner
him
refer
on the Noetian heresy,
i.
5S2
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 536,
the only one of our critical school
is
has done justice to Hippolytus generally, particular to this homily, and to the
next have to speak
And
of.
who
and in
book we
shall
I believe the greatest
triumph of Dorner's criticism on the Noetian heresy
and on our homily the
clearer
that
to be,
and more
scientific
it
of the
now come
to light
doctrines of Hippolytus, which has
with our work.
added from
There
this to
has anticipated
exposition
nothing essential
is
to
be
the picture he has drawn from
his incomplete materials.
As
to the relative date of the
ceive that our work
more
solid,
is
The
production.
Noetus himself, which must form of Noetianism
:
the
treats of the last stage of as
head of the school.
two writings,! con-
decidedly a later, as well as a object of the treatise
at least
mean
is
the earliest
book against the
heresies
Noetianism under Callistus,
I believe the reverse to
case respecting the following polemical work.
be the
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 261 IV. Kara TTepl
Bi^pcovos koI rfkiKiwrcbv tcvcov*
aipsrtKcov
Sso\oyia9 (koI (rapKuicsois). (Fabric,
Against
225.)
i.
and some cotemporary Heretics
Vero
about Theology {and the Incarnation). I
believe
the original
^soXoylas, or Trspl Sso\oyLa9
:
for thus
in the Lateran Council of 649.
Fabric,
is
quoted
V"*.
See
external evidence for the genuineness of the
eight extracts preserved to us
Roman
of Anastasius the
And
in 649.
internal
is
I
very great, that
is
presbyter, a very learned
man, who was himself present cil
it
(Consul tatio
45.)
ii.
The
been A6<yos
to have
title
at the Lateran
Coun-
have no hesitation in adding, the
Sand having expressed
fully equal to it.f
his doubts about the authenticity, Bull defended
*
MS.
Tujv
a'lp.
pcjv
yap
Kal
:
'HXiKog tojv aip.
Fabric: TiQ
Cod. Colbert.
kui y'lXiKnoTiov alp.
tvayxoQ H^Q' kripiov
The
Tiviov^ rrjv
dfliVTfg xeipovL kuki^ KartTrapriaav Xsyovreg
Comp.
for the emendation.
work began with an
Bibl. Pat.
it
Kal 'BhKicjvog
:
passage, p. 225., B/y-
BaXtVTivov ^avraa'uiv ,
.
.
Max.
.,
is
iii.
conclusive 261.
allusion to the liturgical cherubic
This
hymn
:
"Ayiof, ayiog, ayioc, Kvpiog 2aSaa>0 ci<nyi]Tq) ^ojvp (3owivra ^fpacpi/x (t. Tci 26p.)
Tov Qshv So^dZovffi.
f The only theological word for which I will not vouch, is the title given to the Virgin Mary (fr. viii. Fabr. i. 230.), tic rijc :
Travayiag denrapOi-vov ^laniag^ for the simple reason that I do not it in any other passage of Hippolytus, nor in any genuine cotemporary writing but such an insertion of "the full title"
find
;
by the work.
copyist proves nothing against the authenticity of the
ox THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
262
with his usual learning
:
so did C.
A. Salig.*
In
our times Haenellf has attacked the genuineness of these extracts of Anastasius with
but Dorner's refutation t
is
some
ingenuit}'
what
style of the philosophical passages is so like
we
find in the
:
complete, and the
so
newly discovered work, that
it
seems
unnecessary to say a word here about
it.
In re-
ferring to Dorner's great work, I think
it
right to
say, that, although
rescued
it
is
his individual merit to
have
Hippolytus from the neglect into which
his writings
had
fallen, in
consequence of the doubts
spread respecting his person, the method of his ad-
mirable work must be considered as merely a
specimen of the German school. historical
I
mean
first
fair
his
method, that of interpreting every passage
connection with the whole range of the author's
in
ideas,
and every writer
as a portion of his age, to
be
understood from the language and ideas of his time.
The
isolated discussion of single passages
is
equally
inadequate to give the reader a certainty as to their sense, or a clear
image of the writer and of the age
also
be considered as a specimen of the
method, in the speculative it
Dorner's book must
which he lived and wrote.
in
spirit
German
which distinguishes
from similar inquiries in the seventeeth and eight-
eenth centuries. *
t
Without being
Dc Eutychianismo ante Eutycli. Dc Ilippolyto Episcopo. 1828.
at
home
in the re-
1723. J
p.
536â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 548.
:
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 263
V.
gion of speculation, and conversant with the method of speculative philosophy, nobody can understand the of that time, or do jus-
metaphysical controversies
tice to the writers of the first three centuries.
nobody can understand the
three verses of St.
first
John's Gospel, without being
Nay,
home
at
in those re-
gions of tliought, to which the questions respecting the Logos belong.
hope
I
any disrespect to that vine, bishop Bull lative philosopher
He
one.
often
foundation disciple of all
;
:
;
may
I
trul}'
say so without
learned and acute di-
but certainly he was no specunor
makes
method a
truly historical
assertions also
which have no
his
is
as, for instance,
that Hippolytus was a
Clemens of Alexandria. Bull
asserts, that
ancient authors say so, whereas nobody says
so.
Bossuet has praised and thanked him for his book I
do not think he would have done
Bull adopted a truly
historical
so,
had
bishoj3
and philosophical
method. Referring therefore entirely
to Dorner's re-
presentation of the real state and of
all
the depths
of the controversy, I wish only to call your attention to a striking passage in the isolated fragment
of the treatise against Vero, in the " Acts of the
Lateran Council."
It says,
of willing, not of not-willing
*'
:
God
has the power
for that
would be-
long to a changeable and a choosing being.
God's eternal will that establishes what into being;
and the same
will preserves
is
It is
called
what has been
OX THE
264
^^
REFUTATION OF ALL nERESIES." This
called into being."*
is
of the
logical substruction
nothing but the onto-
tlieory
about man's free
which we meet with in the second
will,
article of
our author's Confession of Faith.
You
will also observe a striking internal analogy
between the polemics of the
treatise against the con-
argument
fusion {av^KpLo-Ls) of substances, and the against Callistus' quasi-Patripassianism.
Certainly the treatise in question seems to have
been the most
production
metaphysical
poly tus, to judge from the extracts it
to
be one of his
latest.
Hip-
of
I also believe
;
His expressions about
Veroj- show that he was a cotemporary
:
probably
he lived under Alexander Severus; and bis school only became
work
written his is
known
to
against
Hippolytus after he had all
the heresies.
For there
not a word about this heresy in our book
would
at least
have referred to this
had existed when he wrote I believe it to
* Fabric,
i()
yet,
ii.
his
treatise,
summary.
if it
Nor can
have formed part of our great work in
45.: To ^tKnv tx^i o Qedc, ov to
yap TOVTO Kal irpoaipiTOv' fitva
;
from the author's constant practice, he
to judge
Kai ytvofxeva
fi'ivfi
dUi(i>
yap
^fXiifiari
//t)
^tXeiv. TptTrrov
Qtov BTrerai tu
yn-o'-
auj^oneva.
t Beron must, from the analogy of Balentinus, represent the Latin Yero, which we know as a name by a Christian inscription (Boldetti, Osserv.
writing IJaXn'TTmc in '
is
ii.
13. p. 487.), "
our own IMS., the Ebionites
ECiujv'iTcii,
in
another
Aurelius Berun.'
The
that of the MS., not of Hippolytus. Thus,
Kviaiiovaloi.
are called, in one passage,
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 265 completeness
its
much
is
it
:
too detailed for our
composition.
V. ITpo?
^
^IovBa[ov9, or AttoBslktckt) 7rpo9 ^lovBaiovs.
Demonstrative Address (Fabr.
ii.
Our fragment
p.
2â&#x20AC;&#x201D;b.
to the
Cf.
i.
Jews.
218. sq.)
Greek text of
of the
this
work,
from a Vatican manuscript communicated to Fabricius
by Montfaucon, exhibits
of a regular homily.
treatise,
to us
the fragment
although in the form of a
This was probably the
first
work men-
we shall The author quotes (c. ix.) the Book of Wisdom (2o(/)ta) as a prophetic work of Solomon
tioned on the cathedra of Hippolytus, as see presently.
;
which
name
is
a novelty, as the ancient fathers gave the
of Sophia to the Proverbs
;
and which proves
that he had not the slightest notion of the characteristics
of the style and
I cannot say
much more
ideas of Solomon's age.
Davidic interpreta-
for his
tion of the 69th Psalm, of which Calvin
correct idea*,
when
lot of the just
and the
he said, that
appendix
iii.
had a very
represented the
faithful.
The anonymous author gives, in
it
(pp.
of the " Acta
449
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Martyrum"
488.), the text of an
old Latin translation of a considerable part of the
* Hengstenberg's Psalmen, Ps. Ixix.
N
fragment preserved to us in Greek. covered
it
Cyprian. daeos."
He
had
dis-
among the spurious works ascribed to The title is " Demonstratio adversus Jubegins exactly with the
It
first
words of
our Greek fragment, which cannot have been the
opening of the address, but was probably the begin-
The Greek
ning of the peroration. first
two chapters of
What
follows (ch.
this very
3â&#x20AC;&#x201D;7.
text forms the
remarkable fragment.
b.â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 458.)
pp. 452.
is
far
more interesting than the part preserved in the
Greek
text.
The author no longer
texts of their prophets
:
he speaks
appeals to the Spirit in them.
"The
he says, "is the Spirit; through are seen
:
if,
therefore,
you
what
stands)
is
like to
things spiritual
we have not an
treatise,
attack
knows (under-
like
Hence we
upon the Jews
see
in this
but an address to them, an appeal to their
conscience and intellect. tise is
you un-
These words may be
it.'*
considered as the theme of the whole. that
he
eye of the mind,"
Him
are spiritual,
For
derstand heavenly things.
appeals to sacred
to their hearts,
The
character of the trea-
that of an eloquent writer,
Plato, and
who had not only a deep
who had
ligence, but also a heart full of Christ, to his brethren.
studied
Christian intel-
and of love
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 267 VI. Upo^ ''KWrjvas \670y,
or
JJspl rrjs rod nravros alrias
Upos TlXdrcova (or ovalas),
or
:
or TlspX
Tov iravTos.
Address
to
the Hellenes ^ or to Plato
or
:
On
the
Cause (or substance) of the Universe, or On the Universe,
(Fabr.
On
the
mentioned
my
second
title
also
i.
p. 220. sqq.)
and the authorship of on the cathedra,
To me
letter.
I
this treatise,
have said enough in
the most remarkable part
of the concluding fragment preserved to us
is
the gra-
Hippolytus had no more
phic description of Hades.
authority or materials for writing this as a piece of revelation or divine history than terials
we have
:
as to
ma-
he may perhaps have used the Apocalypse
of Peter.
But he evidently
intends, in this piece
of rhetorical description, to emulate the celebrated
myth, which in the Gorgias we find placed in the
mouth of
Socrates, respecting the
it
to
I think, that
d/>
mind of Hippolytus
ever entered the
any authority
judgment and the
Nor
state of the soul after death.
But
his rhapsody.
to attribute
in process of
time some of his phrases got into the liturgies of
both Churches, and were then canonized by those
who canonized *
Take
this instance
ttvXt) l^e(7Tu>Ta
cuXOovns
01
and rubrics.*
liturgies
:
M/a
apxdyyeXov
tovto to
tiQ
iifia
Karayofin'oi vtto tiov
N
Hippolytus
x'^P'-ov kAQo^oc,
ov
tj]
arpaTiq, tTnaTevKafxev' i)v Tri'X/yf Itti
2
Tag
\pvx(ig TiTayf.ikvojv ayy'i."
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
268
dreamt of no such thing
for the Gentile
:
substituted a Christian tale, founded on bolical expressions in the parables
he
tales
some sym-
and the Apoca-
on certain phrases in some apocryphal work,
lypse, or
availing himself also judiciously of a beautiful line
Pindar or
in
it
sucli
innocent poetry this
Lxx. ad Magnum). xlvii.) gives a
p.
Great,
so
?
dark ages misunderstood
his fault that later
Jerome quotes
It has
"Why should he not do
in Plato.
Was
?
work, as " Contra Gentes
"
Gallandi (in the Preface,
(Ep. t.
ii.
fragment overlooked by Fabricius.
been preserved by Philoponus (De Mundi It is curious
16.).
iii.
enough, as a new proof
how much Hippolytus was bent upon
physical phi-
losophy.* Xwr ov
m^
aW
oCip TTopevovrai'
fxevoi Kai vtto Tuiv i(pt(TTioTUJv tig
x^pjof
&c.
Then
<pu)Ttiv6v.
Compare with
Constlt.
viii.
41.
ra^ov tavTov iv
:
f.uv ciKatoi tig ^f^ia
oi
Kara tottov dyyfXwi'
follows about the
dyovrai
bosom of Abraham,
prayer in the Apostolic
this the Hturgical
'AyyiXovg
(pwrayoyov-
vjivovfxfvoi
ti'yevt7g irapaarrinoi' avrcf Ka\
Ttp koXtt^J TixJv Trarpiapx<Jiv.
Kara-
Similar phrases are
found very early in the formularies of the Greek and Western Churches. When shall we have a critical Codex Liturgicus ? *
To ovVy
TfvijOsruj artptdJi^a iv
fitrroj
v^arog, ov fitra^v Xtyti rov
KUTio vcarog ti]V rov aTtpiM/jarog ytv'taOai (pvaiv^
'EQpalog tv
irtpi
rip
tov navrdg airing
T/am, Xiywr, Cujpr]aQai to v^WjO, Kal to fiiv TpiTOv (TVfiTrayiji'ai
The
'lojcrrjTrog
avTov
tov cTTtptio^aTog' to dt TpiTOV tvaTrofith'ai
XoiTTov TpiTov iv Tolg voTioig fig pHofiaTi.
ujg
'Ev
text has
To~ig :
voTioig
vrl/og
means
iv To7g vioroig^
6
cvyypani^iari jSovXtrai' tig tig y'tvtaiv KciTio'
to ^t
<TVvavaKOV(piaGi]vai T(p art'
in the rainy austral regions.
which
is
unintelligible.
of course takes care not to touch this nonsense at
Gallandi all.
He
LETTER As
niPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WEITINGS. 269
V.
work
this
is
quoted in the
Heresies, so he quotes in trinal works,
on the
treatise
(p. 222.) earlier doc-
it
where he had treated more accurately
on the person of Christ.
The concluding doxology
simple and apostolic*
is
VII. Special polemical Writings against Heretics* article against
In the introduction to the
Marcus,
Hippolytus refers to a book of his against the Sor-
One might suppose
cerers.-f-
at first sight, that the
exposure of the scandalous juggling tricks which
some heretics practised West, was
in the East,
contained in a special
book of our
alludes to the fourth
and even in the
work. *'
But he only
Refutation."
I
those tricks certainly were
will only say here, that
not of Christian invention, but practised, not only
by the Egyptians, but
also
by the Greeks.
This
is
proved among other things by the remarkable trea-
on Pneumatics by Hero of Alexandria^,
tise
translates, " per rarefactionem
criti-
una cum firmamento elevatum,"
instead of " in regionibus pluviosis in altitudineni firmamenti tollitur."
*
.
.
.
TO KpaTOQ
o(ra 6 tig
QtOQ
troifiaffs rolg
Ta f IV. p. 200. 50. iv ry KUTO. f-idyMV f3iâ&#x201A;Ź\(i} :
TovTov
(jAdpKov)
iS,e9iixt6a.
ayairiZaiv avrov' avr(^
Tovg aliZvaq Tuiv alojvcjv. Ss
Swdiieva tovto
TrpoeiTro/xtv
rhv tex^H^
i)
^Uu,a /cat
'Ajxrjv.
o/xoiiog
Trapacrxt'^v (pdpixnKa
UOsnei'Oi.
Iv
Indeed we read the passage,
rrj
201. 66.:
rrpoeipijfiBVjj
iv. p. 66. 7.
Kai jSi^Xcp
Compare
75. 49, I
The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria. N
3
Translated by
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
270
cally edited and strikingly illustrated this very year by Mr. Bennet Woodcroft, Professor of Machinery
London University
the
in
Some
College.
of the
very ingenious mechanical tricks here explained refer
and temples, and can scarcely have been
to altars
vented for private
We
in-
amusement.*
have indeed the
titles
of
other polemical
writings of Hippolytus against heretical teachers and
but without quotations from them, and there-
sects,
fore are unable
covered, or were
At
homilies.
whether they formed part
to say
work against the Heresies, now
of the general
all
was considered
re-
independent special treatises or events they prove that Hippolytus
as the great controversial writer
and
defender of the Catholic faith in the Western Church of his
Thus Hippolytus
time.
(Fabric,
i.
p. 223.) is
NL/co\atra9
quoted, without any further in-
Our
dication of the contents.
meagre enough
IIpo9
article
on
this sect is
to render it probable that its author
wrote a fuller one on the subject: only he does not refer to
proof,
it.
This
may be
that the article
is
possess only an extract.
considered as an additional
amongst those of which we Besides, I believe his special
Greenwood, and edited by Bennet Woodcroft, I80I. Hero about 150 b.c. at all events he cannot be later than about a hundred years before our era. * Thus: f. i. 11. Libations on an altar produced by fire;
Mr.
J. G.
He
places
ii.
21.
duced door.
:
A sacrificial vessel, which flows only when ;
ii.
17.
money
is
intro-
Sounds produced on the opening of a temple
LETTER V. HIPPOLTTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 271 treatises
his
own
He
were
directed against errors prevalent in
all
time.
might therefore
Hippolytus
against Marcion.
write such a treatise
easily
IT/DOS'
by Jerome and by Nicephorus
The
i.
latter calls it a controversial writing
TiKov TTpos MapKLcova).
"
MapKtcova
(Fabric,
On Good, and
cited
(avTipjyr]-
does not notice that
the Origin of Evil," mentioned on
the cathedra, this cellus says,
As he
is
p. 222.).
may perhaps be
the same.
Syn-
Hippolytus wrote against Marcion and
the other heretics, which also seems to point to a particular treatise.
In Hebed Jesu's catalogue of Chaldee divinity a treatise of Hippolytus
books (Fabr.
i.
p. 22^.),
against Caius
is
mentioned.
I adopt the conjecture
of Fabricius, that this must have been a writing against the Cdianites (Kalavcov),
whom
Hippolytus
mentions at the close of his ninth book.*
DOCTRINAL WRITINGS.
Under as have
this
head
I
no polemical
range such theological works titles,
or contain, so far as our
fragments go, no controversial reasoning. * Kaivioi'^ in the passage referred to, instead of Knm^Jj', one of the innumerable miswritings in the MS.
N 4
is
ON THE
272
Uspl ^Am-cxplarov.
I.
Against Antichrist,
The existence of such a treatise by Hippolytus was known from the ancient authors, who give us a list of especially from Jerome. his works, But a work in
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
the form of a homily, published in 1556 by a Parisian
Greek and Latin, proved
canon, Johannes Picus, in
many
soon to be one of the
which owe their
forgeries
origin to the fourth or fifth century
exception of Baronius, no
by
man
The genuine work
it.*
and, with the
;
of note was taken in
of Hippolytus was
first
edited in the year 1661, from two French manuscripts,
by Marquard Gudius, a young divine of Holstein. Combefisius in 1672 added a Latin translation (Fabr. i.
p. 4.
sqq.).
addressed to a friend and bro-
It is
Theophilus, and, bears
ther,
but, compared with his other
Hippolytus' style f,
*
Fabric. Append, ad
j"
Compare
p. 4., 'Tovto noi
witli the
same expression
i/Toj,
llpoKtiTai
T(p
iJtv
I.
;
ib.
Christ, in the 10th book,
i.
to
\iyovTi
Haer. ix. p. 288. 82.
the characteristics of
:
p. 2. sqq.
k<p6diov iv
rip
I'vv
(B'toj
aKiv^vtov
in the Prooem. adv. Haer.
aKii'dwov
'O tov Qtov
and elsewhere
i^tLTrdi',
Tralg instead
in
;
p. 5.
:
with Adv. of
v'wc^
of
other writings of Hip-
The exclamation //>} TrXavcJ, ix. p. 336. 18., occurs The expression ra tov \6yov nvan'ipia, and the Doxology,
polytus. p. 5.
are found in the concluding frngment of the "Epistle to Dio-
gnetus,
'
which
I
have claimed for Hippolytus.
! ;
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 273
V.
writings,
show a more youthful and he refers in this treatise to what
would seem
timid mind.
Still
to
he had said before in other writings respecting This composition
person of Christ.
value as interpretation, than any of the apocalyptic
way down
tlie
more
successors in
its
His
to our days.
calcula-
based upon Daniel and the Apocalypse, are
tions,
we have been doomed
quite as absurd as those which to see printed (and praised
He
of no
is
and believed)
makes out that Antichrist
after Christ,
in our days.
come 500 years
will
from the tribe of Dan, and rebuild the
Jewish temple at Jerusalem.
He
quotes some apo-
cryphal works, besides the canonical writings, and,
above
all,
the Apocalypse, which, on this occasion,
he expressly declares to with
all
these
thoughts in the there in
be
What
book.
moon
(chap. xii.
1. sqq.),
Mary
!
some luminous
an intelligence
woman
the
in
is
the
standing upon
stars,
compared with that
who
given by the medieval fathers,
Virgin
But,
John.
St.
are
interpretation of
his
Apocalypse with the twelve the
by
there
faults,
see in her the
and what deep theology^ compared
with the commentators of the old Protestant school
Hippolytus says
(p. 30.)
:
" The
woman is
the
Church
the twelve stars are the Twelve Apostles, her founders
;
and the child she brings forth
she continually gives birth to." that this last idea
is
is
It
Christ, is
whom
remarkable,
expressed in almost the same N
5
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES,"
274
more
\^ords, only I
concisely, in the fragment
which
believe to be the conclusion of our work.*
Some alludes,
interpretations
his
of the fourth beast in Daniel, to
of the empire in his time
sion
seems to
me
Hippolytus
have conceived, that
writers in
entirely unfounded.
of
ten
the
horns
some great convul;
but
this
All
opinion
can find in
I
those passages, as indicative of the time in which
were written
tliey
28, 29.),
(ยง
is
the existence of a
very strong, iron, military government
when
to point to the time
;
and
this
seems
the power of Septimius
Severus was firmly established, after fierce contests
and sanguinary come, to the
The
battles.
last
rest relates to things to
age of the world, which he thought
about three centuries distant.
As we
possess
this
treatise
we may
complete,
Hippolytus has not pointed by
assert positively that
word in it to the time when he wrote it. Thus much only may be conjectured, that it must
a single
have been written after the tenth year of Septimius Severus. tlie
This was the year in which, according to
interpretation of Judas, the world was to perish
and we learn from Eusebius (Hist. Eccl.
*
vZaa
'Ev yncTTpi txovcra Ik Kapciag
....
'
EirovpiivioQ
yevviofifvor.
Kpa'Cei,
rov Aoyoj/,
tan
.
toi'
.
.
iv
on
(3a<ri\evg Kai
The words
ov rravaerai
KocffKi) vir'
t)
;
that
tKKXjjaia yiv-
arcianov ^loJKOfiivov
ovk trriyeiog 6
dt
avTtJg dii
in the fragment, printed as the con-
clusion of the "Ei)istlc to Diognetus," are:
ayiwv Kapciatg
vi. 7.)
ytvinoyitvoQ,
'
TrdvTOTt viog tV
LETTER
HlI'POIiYTUS' LIFE
V.
AND WRITINGS. 275 among
Judas' prophecy
spread a great terror
Christians, their
minds being powerfully seized by
Now
the foreboding of imminent persecutions.
must have ceased when Hippolytus wrote
fright
there
is
not an allusion to
Uspl
II.
the
;
this
for
from beginning to end.
it
x^pLcr/jLaTcov dirocTToXLKrj irapaZocris^
The Apostolic Tradition respecting
the Gifts of the
Holy Spirit (on the cathedra). I
hope to prove in another place that
not entirely extracts
;
lost,
but preserved
in
some Ethiopic Canons, and
in
this
book
is
two corrupted in the older
text of a part of the eighth book of the Apostolical
The saying
Constitutions.
Lucin. Fabr.
i.
of Jerome (Ep. 28. ad
p. 259.), that Hippolytus
had written
on the questions whether Christians ought to on the Sabbath, and communicate every day, to this
book of III.
his.
Tisp)
On God, and The
%sov Koi aapKos
avaa-Taasoiys.
on the Resurrection of the Flesh,
of a lost
title
fast
refers
doctrinal
work, named
on
the cathedra.
IV.
Tispl TCL'yaOov koX ttoOsv to KaKOV.
On Good and
the Origin of
Likewise on the cathedra Marcion.
:
EviL
perhaps a work against
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL TKRESIES."
276
V. UpOTpSTTTlKOf
TTpOS ^S^TJpSLVaV,
Hortatory Sermon
to
Likewise on the cathedra. the
Severina.
This
is
undoubtedly
which, Theodoret says, Hippolytus ad-
letter
This
dressed to a certain princess (BacrtXtSa).
an expression for the empress (Sebaste); nor
name of an empress
rina the
of his time
is
is
not
Seve-
she was
:
most probably, therefore, a daughter of Alexander Severus.
Of
Theodoret has preserved two frag-
this epistle
ments (Fabr. tion, as a
p. 92*.),
i.
both on Christ's resurrec-
commentary upon
phraseology
is
1
The
Cor. xv. 20. 23.
strikingly analogous to a passage in
the " Confession of Faith."*
VI. Doctrinal festal Homilies.
To
the same class of purely doctrinal works seem
also to
belong the festal sermons quoted by different
authors, such as 1.
Aoyos
ra
els
ar^ia
^so^dvsia,
A
{baptismal)
Sermon on Einjphany. (Fabr. i. p. 261.). The text was given by Fabricius from a MS. in the library of
Thomas Gale, * 'Qc
*K
him from England.
rov avTov (pvpa^aTOQ adpKa XaÂŁu)v:
X. 338. 78., lafxtv
anapxn^
sent to
tov
ttoiovixivoq
KaO' vfidg
ttjq
ruiv
compare with
^vpdfiaTog ysyovora.
diKaiuJv capKoq:
Many
Again,
compared with
dTrapKdfitvuQ Iv Tram tovtoiq tov idiop dvOpmirov (ib.
i.
8G.).
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 277 thoughts and expressions remind us of our Thus (c. vii. p. 263.), " The beloved gework. of
its
nerates love, and the immaterial light the inacces-
and " Christ has become manifest, his
sible light,"
appearance was not a semblance " i(j)avr]).
The
controversy with the Gnostics. ingly
(Jirscjxivr],
ovk
This phrase expresses most happily the startling,
seem-
pantheistic expressions in the last article of
Hippolytus' " Confession" have here their in the words (p. 264.
become immortal, he
"
will also be
Holy
that the
'^
ing (p. 264.),
c. viii.),
If,
full
then,
God. "* Spirit
match
man The
has say-
the water
is
which waters Paradise," reminds us of the mystic expression, in what, I believe, formed the conclusion
of our work, the fragment
commonly
assigned to
the "Epistle to Diognetus," where the heart of the faithful is taken as the field in
which the
tw^o trees
of Paradise grow. 2.
A
similar homily of Hippolytus on Easter,
known (^sls The *' Acts
to
Fabr.
of the Lateran Council of
passage from 3.
ÂŁ^i]yr)ac9,
'n-da')(a
it
The same
(Fabr. is
ii.
i.
640" quote a
p. 45.).
probably the case with the Sermons
on the Distribution of the Talents, and on the Thieves (Fabr. 4.
Perhaps,
i.
was
p. 281.).
Two
p. 281.).
also, the
two beautiful anecdotes of
the Corinthian Virgin, and of the youth Palladius,
* El ovv dOavaTog yiyoviv 6 dv9pb)iToc^ tarai Koi Geo'g.
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
278
were related p. 283.
(Fabr.
one of these homilies
in
i.
sq.).
C.
HISTORICAL WORKS.
I.
The {Book,
XpoviKwp (cathedra).
or
Books of
the)
Chronicles,
About the same time with
Julius Africanus, or
twenty years later at the utmost, Hippolytus under-
Eusebius mentions
took a chronographic work.
According to
down
his rather confused account, it
to the first year of
work
polytus refers to this
which occasion
1
Alexander Severus.
spoke on
in the tenth its
subject, as
it.
went Hip-
book, on it is
pre-
served in a Latin translation of the time of Charle-
magne.
(Fabr.
that the dosius),
i.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
tianus,
and
copied
him,
that,
Roman
tlie
Syncellus
early
Roman
that of Eusebius. tial
bishops
Maximus
the
adopted
mere conjecture, though
of
Dodwell conjectures,
59.)
had used Hippolytus' chronography for
chronology of the
is
46
Byzantine monk, Anianus (under Theo-
down
to
his
Pon-
Confessor having this
list.
Syncellus'
All this
chronology
bishops certainly differs fron)
I believe that a fresh
and impar-
examination of the unsettled question respect-
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 279
the history and the succession of the
ing
Roman
bishops before Sylvester, and more particularly before Cornelius, will prove that the catalogue of the
Roman
bishops given by Hippolytus (which, as
is
credibly recorded, formed part of his " Chronicle,")
made an epoch
The
in this matter.
catalogue of
Hippolytus must originally have ended with Callistus
for
;
the end of
Callistus coincides
accession of Alexander Severus, with the
of
whom
may to
his list of
with
Pontianus,
first
emperors concluded.
in subsequent editions have
ported to Sardinia.
with
whom
Now
the
year
But
it
been carried down
Hippolytus was transcan scarcely be acci-
it
dental that the most ancient
list
which has come
down to us, of the year 354, the " Catalogus Liberianus," also called " Bucherianus," has an unmistakable line of demarcation at the beginning of Pontianus.
The method adopted down
to
Urbanus, the prede-
cessor of Pontianus, differs decidedly
ployed subsequently.
My
this first part is extracted
lytus.
I
possession
;
ever I publish the
Roman
I shall give
my
is,
that
from the work of Hippo-
have further proofs of
and
from that em-
belief therefore
this assertion in
my
account of them, when-
" Restoration of the Succession of
Bishops before the time of Cornelius
"
now
of particular impor-
tance, in consequence of the abuse
made by Schwegler,
(written in 1847)
:
a question
and others of the Tubingen school, of the present *N 8
280 ON THE '^REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES." uncertainty of some
and not
It
dates.
must be
confessed,
been treated uncritically by Baronius,
that, having-
by Pagi,
settled
question has been
this
involved in confusion by Dodwell and Vignolles.
have endeavoured to
establish
inquiry, with the help of
hope that tial, it
my
new documents
investigation, as
;
and I
has been impar-
it
has not been altogether unsuccessful
entirely
I
method of
a safer
:
I
am
sure
demolishes the fabulous chronology of
Tubingen.*
But our Latin text seems
to
be only an abstract
Hippolytus' original work must
or an introduction.
have been more like a chronological canon, with historical
We
notes.
have a fragment of the Greek
text of this nature (Fabr.
App.
p. 41.)
quoted by
Cedrenus, and relating that, under Nero, John the
was recalled from Patmos to Ephesus. The " Chronicle" of Hippolytus became, like the
apostle
Apostolic Tradition, a fruitful source of forgeries. these belong: "
Apostles," "
The Holy Hippolytus on
On
the
the
To
Twelve
Seventy Disciples, with their
Names." (See, on both, Fabr.
i.
p. 50. sqq.) I
regard
the " Chronicle of Hippolytus the Theban," and that
personage himself, as merely part of those forgeries. (Fabr. append, to vol. *
Mommscn,
i.
pp. 43
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 50.)
in his excellent critical "
Essay on the Chrono-
graphy of the year 354" (1850), lias perfectly established the truth of Ducange's conjecture, that this list of the Roman bishops is taken from the work of Hippolytus (pp. 594-598. G37-G44.).
— LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WKITIXGS. 281
II. ^AttoBsl^i^ 'x^povwv rod iraa'ya
Kara ra
sv irivaKi,
Demonstration of the Time of Easter according
to
the Table.
This
is
the
of Hippolytus' book on the cele-
title
bration of Easter mentioned on the cathedra.
D.
EXEGETICAL WORKS. I.
On
('OjULiXLat) Els' Trdaas
Holy Scriptures (Cathedra).
all the
The stone-mason has engraved is
ras ypacpdy.
wBai, songs, which
absurd, instead of an abbreviation of oixCklai, for
which word there
is
no
place.
There are besides mentioned on the cathedra the following exegetical works, to which to refer in their {AtriyT]o-i9)
on the Psalms
proper places
Ets- yfraXf^ovs ;
—
Witch of Endor ; FivayysXlov Kal
cording
to
John^
^
:
we
shall
evidently commentaries
(Ets" rrjv) *l^yyao-Tpl/jLv6ov
— and
'Tirep rod
AnroKaXvy^sws
and
the
have
;
:
On
Kara the
Apocalypse.
:
On
the
'Io)dvv7)v
Gospel ac-
This
title
seems to indicate, that the book was written as an explanation of the origin and date, perhaps in defence against an attack, or in rectification of a vulgar error.
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
282
On
II.
As
Old Testament,
the Historical IVorks of the
to the extent of the exegetical compositions
Hip-
of Hippolytus, the ancient authors declare, that
poljtus wrote commentaries on most works of the
New, Testament.
Old, and on some of the
On
the
Hexaemeron,
or the Six
Days of the Creation.
Extracts in Jerome, Ep. cxxv. ad i.
p. 2QQ.)
i.
p. 7.).
On On
J.
;
the Pentateuch.
Prophets
the
Damasum
Damascen. ParalL opp.
;
Extracts in Fabr. in particular
on
(Fabr.
787. (Fabr.
ii.
ii.
p. ^^. sqq.
Ezekiel and
Daniel.
On
the
Book
KOI Trjv "Kvvav (Fabr.
Fabric.
On
1.
miracle, to the
p. ^G7.). Kls rrjv syyaarpi-'
De
:
Saule et Pytho-
1.).
Book of Kings
the
i.
Jerome
fivOov (Cathedra. nissa.
Fragment E/s tov 'EXKavav
of Samuel.
;
the history of Hezekiah's
which he explains by imagining a parallel
Amphitryonic night,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a day of
thirty-two
hours instead of twenty-four (Greek text.
Fabr.
p. 31.).
ii.
On
III.
Psalms and
the
the Songs of the
Old Testa-
ment.
The
first
work mentioned of
the
Psalms.
Tovs
y\ra\fjLovs
(Fabr.
i.
beginning of the work.
from
it
this class is that
Nicephorus quotes the
(Fabr.
i.
p.
p.
267.).
He
8Lt]y)]o-Ls
on sis
has preserved the
Theodoret quotes a passage
268.), graphically describing the
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 283 humanity and of true divinity
signs both of true
the history of Christ's
life,
in
exactly like the passage
(although differing in words) in the work against
Noetus, on which I have commented above.
Here
also
we owe
to the
Roman
prelate a con-
siderable addition to the fragments printed by Fabri-
He
and Gallandi.
cius (ii.
439
to the
has given in the appendix
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 448) the complete text of
the introduction
commentary, of which we had only the This text
period.
is
first
found according to him in two
manuscripts, one in the library of the Minerva at
Rome tican
(Casanatensis, O.
codex (1759).
T. a.),
and the other the Va-
In the latter the text
is
muti-
lated at the beginning.
The
fragment
bears
the
title
'liriroXvTov
:
^FtTTCaKOTTOV 'V(Ofl7]S 'TTToOsaiS Bt7}yi]aÂŁQ)9 sis T0V9 fjbovs.
It
First, for
We
is
rov
^ok-
of great interest, for various reasons.
the knowledge of Hippolytus' real style.
discover here the clear and lucid
method of
dis-
cussion, and the easy exposition of the subject, which
we is
generally find in Hippolytus, wherever the text
not
corrupted.
It
treats on the authors of the
Psalms, their relative age, and original division, the
mode
of performance, and the difference
Psalms and Songs, or Odes
between
According to
{(phai).
him the Psalter contains both Psalms, performed
by the musical instrument alone,
and
instrument.
Odes,
Both
where
(nabla,
the psalterium)
the voice
answered the
kinds were mixed,
so that
we
;
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
284
of course,
Odes of Psalms.
of Odes, and
have Psalms
a mistake
is
but Hippoljtus
:
is
This
right in
distinguishing the two leading elements in the sacred lyrics
Psalm, which
the
;
is
the
Semitic element,
advancing by hemistichs, of which the second the echo of the
as it were,
first
;
is,
and the Hymn, or
the Japhetic element, then existing only in the imperfect
Greek form,
Ode, but which a hundred
as an
years later developed itself into the Latin
Hymn,
through Ambrose, at Milan.
The most remarkable passage because
it
shows how
which seems
superstition
is
far the fathers to
the
following
were from that
have crept into the
minds even of some learned and eminent men this country,
who
write on the Psalms as if
it
part and parcel of orthodoxy to believe that
them
him
are
in
were all
of
by David, and that they were composed by
by him and
(or at the utmost
his friends) for
the use of the congregation, as an official hj^mn-book
whereas such an opinion
is
;
nothing but a proof of
ignorance, and, in divines, of a contempt for truth
and learning.
The words Jews
are these
called the Psalter
hillim, the
Book
:
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; After having
Sephra Thelim (Sepher Te-
name of an The reason thereof is
of Songs) without any
author, Hippolytus adds this, that the
said, that the
:
**
compositions were not written by one
;
but Esdras collected those of several authors, as the traditions inform us, in the time after the Captivity
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 285
V.
when he united
the Psalms of different writers, or
rather Songs in general (\6yovs)
the
name
by Jeduthun
{'1Sl6ov/jl),
men
they are not of
them have
some that of
There are
also
some
and besides some by the sons
of Korah, also by Moses. these
for
of David prefixed to them,
Solomon, others that of Asaph.
all
;
In consequence, some
Psalms.
all
Now
the compositions of
collected together will not be called the
Psalms of David alone by any one who understands the matter."
The
text
very readable
is
:
in the
first
period some
inaccuracies in our ordinary text are corrected.
His description of the nabla ing-brass above,
is
sound-
the source of St. Augustin's ac-
count (Winer, R.L.
Connected with
as having the
ii.
this
125.).
commentary on the Psalms,
was that on the Songs of the Old Testament. Nicephorus quotes the commentary upon the " dajjLaTa^' Eusebius, in his
in the plural.
list,
mentions that
on the Song of Solomon (of which we have a fragment, Fabr.
One
i.
of the
which,
our
p. 101.),
p. 278.).
prelate
justly
observes
(Acta
cohr),
Mart,
cannot mean, as Eabricius supposes, the
119th Psalm, but of Moses.
This therefore was only a part.
other Canticles was the ^eyaXT]
is
the proper term for the
Song
The fragment quoted by Theodoret (Fabr.
269.) belongs therefore to this work, and not to that
on the Psalms.
286
ON THE On
IV.
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
'^
who
223.,
ii.
fragment known
There
tion.)
Proverbs
i.
Ecclesiastes,
i.*p. 1^69.,
and Mai, CoUectio
gives the
Greek text of a
Oil the Proverbs. (Fiibr. Vatic,
and
the Proverbs
substantially in a Latin transla-
is
also a
9. in
Fabr.
fragment of Hippolytus on i.
misplaced by the
p. 282.,
editor.
On
Fabr.
Ecclesiastes.
i.
270.
p.
V. On the Prophets,
On On
the Prophet Isaiah.
by Syncellus,
On
Fabr.
the Prophet Ezekiel.
i.
p. 271.
Fabr.
i.
p. 271.
(named
p. 358.)
the Prophet Daniel.
Fabr.
Theodoret, and by Photius,
c.
i.
271. (named by
p.
203.).
Jerome
says,
Hippolytus' historical explanation of the seventy
weeks did not Fabr. this
i.
p.
with history and chronology.
tally
272.
We
have a genuine fragment of
exphmation in Fabr.
i.
p.
278. on Daniel's
Life and Time.
On
the Prophet Zechariah.
VI.
On
the
New
Fabr.
i.
p.
279.
Testament.
As to the New Testament, we have mention of a Commentary on St. Matthew, and on the Gospel and Apocalypse of *
The Syriac
St.
John.*
jNISS. discovered in the
Libyan Desert and
LETTER
No
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 287
V.
doubt, the greater
number
of the fragments of
these exegetical works preserved to us are childish.
What
other word shall I use for such interpretations
as that
'*
Isaac bears the image of
Rebecca of the Holy
Spirit
God
Esau of the
;
Jacob of the Church and of Christ ?
grew
Rebecca, that
devil
;
That Jacob
is
to say, Patience, gave intelligence
These are
of the brothers' dispositions.
some specimens given by Jerome. believe that in these fragments
men
"
means the consummation of the world.
old,
to Isaac
the Father;
But
we have
do not
I
a fair speci-
of the value of the works as a whole.
We
see
now, by the new fragments published in the " Acta
Martyrum," that the quotations do not give the most sensible
part, the historical illustrations,
and
the truly philosophical, though perhaps incorrectly
expressed thoughts.
even our old fragments, in
Still
explored by Cureton contain, as
my
excellent friend has kindly
communicated to me, quotations (of the following works of Hippolytus
slight
importance) from
:
" Apostolical Collections." " Commentary on Daniel." " " "
The only
Commentary on the Psalms." Sermon on the Resurrection." Sermon on the Epiphany."
interesting article
is
the
first.
It
may be
the ge-
nuine text of what we knew only as a forgery, under the title of the "Eighth Book of the Apostolic Constitutions," and then perhaps only a part of the book mentioned on the cathedra, that
is,
the
*'
Apostolical Tradition on the Gifts of the
Spirit." i^
Holy
ON THE " REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
288
the midst of fanciful allegories, show a deep
and a
I
free
mind
and honest inquirer.
will here insert a restoration of the catalogue of
Hippolytus' writings on his cathedra, to show that it is
far
from giving a complete
enabled, through Dr. Brunn, Institute at
Rome,
list
of them.
I
to give the text
more
correctly
than that printed by Gruter and Fabricius. corners of the back of the cathedra are edged so as
to
form two planes of breadth
The
eighteen letters.
list
is
sufficient
Upoc Tovg 'louSalOTC Koa/JLoyoNlAC
hLr,yrj(Ti^
eh
elc
r^v
vpAAMOTC
lyFACTPlMTGON
TDEP TOT KATA
ANHN
112
(sic)
ETArrEAIOT KAT AQO KAAT^'EOC nEPI XAPICMATI2N
AnOCTOAIKH nAPAAO CIC XPONIKIIN
The off,
for
on one of these planes
and there never was an inscription on the other.
TTSpl rr)$
am
of the Archeological
;
nPOC EAAHNAC KAI nPOC DATONA (sic) H KAI nEPI TOT nANTOC nPOTPEHTIKOC nPOC CE BHPEINAN AnOAElHTC XP0NX2N TOT nACXA KATA (to) EN T12 HINAKI ft)AAIIC
(1.
6/xi\Lai
sh)
nACAC TAG FPA
4>AC
nEPI 0T KAI CAPKOC
ANACTACEX2C nEPI TAPAQOT KAI nO0EN (to) KAKON. The work on the authors,
is
the heresies, quoted by almost
not in this
equally well attested.
It
to give the titles of only
At
all
list
may
have been intended
some of Hippolytus' books.
events, the particular reason
now no
is
longer
a mystery, why, in the time of Constantino or odosius, that
work was not
commemorated on the St.
Hippolytus in the
all
nor are other works
;
selected
statue which
Roman
among
Thethose
was erected
to
cemeter3\
I will conclude this review of the
polytus with two tables of the
works of Hip-
lists
exhibited
by
Eusebius, Jerome, and Nicephorus, comparing them first
among themselves and then with
that on the
290 ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES." I give
cathedra.
Nicephorus has, is
the same
that of Eusebius: whatever
marked with an
Then
follow,
asterisk
:
the order
by Nicephorus are
the few words added
:
marked.
also
first
is
the same
in
column,
those works which Nicephorus gives besides: they are one and
all
marking with
second column,
give in the
what he has
taken from Jerome, whose
in
common with
Eusebius.
The
list
I
italics list
of
Syncellus forms the third column.
The
result
is
simply this
Jerome has copied
:
Eusebius, but added some more
works
;
for that
was the strong
Nicephorus has copied both.
made an the
list
titles
of exegetical
side in his erudition.
Syncellus has evidently
extract from the older authors.
on the cathedra
is
Finally,
not intended to give
all
the works of Ilippolytus, but only a selection, those
most approved.
The
Lists
of EusEBnis,
Jerojie,
and Nicephorus
COMPARED. EUSEB. (Niceph. iv.
* Th irtpl
\l. 22.
Hist.
Ecc.
HiERONYMUS.
De viris illustr.
c.
Syncellus. 61.
31.)
Tov
avyypaiJ.fxa,
Pascha temporumque cano-
Udcrxa Rationem
nes usque ad
1.
a.
Alex. Imp. sedecim
annorum
circuitus.
Ad annum 21 5,
-p.
358.
LETTER
V.
HIPPOLYTUS LIFE AND WRITINGS. 291
EUSEU. * Els t)]v * Els
Tcfe
niERON.
^€Ta
T?]V e^a-i}-
In
Canticorum. In
Khv TTphs MapKiw-
Th
* Els
fxipr]
"^AtTjxa.
TU)V
'irpo(pr]-
Toov ixaKiara
In Esaiam.
De Da-
^€Kii]\ Kol Aavir}\.
niele.
biis.
Tov 'le^eKiijA.
i^arf-
Psahnis.
lypsi. * Els
TO, /xera ti]u
[xepov.
De
riam.
^Avrippif]Ti-
Els
In Zacha- Els TToAXa
Genesin. * Tlphs MapKLuva.
Els T^V ^iai]ix^pov.
Exodum. In Can-
ticiim
fiepov^
(Niceph,
stncel.
In Hexaemeron.
e^arjiJ-epou.
De
De ApocaDe ProverDe Ecclesiaste.
Saul et Pytho-
ds
'le-
Els TO. HcrfxaTa.
TToWds
Els
iravToias
TraXttLas Kal veas (pds, iu aTs Kal YlaTixca
ypa-
r^v iv
tov ^eoXSyov
'ATroKdXv\l/iu.
De De
Antiehristo.
Resurrectione.
Contra Marcionem.
De Pascha.
* llepl TOV Udcrxa.
*nphs
ttTrdcras
rds
Adversus omnes
alp 4 ae IS. (Niceph.
nphs MapKicova Kal Tas
fiice(pe\4-
Xoiirds atp4-
(Teis.
(na.rov.') **
irA eTtrTa pa.
re aXXa
iroKKoLS
ira-
av evpois
(Tco^Sfiei^a."
de laude Thv €^Kaid4KaTov
UpocrofxiKiav
Domini Salvatoris in qua prsesente Ori-
er??-
Tidax^
TOV
piKhv
Kavova.
gene se loqui in ecclesia significat.
Nicephorus adds to the Eusebian riepl TTjS Trapovaias riepi
Xirpecas'
iiraivuv
els irepl
tov
the following works
:
—
tov 'AvTixpio'Tov.
avaa-Tdaecas
"VaXiiiav
list
'
Kal
aXXa
Thv 'Ecraiav
irapoiixiuv'
Kvpiov
rrXeiaTa' els
irepl
rjfxciu
Thv
Zax«P'0"'' irepl
"^^pl
'AiroKa-
Saoi/A Kal TivQwvos' irepl XpicTTOv' iv ols 'IrjaoO
irap6vTos '0,piy4uovs wfxiXr](rev.
O 2
(Is
Aavi'f}X'
292
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES.
II.
Tin:
the Cathedra, compared with the Authors and our Fragments.
List ox
Uphs Tovs U€pl
Fragment.
'lovSaiovs.
TTJs Koa/xoyorias.
?
An'^TTjcris ets '^aX/j.ovs.
Els TT/f iYyaaTpifjLvOou. 'Yirhp
Tou Karct
^lo^avvriv
In HexaemeroD. E, H.
Euseb.
Hieron.
Hieron.
(De Saul
S. Fr.
Fragments. et Pythonissa.)
evayyiXiov Hieron.
Kol aTroKa\v\l/€us.
Uepl xaptcr^aTa'r airoaToXiKr} irapd-
Referred to by Jerome.
So(Tis.
Xp
Euseb.
vik5)V.
Tlpbs "EXArji'as, KoL irphs JlXaTCova
rj
Latin translation.
Fragment.
KOI Trepl Tov iravrSs. TlpoTpeTTTLiths irphs 'Z^^ripeiuav.
A7ro5ei|is
xpdfwv rod Haffxa.
'OfxiXiai eis rrdaas
rds ypdcpas,
Fragments. Euseb.
Hieron. Hieron.
Syncel.
Hepl OeoC Koi aapKhs dvaardcrioos. Hepl ruv dyaQov Koi iroOkv rh kclkSu.
Euseb. and Hieron. Adv. Mar-
(?
cionem.)
Having thus terials
briefly laid before
you
all
the
ma-
necessary for judging of the authenticity of
the traditions respecting the
life,
writings of Hippolytus, I will
the age, and the
endeavour
to
draw
the outlines of a picture of his character and of that of his time. I
begin
with
important: and
his doctrinal I
believe
delicate subject better than
works as the most
I cannot introduce this
by giving a
translation
l:etter
hippolytus' life and writings. 293
v.
of the passage in Dorner's work on the Person of
sums up
Christ*, in which this philosophical divine
his exposition of the systems of the leading Chris-
Hippoly tus,
tian philosophers of that age, Tertullian,
and Origen, respecting the Logos and the Sonship. " If we cast a glance upon the development of the
dogma
ecclesiastical
at this
remarkable
stage (the
middle of the third century), and upon the three
who appear on
principal characters
the side of the
Church, we find that since the end of the second century
was generally understood that one could
it
not stop
the
at
literal sense
For
of the Logos.
otherwise the distinct hypostasis (personification) of
God
the Logos would not be firmly established, as
himself
Reason (Logos).
is
From
this
after the precedent of Tertullian, the
comes
*
It
the Son.'
the Son
is
is
that,
Logos
watchword be-
by Hippolytus, that
said
out of the Logos, that the Logos
spiritual substance of
and
now
time forth,
so far
God, or the Father
is
the
himself,
from being the Son himself, the
logically precedes the
Son
:
a proposition
whick
by Origen. A large part volume of Origen's " Commentaries on
is still
further developed
of the
first
St.
John," where he represents the
(in
which the Logos was
divine aocpla,
that
is,
/jLovoysvtj^,
the
vol.
i.
vovs
p. 693.
o 3
dp')(i]
of St. John
or the Son) as the
or
\6yo9 of
God
294 ON THE himself,
REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
*^
Son
out of which the
to proceed,
is
intended to carry out the same idea.
Thus, by the word
made between
and
said to be
is
was
Son,' a greater distinction
*
and the personality
the substance
of the second hypostasis
and under the term
;
*
Son-
ship' was understood originally (by TertuUian and
Hippolytus)
not
the substance, but
only the per-
It followed of itself, that while
sonality of the Son.
and because the substance of the second hypostasis is
eternal, the personality
The temporal tended to
was not regarded
as eternal.
(diremtion) was
distinction
also
in-
perception and the fixation of
assist the
the difference between the eternal substance, which is
not yet distinct from the Father, and the per-
sonality.
TertuUian,
clumsy
instance,
in
his
method of reasoning, was not able
to
master this
difference, except
the
for
by fixing
new watchword
'
the
it
temporally.
Son was '
also a temptation
to consider the Sonship as not eternal
readily be understood, that
Doubtless
:
at least
it
may
Clemens of Alexandria and
Irenaeus (with the latter of
whom
the critical treat-
ment of the dogma of the Logos begins), as they dwelt chiefly on the word Logos, must have found it easier and more indispensable to assert the eternity of the Divine
Wisdom and Reason (that is, of the Son, in who started from the w^ord
their sense), than those
Son.
As
it
lay very near to this latter view, to
up the Son with
finiteness, a
mix
combination which
brought TertuUian to the verge of Patripassianism,
LETTER and
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 295
V.
also placed
him
in contradiction to himself, since
the Son was to spring out of the eternal substance of
God, Hippolytus endeavoured
remove
to
this diffi-
Only In-
culty,
by
finite,
the Super-infinite One, from the v^orld
strictly distinguishing
were divested of personality
Christ,
to subject the hypostatic
;
and he
but by
;
is
existence of the
the omnipotent will of God.
It is true, that
obliged
Son
to
he turns
back from the personality of the Son,
his glance
which comes forth a
and he
;
as the
and even the humanity of
his determinism the world,
stance
God,
little later, to
tries to
draw
His eternal sub-
lines of connection be-
tw^een the two, speaking of the eternal predestination
But
of the personality of the Son. manifest,
only placed hereby in
is
ence on the omnipotent will of siders that eternal substance
the Father,
and
the Son,
still
God
it is
more depend-
;
and he con-
merely as belonging to
communicated by him, in ac-
as
cordance with his will and decree, to his hypostatic Son.
Origen
this difficulty.
the
is
He
first
who
rose decidedly above
discerned the contradiction lying
in the supposition of a hypostasis, which does not
come
forth
till
afterwards, and yet possesses the eter-
nal divine substance, and ture.
Hence he
is
asserted not to be a crea-
tries to reconcile the eternity
of the
divine substance, and the genesis of the personality
of the Son, by the
dogma of the
eternal, that
the eternally proceeding generation of the
Father.
But while
his predecessors o 4
had
is,
of
Son by the
said
much
of
die will of the Father, so as to place the a level with
the creatures, in a
their purpose, Origen, in
Son on
manner contrary
whose system the
to
will acts
such an important part, has not been quite able to avoid this
;
only he has represented the Son as the
hypostatic will of the Father, which proceeded out of His
Wisdom
or Spirit {vovs
= \6jos).
In this way
Origen brings the dogmas of Tertullian and Hippolytus, in concordance with the eternal generation
of the Son, to a conclusion. But, in doing so, he places
himself at the same time in position to the
men
a strong realistic op-
of the second century,
who had
regarded the Son more ideally as the Divine Reason
and Wisdom, or which of
As
at the
utmost as the Divine Purpose,
itself is creative."
which Hippolytus occupies in the
to the place
development of the doctrine of the Trinity, the
fol-
lowing passage of G. A. Meier's work on that doctrine
(18M) shows the
stage at which that inquiry
His statement
has at present arrived.
is
based upon
the passages of the treatise against Noetus, which I have given above,
and agrees
in
many
points with
monography on Hippolytus (1838). His words (p. 88. sq.) are -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; " The coming forth of the Logos at the creation Haenell's
:
was commonly represented, not
this
as his birth,
but as
;
and the dispensation by which
difference was
brought out, coincides with the
his manifestation
incarnation of the Logos
;
and here the
triple dis-
297 tinction takes the place of tlie unity of the divine
This view
power.
more confirmed by the
still
Hippolytus decidedly ascribes no person-
fact, that
Holy
the
ality to
is
He
Spirit.
has no fear, that the
charge of Tri theism should be brought against him,
and only thinks
it
necessary to say, that he does
not preach two Gods. near
Noetus
to
In this he seems
yet there
;
is
still
Noetus makes the
decided difference.
to
come
between them a divinity of
the Father dwell in Christ, so that the infinite be-
comes
finite,
while the appearance passes by without
a lasting existence
God
diflference in
trary,
:
this does
not establish any real
Hippolytus, on the con-
himself.
with his ecclesiastical tendency, makes the In-
carnation the foundation for a real impersonation of
who in this divine and human personality, God and Lord of the Church, is taken up into
the Logos, as
heaven, so that together with him fiesh
with a rational
human
God was
but not
as
with him thus
mere void Being
Him in
Him,
its
;
for
everything
willed
is
doc-
In the be-
he was never with-
the universe locked
it.
This reason that
up
as it
were in
came forth
into reality the
God manifests
the Logos; and
ideal existence,
moment He
:
alone, he himself being every thing,
out reason, wisdom, and power. rested in
The
soul) enters therein.
trine of the Trinity runs
ginning
itself (that is,
formed by thought and wisdom, the
first
being the creating, the latter the regulating power.
The
manifestation of the o 5
Logos therefore
is
only
ON THE "REFUTATIOX OF ALL
298 his
showing forth in the
distinct
HERESIES.'*
forms and relations
of the real world, wherein Hippolytus does not find a personification of the Logos, which indeed
The Logos merely
contained in them. relations,
the
Law
:
not
is
unveils those
and at the same time gives their rules in he makes the prophets speak by the Holy
Ghost, which he gives to them, and becomes the Son
by the Incarnation, being only the Reason of God. " Plippolytus stands nearer to the doctrine of the
Logos than Tertullian but interwoven with
:
his
it
is
unknown
not
system
the authors of the ecclesiastical school.
we might be
merely at his words,
him with Beryllus and Sabellius is
Hippolytus
different.
is
to him,
yet he belongs to
:
If
we look
inclined to class
but his tendency
;
advancing towards the
personality of the three subjects, which the others
knowingly deny ality
ledge
:
in
assuming the eternal person-
of the Son for the future, he it
in the past
;
is
forced to acknow-
whereas Beryllus and Sabellius
are proceeding towards the notion of an indifferent
change of being." Origen, as I have said above, was, according to these
statements,
write the
the end of the
not see
the
Confession
how
last
work against
this
person
of Faith all
of that age to
which we find at the heresies.
I
do
can be contested, upon a general
survey of the systems and terminologies of that time,
we know them now through the researches of o the men whose opinions I have given, and through
as
— LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 299
V.
and of Redepenning.
those of Baur, of Neander,
our work has been published under the
Still, as
name
of Origen, I will give the text of that striking pas-
sage of
which
real Origen,
tlie
treats
on the relation
of the Father, the Son, and the Spirit, to show the difference
and
between the two authors both
thought
in
Origen*, in his commentary on the third
style,
verse of St. John's Gospel, in order to prove that the
Holy the
Spirit
a creature of the Logos, but as
is
third hypostasis of the Trinity as the
second, speaks thus
Son
much is
the
:
" I think that he who says that the Holy Spirit is
made, and who allows that
every thing was
^
by Him,' must necessarily subscribe * C)pp. iv. 60.:
rd liyiov
OijUrtt
ilvai^ Kai
yap on
KoXov Trapade^aaOai^
on
to~j
Si
avTOV hyevsTO^^ civay-
to liyiov TTVtvfia Sia tov
TTpta^vrkpou Trap' avTO row Xoyov TvyxdvovToq, (TTafftLQ
TrtiQojxtvoi
TTvfVfiay Kai (jjQ
TO
TrdvTMV fievbjv.
[1.
liyiov
Trvtv^iu
TTpiorovJ Toiv
Kai Td)(a uvtx\
Tpug
{)
tov Xoyov Kal
TifxiMTspov,
tov Trarpog cid Xpiarov aiTia tov
/*//
x^h^^^i' toiKs TO liyiov rrvevfxa^
VTroardnfi^ ov p-ovov tig
to
Kov Kal tiKaiov k.t.X.
With
dvai^
dWd
this
compares that from the book
tdt.fi
yeyevTj-
Kai avro viov •^py^fia-
TiZ,HV Toii ^fov,, fiovov TOV ixovoyivovQ (pixTU viov dpxilGtv
vovTog, ov
vtto-
Kal to liyiov
rd, TravTuiv Sia
tivai
ttclvtiov
vtto
k<ST\v
vwv
erfpov tov iraTpog dvai Trtcrfi'ovrff,
jXYjSiv
tV(je€k(TTepov Kai dXrjOtg, Trpoais^eOa
ytvofisvu)V^
\6yov syh'iTo^
'RjxCiq
Tvyxdviiv^ tov Trarepa Kai tov
dykvvrfTov
to Trvevfia
/xiv (f)d(JicovTi •yivrjTov
to " Trdvra
TrpdiefievciJ
made
to the opinion,
Tvyxd-
haKovovvTog avTOv
Kai (Tocpov eivai,
tij
Koi Aoyt-
passage Gieseler judiciously
De
Princip.
i.
3. 5.
:
Msi^iov
r)
ovva/xig TOV TraTpog Trapd tov viov Kai to Trvtvfia to liyiov. TrXtiiov Se
i)
TOV
v'lov
}iiiXXoi- Toii
Trapd
to Trvevfia
dyiov Trvf.vp.aTog
t)
to
liyiov^
Kai
ttoXiv
SuKbepovaa
dvvapig Traod Ta aXXa ay in.
*0 6
300
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
that
the
Holy
tliat
was made hy the Logos, the
Spirit
Logos being anterior
We who are
to the Spirit.
sure
there arc three hypostases, the Father^ and the
who hold
Son, and the Holy Spirit, and are generated of the
and the true opinion, allow
religious
come
things which have
AVord, the Holy Spirit
and the
lionour,
that both
Father, this being the
that, of all
through the
into existence is
by
more
most worthy of
far the
order of those things which
first in
have been made by the Father through Christ.
perhaps this
is
the reason
why He
is
And
not called a Son
of God, as the only-begotten Son alone was by nature the Son from the beginning that the
Holy
Spirit
hypostasis,
to his
;
and
it
would appear
needed him, the Son ministering
not only
regards
as
his
actual
existence, but also as regards his being wise, rea-
sonable, and just."
And
again, in another passage
" The power of the Father of the Son and of the
Son
is
all
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; greater than that
Holy Ghost.
That of the
Holy Ghost and power of the Holy Ghost surpasses that
greater than that of the
again the of
:
is
:
other holy things."
These passages require no commentary
them bear upon our argument. peat,
the
siders the in
difference
is
But
so great, that
I
to
make
must
re-
whoever con-
whole of Origen's system, and places
it
connection (as he ought to do) with the termi-
nology and method employed by Origen's master.
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS
301
Clemens of Alexandria, and by the founder of the Alexandrian school, Pantaenus, will be puzzled to understand how the " Confession of Faith " could ever have been ascribed to Origen. That the ancient copyist
marked
by
it
the margin as Origen's,
in
is
explained
the difference between its terminology, and that
of the formularies of the Councils and of the Byzan-
Whatever of
tine divines.
mystical, suspicious,
seemed strange,
this sort
was ascribed in early times ta
Origen, by some out of ignorance, by others out of malice.
Indeed, this
work was ascribed
to
is
the reason
from being translated into Latin,
was scarcely mentioned, much later fathers of the
There
is
why
the whole
Origen in the East, and so
Roman
like other
far
works,
quoted, by the
less
Church.
the same difference between a philosophical
dialogue of Plato and a corresponding one of Cicero, as
between our two
and
his
Hippolytus the Roman,
writers,
perhaps somewhat younger cotemporary,
Origen the Alexandrian.
good in many Hippolytus
is
respects.
no Cicero.
intimately connected with
And
this
comparison holds
is no Plato, But Hippolytus, although
If Origen
Greek
literature
and philo-
sophy, and evidently endeavouring to unite as as possible the East and the
West,
is,
much
to all intents
and purposes, in his theological speculations, a man of the Western Church, a Latin and a are certainly
many
Roman. There him
points of agreement between
and Origen, over and above the Catholic tendency
302
ON THE
of both, as defenders of the Catholic Church against
They were both learned and
the heretical schools. pious
men
they both enjoyed a classical and philo-
;
sophical education
and sometimes
somewhat more
;
they were both argumentative,
sophistical,
In their theological writings
fanciful.
were both addicted
particularly they
legorical
and both imaginative and
and mystical interpretations. Hippolytus
ticism of
He
of Origen.
is
than
scholar.
al-
very different from that
who was
Origen,
much as Jew, and much more
show, certainly as
any writer, who was not a
gian, a
to
But the mys-
indulges in allegorical fancies, as
his exegetlcal writings
so
â&#x20AC;˘
a
far
deeper theolo-
more acute reasoner, and a more accurate
On
looking closer,
we
find his allegorical
interpretations are all of an ethical, that
ply moral, and often of a
whereas the
sentimental
allec^orical imacrinations of
is,
of a sim-
character; Ori2:en are
metaphysical, and, however fanciful, have always a
deep thought in them.
Their speculations repro-
duce the difference between the old
Greek mythology mitive creations
:
is,
but very rich in everything
that relates to the thoughts,
the
actions,
and the
man.
With regard
to the doctrines of Hippolytus, the
documents speak for themselves.
some
old
comparatively speaking, very poor
as to ontological ideas,
sufferings of
Roman and
the Latin element in these pri-
people
will
think
it
their
I doubt not that
duty to prove
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 303
V.
that Hippolytus had the correct doctrme respecting
the Athanasian definition of the three persons. is
he says the contrary;
true,
It
but that does not
signify with the doctors of the old
The
school.
divines of the seventeenth century harp jesuitically
upon one half of Jerome's words about expressions of the
old
**
say only
" the holy
:
fathers:
minus caute
erred, or
either
locuti sunt."
certain
they have
Those men
fathers express themselves at
They Poor old men we have learned to do since All this is delusion for those who believe it: but what is it in the mouths of those who teach it. The grave point in this matter is, that such equivocations have so much shattered the faith of times somewhat incautiously."
!
could not speak so clearly as !
thoughtful laymen, that, in proportion as they de-
mand
implicit submission, the belief in the whole
system of the ancient Church, and in Christianity itself,
has vanished from the minds of men,
from national literature. with almost
all
German
I say
writers of note,
doctrine of the Father, Son, and
and
with Meier*, and that the
Holy Ghost
is
the
fundamental doctrine of Christianity, and that without
it
Christianity, as a theological
and
as a philoso-
much above Rabbinism The definitions of the angood, so far as they are meant to
phical system, cannot rank
and Mohammedanism. cient
Church are
exclude unchristian or
illogical imaginations,
* Die Lehre von der Trinitat. *o 8
whether
:
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
304
really or supposed to be against the historical
philosophical
But they
groundwork of
the
Christian
faith.
are imperfect, and have been foisted into
means of sup-
Scripture and into the early fathers by posititious
words and verses
in the
New
forgeries in patristic literature, and
by
and
Testament,
by dishonest
or untenable readings and interpretations in both.
Hippolytus, besides, was a moderate
man
:
he might
have said on some points, Credihile licet ineptum
would never have exclaimed with Tertullian,
he
Credihile
quia ineptum.
I believe I
have given materials for a faithful pic-
ture of Hippolytus
know is
;
and
I
have shown that
of him, from the great
in perfect
all
we
work now discovered,
harmony with what we read of him in his. But the greatest
other acknowledged writings of test,
and,
I
think, the greatest result, of our as-
sertion, that the
"Refutation of
was written by Hippolytus,
is
its
all
the Heresies"
bearing on one of
the most contested points in the history of that time,
and one of the principal arguments of the Tubingen school respecting the late origin of St.
the Gospel of
John.
We
have seen what a peculiar position Theodo-
tus held in
the development of Christian doctrine
about the middle
of the
vested his speculations
third century.
entirely
di-
of the dualism of
Gnosticism, the bane of Christianity. alone,
He
God, and God
was the creator and ruler of the universe.
As
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 305 to the question of Christ, he accepted the preternatural procreation of Jesus, but maintained that the
Christ united
himself with Jesus
Him
descended upon
in another place,
when
in baptism.
how Clemens
I
the Spirit
hope
to
show,
of Alexandria in
the East, and, thirty years later, Hippolytus in the
West
(and in part Irenaeus, his
master), tried to
bring this system nearer to the Catholic doctrine, and thus to effect a union between the historical Christ of the Church and the ideal Christ of the philosophers
seems to
for that
me
Hippolytus found very Church, and
still
little
learning in the
Roman
of speculation.
They
spirit
less
:
be their relative position.
to
had been Monarchianists from the time of Clemens,
who was
their first regular bishop, before the fourth
Gospel was written by reasonable doubt
St.
There can be no
John.
the
that
Roman
Church, as
it
adopted that Gospel, accepted the doctrine of the Logos.
But
it
is
clear
that this might be done
without following the East in distinctions
all
the metaphysical
between the Logos, as the ideal
self-
consciousness of God, and His embodiment in Jesus
of Nazareth as a historical person and true man; and
without entering into that hybrid question, mixed
up of
historical evidence
and speculative reasoning,
whether and how far the idea of a hypostatic Son was to be placed
Jesus.
between that Logos and the
In a word, the
of St. John's prologue
;
Roman but
it
doctrine
historical
was that
was built upon the
substruction of a conception of Christ, in which the
306 ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES." and
historical
element prevailed over the
realistic
The
idealistic.
doctrine, in the
Roman
Church, was
only subsidiary to government and discipline.
Church partook both of
St. Peter
and of
That
St. Paul,
but with a decided preponderance of the Petrine spirit.
was
The predominant
tliat
Christ
function of their
The meta-
of the eternal highpriesthood.
physical germs deposited in St. Paul's epistles, par-
those to the Ephesians and Colossians,
ticularly in
had not
When
the doc-
had been developed
to such a
fructified in that
trine of the Sonship
point, that
it
Church.
was necessary
definitions respecting the
to
come
to
more accurate
Father and Son, the
Mon-
archianist view prevailed.
Now
I do not believe that Zephyrinus, any
more
than Noetus himself, thought that, in adopting a sys-
tem which,
if
consistently carried out,
to simple Patripassianism,he in the system of the
must have led
made any notable change
Church.
He
might
Noetus, he only intended to honour Christ. certainly (as
we know from Hippolytus)
who opposed him
*'
say, like
He
said
that those
acknowledged two Gods,"
if,
in
acknowledging Christ to be God, they did not allow
God
to
be Christ.
But
certainly the position which
Zephyrinus and Callistus took and maintained in
this
respect for almost a quarter of a century (twentythree years), was a turning point position of
The
m
the doctrinal
Rome.
position of Hippolytus in this respect has
its
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WPwITINGS. 307
V.
key in his great work, but its further explanation in Both works explain each the " Little Labyrinth." other, as the
So much and of
As
works of the same person alone can
do.
on the doctrinal character of Hippolytus
his writings.
to the fanciful interpretations,
both of Hippo-
lytus and of Origen, they differ in one point favour-
ably from
many orthodox
There
times.
interpretations in
modern
almost always either some learn-
is
ing, or a philosophical thought, a Christian idea, at
the bottom.
It
with the text
true, the conjunction of that idea
is
generally
is
sometimes absurd. have had
many
But
childish,
arbitrary,
in the last
250
years
and
we
quite as arbitrary, and even as absurd
interpretations, without the slightest chance of
philosophical or even Christian idea, beyond
any
homely
moralisms and truisms.
We the
observe
the
same
characteristic features in
importance which Hippolytus attaches to the
maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline among the
His
clergy.
severity in this respect,
the conduct of Callistus,
only
a
polity
may be termed
difference
in
is
compared with
individual;
degree.
His
but
this is
ecclesiastical
Presbyterianism, as asserting
the right, which the presbyters, as a body, claimed against the bishops, in matters of general interest, at least as far as a full veto. polity,
we must
already earned
To understand
recollect that Presbyterianism
its
this
had
well-deserved reward for having
308
ON xnE
cooperated with Episcopalianism in excluding the laity
more and more from the
nistration cess of
of the Church
which
I
a
legislation
" Letters on Ignatius."
the second century in
The Church
the government of the
clergy had
particularly), the
name
primitive
my
obtained
with regard to the
:
election of bishops (and of the bishop of
preserved in
and admi-
tendency and a suc-
have traced the different phases in
West during
the East and
;
Rome more
right of the laity
was
was either a
only, but in practice
There
consent by acclamation, or a tumultuous veto.
was no municipal organization of parishes and dioceses for that purpose
:
indeed the organization of
masses solely for the purposes of election, without other rights, polity
a delusion or a deception in every
is
whether
civil
or ecclesiastical.
Things had much changed, in
Rome
during the four generations which separated
Clemens, the listus.
first
regular
Roman
When, about twenty
to supersede
some
bishop, from Cal-
years before the Gospel
of St. John was written, the fit
this respect also, at
Corinthians thought
elderly presbyters
by new
ones,
notwithstanding their protests that they held their ofTice
Rome,
for
life
by apostolic
institution,
Clemens of
in a very sensible letter, contented
himself
with advising them to let that order of things remain,
and
to respect the
elders.
The
well-founded right of those venerable
Phili^jpians
appear to have continued
LETTER to live
V.
under the same
aristocratic constitution
about
second century, when Polycarp
the middle of the
But
addressed his epistle to them.
in the latter part
of that century almost the whole Christian world
This system must
adopted the Episcopalian system.
be considered in
its idea,
on the whole, as the proto-
type of the Germanic constitutional monarchy
;
for
both suppose, by the side of a collegiate and a popular power, the entitled
and
right
of a governing individual,
qualified to oppose his free veto in le-
gislative decisions, at least so far as to secure his not
being forced to act against his conscience. less true that the
no
adoption of this system saved Chris-
tianity at the time its
It is
from the greatest
than that
perils,
degeneracy crippled the energies of the Church.
Of
The balance of power was soon overthrown.
the
three constitutional elements, two were clerical, and
the third had neither a congregational nor a synodi-
In consequence, the whole power
cal organization. fell
The
into the hands of the clergy.
became
priests
;
presbyters
the office of administrative elders
was merged in that of
liturgic presbyters
ministers of Christ and of the
began to appear as
sacrificial
Church
mediators.
drew the great prizes
in the lottery,
Rome
I think I
;
and the
{kKKKrjcTLa)
The
bishops
and the bishop of
have fully established these points, and other collateral ones, in my " Letters the greatest.
on Ignatius."
But our information
as to the details
310 ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
Rome
of this process in the diocese of
We
scanty.
was very
gain very valuable additions
on
this
point from our work. In the time of Callistus the power of the bishop of
Rome
was already more absolute than constitutional.
Although the bishop's ofRce was of course the clergy in ordinary times
hands
form
;
bishop,
it
elective,
altogether in their as far as the
and although legislation was,
w^ent, vested in a collegiate
tery, or the
real
had
body
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
in the presby-
body of presbyters, presided over by the
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and
the judicial
power
entirely
so,
the
government of the Church was in the hands of the
bishop.
According to Ilippolytus, Callistus asserted
by the presby-
that a bishop could never be deposed
tery, or obliged to abdicate, even though he com-
Hippolytus mentions
mitted a sin vmto death. as a proof of a theory of
this
Church-government, which
he deemed neither constitutional nor tending to improve public or private morals. evidently passed
still
All weighty
through the presbytery.
affairs
We
have, in Cornelius' letter about Novatian, the official list
of the clergy of the city of
vi. 43.).
Rome
This letter being of the year
bytery can scarcely have difTered, in tures,
(Euseb. H. E. ,^50, the pres-
its
principal fea-
from that of which Hippolytus was a member
some twenty years nelius at
Rome 42
ber of the latter as I have
shown
earlier.
priests
is
There were under Cor-
and 7 deacons.
The num-
that of the ecclesiastical regions,
in the
" Description of Rome." The
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 311 number number
of the presbyters undoubtedly indicates the
of the Christian meeting-houses in the city.
Optatus MilevitanuSj 50 years gives their
number
as forty
later,
under Diocletian,
These
and upwards.
Accord-
persons, therefore, formed the presbytery.
ing to the thirty-fifth Apostolical Canon, the bishops
of the suburban towns, including Portus, also formed at that time
an integral part of the
Roman
presby-
tery, called in later times the College of Cardinals.
I believe I have, moreover, rendered
more than
it
probable above, that the origin of that institution can only be explained by the position which those cities,
and Portus in particular, occupied in the
cond and third centuries. of the parish priests of
se-
That body consisted then
Rome, and
of the suburban
bishops, exactly as the College of Cardinals does
only that the deacons of the
now;
Roman Church had pro-
bably a more subordinate position at that time, than that of their nominal successors, the Cardinal cons.
Indeed
this Presbyterian
form was
ing at the end of the sixteenth century,
Sixtus V. found
it
still
Deaexist-
when pope
convenient to divide the College
into boards (called Congregations), without
any but a
consulting vote.
The system naturally only
Rome.
of government in the year
one
of
transition,
Practice and theory differed.
220 was
particularly
But
at
the issue
could not be doubtful, so long as the political state of the world was not changed, a fresh race introduced,
ON THE
312
and the national element raised in independent and intelligent Christian states.
of discipline in the Church of
The system
as to the marriage of presbyters
that
which now
prevails in the
evangelical liberty confirmed apostles,
and that of many
by the example of the
illustrious bishops in the
was, in conformity with Canons 17 :
but
it
Paul's saying,
19,
no vow of ce-
lost his wife
so long as he kept his office.
who had
the inference was drawn, that he
should
From
this
a second
or a third wife, ought not, strictly speaking, to be
a presbyter.
St.
A presbyter should be the husband of
one wife," that a presbyter who
marry again
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
There
was not thought conformable with **
like
The
Greek Church.
second century, had gradually been infringed.
libacy
Rome
was very much
made
The next step was, that he who had
been ordained presbyter, when unmarried, should not marry during that
more
ofl^ce.
It
was on
particularly that Hippolytus
this
point
was at issue with
who made no difiiculty in ordaining, men who had a second or third wife,
bishop Callistus, as presbyters,
or in allowing unmarried presbyters to marry and
keep their
office.
We
see that in this respect also
the age of Hippolytus was one of transition.
were different wa3^s before the Church.
There
She might
have struck out some middle course between the two systems of Callistus and Hippolytus, and then would
probably have come to something like the system of the
Greek Church
in
Russia, where
a
parish
LETTER
;
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 313
must be a married man, having
priest
wife
V.
much
so
to retire
so, that at
her death he
first
expected
and go into a convent, the place out of
which bishops are generally taken.
The majority
assembled at Nice in S25, first Socrates says in his " Ecclesiastical History ")
of the (as
his
is
bishops,
new
introduced a
law, forbidding bishops, priests,
and deacons, who were married men, office,
unless they would give
to
up married
keep their This
life.
regulation soon grew into a general custom, notwith-
standing the strong Christian and moral opposition of the venerable bishop Paphnutius, and became the basis of
still
spite of the
greater encroachments in later times, in
moral reluctance of the Germanic nations.
In the time of Hippolytus the ecclesiastical
was so
far
office
from giving an indelible character, that
neither a presbyter nor a bishop would have been pre-
vented from quitting his
and marrying
like
any
That whole theory of the canonists
ether Christian. is
office,
The learned Christian kept his when he accepted an
of a later date.
pallium, the philosopher's cloak, office in
the Church, which might be that of an epi-
scopos, as well as of a presbyter.
pallium,
when he
retired
from the
He
kept the old
office.
Such, I think, were on the whole the opinions of Hippolytus, as our lately discovered book and his other writings position
Roman
as
Such was
clearly show.
a bishop,
presbytery
:
and
as
a
his
member
social
of
the
and such was the Christian and
P
214 clerical
world in which he occupied so conspicuous a
place.
We
know so little of the particulars of his life, we must form our ideas of his character chiefly
that
from his writings, and from the high repute and authority attached to his
and the Eastern Church. temporary of Chrysostom
name both in the Western An anonymous Greek cocalls
him, the most sweet
and most benevolent {yXvKvraros koI svvovaraTos) Jerome, " If I
were to sum up
few words,
I
his character as a writer in a
should say that Hippolytus was not an
original writer, but a well-read piler.
He
own books, and
same with Hegesippus,
count of the stolic age,
whicli, I have
I suspect
the
in
is
historical ac-
endeavoured to show, formed part of This point seems to
particularly proved
by some coincidences
nions of Hippolytus with the "
the historical work
me more in the opi-
Fragmentum Mu-
ratorianum," a fragment, however
How
Apo-
quoted as by Hippolytus, and
his " Chronicle."
1G.5.
dealt
he has done
of the Apostles and of the
lives
which
in introducing
Thus he
ideas into the Latin church.
with Irenceus and Josephus. the
and judicious com-
delighted in transferring useful facts from
older authors into his
Greek
:
vir disertissimus."
ill
translated, of
of Hegesippus, written about
great the merit of Hippolytus
is
in tran-
scribing whole passages from the writings of the ancient heretics, instead of giving us merely garbled
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 315
we have seen through the whole But there is the second letter.
extracts from them,
of our inquiry in
another circumstance which should not be passed
From
over in silence.
the very
dawn
that good, but dull novel, which, say,
he pitied the
obliged
of Catholic
beginning with Hermas, the Shepherd,
literature,
Niebuhr used
Athenian Christians
hear read in their meetings,
to
been the object of the Christian writers
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
to
being
for
had
it
to render the
Greek and Roman mind, by degrees, independent of the writings of heathen philosophers, and to create a Catholic literature
and
for the use of children
library,
more
particularly
and of catechumens.
It
was
therefore very natural for Hippolytus to transfer
all
he wanted from Sextus Empiricus to his own books.
To quote
Gentile writers for good things taken from
They
them was not required by Catholic honesty. were considered Josephus
Greek
fair
falsified,
game, and plundered.
before Eusebius' time
by their Ambrose and
fathers
tors, St.
But with
all
later epitomizers
so
and
were the transla-
Cassiodorus.
Hippolytus was
this
;
So was
far the
most
gifted and the most diligent enquirer in the Western
Church of
his time.
A
worthy
disciple of Irenaeus,
he surpassed the Apostle of the Gauls in method
and
in
the
Western Church
knowledge, and did that
much
to diffuse
light
which the Greek
through
Irenaeus had kindled in the unphilosophical West. I
am
inclined
to
believe P 2
that
the
influence
of
310
ox THE
Hippolytus
was very
this respect
in
having been a
Roman by
youth up a member of the
his
much
tributed
to
His
great.
or at
birth,
from
least
Roman Church, conRome was, and
this influence.
continued, not only the mistress of the world, but also
centre
the
Church, riety,
Every aspiring talent
new
every
between the
communication
of
East and the West.
doctrine
thronged to Rome.
striving
Christian
in the
noto-
after
Rome
preserved
the instinctive talent for government and order, as
well
as
the
lectuality,
inferiority
in
Irenaeus, brought
with the Greek mind
gen
;
dria,
:
he
may
intel-
Roman mind
to the
The education
compared with the Greek. poly tus, under
and in
science
which are peculiar
him
of Hip-
into contact
even have
known
Ori-
and he had certainly read Clemens of Alexanalthough
it
is
a fable, whether invented or
picked up somewhere by Cave, that he was his disciple.
His residence at Portus, then the harbour
of the civilized world, and rendered like Alexandria agreeable to the visitors by temples erected for
all
foreign religions and forms of worship, must, with
such preparations and such talents and zeal, have contributed as
much
his influence.
He
to increase his
there became the
knowledge
Nations," as he was, most probably, called in his time.
For that
this title is
life-
mentioned by Photius
given to Caius the presbyter,
is,
as
as
"Bishop of the
we have
as
seen, only
a consequence of his having taken Caius to be the
7
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 3 1
V.
author of the treatise about the " Cause of the Uni-
What he knew
verse."
was, that this author was
Consequently, this was a
a bishop of the Gentiles. title
As to the
given to Hippoly tus.
ing and study,
it is
certainly far
roughbred native Roman. to It
mathematics, is
years
to the
but he was the
;
(7x16)
first
He
person
inquired
and mechanical contrivances,
His knowledge of Greek
age.
and philosophy was
any of
his
far greater
at
literature
than that of Irenasus,
Western cotemporaries, the African In short, Hippolytus
Tertullian not excepted.
lowed up
of 112
and unmask the gabblers and jugglers
to discover
of the
and astronomy.
science,
Western Church.
into physical problems
or of
His knowledge extended
physical
very incorrect
is
extent of his read-
beyond that of a tho-
true, that his Paschal cycle
who gave any
made
Rome
position of Pantaenus
fol-
the Alexandrian doctrine and
and Clemens, and was the pre-
decessor of Origen,
whom
in learning, depth,
and speculative power, any more
he certainly did not equal
than in his somewhat Oriental eccentricity.
There
is
one peculiar feature in Hippolytus, which
we must not
overlook,
if
we wish
the place he occupied in his age.
preacher of note
produced. of the
whom
the
to
He
understand
was the
Church of
Rome
first
ever
There were no homilies by a bishop
Rome known before those of Leo who mounted the episcopal cathedra in
Church of
the Great,
the year 440.
This
is
a curious, but indisputable p 3
:
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
318
Roman
Clemens, the only learned
fact.
bishop of
the old time, wrote an epistle, but no homily
why
perhaps was the reason forged under his name. the
first ecclesiastical
so
many
:
which
homilies were
Caius and Hippolytus are
Romans
authors mentioned as
and of these two Caius the presbyter wrote polemiand
cal
but no homilies.
critical treatises,
what Sozomen
says, in that at first sight
passage of his "Ecclesiastical a few years before
published of
Rome.
His words are
no bishop, nor any body
:
History"
as
is
(vii.
19.),
Leo became bishop
" In the city of
Rome
has preached."
Now
else,
there can be no doubt, that during
Rome,
This
startling
all
that period at
when
in all other churches, the Gospel,
read to the people in their parish churches, was ex-
sitions,
But
them.
plained to
not
these were
popular expo-
works of science and eloquence,
those of the Eastern fathers and bishops
an exception to
number
of
his
this
:
like
and there-
Hippolytus made
were never .published.
fore they
;
the ancient writers quote a
homilies
:
the
homiletic
address
seems even to have been his favourite form of treating exegetical and polemical subjects. this
works are short
But
in all
he merely followed Origen, whose exegetical in
essays
part,
or
Roman
at
parish
we know,
in
the
form of
meditations on a text, concluding
with the doxology.
and science
as
In popularising Greek thought
Rome, sermon
Hippolytus to
a
elevated
learned homily
;
the
and
!
this is
perhaps the real purport of the story, that he
preached a sermon in the presence of Origen. is
It
Sozomen's time the history of
that in
natural
Hippolytus, veiled and smothered at
Rome, was not
much known
surprising that
in the
East
but
:
is
it
Neander does not even name Hippolytus, when he speaks
of the
Roman
distinguished
He
Church.
the
of
writers
early
names only Caius, and the
very doubtful Novatian
(i.
1176.).
by an oversight that he regrets the
It
must be
loss of
Hippo-
Theophany,
lytus*
homily on the
which
is
extant and printed in the edition of Fa-
bricius
(i.
261
But
festival
of the
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 264.), and of undoubted authenticity.
the sermon which, Jerome
says,
he preached
before Origen, he calls a sermon in praise of the
Saviour
was
;
and we have no reason
to believe that
it
this.
His
life,
as well as his writings,
stronger feelings than Origen had, honest, and a
laborious
man
life
for
shows a man of
his
like him,
but,
of rigorous morals. fellow-creatures,
He
lived a
both as a
He
student and teacher, and as a practical man.
became a martyr honesty
;
and possibly for
spirit,
and
for
the liberty
of con-
and the future freedom of mankind.
that was the great struggle of those times.
be with
his
and, dying for his faith, he died for the
religion of the science,
for his faith,
his
memory, and honour
piety
P 4
For Peace
to his virtue
and
I consider the picture I have
endeavoured to draw
of Hippolytus to be historically true, and borne out
by incontrovertible
my judgment
whole, will
facts
be found impartial.
myself,
that
and I believe
;
But
see little
I
that,
on the
as to the value of his writings
portrait as well understood
I
cannot conceal from
prospect of having
my
and as much liked
as I
wish. I
am
I have
due to
aware that some persons will think,
fully
not
treated
Hippolytus
to a sainted father of the
with
the
respect
For
Latin Church.
certain persons every such father speaks with a
share of the clergy
;
collective
and these
infallibility of
a synodical
patristic idolaters are strongly in-
clined to impose such an authority
upon us
in matters
of fact, no less than in metaphysical formularies.
We are to submit
to those fathers, if they assert
some-
we have very good we know to metaphysical theories, we are
thing as a historical fact, which
reasons for not giving credit to, or which be untrue
;
and
as to
to receive their opinions with
the to
more they
the greater respect,
are contrary to the reasoning
which they appeal.
When
these
power
theologians,
unworthy of the name of Protestants, of thinkers, /
and of
historians,
speak of the paramount weight of
their concordant interpretations, they ignore, or
not know, that, on
all
do
questions of Scriptural and pri-
now much
mitive Christianity which are
doubtful to us, the
ancient writers were in as
unccrtaintv as
we
LETTER
V.
The
are.
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 321 century generally
writers of the fourth
who were
contradict those of the second,
in part
witnesses, or reported credible evidence and plausible traditions critics,
ones.
and
;
whereas those later fathers were only
and most of them very indifferent and biassed
For they often proceed from systems,
doctrinal,
which strongly impair their
tions for being judges,
ness for being set
up
and
more show
still
their unfit-
models of criticism.
as infallible
If then to criticize the fathers
to
is
show them
respect, these later fathers have themselves
Quod
dis-
shown
The much trumpeted
to their predecessors. *'
historical qualifica-
it
saying,
semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus,"
is
a silly truism in the sense of those idolaters of the letter, and,
taken in the sense in which
if
true,
it is
destroys their system and their authority.
To ter I
criticisms or
am
from
contradictions
this
quar-
resolved not to answer a word, either as
regards historical points
or
speculative
ones
:
for
these persons do not go by facts, but by system
they do not appeal to truth, but to authority
they reason as betray
it
if
There
when found.
is
a
They
give no argument, or :
and no argument
have from me. second
class
am
afraid,
who may
of persons,
wish to judge Hippolytus freely and I
;
and
they had searched for truth only to
none worth a serious refutation shall they ever
;
fairly
;
but who,
do not sufficiently regard the imme-
diate object of the
researches of the fathers, and P 5
forget
that liistory
and
historical truth are at issue
with our historical faith
many
will
blame me
for
fundamental no-
the
in
tions of early Christianity.
Of
these, I ain afraid,
much
having made too
of
the writings of Hippolytus, and will maintain that I have overrated the historical writings.
saying something,
if
value
and importance of
Some may even imagine they are men like Hippolytus
they render
and Irenaeus ridiculous.
It is true, that
sometimes to ridicule men of
Gibbon
this sort in his,
tribute he paid to an idealess
who
likes
on the
whole, admirable and wonderful w^ork. But this
they
his
is
and conceited age
think they must either adopt
;
the
and
view, or
tliis
follow the superstitious line, are not aware that in so
doing they are the representatives of a defunct period,
and of
a
bankrupt system of the philosophy of
They
tory.
are
men
of the past
;
view of literature, poetry, and philosophy, thing but
which produced
no-
it
The age
blind self-sufficiency.
knew how
to
deny and
to
de-
but never even tried to produce and to re-
stroy,
and
is
the caput mortuum of a so-called philo-
sophy, centring in
build
his-
and their general
;
it
it
attacked falsehood, without giving truth
brought forth no other
dicially blind reaction,
final result
and produced
humanity a morbid tendency
;
than a ju-
in poor worried
and
sal-
vation in exploded superstitions, and in hollow
and
to seek refuge
impotent formularies of the past. thought, that
tliey
have
little
I
have always
sense of the future,
LETTER V. who cannot
look upon the past except through the
own
coloured spectacles of their
But,
their age.
as
my
beginning of
conceit, or that of
I have already hinted at the
letters,
seeing that there are on
men who think little of the wisdom of the old fathers, and much of that of their own party, but also men really anxious for truth, that
not only
side
although not sufficiently acquainted with conversant with
method of
inquiry,
am
nor
facts,
with the desirous
minds and hearts, in order
to their
may be much
to prove to them, that there
lence in individuals,
less
still
speculation, I
intellectual
way
to find a
critical
and great value
in
excel-
their tes-
timony, in spite of errors and blunders belonging to their age,
which appear
to us ridiculous, if not offen-
Historical criticism
sive.
is
neither a party ques-
nor the business of dilettanti
tion,
:
it
requires the
earnestness and the conscientiousness of a judge.
know
bishop Callistus did
Henry VIII.
much more ;
and
I
Hippolytus has not treated
very well that
courteously than Luther
I think, there
is
in
Hippoly-
tus'
controversy against Callistus the appearance of
the
odium theologicum, and personal which
irritation,
the ideal of
what has his facts
to
take
a
is
certainly
judgment
and impartial
and
But
do with his truth, and with
must make the historian cautious not
It
his
bitterness
conformable with
" perfect Christian temper."
that, after all, to ?
not
;
but
it
in is
this
matter as unbiassed
mere sentimentality or hyF 6
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
324
pocrisy
by
determine
to
conceive simply to be,
both
is
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; whether the man
and every
;
And
at issue.
and honest (humanly speaking), or a
No man
the judg-
standard
this
ment upon the great question
either the one or the other.
fool
good
-was
and rogue.
character
historical I
this I
is
do not know what are
considered the ingredients in a canonized martyr, a
But
sainted ecclesiastical writer and bishop. that,
fess,
if
not one, I must look for bright
is
patterns of what
I
my own
clas-
among common Christians. As human is perfect,
since nothing
taste,
prefer good,
good and great among the
is
heathens, or
sical
con-
moral indignation against wickedness
and falsehood
to
I
strong indignation
to
infinitely
an
mawkish hypocrisy.
impotent indifference, and to
The man who
will not attack a falsehood, will not
defend truth
and he who dares not
;
knave (whether he be
tyranny
or not), will not treat
the cause of Christian truth
Yet
was
it
can speak too strongly, wickedness.
the middle ages less wise
lie
:
This
for
when
attacked by force.
I see
how any man
defending truth
is
was
from
not
the
view
of
Thomas Aquinas was not deemed by Dante and others of
liaving intimated
clearly
his
enough
thought of tyrants like Charles of Anjou.
" But he ought not against
tyranny,
as
is
Nor do when he
or less holy
worshippers,
what
a knave a
for doing this that the martyrs died,
Hippolytus to Ridley.
against
call
his bishop or brother-bishop
Callistus."
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
''
to liave
And how
been so personal do
vou
know,"
LETTER
HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WEITINGS. 325
V.
answer to such an assertion, " that
I should
it
was
personal feeling, personal bitterness, personal obs-
made Hippolytus
that
tinacy,
that
so
indignant?
and
was not the love of truth, and of the Chris-
it
and of
own Church,
tian
people,
him
write
man
presbytery of that time
the
ecclesiastical
something
rity is
his
;
memoirs of
? "
made the Ro-
that
Respect for autho-
but respect for truth
is
more.
Socrates (to judge from similar expressions of his)
would not have thought that Hippolytus possessed the highest Attic grace in exposing the wickedness
of Ccillistus
;
but he might have
said, that, for a
man
imbued with Judaic barbarism, he expressed himself tolerably well, and that, on the whole, he gave
him
the impression of a Godfearing man, wishing to do
good
subject
is
barrassed of
and fellow-men.
to his fellow-believers
Considering
my
all
beset, I should find myself very if I
were to close
inquiry.
letters to
these difficulties with which the
Whatever
my researches I
much em-
at this stage
may have done
in these
show the importance of the discovery, and
to vindicate
the character of Hippolytus where I
think him right, I
am
sure few will take the trouble
to go through the details
;
and, if I were to stop
here, I should certainly not do what I ought at least to attempt, in behalf of
worth
I
an author, whose historical
have undertaken to represent, and
therefore I
must
bring in contact with our
own
whom times.
In another place I have rendered account of what I intend to say
from a more general point of view,
:
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
326
and justified the to
which
fiction to
have recourse.
I
have been obliged
have endeavoured to
I
polytus speak for himself, as he would, that his principal
work had been
let
Hip-
hearing
if,
stolen from him,
and printed at Oxford under the name of Origen, he had come
to
England
to plead his cause before the
He
English public generally.
might then,
I think,
supposing him to write, not in his stately way, but indulging here
and there a
humour, address
his critics
in
in
little
his
and judges in
something like the Speech which
I
innocent
this
country
put into his
mouth.
The make a to
final
object of
us a living, and as
But
historical criticism
all
historical character of a long past age
w-ere
it
inquiry and his age must
We
us and to our age.
also
in
of our critical
become
a mirror to
must see how we
We
have appeared to them.
We
widely.
ours
;
must
and then we
them a
our
translate
may
government, their
and
felt,
tlius in a
He must
and thought
:
and
language which
differ
confidently hope to see in
faithful mirror of our
the problem.
rites,
language into
own
condition, of our
advantages and hopes, our defects and dangers. is
slioukl
have the same faith
common, although our language and our
and our formularies, and
to
a speaking, image.
the hero
ours,
a case like
in
is
become
is
This
speak to us, as he was, I
must make him
S2)eak
neither his nor mine.
I
cannot hope to succeed as I wish in such an attempt but I
may hope
to give you,
and other English
LETTER V. HIPPOLYTUS' LIFE AND WRITINGS. 327 some materials
friends of Hippolytus,
what
draw a perfect
My
is,
historical picture of
request
last
friend,
shown
to
and that
his age.
my
therefore, I
dearest
have further
these letters.
is
my
remains for
me
only one task more
the most agreeable to me.
I
you have
so kindly
bestowed upon the
have had the happiness to write to you, but
letters I
moreover dedicated a loving godfather's
for having
my
Your
poor naked child.
has furnished
me with
invaluable library
indispensable books, for whicli
had looked in vain in the British Museum.
erudition assisted
;
have to thank
dear friend, not only for the highly instruc-
tive attention
I
you
to
him and
that you will read whatever
And now there
care to
doing better
with the same kindness which you have
to say,
you,
for
have attempted, in despair of being able to
I
and sagacity have
me
in
many
difficult
more
still
points of so compli-
cated a research, which I
am
hurriedly, in the midst of a
London
of the Exhibition.
Your
effectually
obliged to carry on
But, above
season,
all,
sympathy you have encouraged me
to
and that
by your kind render
my
re-
searches as complete as I can, and the expression of
my own
personal convictions as explicit as the occa-
sion seems to require.
For
all this
kindness, accept,
iny dearest friend, the sincere thanks of
Yours ever
faithfully,
BUNSEN.
ox THE ^'REFUTATIOX OF ALL HERESIES."
328
POSTSCRIPT. Carlton Terrace, July 26, 1851.
Having carried the press, that
my
I
letters, this day, so far
have been able
to
submit the
printed sheets of the whole to you, I think
add a few words on two able
to
through
articles
it
right
upon the
same subject, which have appeared since
I
wrote
my
*'
Quar-
letters
;
one in the
last
number of
the
Review," and the other in the June and July numbers of the " Ecclesiastic." The ingenious and terly
elegant
author of the former
question
the
of
article
has waived
or non-Origenian
Origenian
the
authorship, and limited himself to consider the as
work
an undoubtedly authentic and highly interesting
specimen of the historical and ecclesiastical literature of the beginning of the third century. is
well
public
calculated
;
lyrical
This article
attention of the
the
excite
to
and the metrical versions of the beautiful
fragments betoken a consummate scholar and
an elegant poet.
The
writer of the
article
in
the "Ecclesiastic"
has gone into the question of the authorship with learning and acuteness. ness
of
the
work, he
Convinced of the genuineis
equally
Origcn cannot have written have
been written
at
Rome
it, :
convinced
and that
it
that
must
he thinks that Caius
STRICTURES IN "ECCLESIASTIC." the presbyter
of his discussion the book
is
directed to the
He
this.
many
first
point, that
he
shows that Origen, knowing what
could not have repeated the
and
and
;
arguments to
excellent
indicate he did
his writings
their origin
the main part
not and cannot be Origen's
is
has brought forward
prove
But
the author.
is
329
tenets,
about the Ebionites,
common
opinion as to
which our author
lowing Irenaeus (2d Art. very ingeniously, that,
p. 50.).
if
He
relates, fol-
also observes
Origen had known what
our book states respecting the cropping of the ears
employed by the Carpocratians, he would not have had recourse he
to
tries
Celsus
to the unfortunate conjecture
throw suspicion
against
p. 51.).
the
Christians
Nor can one escape
by which
on some remarks of on
this
this difficulty
score (ib.
by saying
that our work was written in the earlier part of his life, before his book against Celsus, in which the For our learned expressions just alluded to occur.
author proves, that,
if
our work was by Origen,
must have been written
know from Eusebius
at a very late period.
(vii.
38.) that Origen
it
We
became
acquainted with the Ebionites and wrote against them
towards the close of his
life
years after his short stay at sect
(therefore at least
Rome ),
SO
and when the
The author of our work, on the knew and opposed them at Rome, when
was expiring.
contrary,
they were influential and strong. All
this is in
confirmation of the negative part of
330 Ill
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
J argument, tliat the book was not written by Origen.
But
I
have mainly followed out the positive arguit
was written at Rome, and by Hippolytus.
The author
of the articles agrees with me, as far as
ment, that
Origen
He
concerned.
is
is
moreover fully con-
vinced that the book points to ciple
of Irenaeus.*
I
Rome, and
to a dis-
cannot help flattering myself
that a further consideration of this matter
by
so
com-
petent a judge and so accurate a scholar, will lead
him
to
an equal certainty as to the other point,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that
* I am happy to mention, with respect to this point, a very acute observation by the learned writer of these articles.
Having observed the relation of the 19th chapter of the 2d book of Irenffius to the " Philosophumena " (I am afraid, without doing justice to the immense improvement on Irengeus by our author, both in research and in method), he remarks that our
author has almost copied from Irenajus the following passage found in that chapter :
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
" Quae apud omnes qui
Deum
ignorant et qui dicuntur phi-
losophi sunt dicta, haec congregant et quasi
centoncm ex multis
pessimis panniculis consarcientes," &c.
The corresponding passage of our book ginning of the fxeratTxovTfg
oi
TrpoQ TCiV 'iliov
fifth
book
(p. 94. 26.)
aiptcnapxai, Sikijv
:
is
found
'A^*
Jiv
TraXaioppacpiiJv
in the be-
rag cKpopfidg
avyKUTTixrav-fg
vovv rd tojv TraKalojv acpdXiiaTa mq Kaivd irap'tBtaav
toIq TrXavacrOai ^vvofi'ivoig. As to the supposition that Clemens of Alexandria copied a passage (Strom, vii. end, p. 700. Gr.)
from Irenaeus (v. 8.), I cannot help thinking that the writer has mentioned this groundless conjecture merely to show he was aware of it, not that he himself shares the absurd opinion that Clemens copied, or could
authors of the same time
may
on an absurd interpretation,
have copied, Irenaeus.
hit,
Two
independently of each other,
as well as
on a reasonable one.
STRICTURES IN "ECCLESIASTIC." our work was not written by Caius, to
whom nobody
such a work, but by Hippolytus, whose
attributes
volume with the same
title,
arrangement, and con-
Photius had before him.
tents,
331
As
to t"he unfortu-
nate hypothesis that Origen wrote the work against
the heresies, the writer of those articles makes the
acute remark, that the view of the author of the treatise
on the Universe (who must be the same
with the author of our book), respecting the immutability of the state of the
wicked
after death, is in-
compatible with Origen's notions on the subject.
By bute
the side of such criticism, I can only attri-
it
ter, in
to
an oversight of the moment, that the wri-
animadverting on the blunder made by the
editor respecting the
martyrdom of
Callistus
under
Fuscianus, indulges in the equally incredible supposition (p. 59.), that
Hippolytus speaks of two different
persons, both bearing the
man
name
of Callistus,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the
scourged under Fuscianus about the year 190,
and the successor of Zephyrinus,
whom
actually succeed in the year 217.
Callistus did
The whole
ac-
count given by Hippolytus centres so entirely in the circumstance that Callistus, the swindler, became first as
we should
say, Cardinal- Vicar,
and then Pope, in
which
the author says, that the same Callistus, of
whom
that
it
is
needless to
he had been speaking
quote the passages
all
the time, obtained, after
the death of Zephyrinus, what he had been hunting for all his
life,
and was made bishop of Rome.
I
332 cannot but better,
asrree witli
that the
him
that
it
would have been
University of Oxford should not
have had the appearance of sanctioning such a mis-
But
take as the attributing of this work to Origen. I do not see
how
the University can fairly be
responsible for this false
As
title.
made
to the directors
of the Clarendon Press, I entertain a hope, and beg to express
venerable
whom
it
with sincere respect, that, even
Dean
if
of Christchurch, Dr. Gaisford,
the to
ecclesiastical as well as classical philology al-
ready ow^es so much, should not feel himself moved to present us with a tion will not
edition, that noble institu-
hold itself pledged to the opinion of
the learned editor, nion.
new
if
he should persevere in that opi-
I trust that they will
strumental in placing a
new critical
the public, not only of this all
the works of Hippolytus,
will *'
be glad to become inedition soon before
misnamed book, but of
among which,
I
Treatise on the Substance of the Universe."
the
trust,
be included the " Little Labyrinth," and the
University, and the literary world,
Thus
and Saint
Hippolytus himself, will receive the best satisfaction for the printing of his
most instructive work
Oxford University Press under a
false title.
at the
PEOFESSOR JACOBl's STRICTURES.
33;
SECOND POSTSCRIPT. Carlton Terrace, 24th August.
Whilst I
finally revising these sheets for the press,
have received from
cles
(21st
Germany
a series of five arti-
on our book, inserted in some late numbers
June
to 19th July) of the Berlin
weekly
siastical periodical,
"Deutsche Zeitschrift
liche Wissenschaft
und
are written
christliches
at Oxford.
tributed a that, if
concerned.
him
I
come
learned writer has is
by his "
known
History of the Church."
as Origen
christ-
They
Leben."
by Professor Jacobi, a disciple and
lower of Neander,
ascribe to
fiir
eccle-
Handbook
to see that the
same
results as far
He
says
it is
the authorship of the
work with
of the
am happy
to the
His arguments
fol-
are, that
impossible to
work published nobody ever
this title or contents to
at-
Origen
;
he had executed his purpose of treating on the
heresies and on the ancient philosophical doctrines, he
would have done
it
in a very different
the style of our work the whole
is
method and view of the
this is true in the
sion of Faith.
manner
;
that
as unlike that of Origen, as
inquiry, and that
most eminent degree of the Confes-
In going through the
last
argument,
the author, I believe, has misunderstood the text, in
making our author (vovs).
say,
man had no mind
There are indeed
in
or intellect
our text some words
:
ox THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
334 which
at first sight
we have
seen,
imply such an absurdity; but, as appearance
this
founded upon an
is
untenable reading. Professor Jacobi also admits, that the writer must
have lived a considerable time at Rome, and names Caius and Hippolytus as the most probable authors.
But Caius (according of the work,
if
to
him) cannot be the author
Eusebius' account of him
particular, he could not ascribe the
is
true: in
Apocalypse to
St.
John.
Why
then, asks Professor Jacobi, should not the
book be the work of Hippolytus of Portus, whose death
by Prudentius, and on whose
described
is
many
statue the titles of
of those writings are en-
which antiquity quotes
graved,
polytus, and
of which
we
works of Hip-
as
possess fragments?
He
Kimmel)
that
inclines to think with Gieseler (and this
Hippolytus had been brought up
He
or Alexandria.
at
doubts whether Portus can at
that time have had a bishop; whereas I it
Antioch
think, if
had not had one at that time, when a town was
synonymous with a any.
It
diocese,
it
would never have had
would have been made a part of Ostia,
whose suburb
it
may
almost be said to have formed
whereas down to the present moment both arc kept
up
as distinct,
to the assertion of Prudentius, that
been a Novatian
at
titles
from time immemorial.
Hippolytus had
an earlier period, he thinks
must be understood of the
As
earliest part of
this
Nova-
PEOFESSOR JACOBl's STRICTURES. tianism, although he allows
that
335
our book makes
no mention whatever either of Novatus or of Novatianism.
After having rejected the absurd idea,
that Novatian himself might be the author, he asks
whether the work named on the cathedra, Upos "EXk7]vay, which he translates "Against the Hellenes,"
might not mean our work
As
?
to the
book on Anti-
christ,
he thinks ch. xlix. points to the time of Gal-
lienus,
whereas Hippolytus must have died before
Gallienus (261), and before the persecution of Valerian (257).
What
him
startles
chiefly
that the
is,
quotation in the letter of bishop Peter of Alexandria
about the Quartodecimans
As
to the
is
epoch in which
not found in our book. it
was written, he
fixes
the time between 225 and 250. Finally, the author gives his remarks on the im-
portance of our work. it
Besides the advantage, that
enriches our knowledge of the internal history of
the ancient Church, Professor Jacobi, faithful to the
views of his great master,
calls
the attention of the
The one
reader principally to two points.
is,
that
the extracts from Basilides and other ancient authors
prove that the fourth Gospel was commented upon early under Hadrian.
The
second, that the circum-
stance of Zephyrinus and Callistus having inclined
towards the Patripassian views affords us the fact respecting a
trine
of the Church of
Professor Jacobi
unknown
change which took place in the doc-
is
led
Rome
under Zephyrinus.
by these two
facts to the
same
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
336
come
conclusion, to wliicli I have
dependently of him,
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
same time,
at the
that the whole historical
in-
scheme
of the Tubingen school about the late origin of the
Roman Church
fourth Gospel, the Ebionitism of the
before Zephyrinus, and the decisive influence of
Montanism upon her dogmatical development, proved to be erroneous, as
is
now
always appeared to
it
Neander, whose views are confirmed in their essen-
to
As
points.
tial
with
me
to state
manner " The
:
the
to
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
(p.
mind was
the case in a concise and striking-
did not satisfy Callistus, whose
insists,
Even a
representation, which
much beyond Ebionitism and Artemonitism,
Roman
con-
author, in his turn, identifies
Cal-
appeared too poor to Callistus and the gregation.
Our
more than
manner
like
is
just with the Patripassians, in
as in later times the
thus,
tury,
at
the beginning
we meet within
the
same antagonism, in which,
we
find
learn
of
Roman
the
remarkable,
second
cen-
congregation the
at a later period (-60),
Dionysius the bishop of
nysius of Alexandria
Homousion and
How
Sabellianism were confounded. that
on which
directed with predilection to the Unity of
the Father and the Son.
listus
234.) seem
stricter doctrine of subordination,
our author
goes so
nature of the controversy
following words
the
Callistus,
engaged
!
Rome
and Dio-
Callistus,
as
we
now, had already excommunicated Sabellius,
tlien living at
Rome
:
and him Dionysius of Alex-
PROFESSOR JACOBl'S STRICTURES.
On
andria also combats.
the other side,
337 Callistus
followed with a decided step the tendency towards the Homousion, in opposition to the old theory of
We
the subordination of the Logos,
therefore see
that the development of the Trinitarian doctrine did
not take place at
posed hitherto.
Rome
But
it
was sup-
so peaceably as
is
remarkable, that, as that
Church never allowed the Ebionite theory
Roman
dominate, so in the time of the it
had already within
that struggle, which
Church
own
its
limits
was soon
to its foundation,
the
Trinitarian,
gone through
to shake the entire
and
it
period, taken the course which as
to pre-
Dionysius
had, at an early
may be
designated
by upholding the Homousion
against Subordinationism, but to the
exclusion
of
Sabellianism."
The
points of difference between Professor Jacobi
and myself are therefore of minor importance, whereas
we agree on
all
the essential ones
arrived at our conclusions without other. culties
I flatter
and we have
myself I have removed the
which led that learned
doubts as to the authorship and
At
:
knowing of each
man life
still
diffi-
to entertain
of Hippolytus.
the same time that I received from
Germany by an number
these articles of Professor Jacobi, I learned article of Professor
Schneidewin in the
last
of his " Philologus " on the fragments of Empedocles
contained in our work, that the friend of that emi-
nent
critic.
Dr. Duncker, of the University of Got-
Q
ON THE "REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES."
338
tingen,
prepared to prove that our book
is
is
not
work of Origen, but of Hippolytus. If further
the
intelligence
respecting the researches
on our subject reach In the
of them.* tical result
of all
me
in
Germany
in time, I will give a report
mean time inquiries,
the hitherto iden-
perfectly independent
of each other, seems to augur well for the course I
have taken. B.
*
Nov.
17.
The
" Gottinger gelehrte Anzeigen" of this quarter
contains, in Nos. 152 tion, written
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
155.,
an
by Dr. Duncker.
article
The
on the Oxford publica-
author, after having given
a detailed account of the contents, declares briefly that Hippo-
must be the author, and promises to prove this assertion new edition of the work which he and Professor Schneidewin are preparing.
lytus
in the
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
APPENDIX,
FRAGMENTS OF HIPPOLYTUS COLLECTED CARDINAL MAI. (See page 226.)
THE
BY
Cardinal Mai has had the good sense to adorn the first volume of his " Scriptorum Veterum nova Collectio" (Rom. 1825, 4to) with the statue of Hippolytus (p. v.), and to explain (p. xxxv.) the incorrect Greek expression, " Bishop of Rome," in the superscription of those extracts, by the circumstance that he was bishop of the harbour of Rome, which they mistook for Rome itself. In the second part of the same volume he gives, in a Catena about Daniel 222.), such fragments of the book of Hippolytus (p. 161 on this subject as were hitherto inedited. There are in
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
the Catenae, extracted in the continuation of this colossal
work, fragments of other works, mostly exegetical, of Hip-
Of all these I give here a list which I believe be complete, and the text itself wherever they appear to me to be of importance on account of their contents. polytus. to
They
are the following
:
Page 169. V. 3. 5.
170. V. 10. 14. 172. V. 29. 173. V. 31.
tti
hrjiioKpariuL
at jjiiWovffaL
yiyveaQai, &c.
compared with the corresponding passage the book on the Antichrist. to be
Q 2
;
in
:
APPENDIX.
340 175. V. 33, 34. 177. V. 43.
where Mai
178. V. 46.:
calls the attention of the
in the
form of a homily;
a direct confirmation of
what I have generally observed on Compare also Mai's note, p. 184. 179. V. 48, 49. and 1. 180. V.
reader
Commentary of Hippolytus was
to the fact, that the
this
subject.
7.
181. V. 16. 19.
184. V. 3.
Compare Mai's note
189. V. 93. 199. V.
200.
3.
1, 2, 3.
V. 4.
He
5 (ter).
" quotes here the " preceding book
(section), ey r^ Trpu Tavrrfg (Diâ&#x201A;ŹX(f.
201. V. 6. 202. V.
6. 7.
203.
V. 7.
204.
V. 8.
205.
Here occurs
V. 13.
a
phrase which
very
is
signifi-
In explanation of the remarkable expression of Daniel, " the cant for the Christology of Hippolytus.
Old of the days," Hippolytus observes: uev ovv
ijjiepwy oi/)( erepov Xiyei
Kvpiov koXQeov koX (sc.
oe(77r()TT]i^).
dearTTOTTjp, roi'
God, therefore,
Lord and God and Master of himself."
This
is
a
new
aXX
>)
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; UaXatoy
toj'
cnravTwy
kcu avrov tov Xpiarov is
named here the
all,
"also of Christ
illustration of the sense
and
true reading of the difficult, but important, passage at the end of the " Refutation," which I have discussed
and note to p. 185. Both passages are too important for the Christology of Hippolytus not to be given here
p. 184.
205. V. 14. (bis).
textually 'II tt,ovaia
avrov i^ovcria altjpiOQ'
iTnroXvrov.
Tw
:
FKAGMENTS OF HIPPOLYTUS. ovv
iZi<^ viio 6 Trarijp 'kclvtu
vcTiQ
KOL
rci STTi rrJQ
341
inrora^ag rare kv role ovpa-
dia iravTiov cnridei^ev civrov
yfJQ,
TrpiOTOTOKOV iv Tracri ytvoiXEVOV irpiororoKOV Lk Oeov, iVa fxera rov Traripog viog
Qeov
iva Kal ayyiXb)v Kvpiog
Cjv a-Kudei-)(^di] irpo
(parr]' irpojroroKov Ik
\va ray TrpujTOTrXacrTOP 'A^a/x
iv
dyyiXojv, Trapdevov,
avaivXaaaiov
avrio
Bei)(dil' TrpijJTOTOUov sk veKpG)V^ 'Iva a7rap)(>) rijg lifieripag
avaaraffeiog avrog yevrjdfj.
"Hrig oh
TzapaXtvaETaC 'ItzttoXvtov.
T})v k^ovaiav
Trdacip Tifv Tvcipa rov Tzarpog ht^ofxivr}v rio v'ko VTricet' ^ev, og k-Kovpayiioi' kol ETnyeiojv Kcd
Kara^Qoviiov ftaai-
\evg Kcu
KpiT))g Travrujv airodedeiKTat' eirovpaylojy fXEv, otl
\6yog
Kap^iag irpo Trdvrojy yeyeyrji-ieyog
on
£«:
r]v'
sTriyeiwy Cf,
avdpojTrog kv dyOpwiroig kyevvijdrj, ciyaTrXdafftoy
avTOv Toy 'Ahdfi' Kara^Qoy'nay
de, otl kcu
evay yeXi^ofxeyog rate
\oyiadr],
Tojy
S^ayaTov ^dvciTov viKujy.
The
passage,
fjfXETspag
'Iva d-rrapyj]
yEVTjdfj (that
Tijg
dy lojy
clcl
first
dvaaTdaEOjg avTog first-fruits of
resurrection), illustrates and confirms said p. 2,76. note.
\l'V)(^cug,
conclusion of the^
he miglit become the
ci'
kv ve^pelg kute-
our
what has been
The remarkable expression
second passage, on Xoyog kK Kapdiag itaTpog
in the
ndvTOJV
irpo
comes in support of what has been show the affinity of the concluding fragment of our text of the " Letter to Diognetus" with peculiar and favourite expressions yeyEyrijiiyog
7]y,
said in note to p. 274., to
of Hippolytus.
206.
On
V. 18.
the glory of the second coming of Christ
fjLTjKETL
^id E'i^ovg ojg kv opdffEi (jXETrofdEvog,
ffTvXo)
VEfpEXrjg
kirt
Kopv(f)fjg
opovg
(allusions to the vision of the
Mount Tabor, 206. V. 19.
Romans
On ;
ixi]TE
tv
diroKaXvTZTOjj.Evog
three
disciples
on
or the transfiguration).
the
fourth monarchy,
or
that of the
the corresponding passage in the book on
the Antichrist
is
identical with this
Q 3
commentary.
APPENDIX.
342 207. V. 22. 25. 211. V. 21. 214. V. 6,
The second passage
7.
interesting as to
is
the sense Hippolytus attached to the external com-
munion with the Church
Tolg yap ayloig ^o^ov^i-
:
yap
voig avTov avTotg fxovoig eavrov cnroKaXvTrrer el
!.())
e^EL,
ovhlv TOVTOV
u)(pE\TJ
//
rig
<p6€ov le Qeov
BokeI Kai kv iKK\r](TL(f vvv TvoXireveadaL,
aytovg avrolog.
TTpog Tovg
On the expression ra civw Karoj, com215. V. 12, 13. 16. pare " Refutation," p. 235. 25. 216. V. 18. 219.
On
V. 1.
which
the great persecution of the Christians
according to
will take place in the last days,
the Apocalypse. 220. V. 2, 3.
7. 9.
In the explanation of
quotes the passage of St. Matthew, the article before
ijXtog
:
Tote
ol
v. 3.
Hippolytus
43, omitting
xiii.
cUaioL EKXafjupovaiv
vjg ijXiog.
221. V. 11. 223. Appendix TI.
The fragment
of the commentary of
Hippolytus on the Proverbs, which
we
only in the Latin translation. (Fabric,
i.
hitherto
knew
p. 269.:
com-
pare the Various Readings in Gallandi.)
Part HI. T))i'
"
75.
Rerum
col. 2.)
Tov uyiov iTnroXvrov 'Fuifjijjg taken out of irpayfj-areiag '
rePEaiv
£/c
:
sacrarura Liber."
Remarkable
is
(See Mai,
Eig
vol. vii. p. 84.
the expression in the begin-
ning of the explanation of the words Qeog Toy avdpojTroy X^^^
Tijg
Leontius,
^''^^
^''^
:
7^^*
/.at
EirXaaEy 6
Apa
kuto.
fi))
TijvTiywv vTToyoiay Tpilg uydpioirovg XiyofJEy yEyoyiyai,
eya TvyevfiaTiKoy Kal eVa ovTiog 'E^Eiy
uXXa
WEpl
This betrays the ancient heresies
;
of the Naassenes.
;^u)(t/vO>^
Kat eva yo'iKoy
lyog ayOpwivov
>/
man who inquired we find that doctrine
irdaa
;
ov^
du'iyrjffig.
into tlie
most
in the system
(Refut. IIa3res. p. 95. 50.)
Mai,
FRAGMENTS OF HIPPOLYTUS.
343
in his note to this extract, refers to fragments of Hippolytus in a Catena published " ante hos annos," in
Leipzig, which I confess to have no knowledge
Vol. IX. 620
645.
— 720.
of.
Nicety catena in Lucam.
c. ii. V. 7.
650. V. 22. 712.
c.
Am
xxiii. v. 33.
tovto irvXiopol a^ov idopreg avTov
ETTTrf^ay, kol TruXai )^a\k'ai Kal fxo-xXot (nCrjpol
(Tvverpi-
These words remind us of the rhetorical description of Hades, in the fragment of the treatise Tlepl T7]Q Tov iravTUQ ovffiag, which I have illustrated in the text. We find the very same passage of Hip€r)aay.
polytus quoted in an anonymous collection of sayings of the holy fathers on the incarnation, in
Vol. VII. 14. Aia Kal
TOVTO
(Tvi'edXaadrjaay, &C. iTTLCrKOTTOV
t^OVTSQ
TTvXoJpOL
TrvXai ^aXKoi,
(rvvETpi^ijaav
The
kcu
superscription
68. col. 2. Tov
TrpojTi] ^vvafJLig,
'Kr]ya'C6fxevog
V
(j)vffip
Taken out
:
ki,
Kal
T7]Q
Xoyog ^vaiKujg
avTrjg
avTrjg Trrjya^ofievog).
of Leontius, " Contra Monophysitas." eK tCjv
T,vXoyLu)V tov BaXacifi.
avvafj.(f)6Tepov 'f.\o)v kv
"Iva deixQi] to
^vtritcr]
avTijg avTOKivr]Tog Kal
ijyovv 6 aeiKivrjTog
(perhaps
Tov ayiov 'iTnroXvTOV S'eiov overlay
t^drd
:
'Evepyeia
ayiov 'iTnroXvTOv.
voepctQ ea-TL \pvxVQ
1.
(ncrjpol
'imroXyTOv
is
Voj^Tjg Kai jiapTvpoQ*
In the same anonymous collection
134. col.
eTTTtj^aV,
<T£
ixo)(\ol
Tijy
k^
ayOpuJTrojy
:
eavrw,
ti]v te
tov
language analo-
gous to that in the treatise against Noetus. The passage may be out of the commentary on 4 Mos. 23. but more probably there existed a 5. 16., 24. 4. peculiar treatise or homily on that favourite subject of ancient tradition and speculation, the prophecy :
of Balaam.
INDEX THE FIRST VOLUME. Adamas,
in the system of the Naasseni, p. 35. Ademes, companion of Euphrates, the Peratic, 37. Aden in Arabia, supposed to be the residence of Hippolytus, 201. Ager Veranus, locality of the old catacombs, 215. Alcihiades of Apamea spreads the doctrine of the Elchasaites, 119. Allegories of Origen and Hippolytus compared, 302. Amhrosius, called by Origen his taskmaster, 22. epitomizer of the Greek fathers, 365. Amen, in the system of Justinus, the Gnostic, 39. hvaToXiKT} didaffKahia, Oriental school of the Valentinians, 65. Anastasius on Hippolytus. 205.
^
Anniversary
festival
of
St.
Hip-
polytus, 216.
Antichrist, Against ; a work of Hippolytus, 272. Prof Jacobi's opinion about .
its
age, 335.
Apelles, the Gnostic, 100.
Apocalypse of St. Peter, probably used by Hippolytus, 267. Apocalypse of St. John, cited as the work of the apostle by Hippolytus, 273. ^A.Tr6(po.(Tis, Great AnfM^ydXT], nouncement, text-book of the Simonians, 44.
Apostolical Canons on the Roman presbytery, 31 1. Apostolic Tradition about the gifts of the Holy Spirit, a work of Hippolytus, 275. Ardesianes (probably Bardesanes) of the Oriental school of Valentinianism, 65. Arnold, Gottfried, of Halle, his reaction in treating the heresies, 32. Attis, mystical hymn to, 36. Axionikos, follower of the Oriental school of Valentinianism, 65.
Baptism, second, of the Elchasaites, 120.
Baronius treats the
chronology
uncritically, 280.
Baruch, book
of,
written by Jus-
tinus, the Gnostic, 38.
of St. Hippolytus at Portus, 209. Basilides, the Gnostic, 85. Basnage combats the old method in treating the heresies, 32. Baurs views on the Ophites confirmed, 93. Bishop of the Nations, title of Hippolytus, 316. Bishops, suburban, in their relation to the Church of Rome, 207. Brachmans, treated in the introduction to the " Refutation," Basilica
74. Bidl,
_
bishop, his
thod, 263.
historical
me-
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME.
346
Caianites, against the Hippolytus, 271. Cuius,
Roman
;
a
work of
relation to
presbyter, not the
author of the " Refutation,"
does
not
Ei)istle to the
attribute
Hebrews
the
to St.
Paul, 25.
Clementine Homilies (and Recognitions) on Simon, 46. Colarbasus, the article on this Gnostic omitted in our text, 70. 75.
of Faith of Hippolytus compared with the work against Noetus, 252. its conclusion wanting, 148. 186. Corinthians, St. Paul's Epistle to the, quoted in the extracts from the " Great Announce-
Confession
Carpocrates, 76,
Carpophorus, master of Callistus, 127. Carystian, epithet of the founder of the Peratic sect, 37. Cassiodoriis, epitomizer of the Greek fathers, 315. Catalogue of Hippolytus' writings on the statue restored, 288.
Catalogus
Liberianus, its character, 279. Catalogus Liberianus, Felicianus, Paulinus, on the transportation of Pontianus and Hippolytus, 213. Cave, his confused article about Hippolytus, 201. Celibacy, origin of, 312. Cerdo, the Gnostic, 98. Cermthus, the historical truth of the traditions about him, 82. Character indelebilis, theory of, its late origin, 313. Chronicles, the; a work of Hippolytus, 278. Chronicon Paschale of Hippolytus, 205. Chronological systems of Hippolytus, founded on the seventy-
two races, 144. Chronology of the
life
of
Hippo-
lytus, 211. 248. 264.
the
his epistle in
Church government,
308.
14.
259. 334. CalUstits, bishop of Rome, 115. 127. 331. Callistians, name of the Noetians, 115. Cardinales episcopi, their origin, 209. 321.
of
Rome,
Clemens of
Roman
bishops,
279.
Church government, development of, 307. Clemens of Alexandria treats the system of Theodotus, 305.
ment," 55. CorneUtis,
his
number of
statement of the
Roman
the
clergy,
310.
on Hippolytus, 205.
Cyril
Daniel, Hippolytus' interpretation of this book, 274. David, his relation to the Psalms explained by Hippolytus, 285.
AiOeoi
and
(Ditlieists),
Ilippolytus by Cal-
his party named, so
listus, 117.
Diognetus, Epistle to on the second fragment attributed to ;â&#x20AC;˘
this epistle, 187. Discipline, the system of, altered by degrees, 135. 312. ,
ecclesiastical,
relaxed by
Callistus, 133.
Docctas, the, 102. Doctrinal writings of Hippolytus, 271. Dodicell, his conjecture on Hippolytus' chronography, 278. Dorner, his exposition of the systems of the leading fathers of Hippolytus' age, 293. Dositlieans, meaning of the name in Photius' account, 26. 121.
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. Druids, treated in the introduction to the " Refutation," 24. Duncker, Dr., his opinion about the author of the " Refutation," 338.
Easter, demonstration of the time, a work of Hippolytus, 281. Ebionites, the, 9\. Ecclesiastes, on the work of Hippolytus, 286. Edem, the female principle in the system of Justinus, the Gnostic, 39. Elchasai, the fabulous book supposed to be received by him, 119. Elchasaites, the, 119. Elements, doctrine about the, of Hippolytus, 150. Empedocles, his system treated by Hippolytus as the basis .of Marcion's doctrine, 89. Encratites, the, 113. Epigonus, disciple (not predecessor) of Noetus, 1 14. Epiphanes, the Gnostic, 67. Epiphanhis, his testimony on the " Refutation," 15. Episcopalian system, how adopted, 309. Episcopus Cyrenensis on Hippolytus, 226. Epistles of St. Paul, used by the Naasseni, 36. Esdras' collection of the Psalms, treated by Hippolytus, 284. Euphrates, called 6 HepariKSs, founder of a Gnostic sect, 36. Eusehius, 202. 285. his list of the works of Hippolytus, 290. ;
347
Fabricius does not acknowledge
Philosophumena work of Origen, 4.
the
as
the
his edition of Hippolytus,
,
225.
Forged works under Hippolytus' name, 280 Formularies of faith, their relative truth, 179.
Fragmentum Muratorianum, 314. Fusciamis, the prefect of Rome, sentences Callistus to be transported, 129. Galandis edition of Hippolytus, 226. Gelasius, pope, his quotation of Hippolytus, 206. German rationalism, judgment on, 5, 6.
method of theological inquiry, 263. Gihhon, 322. God, on, and the Resurrection of the F"lesh tus, 275.
Good, on, Evil
;
a
;
a work of Hippoly-
and
the
Origin
of
work of Hippolytus,
275. St. John, used by the Naasseni, 36. the idea of its late origin destroyed by our work, 90.
Gospel of ,
quoted by Basilicies, 87. Gospel according to the Egyptians, and according to Thomas, adopted by the Naasseni, ,
36.
Gudius, 3Iarqun7'd, editor of Hippolytus' work against Antichrist, 272.
,
,
his article
on Hippolytus,
202. on the prophecy of Judas, 274. Evil, origin of. after Hippolytus' ,
doctrine, 162.
Exegetical works of Hippolytus. 281.
Hades, description
of,
by Hip-
polytus, 267. Hehed Jesu's catalogue, 271. Hebrews, Epistle to the, quoted in the " Refutation " as not
written by St. Paul, 21. 24. Hegesippus, probably extracted by Hippolytus, 314. Helen, in Simon's system, 46.
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME.
348
Jerome, on the sermon preached by Hippolytus before Origen, 319. Jews, Address to the ; a work of Hippolytus, 265. Josephus supposed to be the author of a work of Hippolytus, by Photius, 151. extracted by Hippolytus, 314. Judas, prophecy of, 274. Justice (t^ Z'lKaiov') set up by Prepon as third principle, 90. Justinus, the Gnostic, 38.
Address to the. See Substance of the Universe, &c. Heracleon, follower of the Occidental school of Valentinianism,
Hellenes,
65. Heraclitus, fragment of, 115. Heresies, against all the, analysis of the book, 229. Hermas, 315. Htnnogenes, the Gnostic, 105. Hesiod, treated in the introduction of the " Refutation," 24. Hyacinthus, eunuch of the palace, delivers Callistus, 129. History of the Church, providential character in its develop-
,
Labyrinth,
Little a work of Hippolytus, 153. 293. Law, the, founded on its inward correspondence with man and
ment, 177. Historical works of Hippolytus, 278. Homilies, doctrinal festal, of Hip-
;
nature, 164.
Liber Pontificalis on the transportation of Pontianus and Hippolytus, 213. Lists of the works of Hippolytus compared, 290 292. Logos, in the system of the Naas-
polytus, 276. 281.
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
Ideler on the Paschal Cycle of Hippolytus, 210. I
Ignatius,
Epistles
of,
seni, 35.
illustrated
by the system of the Simonians,
,
Iren<ÂŁus follows different arrange-
,
ment from the " Refutation," 25.
,
,
His
John's Gospel.
polytus, 73. Mai, Angelo, his
Hippolytus'
by Hipof 220.
collection
fragments,
283. 339. 24.
Professor, his review of the work of Hippolytus, 333. Jerome, his testimony on our work
Marcia, mistress of Commodus, recalls Callistus
13.
, his blunder in the account of Origen, 22. first list of the works of Hippolytus, 290.
the,
Mandanis, miswritten Dandamis,
Jacohi,
mentions a homily of Hip-
Ro-
305.
Magi, book against
35.
polytus, 22.
Hippolytus' Confession,
in tlie doctrine of the
man Church,
James, St. brother of our Lord, said to have delivered the sys-
tem of the Naasseni,
in
157.
less authentic in his account of Simon than Hippolytus, 40. Ignativs, letters on, 309. Isidorus, son of Basilides, the Gnostic, 85.
,
in St.
historical relation, 41.
57.
'
from
his exile,
127. 3rarcion, the Gnostic, 88. Marcion, Against ; a work of Hippolytus, 271. Marcus, the Gnostic, and the Marcosians, 72. 3Iariamne, said to have received
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. system of the Naasseni St. James, brother of our Lord, 35. Marriage of presbyters, 135. 312. the
from
Nicolnus, the father of the Nicolaitans, 97. Niebuhr's opinion on the means for finding truth, 7.
Martyrdom of Callistus, of M. Miller about it,
error of 136. of Hippolytus, 212. 222. Matthias, St., Doctrines (A6yui) of, used by the Basilidians, 86. Max-imilla, the Montanist prophetess, 111. Meier, G. A., on Hippolytus' doctrine of the Trinity, 297. Melchisedekites, the, 93. MeVov, signification of this term in Marcion's system, 90. Metempsychosis, doctrine of, 82.
Mommsen's
chronological essay,
280.
Monarchianism
in
the
Roman
Church, 305. 3Ionoimus, the Arab Gnostic, 133. Montanists, the {^pvyes). 111. Moses, Song of, treated by Hippolytus, 285. 3Iosheim combats the old method in treating the heresies,
349
,
on the
TloifjLrjv
of Hermas,
315.
Noetianism, the Montanists partly accused of. 111. Noetians, the, 114. 131. Noetus, Against; a work of Hippolytus, 249.
Novatianism, the supposed, Hippolytus, 219,
of
Occidental school of the Valentinians, 65.
Old Testament, works of Hippolytus on the historical books of the, 282. Ophites, the, represented as the eldest Gnostics, 40. Optatus of Mileve on the number of the Roman clergy, 311. Origen, internal evidence against his authorship of the " Refutation," 200.
compared with Hippolytus, 259. 301.
32.
his
,
Moyne, Le, does not acknowledge the Philosophumena as a work
view on the Trinity,
299. ,
difference
of his
doctrine
from that of the author of the
of Origen, 1 1. , his conjecture about the residence of Hippolytus, 200.
" Refutation," 331. Pagi, on the chronology of the
Naasseni (Ophites), name,
sys-
tem, tradition, 35. Natalius, history of his conversion from Artemonism, 244. Neander, his doubt on the age of
Euphrates solved, 38.
New Testament, Hippolytus' writings on the, 286. Niccphorus (the Constantinopolitan), his list of the works of Hippolytus, 290. on Hippolytus, 205. Nicephorus, son of Callistus, on Hippolytus, 205. ,
Roman bishops, 280. Pantcenus applies first the comparison of heresy with the systems of Greek philosophy, 30. Pantheism, supposed, in Hippolytus' Confession, 194. Paphnutius, bishop, opposes himself to the law on celibacy, 313. Paroemia, sense of this word in the early times, 207. Paschal Cycle, the, on the statue of Hippolytus, 13. 210. 223, 317.
R
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME.
350
Passover, treatise on the, quotation of this writing of Hippolytus, 107. Pearson, his explanation in Ignatius' epistle to the Magnesians reproved, 59. Peratse or Peratics, a Gnostic
Preaching in Rome, early character of, 318. Prepon, the Assyrian, Marcionist, 89.
Presbyter ianism of Hippolytus, 307. Priscilla, the Montanist prophetess, 14.
sect, 36.
Peter, bishop of
Alexandria, his quotation of the article on the Quartodecimani, 15. 106.
UpodaTcioi ecos aldepos, title of the sacred book of the Peratics,
Peter jnann, Professor, his Armenian translation of the Epistles
Prophets, Hippolytus on the, 165. Protestant orthodoxy, sterility and conventional character of,
of Ignatius, 59. Philoponn.t has preserved a frag-
ment of Hippolytus, 268. Philosophy, Greek,
moderation
in
about, 142. physical, ,
judgment Hippolytus'
in
169.
Proverbs, on the a work of Hippolytus, 286. Prudentius, his description of the burial-place of Hippolytus, 13. , on Hippolytus' martyrdom, 215. Psalms and songs of the Old Testament, work of Hippolytus on the, 282. PtolemcEus, the Gnostic, 62. follower of the Occidental school of Valentinianism, 65. Pythagorean philosophy, its connection with the Valentinian system according to Hippoly;
Hippolytus'
his
37.
work, 268. Philumena, the clairvoyante, 100. Philumena, St., invented history of, 227. Photius, his account of Hippolytus' work. On the Substance of the Universe, 150. his account of the " Refutation" in his " Bibliotheca," ,
16. sqq.
Phrygia, birthplace of the Naas-
,
tus' opinion, 61.
seni, 36.
Pindar, fragments
of, in
our work,
8.
Plebs, sense of the early time, 207.
word
in
the
Pneumatics, by Hero of Alexandria, 269.
Polemical works of Plippolytus, 229. Pohjcarp, his
epistle
in
relation
to Church government, 309. Pontianiis, transported with Hip-
polytus, 212. Portus, harbour of Rome, the residence of Hippolytus, 12. 20;{. 217. bishop of, member of the Roman presbytery, 311. ,
Quartodecimani, the article on them extracted in our text of the " Refutation," 15. 165.
Eedepexxixg does
not acknowledge the Philosophumena as the work of Origen, 11. Reviews of the work of Hippolytus, 328. 333. Roman Church, its constitution at the time of Hippolytus, 311. presbytery, its relation to the suburban bishops, 12. Rome, the residence of Hippolytus, 200. , its importance in the Christian time, 316.
;
INDEX TO THE FIKST VOLUME. his judicious opinion concerning Hippolytus, 201.
Ruinart,
the ; a 267.
work of Hippolytus,
Syncellus
Sabellius, his relation to Callistus, 117. 191. Saturnilus, the Gnostic, 88 Frederic, harmonizing with Hippolytus, 166. Schneidewin on the hymn to Attis, Schlegel,
36. Secundus, the Gnostic, 66. Semon Sancus, the confusion of Irenaeus about this statue not followed by Hippolytus, 52. Serpent, worshipped by the Naasseni, 35. ,worshipped by the Sethiani, 38. Sethiani, a Gnostic sect, 38. Severina, hortatory sermon to
a work of Hippolytus, 276. Sextus Empiricus, extracted by Hippolytus, 315. Sige, the, in the Epistles of Ignatius, illustrated
monian system,
from the
Si-
57.
Simon Magus, the Gittean, 44. Sobai, supposed to have received the fabulous book of the Elchasaites from Elchasai, 119. Socrates, his ecclesiastical history,
313. of, treated by Hippolytus, 285. Sophia, probable extracts from this doctrinal work of Valentinus in the " Refutation," 61. Coptic manuscript un, the der this name, 61. history ecclesiastical Sozomeris
Solomon, Song
318.
Holy, not limited in its working to the holy men of the Old Testament, 164.
Spirit,
Stans,
the
Standing,
epithet
Simon, 46. Statue of Hippolytus, 223. Substance
13.
of
210.
on
cites
149.
Hippolytus' po-
lemical works, 271.
chronology of the Robishops, 271. 278. , his list of the works of Hippolytus, 290. his
,
man
Systems, ecclesiastical, dignity of, 172.
relative
Table, comparative, of the thirty-
two
heresies according to book and book x., 231. chronological and genealogical, of the thirty-two heresies, 233. Tatian, disciple of Justin Martyr, 104. Tertullian, his views on the Trinity, 259. his first element, the Thales, water, adopted by the Naasseni, V
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
ix.
,
33. Theodoret, his error about the history of Noetianism, 114.
quotes a fragment of Hippolytus, 285. Theodotus, of Byzantium, 92. Theodotus, the Trapezite, 92. , his importance in the history of Gnosticism, 305. , extracts from his writings by Clement of Alexandria, 65. ^6.
Theophrastus, Epistle
to,
written
by Monoimus, 103. le Nain, his opinion on Hippolytus, 201. Timothy, First Epistle to, proof of its authenticity, 40. Trinity, doctrine of, its import-
Tillemont
ance, 303.
Tubingen, school of, their fancies about the early age of the Church destroyed by the " Refutation," 53. 245. ,
of the Universe,
351
280.
their confused chronology,
352
INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME.
Universe,
on
Sub-
ViUemain, 31., his merits about the recovered work of Hippo-
Valentinus. 61. Vero, Against a work of Hippo-
Wolf, Christian, does not acknowledge the Philosophumena as
the.
See
stance of the Universe.
lytus, 7.
;
lytus, 261. Victor,
the
of Origen, 11.
Zephtrixus, bishop of Rome,
Antium, 130.
related to have Theodotus, 96. ,
related to Noetus, 119. ,
work
bishop of Rome, sent Cal-
listus to
condemned
,
have censured
fa-
vours Callistus, 130. his relation to Noetianism, 306. Zonaras on Hippolytus, 205.
END OF THE FIRST A'OLUME.
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