Housing Rapid Population Growth in the Global Urban South by Margot de Man

Housing Rapid Population Growth in the Global Urban South Development of the condominium typology over the 20th century and current implications for low and middle-income housing in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. History Thesis by Margot de Man

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History Thesis MSc 2, Q4 2017 09-12-2017

Housing Rapid Population Growth in the Global Urban South:

Development of the condominium typology over the 20th century and current implications for low and middle-income housing in Addis Ababa.

Author: Man M. de Mentor: Hein C. Keywords: condominium, urbanization, informality, appropriation, Addis Ababa, affordable housing Abstract: The vast amount of informal settlements in the Global Urban South is a pressing issue with mass rural-urban migration resulting in what is estimated by UN-HABITAT as a population of two billion urbanites living in inadequate conditions by the year 2030. Specifically, in the Case of Addis Ababa, the primary method of combating this issue is through the mass building of condominiums under the Integrated Housing Development Program (IHDP) geared towards low-income dwellers, primarily those currently living in informal settlements. This thesis examines how the condominium typology has evolved, how it has been implemented in the city of Addis Ababa and what this means for its displaced lowincome citizens. Key Issue: Mass Eradication of Informal Settlements and the Spatial Appropriation of the Urban Poor in a Typology of Mass Residential Building. Preface: This topic stems from an ongoing interest in community liveability. Now, in the Global Housing Studio at TU Delft on the topic of affordable housing in Ethiopia, I am studying how this interest plays a role in the Global Urban South: a key current issue is the growing population of mega cities worldwide as more and more people move from rural areas to city centres. With large shortages of affordable housing in these centres, arrivals naturally settle into informal settlements, commonly but inappropriately labelled as slums. I am interested in the impact that large areas of apartment blocks in North American cities have on conviviality and after visiting Addis Ababa I see that this typology plays an important role there in addressing increased rural-urban migration but at the same time rendering unconvivial communities. These condominiums are viewed both positively and negatively. Extensive research of this typology should result in a solution to the problem of affordable housing in combination with these existing developments.

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Research Question: How has the condominium typology which has been built in Addis Ababa in the beginning of the 21st century contributed to the provision of housing for the targeted low-income group displaced from informal settlements? Additional Research Questions: How has Addis Ababa developed over the course of the 20th century regarding ownership, expropriation and appropriation, leading to a specific requirement of housing typology that has not been met by the condominium developments? How has the typology present in the form of the condominiums in Addis Ababa developed from a world-wide model, what can we learn from past examples and who are the actors? How has the condominium typology developed and changed over the course of its implementation in Addis Ababa and who are the actors in this development? What can be learned from a first-hand account of Addis Ababa through its informal settlements and its condominiums? Hypothesis: Addis Ababa is now in a complex, affordable housing predicament. The condominium typology of affordable housing that developed at the turn of the 21st century in response to severe housing shortages tends to repeat the mistakes made in the past with this globally recognized typology. Now that the condominium development is still underway, and the redevelopment of this typology is occurring globally, Addis Ababa has the opportunity to avert the downfalls of the typology and further develop the housing program to create a more liveable, dynamic, multi-income, and multi-functional typology from the start. To do this, it is important to look at the history of this condominium typology, of Addis Ababa and informal development to understand what should be avoided and what can be improved upon to meet its needs.

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Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 4 Historical Context 1886-2011: Expropriation, Ownership, Appropriation ........................................... 8 Early Settlement.................................................................................................................................. 8 The Italian Occupation and Revolution............................................................................................... 9 The Derg Regime ................................................................................................................................. 9 Democracy After the Derg ................................................................................................................ 10 The Condominium in Relation to Similar Typologies in the 20th century ........................................... 14 Development of Multi-Story Social Housing Typologies................................................................... 14 Pruitt Igoe, St. Louis .......................................................................................................................... 14 St. Lawrence Neighbourhood, Toronto ............................................................................................ 15 Toronto Tower Renewal ................................................................................................................... 16 Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Role in Addis Ababa .............................................................................................................. 16 The Grand Housing Program 2000-Present ......................................................................................... 27 Low-Cost Housing (LCH) .................................................................................................................... 27 Addis Ababa Grand Housing Program (AAGHP)................................................................................ 27 Integrated Housing Development Program (IHDP) .......................................................................... 27 Historical Outcome ............................................................................................................................... 29 The Current Situation: First-hand Account .......................................................................................... 30 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................ 50 References ............................................................................................................................................ 52

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Introduction The vast amount of informal settlements in the global urban south is a pressing issue with migration to the city from rural areas increasing significantly. UN-HABITAT has estimated that two billion urbanites will live in inadequate ‘slum’ conditions by the year 2030 1 and there is a prominent need in the global urban south for new, alternative, sustainable and affordable housing solutions. 2 With numbers of urbanities increasing rapidly, this is a timesensitive issue. There have been many initiatives to date, whether typically seen as positive or negative, that have focussed on providing new, safe, and healthy housing solutions for this growing slum population in an economical and timely manner. These solutions range from self-help or incremental systems to the more formal social housing delivery system present in the form of mid-rise housing blocks (condominiums). This thesis focusses on the later. Since the turn of the last century, large areas of informal settlements in the global urban south have been replaced by mid-rise mass housing at an alarming rate. Addis Ababa is a primary example of this phenomenon, where as a result of the Grand Housing Programme (GHP) in 2004, vast areas of what was seen by the government as ‘dilapidated housing stock’ due to its run-down appearance and lack of adequate sewage infrastructure, were and continue to be redeveloped. 3 In order to address the extreme housing shortage of an estimated 300,000 dwelling units, the programme sought to build 50,000 units per year. Over 220,000 units have been built to date. Although the focus was on supplying lowincome housing, tenants were required to pay at least 10 percent down payment. 4 This led to the displacement of the people on the lowest end of the economic spectrum. According to Architecture for Humanity, Zimbabwe’s president Robert Mugabe forced slum dwellers of “illegal structures” to tear down their own homes as part of Operation Restore Order in 2005, displacing nearly 600,000 people. This kind of slum-clearance program is condemned by UN-HABITAT who call it “indiscriminate, unjustified, and conducted with indifference to human suffering”. 5 There is a long history of battle between land ownership in Ethiopia. It is interesting how the appropriation of space can be connected to ownership. In general, it is said that people have more pride and care for land they own. According to Berhanu Gebrewold, spatial appropriation is the transformational, occupying process of a space by its users in their own way. 6 This is the action of physically reinterpreting the use of a space based on specific needs which is prevalent in the naturally developed communities, called sefers whereby albeit not owning the land, they create spaces which meet their needs, and which can grow incrementally over time. Although the dwellers of the informal settlements do not own their Cameron Sinclair and Kate Stohr, Design Like You Give a Damn : Architectural Responses to Humanitarian Crises (New York: Metropolis Books, 2006), 52. 2 Jan Bredenoord, Paul Van Lindert, and Peer Smets, Affordable Housing in the Urban Global South (Florence: Taylor and Francis, 2014), 1. 3 Ananya Roy, "Slumdog Cities: Rethinking Subaltern Urbanism," in Informalize! : Essays on the Political Economy of Urban Form, ed. Marc Angelil, and Rainer Hehl, (Berlin: Ruby Pres, 2012), 108-142. 4 Brook Teklehaimanot and Harald Mooij, "The Grand Housing Programme," in Global Housing : Affordable Dwellings for Growing Cities, ed. Frederique van Andel, Dick van Gameren, and Maria van Tol, Dash (Rotterdam: nai010 publishers, 2015), 109-110. 5 Sinclair and Stohr, 52. 6 Berhanu Gebrewold, "Appropriating Spatial Accommodations," in Building Ethiopia : Sustainability and Innovation in Architecture and Design, ed. Zegeye Cherenet and Helawi Sewnet (Addis Ababa: EiABC, 2012). 1

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land it is seen that they have pride over their spaces and are able to adapt the intended function to their needs in the way they paint, garden and make additions to their homes. Not only do mass housing projects tend to displace the former slum dwellers, but they lack a socio-economic quality inherent to the pre-existing informal settlements. At the same time, their more permanent and formal structures do not allow for flexibility of spatial appropriation and adaptation over time. People living in the sefers may have a sense of insecurity because they do not own the land and may thus feel that they want to live in the condominium because it would give them that sense of ownership. The typology is not designed to allow for spatial appropriation and incremental adaptation. In any process of development in an urban situation it is important to focus on the incorporation of sustainable development with liveable development. It has been well proven by Charles Montgomery in his book Happy City, that development which strives to make people happier, safer and healthier is the same kind of development which proves sustainable. 7 It is important as designers to be sensitive to how our designs affect the users and their environment. In The Timeless Way of Building, Christopher Alexander states that “a person is so far formed by his surroundings, that his state of harmony depends entirely on his harmony with his surroundings.” 8 Conviviality can be defined as a quality of living together in a friendly, sociable and agreeable manner which is pertinent to the evolution of city living. I would argue that a sense of conviviality in terms of social and economic structure is present in the informal settlements of Addis Ababa but absent in the areas of newly developed condominium blocks. Affordable Housing in the Global Urban South presents an ecosystem model of achieving sustainability in affordable housing through a careful balance of resilience and efficiency where “resilience is the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and allow for change through re-organization while maintaining the same essential social structure.” 9 These two extremes are relatable to the case of Addis Ababa where the sefers represent a system with much resilience but little efficiency and the condominium blocks represent a system of great efficiency but little resilience. What is missing in the new developments is the social/economic structure which was present in the former, now dislocated or disordered sefer community. Saskia Sassen describes masshousing developments as simply dense, built-up terrain as opposed to actually belonging to the city and suggests that an informal settlement may exhibit more convivial characteristics. To understand the social/economical sensibility (these convivial characteristics) present in the sefer communities, we can look to Simon Carter’s account of the Dharavi slum in Mumbai as seen in Ananya Roy’s Essay: Slumdog Cities: Rethinking Subaltern Urbanism. Carter describes a place filled with human sewage, live wires and unstable houses of reclaimed rubble which is “uncomfortable and upsetting” however “among the most uplifting … bustling and enterprising place[s], packed with small scale industries defying their circumstances to flourish admits the squalor … inspired by man’s alchemic ability to thrive when the chips are down.” According to Tonkiss, informality is the first language of urbanization. This is an interesting statement for this topic as Addis Ababa was developed through informaility over the 20th century. However, instead of building upon this natural form of urbanization, the condominium developments tend to disregard it altogether. In Tonkiss’ essay he quotes Stewart Brand: “Alleyways in squatter cities, for example are a Charles Montgomery, Happy City: Transforming Our Lives Through Urban Design (Doubleday Canada, 2013) Montgomery, Happy City, 3 9 Smets, Bredenoord, and Lindert, Affordable Housing in the Global Urban South, 8 7 8

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dense interplay of retail and services – one-chair barbershops and three-seat bars interspersed with the clothes racks and fruit tables.” 10 Tonkiss also describes a study which differentiates ‘organic’ patterns of settlement from planned ones. The organic settlements in this case are “adaptive: responding to environmental conditions and limits, organized around habitual patterns of movement and reproducing social solidarities.” 11 This flexibility inherent in informal developments makes them highly resilient. Although there is formal real estate insecurity in these developments, there is still a great deal of permanence in living situations. The ‘slums’ always seem to portray a language of either estheticization of their informality or an apocalyptic rendering of poverty. Instead, Roy looks at informal settlements on the basis of subaltern urbanism where they are the “terrain of habitation, livelihood, and politic” with a focus on “entrepreneurism and political agency.” 12 What is important here to note is that the informal settlements exhibit “self-organizing economies of entrepreneurialism” 13 which is also noted in Affordable Housing in the Global Urban South as an important determinant of sustainability. 14 The new condominium developments in the centre of Addis Ababa are not affordable for the intended lower income residents of the informal settlements who are displaced in the act of development under the GHP. The projects which came about as a method of combating the extreme housing shortage in Addis Ababa were unintentionally designed without spatial requirements of the lower income user and were made more affordable for the middle class. This is evident in the size of the dwellings where the units are much larger than the typical sefer dwelling and thus an unnecessarily unaffordable number of square units to purchase. The provision of spaces such as interior kitchens also make the units more expensive and are designed in a way that don’t cater to the needs of the lower income group. The sefer communities do most of their cooking outside but the condominiums do not offer enough outdoor space on each floor for this activity. During my visit to Addis Ababa I surveyed the existing situations of the informal settlements and condominium blocks. I conducted interviews with low income residents of the informal settlements as well as middle income residents of the condominium projects. I documented the spatial layouts of homes in the informal settlements and how they used or appropriated their spaces. I did this for condominium sites as well. Further documentation on the condominium layouts is studied through a catalogue of the condominium typology. This thesis is interested in how the condominium typology constructed in Addis Ababa in the beginning of the 21st century has contributed to the provision of housing for the targeted low-income group displaced from informal settlements. This is examined through: - the history of the development of Addis Ababa over the course of the 20th century in regards to ownership, expropriation and appropriation leading to a specific requirement of housing typology not met by the condominium developments;

Fran Tonkiss, “Informality and Its Discontents,” in Informalize!: Essays on the Political Economy of Urban Form Vol. 1, ed. Marc Angelil and Rainer Hehl (Berlin: Ruby Press, 2012), 57 11 Tonkiss, Informalize!, 60 12 Roy, Informalize!, 109, 115-116 13 Roy, Informalize!, 109, 117 14 Smets, Bredenoord, and van Lindert, Affordable Housing, 7 10

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how the typology present in the condominiums has developed from a world-wide model and what past examples can teach us; how the condominium typology has developed over the course of its implementation in Addis Ababa; and what can be learned from a first-hand account of Addis Ababaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s informal settlements and condominiums.

Addis Ababa is now in an interesting predicament. The condominium typology of affordable housing developed at the turn of the 21st century in response to severe housing shortages tends to repeat the mistakes made in the past with this globally recognized typology. Now that the condominium development is still underway, and the redevelopment of this typology is occurring globally, Addis Ababa has the opportunity to pass over the downfalls of the typology and further develop the housing program to create a more liveable, dynamic, multi-income, and multi-functional typology from the start. This thesis provides a backbone for this type of development to occur through an overview of the typology and what should be avoided in building it as well as the specific qualities which Addis Ababa already has as tools to make this happen.

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Historical Context 1886-2011: Expropriation, Ownership, Appropriation Early Settlement In Ethiopia, the movement of Emperors marked the rise and fall of capitals. Menelik’s headquarters and military camps went with him and Addis Ababa was first planned as a such. The camp was called a sefer which is the term now used for neighbourhoods. As the camp became more permanent it was called ketema which is the term now used for a town or city. The origin of the word means the end of a movement. Addis Ababa was preindustrial and established without a colonial model and now unlike most cities the old innercity is mostly occupied by large areas of un-planned single story settlements (Figure 1). 15 Established in 1886 by Emperor Menelik 2 as a collection of military camps around the central royal camp, 16 a house was built at the foot of the surrounding plateaus with the Empress Taitu. 17 Surrounding this camp, land was granted to servants of the emperor and other nobility (Figure 2). The houses were constructed in the chicka manner of wood and mud and not meant to show monumentality or permanence. 18 As the camp grew, the availability of firewood diminished and in 1905 eucalyptus trees were imported from Australia becoming one of the main building materials (Figure 3). 19 The settlement was in nodal patterns around houses of nobility, churches and military leaders with large spaces inbetween where all land belonged to the Emperor. 20 A decree was formulated in 1907 to recognize the private ownership of land and allow for its free transfer through sale. This regulated and put to paper land ownership certificates but most importantly guaranteed against unnecessary expropriation of land and gave compensation in the event of. 21 According to Ambaye “this gave property holders a greater security and a stake in the fate of the city” and thus “contributed to activating the urban economy through sales and mortgages.” 22 In 1917 the Ethio-Djibouty railway was constructed creating the need for better infrastructure and resulting in the city developing by way of filing in the open spaces between houses. This created the un-planned sefer communities which have been described as ‘shanty towns’ as early as the 1930’s. 23 It is important to note that the rich nodes surrounded by the poor has contributed to the important mix of rich and poor in sefer communities.

Elias Yitbarek Alemayehu, "Revisiting 'Slums' Revealing Responses: Urban Upgrading in Tenant-Dominated Inner-City Settlements, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia" (Norwegian University of Science and Technology 2008). 16 Daniel W. Ambaye, Land Rights and Expropriation in Ethiopia: Doctoral Thesis Accepted by the Royal Institute of Technology (Kth), Stockholm, Sweden, ed. Bahir Dar University Institute of Land Administration, Springer Theses: Recognizing Outstanding Ph.D. Research (Switzerland: Springer International Publishing, 2015), 59. 17 The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica, "Addis Ababa," in Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., 2016). 18 Alemayehu. 19 Britannica. 20 Alemayehu. 21 Ambaye, 59. 22 Ibid. 23 Alemayehu. 15

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The Italian Occupation and Revolution Although Ethiopia was never colonized, an Italian occupation occurred in the capital from 1936 to 1941 under the fascist leader, Mussolini. The preparation of a masterplan for the city, designed in 1936 halted the maintenance and construction of buildings. 24 Addis Ababa grew from 100 thousand in 1910 to about 1.1 million during the 1974 revolution, housing one third of the countries urban inhabitants. 25 At the same time, the city land was now primarily controlled by few elites whereby in 1966, 5% of the population owned 95% of the land. Rental houses were an attractive investment at the time including those of the informal settlements. This caused a large rise in land value between the 1950’s and 1970’s. 26 The land tenure system continued to favour nobility. According to the 1961 land holding and ownership survey, land was owned 9% by the royal family, 12% by the church, 12.7% by government agencies and foreign embassies, and 65.4% by individuals. Some of this land owned by the few landowners was leased out however they were not legally registered forcing informality. This is when the sefer communities started to be developed into what they are today with tight-knit communities of multiple families living together in shared compound spaces (Figure 37). This is an integral part of the formation of these communities that are now being cleared out. Before 1957, a durable house could not be built without special permission from the king. After the first African summit in 1963, dwellers were allowed to build more permanently along main roads, however even with production of 4000 units per year (following Marxist revolution in 1974) the municipality issued rarely more than 500 permits per year. With increasing population, most production was with informal rental houses. What this means is that as the population in the city increased, the neighbourhoods naturally grew denser. The issue is that people were not allowed to build permanent structures, which naturally led to the informality in the way they were built (Figure 24). This created the mentality that the Sefer neighbourhoods were becoming slums instead of what would otherwise just be proper densification. This connotation with the word slum can be partially to blame for the governments tactic of complete eradication and redevelopment.

The Derg Regime In contrast to the decree of 1907, under the post-revolutionary Derg regime, the Proclamation 47/1975 nationalized all urban lands and extra houses. The idea behind the proclamation was to “abolish the shortage of land and the soaring prices caused by the concentration of land in the hands of [the few elite] … to abolish the exploitation of the many by the few (through uncontrolled rent) and to abolish tax evasion” as well as “to create credit access to the poor once they got the land and built their houses.” 27 The proclamation also declares that “all urban lands should be property of the Government… all extra houses, houses other than one residential house and another business house were nationalized… houses owned by minors were immediately nationalized…[and] no person

Ibid. Ambaye, 60. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., 61. 24 25

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would be compensated for the loss of urban lands.â&#x20AC;? 28 To compensate for the lack of ownership in this new system, residents were given a lifetime use right under a permit system where they would pay an urban land rent and a housing tax, those living in private rental houses could remain while paying a reduced rent to the state, and those without land could get up to 500 sqm of land to build a house which they would then own. 29 In this model all pre-existing relationships between the landlord and the tenant were abolished and people in the possession of lending creditors were required to return the house to the debtor if they had no other house or otherwise be nationalized with no compensation to the creditor. 30 Letting properties was no longer prohibited, rents were reduced by 15-50%, where much of the cheaper rental properties were given to the Kebeles (local cooperative societies) and the rest given to the Agency for the Administration of Rental Housing (AARH). 31 The low rents of the Kebele houses lead to little investment and maintenance and overall deterioration. 32 This was also a result of the 1986 master plan which prohibited the upgrading of chika houses with instead, an aim to renew. 33 Many informal activities occurred in the kebele housing as the authorities had a more tolerant attitude towards tenants and despite the restrictions on upgrading, tenants defy the rules and find ways to add space to their units. Tenants could also go years without paying rent if it was known they had no income. Use right could be transferred to siblings and it was hard to control who inhabited the houses and use-right could also be sold illegally. Tenants also sub-let at market price to generate income. 34 The provision of new land for construction was therefore restricted, minimizing expansion and further densifying the inner city which led to an increase in squatter settlements and illegal land transactions resulting in self-help housing cooperatives under the Derg regime. 35 The public/private ratio of 40/51 during the Derg regime, changed to 34/59 with introduction of housing cooperatives and private housing construction. A lack of proper management in the Kebele Administration led to deterioration along with the lack of motivation and capacity to collect rents and extremely low controlled rent fees. 36

Democracy After the Derg After the revolution, oppositions to the Derg included landed nobilities whose land was nationalized and contemporary university students who felt that the regime betrayed the revolution by banning political activity. The student dominated armed group called The Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Liberation Front made a coalition to form the Ethiopian Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) who won the war and replaced the Derg in 1991. Although there was hope under a free-market economy in 1995 for private ownership of land and housing, Ibid. Ibid. 30 Ibid., 62. 31 Ibid.; Alemayehu. 32 Ambaye, 62. 33 Alemayehu. 34 Ibid. 35 Ambaye, 62. 36 Alemayehu. 28 29

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it still remained under public ownership and the property of the state and the Ethiopian people as according to the FDRE Constitution based on policy objectives of social equity and tenure security. 37 The transitional government of Ethiopia (TGE) enacted a new urban land law in 1993 (The Proclamation to Provide for the Lease Holding of Urban Lands) which unlike the permit system before it followed a lease system but is not directly noted in the constitution. The goal of the proclamation was to create equitable distribution of land, control the growth of city centres, increase urban revenue to finance urban infrastructure, expedite construction of urban houses to alleviate the existing shortage, provide land utilization value, ensure transparency of urban centres through involvement of investors and ensure tenure security by providing land rights of longer duration. 38 This proclamation resulted in the increment in land value being captured by the government instead of individuals. 39 The 1994 census showed more than 40% of city housing units owned either by government or AARH. In 1994 the Addis Ababa City Administration (AACA) issued urban land lease legislation where less than 75 m2 could be given free of lease charge, 75-175 m2 at .5 birr per m2 per year and above 175sm by public tender rate payable over 99-year period. Real estate developers were allowed 60-year lease terms. The supply of land did not match the demand for housing contributing to overcrowding of the settlements and increase in peripheral settlements. 40 As of 1998 the city was still constructed in a less permanent way with 97% single-story and 82% in chika construction. 41 In 1993, The Proclamation to Provide for the Lease Holding of Urban Lands was revised in 2002 by the government of Addis Ababa to allow for income to be collected from land leases in order to assure a fair share from urban land wealth and to transform the permit system of the derg regime into the lease system. 42 The proclamation also “empowers regional cities to come up with additional means of land acquisition” whereby the city of Addis Ababa employed the lot, assignment, and award methods. 43 In 2011 the proclamation underwent another transformation under the name Urban Land Lease Holding Proclamation which sparked intense public debate. 44 The reasons behind this change were to prevent corrupt practices. In Ethiopia land-rights belong to the common ownership of the Ethiopian people and the state and therefore may be restricted for reasons of public health, safety, and security sanctioned by law. 45 “All urban land which is not occupied by private lessees is held by the government/municipality.” 46 According to Ambaye, most argue that state ownership of land would result in tenure insecurity where land is used as a political weapon. This tenure insecurity also provides little incentive for improved productivity. 47 He states that the importance is not on private vs. state ownership of land but rather the security of tenure Ambaye, 63. Ibid., 75. 39 Ibid. 40 Alemayehu. 41 Ibid. 42 Ambaye, 75. 43 Ibid., 76. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid., 29. 46 Ibid., 35. 47 Ibid., 65. 37 38

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which can be accomplished through land certification, just compensation when expropriated, long duration of rights, good governance, absence of corruption and easy access to courts. 48 The FDRE Constitution article 40 states that every Ethiopian should have the right to â&#x20AC;&#x153;private propertyâ&#x20AC;? however not including land. 49 The legislations currently governing urban land in Ethiopia which are of importance to this thesis are the Urban Land Lease Proclamation 711/2011 50, the FDRE Expropriation Proclamation 455/2005 51, the Condominium Proclamation 52, the Government Ownership of Urban Lands and Extra Urban Houses Proclamation 53, and The Urban Planning Proclamation 54 Along with other methods of urban renewal, infrastructural and private investment, the construction of condominiums is one of the leading causes of expropriation in Addis Ababa where in the central sub-cities like Lideta, Arada, Kirkos and Addis Ketema this expropriation is carried out in areas of informal settlements where a majority of houses were nationalized by the Derg since 1975. 55 In summary, the seffer areas being eradicated consist of either government owned or illegal housing, a result of the land ownership regulations.

Figure 1 The Sefers of Addis Ababa (source: Margot de Man)

Ibid., 66. Ibid., 67. 50 Federal Negarit Gazeta of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, "Urban Land Lease Holding Proclamation No. 721/2011," (Addis Ababa2011). 51 "Expropriation of Landholdings for Public Purposes and Payment of Compensation Proclamation No. 455/2005," (Addis Ababa2005). 52 "Condominium Proclamation No. 370/2003," (Addis Ababa2003). 53 The Provisional Military Administrative Council, "Government Ownership of Urban Lands and Extra Urban Houses Proclamation No. 47/1975," (Addis Ababa1975). 54 Federal Negarit Gazeta of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, "Urban Planning Proclamation No. 574/2008," (2008). 55 Ambaye, 12. 48 49

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Figure 2 Early Settlements in Addis Ababa c. 1900 (source: https://s-media-cacheak0.pinimg.com/736x/c1/ab/18/c1ab186b533b9691a793e69cd305a5d1.jpg)

Figure 3 A woman taking a rest on the side of the road before continuing her long journey down Entoto Hill with her large bundle of eucalyptus trees which she will sell once she makes it back into the city (source: Margot de Man)

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The Condominium in Relation to Similar Typologies in the 20th century Development of Multi-Story Social Housing Typologies First examples envisioning high-rise residential typologies from the beginning of the 19th century depict it as a series of multiplied grounds such as the 1909 Theorem (Figure 4) which depicts a series of estates on plots of land with a hierarchy shown in the increased size of houses the further up the stack. The important thing to note here is that outdoor space and useable open-to-sky space does not decrease and is instead maintained per level. This direct outdoor space is important for the low-income inhabitants of Addis Ababa that do many of their daily chores in these spaces. Unlike this early rendition of the high-rise typology, it developed into something quite different inspired mostly by Le Corbusier’s vision for the plan of the city where according to him: “Modern life demands, and is waiting for, a new kind of plan both for the house and for the city.” 56 Also, largely influenced by the emergence of the car and the desire to segregate different speeds of transportation and different functions, the result was the Plan Voisin (Figure 5). Keeping in tune with this typology, the condominiums of Addis Ababa are currently designed with an increase in the amount of outdoor space on the ground plane while the amount of outdoor space per floor disappears with the exception of some small private balconies. The condominiums are not the only thing in Addis Ababa in accordance to the modern city ideals of Le Corbusier. Large city grids and boulevards in Addis Ababa are due to the plans of Mussolini also influenced by Le Corbusier (Figure 6). This plan and the condominium typology are an example of topdown planning which does not regard the local, cultural situation in it’s design and has lead to many failures in modern planning.

Pruitt Igoe, St. Louis An example of failure of the mid-rise public housing typology is Pruitt Igoe (Figure 7). There are many discussions on the reasoning behind this failure. Some say that it was due to the architecture itself whereas others say it was due to the social and political systems in place. The Pruitt-Igoe Myth 57 is an Archival documentary which investigates a more complex history behind the collapse of The Pruitt-Igoe Housing project in St. Louis ending in 1972 (Figure 8). We usually hear about Pruitt-Igoe as a product of a single, oversimplified determinant of which I along with many who viewed these types of scenarios did before seeing this film. The Director, Chad Friedrichs looks at the complexity of a variety of occurrences making it evident that the architecture, the tenants themselves, or any other factor was not solely if at all to blame for the disaster. The film looks to the collapse of St. Louis for the projects’ failure, suggesting that a variety of scenario changes might have left the Pruitt-Igoe Housing project to remain the much-loved place that it was for the tenants when they first moved in and embraced its “newness.” By showing the contrast of footage of the newly built and beloved Pruitt-Igoe with the imagery and stories of what the projects became with the help of former tenant interviews, 56 57

Corbusier, Le, and Frederick Etchells. 1986. Towards a New Architecture. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. "The Pruitt-Igoe Myth," ed. Chad Freidrichs, et al. ([Columbia, Mo.] :: Unicorn Stencil, 2011).

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a strong connection is made with the reality of life in Pruitt-Igoe. The film proves how the combination of a shifting population, absence of government funding, aspects of segregation of the African American people living in Pruitt-Igoe by the rest of St. Louis, and the lack of feeling of ownership, as well as the lack of maintenance, quality and policing led to the total collapse. The film digs into the history of St, Louis, finding that when Pruitt-Igoe was commissioned the master plan for the city included a doubling of population in the city core when in actuality the population ended up halving as more and more middle-class families moved out to the suburbs to where the large properties and factory jobs were. The film talks about how the government had no allocated funds towards the housing projects and only the money made from the tenants’ rents could be used for building maintenance. At the same time, the income of families living in Pruitt-Igoe decreased as less and less jobs become available to African American men, who were deterred from the city. This is then related to lack of feeling of ownership which leads to vandalism. They also interview a policeman who eventually does not feel safe to enter the projects. Vandalism is seen in this film as an exponential growth where more vandalism connected to less tenants occupying the building leads to further vandalism which again discourages others to maintain the area and ending in unnecessary violence. Pruitt-Igoe, as quoted in the film was “always fighting against this terrible riptide of destruction in the midst of an economy that was dying” 58, unable to retain forces of destruction opposing Pruitt-Igoe in an economy unable to support the housing project causing a violent disturbance leading to a steady crash. This film helps us understand the complexity of history and relates the case of Pruitt-Igoe to other American cities and to what they are today. It leaves us with an important message of urban-decline and segregation within the core of the city which today people look to in hindsight to better plan our future. This story of Pruitt Igoe is important in understanding that diversity is important in the success of a community. In the case of Addis Ababa this diversity is needed in the form of varying income levels. With the city continually dividing itself into gated communities based on income and class, one can see the difficulty of housing the lower income class of the city.

St. Lawrence Neighbourhood, Toronto The St. Lawrence Neighbourhood (Figure 9) in Toronto is an example of a successful mid-rise public housing project. According to Christopher Hume, an architectural journalist for the Toronto Star, the neighbourhood is a successful, fully-functioning, mixed-use, mixed-income community. 59 This is in contrast to other housing projects in the city such as Regent Park (Figure 10) and St. James Town (Figure 11) which have developed more to the likes of Pruitt Igoe and the Garden City agenda. According to Hume, St. Lawrence is a high-density mid-rise area organized along the existing street grid creating a long, linear park which although “It Ibid. Christopher Hume, "Big Ideas: Learning the Lessons of St. Lawrence Neighbourhood," The Toronto Star (2014), https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2014/05/03/big_ideas_learning_the_lessons_of_st_lawrence_neighbour hood.html. 58 59

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isn’t pretty… it’s always in use.” 60 Besides being designed to fit within the existing context, the project also ensures a mixture of inhabitants where homes are both rented and owned and both full-market and subsidized all under the same appearance, forming an inclusive neighbourhood. 61 From 1974, the 17.8 hectare brownfield site was developed with 3,500 residential units and included schools, a library, community centre, shops and restaurants with access to public transport. 62 In comparison to other projects, this gives St. Lawrence a density of 197 units per hectare which is considerably less than that or Pruitt Igoe and St. James Town but similar to the density of regent park before redevelopment. This density is not far from the density calculated in Lideta of 200 units per hectare (Figure 28) with similar building heights making it a good comparison. According to Hume the plan for St. Lawrence broke every rule in the book at the time of the ‘urban renewal’ movement which was necessary for its success including the involvement of Jane Jacobs. Hume concludes his remarks on the subject that a fate like the one of Pruitt Igoe has no possibility of occurring at St. Lawrence, as it is an established city neighbourhood and although newer than most, as much a part of the city. 63 The most important lesson to take from this case while looking at the condominiums in Addis Ababa is the mixed types of housing and income-levels. Mixed developments have the ability to create a community which although new can support resiliency.

Toronto Tower Renewal Tower Renewal is a program under the city of Toronto to improve Toronto’s concrete apartment towers and their surrounding neighbourhoods (Figure 12, 13). The overall aim is to create neighbourhoods with a broader range of activities and uses that have been taken for granted (Figure 14) and includes the implementation of various initiatives including retrofit programs, residential apartment commercial zoning (Figure 15), building energy performance and community engagement projects (Figure 14). This program is a reaction to the failure of the typology which is not very different from the condominium typology found in Addis Ababa. With the St. Lawrence neighbourhood as an example it aims to make these neighbourhoods of single typology towers more mixed-use and community based. Some of the programs interventions are as simple as allowing for market stalls in the open spaces or parking lots between buildings. This is something that would do well in the condominium areas of Addis Ababa for people whose income relies on market type sales, but which is currently not permitted in the condominium areas.

China’s Role in Addis Ababa Albeit Ethiopia’s victory against colonisation, a new form of it is under way. This is in the form of Chinese construction companies monopolizing the development in Addis Ababa.

Ibid. Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. 60 61

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China has “stepped through the window of opportunity that Africa has opened up”. 64 Not only can the western companies not match China’s bids, but the memories of European seizure make it harder for the west and easier for China to win the game of African development. As opposed to the western model of linking trade activities with Africa to acts of human rights, china has a business-like model with a ‘no-strings aid’ policy. 65 In Ethiopia, new infrastructures, schools, factories, trade agreements and vocational programs are popping up alongside a Chinese gift of 150 million U.S. that was given to expand the African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa. 66 A landscape of Chinese built skyscrapers is also in the foreseen future for Addis Ababa creating an array of job opportunities however the cost of this comes in the form of “sub-standard wages, no retirement benefits, no customs revenue from imports, no income due to tax-free accords, and above all general disregard for the rights of citizens.” 67 As we can see (Figure 16, 17, 18), China’s new towns are a precedent for the condominiums of Addis Ababa in regards to their form (Figure 16) and their scale. Companies from China have and will continue to develop similar housing across Africa. Already however, the condominiums in Addis Ababa have been built at a better scale and more culturally appropriate than the New towns of China so it can be assumed that they will continue to be developed in a better fashion. For this to happen though it is necessary for Addis Ababa (as well as other large Ethiopian cities and other similarly developing areas throughout Africa) to understand the history behind this typology, where the issues lie and how it can be taken to the next level. Halting their construction is not an option as so much money and time has already been invested, and no proposals of a similar scale, efficiency and cost effectiveness have arisen.

Marc Angelil and Cary Siress, "Mirror. Mirror, on the Wall: Urban Production at Economic Crossroads," in Cities of Change, Addis Ababa : Transformation Strategies for Urban Territories in the 21st Century, ed. Marc M. Angelil, et al. (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2010), 13. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid. 64

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Figure 4 The 1909 Theorum showing an early depiction of stacked residential living in the tune of multiplied grounds (Source: https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/564x/1b/73/44/1b7344e086bd6faaf7d3672124b05fd7.jpg)

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Figure 5 Plan Voisin by Le Corbusier showing his vision for a high-rise city (Source: https://f4.bcbits.com/img/a1559859238_10.jpg)

Figure 6 Le Corbusierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s concept sketch of a master plan for Addis Ababa created for Mussolini (Source: http://files.newsnetz.ch/story/1/2/6/12610422/7/topelement.jpg)

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Figure 7 The infamous Pruitt Igoe Complex in arial view appearing similar to the condominium developments in Addis Ababa (Source: https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sysimages/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/4/16/1429181621765/aa2e2ea2-b567-4442-8ed1-1ce529c33614-2060x12)

Figure 8 The Infamous photograph of Pruitt Igoe being demolished (https://designerlythinking.files.wordpress.com/2011/04/pruitt-igoe.jpg)

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Figure 9 The St. Lawrence Neighbourhood in Toronto, an example of a successful public housing project typology (Source: http://cfactoronto.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/The-Esplanade.jpg)

Figure 10 Arial View of Regent Park in Toronto which was developed to replace a dilapidated housing stock, which has been seen as Toronto's â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Ghetoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Neighbourhood. Now the area is under a process of redevelopment to create a more mixed community. (Source: https://shawglobalnews.files.wordpress.com/2013/02/regent-parkaerial.jpg?quality=70&strip=all&w=282&h=188&crop=1)

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Figure 11 St. James Town is one of the largest public housing developments in Toronto very reminiscent of Le Corbusier's Plan Voisin (Source: https://criticalista.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/9799c-screenshot2014-03-2611-50-34.png)

Figure 12 Map showing the distribution of the typology in Toronto and the social need in the area based on the overall size of the tower neighbourhoods (Source: http://www.towerrenewal.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Tower-ClusterDistribution-011.gif)

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Figure 13 Rendering of the aims of the Tower Renewal program in Toronto (Source:http://eraarch.ca/wp/wpcontent/uploads/2011/11/TR.jpg)

Figure 14 An example of the Tower Renewal Programâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Aim to actually introduce more informal means into the tower neighbourhoods (Source: http://www.towerrenewal.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/dog-walker.jpg)

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Figure 15 New zoning regulations are being put in place in Toronto to allow for activities that were previously not permitted in tower neighbourhoods (Source: http://www.towerrenewal.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/NonConforming.jpg)

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Figure 16 'Ghost Towns in China' (Source: https://resource.wur.nl/upload_mm/c/d/2/1d704ce0-53ad-4fb4-95aeefd9bb395a5d_20-HH-43171518.jpg)

Figure 17 A new town built for workers at Dadun Village development in Lingshui, Hainan Province of China shows extreme efficiency but no diversity (Source: http://i.dailymail.co.uk/i/pix/2013/01/22/article-226637717160ADA000005DC-165_964x641.jpg)

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Figure 18 Kangbashi New Area built extremely rapidly and still not inhabited (Source: https://i.kinja-img.com/gawkermedia/image/upload/s--c2SBwfLX--/c_scale,fl_progressive,q_80,w_800/193en5aml00szjpg.jpg)

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The Grand Housing Program 2000-Present Low-Cost Housing (LCH) The housing program emerged from the government of Addis Ababaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exploration into more affordable and efficient means of housing construction in the late 1900â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. They signed an agreement for technical assistance with the German government in 1999 which aimed at developing a simple solution to housing with the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ). The first phase of the Low-Cost Housing Project (LCH) from 1999-2002 was primarily concerned with testing the new construction techniques and was mainly implemented as two-story test-sites. In order to reduce cost and improve efficiency, the main outcome of the LCH was developing a cheaper hollow concrete block (HCB) and pre-fabricated slab system which resulted in a 40% reduction from the average building construction costs in Ethiopia at the time. 68

Addis Ababa Grand Housing Program (AAGHP) The second phase of the project from 2002-2006 extended the new construction method into a full-scale housing program. This was partially a result of the introduction of the Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Program (SDPRP) in 2002 which declared the need for a housing policy which would improve affordability to be developed. The Addis Ababa Grand Housing Program (GHP) was thus formed by the Ethiopian government and the GTZ in 2004. In the pilot project, 4 to 5 story buildings were built with various unit types including studio, one-bedroom, two-bedroom and three-bedroom. 69 At this point GTZ was designing various scenarios in collaboration with the local MH Engineering. 70 The pilot project remained at the high end of the LCH budget.

Integrated Housing Development Program (IHDP) The Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP) in 2005 led to the Ethiopian government designing a national integrated housing development program which includes government financing and the construction of housing targeted towards middle and low-income households in large and medium-sized cities. The GHP was thus scaled up to the Integrated Housing Development Program (IHDP) in 2006 (Figure 19). The program planned to build 150,000-200,000 housing units, reducing informal settlements by 50%, creating 60,000 jobs, giving the basis for 2000 micro and small enterprises, broadly Sascha Delz, "Ethiopia's Low-Cost Housing Program: How Concepts of Individual Home-Ownership and Housing Blocks Walk Abroad," (ETH Zurich). 69 Ibid. 70 MH Engineering Consulting Engineers P.L.C., "Integrated Housing Development Program: Neighbourhood Designs and Housing Typologies," (Addis Ababa: Ministry of Works and Urban Development Addis Ababa City Government Addis Ababa Housing Development Project Office Deutsche Gesellschaft Fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH GTZ / Low-cost Housing Project, 2006). 68

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introduce low-cost building technologies, raise money for initial housing construction, and develop land while also striving to reduce poverty. Only small changes were made to the overall design of the projects from the GHP and although the costs were anticipated to be the same, the average costs increased and yet an extremely large amount of condominiums under this program have been built to date. 71 ‘Ethiopia faces the pressing question of how to modernize while simultaneously maintaining its identity.’ 72 It is interesting to see the speed of progress with the building of the condominium typology and the speed of turnaround in opinions on the matter. This can be seen with the book Cities of Change where in the first edition in 2010 the development of the condominiums was still fairly new and the chapter on the grand housing program was very ambitious and not very critical of the developments whereas the edition of 2016 replaces that chapter with one titled Spatial Effects of Individual Home Ownership: Ethiopia’s Mass Housing Program Between Universal Aspirations and Local Realities. 73 The IHDP built 170,000 housing units. 74 The 2016 edition claims that this system has ‘fostered a variety of new complications’ such as ‘debatable processes of privatisation’, ‘particularly rigid design practices’, and ‘a variety of socio-economic challenges’ which have affected ‘the program’s physical presence and thus Addis Ababa’s spatial configuration as a whole.’ 75

Figure 19 Page from the Integrated Housing Development Program Design Manual showing various condominium typologies (Source: 76)

Ibid. Marc Angélil and Dirk Hebel, "Stocks and Flows of Space," ed. Marc Angélil and Dirk Hebel, 2 ed., Cities of Change Addis Ababa : Transformation Strategies for Urban Territories in the 21st Century (Birkhänuser, 2016), http://public.eblib.com/choice/publicfullrecord.aspx?p=4539662 105. 73 Sascha Delz, "Spatial Effects of Individual Home-Ownership: Ethiopia's Mass Housing Program between Universal Aspirations,"ibid. 74 Ibid., 107. 75 Ibid. 76 P.L.C. 71 72

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Historical Outcome In the mid-20th century areas of communities underwent informal infill densification resulting in the problematic image of the shanty town, or slum. Also with little development in terms of sanitation systems and infrastructure the result are conditions labelled inadequate and therefore requiring some form of remediation. From the last quarter of the century the government nationalized a large portion of housing, lowering ownership rights in these communities and eventually leading to deterioration with a lack of proper management. In the 90â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s many acts continued to be put in place trying to combat these issues. The government wanted to provide a fair distribution of land, control the growth of city centres, increase their revenue to finance infrastructure, expedite the construction of urban houses and insure tenure security. Land value was thus captured by the government and yet the supply of land did still not match housing needs and increased peripheral development by the end of the 20th century when development was still mostly single story chicka construction. The result of all these government policies is a tradition of land-right belonging to the common ownership of the Ethiopian people and the state. So naturally the government can evict communities for reasons of public health, safety and security. This state ownership results in tenure insecurity and thus little motivation for improvement. The development of the condominium typology has lead to its quick and efficient method of development but is also the leading cause of expropriation. The condominium is the natural solution to the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s concerns in a way that land remains completely in their control. As seen in mass social housing in the past, this can result in utter failure. The difference with Addis Ababa is that the condominium system grants leases to the lucky lottery winners, giving a higher sense of ownership. In developing a typology based on the past, Addis Ababa attempts to create a better model for the new owners but does not give enough support to those being eradicated. China has played a large role in the continued development of Addis Ababa and brings along with them a precedent for mass efficiency but not an understanding of Addis Ababaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history. There are many successes to the development of the condominium at the turn of the century, most importantly the development of the highly efficient and cost-effective construction system itself. As the program developed it had an aim to accelerate and sustain development to end poverty, their plan including the reduction of informal settlements by 50%. The issue here is that it became a number game, and although they meet their goals of construction there is no system in place to insure the maintenance of existing communities or new developments. There is a struggle between production (efficiency) and maintaining their identity (resilience). In 2010 the program was still held quite high in the general opinion but in a matter of five years was already seen as problematic in many ways.

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The Current Situation: First-hand Account When one will be visiting an area commonly referred to as a slum, it is difficult to be prepared for what one might encounter. In this thesis, I refer to these areas as informal settlements mainly to evoke an impression of their appearance (Figure 24) and socioeconomic behaviour, however this term can also be contested. In Ethiopia, the movement of Emperors marked the rise and fall of capitals. Menelik’s headquarters and military camps went with him and Addis Ababa was first planned as such. The camp was called a sefer. As the camp became more permanent it was called ketema which is the term now used for a town or city. The origin of the word means the end of a movement. 77 The city is divided into sub cities and neighbourhoods or communities within these, sub-cities are locally called sefers. Each sefer has a name which is based on how the particular community was formed, be it around the home of nobility or a specific ethnic group. Thus, in Addis Ababa we commonly referred to these communities of ‘informal settlements’ as the sefers. On my trip to Addis Ababa in November 2016, I encountered the many realities of how their lower-class lives. The city could be described as divided and segregated. It would be possible to visit the city or even live in the city without ever encountering the sefer communities even though they form a large majority of the city centre. Every type of community from the poorest of the poor to the richest of the rich separate themselves from the rest by enclosures. The sefers of the lower-class are divided internally into walled compounds and the ambassadors, politicians and other upper-class groups live in highly secure gated communities. Even the condominium typologies function in such a manner. In the sefer communities, having less security, it would be physically possible to enter some of the compounds, however you would quickly be questioned on your intentions if you were a stranger (Figure 22). There was one community for political figures (Figure 21) with very tight security where our bus was permitted to enter for our educational purposes but only for five minutes and we were asked to leave when we were seen taking photos. When we arrived at the well-known Gotera condominiums, commonly known as ‘facebook’ (Figure 23), our tutor who had an apartment there had to provide a password at the door for our entry. The condominiums are built by the government with the intention of alleviating the huge and growing housing shortages in the city of Addis Ababa. With regards to housing, the lowest-income group is seen as the most pressing issue to eradicate the growing number of informal settlements in the city. The housing shortage has also been growing for people in the middle class. The condominium units are distributed via a lottery system whereby the people with the most need and the ones eradicated from the land to build the condos should get priority. This however is not always the case as the 10% down-payment that is required is unaffordable for those people. This is partially due to their low incomes but also due to the fact that their businesses do not grant them a regular salary and that condominium payments must be done in regular instalments. When the people eradicated from the informal settlements get a unit in a condominium it will most likely not be in the same location where they were eradicated from as of course under the lottery one does not have the option to choose a specific unit and must be moved from the land before they can 77

Alemayehu.

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undergo condominium construction (Figure 25). As condominiums on the outskirts of the city are both cheaper and in higher quantity, it is most likely that people from the inner city informal settlements will be relocated there. This poses an issue as these people probably supported themselves through ‘informal’ businesses (Figure 35) which are dependent on the presence of many people and businesses which they can conduct from their doorstep or neighbourhood without having to pay an additional rent. In the condominium areas, it is not permitted to have informal businesses on the streets (Figure 46) and the commercial units on the ground floor are extremely expensive to rent (Figure 23). For many, the distance between the periphery locations to the centre makes it much harder for them to go to work in the city although the public transport infrastructure is improving through the construction of light rail lines by the Chinese corporations. It has therefore been known that lowerincome residents of the condominiums will choose to sub-rent their units in order to earn a regular salary and move themselves back into an informal settlement in the city centre. As the middle class also faces a housing shortage, they and especially the younger generations entering the work force, find their home in the condominiums. With modern kitchens and access to the commercial units included these can become great neighbourhoods for this demographic (Figure 40). Facebook is a great example of such a phenomenon. The neighbourhood being solely occupied by this demographic and for safety and security reasons, in line with the standard of Addis Ababa becomes a gated community. The reason it is seen as a success is because the typology happens to be the right typology for the middle-class income groups that are currently occupying it. Unfortunately, the condominium typology does not usually suit the lower-income group who were expropriated from the area owing to a method of urban renewal. The condominium typologies were not designed in relation to the informal settlements. Even when some of the communities were relocated into these buildings, a lot of important ties developed in the community were lost. We must imagine what it would be like to have your whole community demolished and then, if you were lucky enough, to be relocated in the same location, without any connection to the place as you knew it and the people you used to socialize or do business with. Some residents of the sefer were interviewed about their connection to place and community (Figure 27). The notion of place and the interstices of memory in this territory have been lost. The new residents of the condominium blocks are rendered invisible, in a community which requires re-adaptation. The condominium blocks are more suited to the middle class than the very poor. An example of this phenomena is of someone relocated into a new condominium block, expecting to continue the informal business they had in the sefer. When they set up their street stall they were shut down and told that only formal businesses were permitted in the expensive ground floor units of the condominiums (Figure 46). Without the availability of generating informal income, many people who have received an apartment in a condominium block decide to move back to their old neighbourhood. 78 When the former sefer dwellers inhabit the condominiums it is natural that they would use the buildings differently than intended. An example of this is in the cultural way of open to air cooking and as a result people have been

“Ethiopians adjust to life in Africa’s most ambitious social housing project,” last modified October 25, 2016, http://www.nazret.com/2016/10/25/ethiopians-adjust-to-life-in-africas-most-ambitious-social-housingproject/ 78

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known to do their cooking on the access galleries. 79 This shows that the inhabitants of these condominiums, do naturally strive to re-interpret and appropriate their spaces but they could do so better given a more appropriate base. This is seen in the case of the Geja Sefer located in the Lideta sub-city which I studied during my excursion to Addis Ababa. Here, both the existing Sefer typology and new condominium typology exist. Data gathered from the Geja Sefer is compared to what it was replaced with in the condominium area, referred to as Lideta (Figure 26, 28, 29, 30). This site is exemplary for its central location, its proximity to the new transit line, its similarity to other condominium projects in the city and because it is a well-rounded example with different typologies being developed to its full potential and intent. This is important to appropriately examine the intent of the project in comparison to the traditional typology and how the condominium typology is actually inhabited. Informality is an integral part of the sefer communities. Not only are the houses built and owned by informal means, but many members of the sefer rely on informal businesses to generate income and support their livelihoods (Figure 33, 35). Around 2010 a large area of the Geja sefer was cleared and developed with condominium blocks (Figure 25). An elevated tram line constructed in 2014 runs through the Geja Sefer to the west and south of the focus area. This suggests that the land is prime real estate and it is suspected that the trend of condominium construction will continue across the entirety of the Geja Sefer in the near future. Even though the land of the sefers was owned by the government resulting in a lack of physical maintenance, the make-up and history present in the communities and compounds (Figure 26, 36) gave the inhabitants a sense of ownership in the way that they use common space. The space of ownership in this case is the interior of the dwelling only, but the compound courtyards are physically connected to these spaces and thus an extension of them. In the condominiums, the method of ownership is the same however, the supposedly communal areas between building blocks and community buildings are not used because they are too far from the space of ownership and at too large a scale to be perceived communally (Figure 44, 45, 50). Some spaces in the Lideta site are used collectively in a successful manner. These are business spaces used by inhabitants of the middle class, but they are not affordable to the low-income groups. Even though the condominiums show a similar amount of communal space between buildings as the sefers in terms of area per dwelling unit (Figure 26, 28, 29, 30) this space is not usable for domestic activity. It is also shared by a much larger number of dwelling units (hundreds compared to an average of 9 in the sefer compounds). In general, this study helps to show that the condominium is not really designed for the people displaced from the areas for their construction.

Sascha Delz, Ethiopiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Low-Cost Housing Program: How Concepts of Individual Home-Ownership and Housing Blocks Still Walk Abroad (Department of Architecture, Institute of Urban Design, ETH Zurich), 5 79

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Figure 22 A proud and friendly gentleman inviting us into his home (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 21 A gated community for political leaders (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 20 A gated community commonly called Flintstone (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 23 The gated condominium development known as Facebook (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 24 Sketches of Geja Sefer housing construction types (Source: Yau Yuet Sun Cherry and Margot de Man)

Figure 25 Geja Sefer Development Diagram (Source: Yau Yuet Sun Cherry and Margot de Man)

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Figure 27 Sefer community survey results (source: Margot de Man and Yau Yuet Sun Cherry) Figure 26 Data collected from survey of the Geja Sefer (Source: Margot de Man and Yau Yuet Sun Cherry)

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Figure 28 Extrapolation of the condominium typologies in Lideta (Source: Margot de Man, Monica Lelieveld)

Figure 30 Data from the Integrated Housing Development Program Volume 3 Neighbourhood Designs and Housing Typologies (Source: Margot de Man, Development, Ministry of Works and Urban, Addis Ababa City Government, Addis Ababa Housing Development Project Office, GTZ/ Low Cost Housing Project, and MH Engineering. "Integrated Housing Development Program Vilume 3: Neighbourhood Designs and Housing Typologies." Addis Ababa, 2006.)

Figure 29 Average summary of condominium typology (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 31 Happy faces of Geja Sefer (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 32 Typical hanging of clothes to dry in the streets of the Geja Sefer (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 33 Recycling industry in the streets of Geja Sefer (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 34 A chicken running free in the streets of Geja Sefer (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 35 Street vendors of Geja Sefer include seamstress and produce stands (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 36 As opposed to a method of transportation, bikes are often used for recreational purposes (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 37 The extension of the home into the courtyard and street (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 38 Some of the nicest homes in Geja Sefer are usually painted with bright colours on the interior (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 39 Intersecting main road in Lideta (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 40 Park in Lideta (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 41 An interior courtyard being used traditionally with the drying of spices (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 42 Fairly unpopulated wide streets and parking lots in the centre of Lideta (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 43 View into a fairly open block of Condominiums with bars on ground floor windows for safety (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 44 The inner courtyard of a condominium block accessible only from the inner streets (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 45 The leftover space between two G+7 condominiums where access to the main commercial street is fenced off, prohibiting access to the condominium courtyard and creating a mega block with no through access (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 46 A supposedly illegal informal shopfront at the base of a G + 7 Condominium (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 47 A large park area for the Lideta Condominiums (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 48 At the edge of the same large park people hang-out on the outside of the fence suggesting the park is to some degree exclusive (Source: Margot de Man)

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Figure 49 The securely gated backside of a block of condominiums in Lideta (Source: Margot de Man)

Figure 50 Parking Lot in the centre of condominium housing block in Lideta (Source: Margot de Man)

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Conclusion The government of Addis Ababa is under a lot of pressure to build housing at an unprecedented rate to meet the rapid increase of population moving into urban centres from rural areas and demolish what they believe to be dilapidated housing stock. Over the 20th century the government has granted itself ownership of the land in these areas through various proclamations aiming to alleviate issues of poor housing quality, over-crowding and housing shortages. Building single typology concrete buildings is cheap and quick, especially now that the system of construction has been underway for now over a decade. It is no surprise that the Grand Housing Program has developed the way it has as a strategy to build single-use low-income properties. The decision which is hard to make under such a large demand is between short term housing and long-term viability. This decision becomes even harder to make for a government who rightfully tend to be more concerned with decisions that can take effect during their time in power. Gotera and Lideta are examples of condominium areas that are working fairly well in terms of creating a good living environment for the middle class and younger demographics. This is since overall the developments were designed around the needs of the middle-class people who don't cook on open fires, and travel to their formal jobs rather than selling their own goods on the streets. The designs also work for this group because they allow for adaptation and appropriation along the lines of converting a studio apartment into an office space for a new business. This is not to say that the reason for their success is the middleincome level of the inhabitants. It is still arguable in line with the St. Lawrence neighbourhood that success comes from mixed-income-levels. Therefore, including a greater mix should not hinder the success of an area. Although the existing condominium typology can work for the middle-income, this does not guarantee the long-term success of these neighbourhoods if the economic situation were to change, as seen in the example of Pruitt Igoe where economic change greatly affected the lower class when the middle class disserted the area. Even if developments are well designed to house a specific income group, single income bracket developments should still not be seen overall as successful developments. It has been proven by years of trial and error in social housing, especially in the case of low-income groups in the developing world, that to build affordable and appropriate dwelling types, it can be more expensive and harder to reach the desired densities in order to meet the needs of the city. By mixing different typologies for different targeted groups, affordable and dense housing is easier to achieve through subsidization. It would be sensible in the long term to revisit these developments by including specifically designed income level units. By this, people also have the opportunity to grow and appropriate their spaces as well as themselves by moving up or down economic levels as personal changes occur without the complete loss of oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s community. This would be a resilient community, not unlike that of the traditional sefers, while meeting the needs of the modern society. Financing for this type of development should come in part from sources with an interest in long term consequences. The condominium typology can also be viewed as a representation of modernity and urbanity. It is modern because it uses industrial building technologies, and urban because it aims to house a denser population. The term modern is being used here purposefully in 50

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stressing that this same typology has been built over the second half of the 20th century in other parts of the world. The typology in Addis Ababa can thus be deemed slightly out of date and behind the rest of the world in its developing context. Yet it is also proven that the typology is too modern for some of the lower income residents. It could be possible that the needs of these citizens will change and adapt to this standard of living. However, it could also be that history will repeat itself and like other examples there will be a future movement to re-appropriate or re-design this typology as is being done in Toronto with the Tower Renewal Project. The western world has either been tearing down large housing projects or redeveloping them to make more convivial communities. There is a process here of natural progression and it is interesting that this â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;renewalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; has been inspired by the natural informality present in the sefers of Addis Ababa and the Global Urban South. It could still be possible for Addis Ababa to skip the step of modernity and learn from the mistakes of the western world by developing housing projects which right away meet the needs of affordability, density and conviviality through informality.

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