University of Maryland
Limited Roles from Limited Rights: An Investigation of Saudi Arabian Women
Marissa Cole English 101 Eleanor Tipton November 29, 2011
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Abstract: This paper argues that limitations of Saudi Arabian women’s rights have lead them to suppressive roles in society because of current laws derived from false interpretations of Islamic texts. This is an issue of basic human rights, as no person should be denied basic abilities that others in their society possess. There are several reasons discussed for these harsh role restrictions, such as false interpretations of Islamic texts as well as restrictions on basic rights such as the right to drive or vote. This paper argues why these are outdated practices that have only hindered the progress of Saudi Arabian society and caused women to be discontent with their social conditions. Some have refuted that women are content with current roles, as they allow women to express their devotion to Islam. However, this argument has no validity as women have been denied basic rights that have left them with an inferior quality of life. However, changing the entire social system of Saudi Arabia would require a separation of Islamic values and government rulings. The paper concludes by questioning how current restrictive laws can be changed, and how those changes would affect society as a whole. My target audience includes scholars who want to amend current Saudi Arabian laws in order to grant women more rights, or perhaps Saudi legislators who can amend rights. Also, it includes those who are unknowledgeable of the oppression in Saudi society caused by these restrictive rights.
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Throughout the history of Saudi Arabia, women have struggled to receive equality to their male counterparts. This is a basic issue of human rights, as no person should be denied the abilities of another due to their gender. With this lack of rights has come a serious restriction on women’s roles. As a free woman living in the USA, my basic rights have never been questioned. With much research and now a full knowledge base of Saudi Arabian law, I have established why this is an issue. By conducting thorough research, I have been able to construct an understanding of these women’s suffering. As women are restricted to certain rights, they have been unable to demonstrate their abilities in society and have therefore been confined to specific roles. In today’s modern society, there is no justification to oppress women as they possess the same abilities and should therefore be provided with the same rights as a man. The issue lies in the fact that the Islamic faith inherently is not oppressive to women, but rather laws determined from false interpretations of Islamic texts have caused these limited rights to be implemented. Thus, in this paper I will argue how limitations of Saudi Arabian women’s rights have lead them to suppressive roles in society because of current laws derived from false interpretations of Islamic texts. Women’s rights in Saudi Arabia have undeniably been limited. Before I investigate this argument, there are some terms that must be defined. Some have made the assertion that these restricted rights guarantee that a woman demonstrate her respect for Islam. However, limited rights have restricted women’s roles and therefore prevented them from reaching their full potential in society. Rawaf, the established author for Comparative Education states women in Saudi Arabia weren’t even granted the right to an education until the 1960s (Rawaf 7). Oats, an established journalist for the prolific publishing company Herizons, denotes they currently don’t possess the right to drive and won’t even be allowed to vote until 2015 (Oats 1). Mtango, a writer
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for Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights & the Law with extensive knowledge of Islam, explains women are required to cover themselves, or be veiled, at all times (Mtango 53). Additionally, women can’t travel alone, and require a male escort, or Mahram, wherever they go (Mtango 60). This is required by the Aawama, or the law of male guardianship over women. (Mtango 59). Pharaon, who has proven his knowledge on of Islam through his credentials, dictates that segregation of men and women’s facilities limits job opportunities and restricts women to inferior places of work and education (Pharaon 353). All of these limitations are due to Fatwas, or edicts, created the Senior Council of Ulama’s interpretations of religious texts (Mtango 51). The Ulama: Are men who study the Qur’an, the Muslim holy book, and the Hadith, the tradition of what the prophet Muhammad said and did, and who work as religious scholars to apply the Shari’a, which is the body of teaching and prescription that comes from the Qur’an and the Hadith, which constitutes the basic law of Saudi Arabia (Rawaf 3). These laws are enforced by Muttawas, or religious police that strictly enforce dress code for women (Mtango 4). Women’s rights in Saudi Arabia is a multifaceted issue. In this paper, I will evaluate how the Senior Council of Ulama, by interpreting religious texts, implements laws that result in unequal rights for Saudi women. Additionally, I will discuss limitations that are placed on travel for women. This hinders their access to work and educational facilities, and confines Saudi women to their homes. Also, women are unable to run for office and are denied the right to vote. Without these representations in government, change for women’s rights is nearly impossible. I will also evaluate how veiling, a traditional Islamic practice that is forced on Saudi women, prevents them from common daily activities and physically makes them invisible. Finally, I will
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argue how sex segregation results in unequal and poor quality facilities for women, as men are therefore granted superior facilities. On the one hand, it has been argued that limitations of Saudi Arabian women’s rights have not led them to suppressive roles in society. Rather, some claim that although Saudi Arabian laws grant men and women different rights, women are not only content with their abilities in society but feel their different rights and roles show a respect for Islam and Islamic law as they can maintain practices that support the Islamic faith. For example, veiling is a required practice in Saudi Arabia, and wearing one shows a respect for Islam as it demonstrates a woman’s devotion to her faith. Many argue the veil is: A must. Without it women have not made the essential commitment to a particular ideal of authenticity of identity. The veil becomes, therefore not only a symbol of women’s identity as Muslims but a holy sanctioned and acceptable means by which to broaden and further women’s political, social, and cultural space (Pharaon 360). However, women can maintain their faith without suffering through the use of this restrictive covering. As explained by Mtango, “the concept of veiling is not oppressive in itself…however, the problem arises when veiling is forced on women with regimental inflexibility” (Mtango 54). If a woman were to choose to veil, as opposed to it being forced upon her, she would therefore be able to express herself. However, the strict requirement of this shapeless garment suppresses women’s status in society, as they are forced to become invisible. By granting women equal rights to men, women would be free to practice their Islamic traditions as they desire, instead of having harsh restrictions forced upon them. In addition to veiling, some argue Saudi women have shown their passion for Islam by raising a family. In Saudi culture “it is the mother who transmits the cultural and religious traditions that reinforce solidarity and loyalty to the family” (Pharaon 358). However, this duty
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limits them to only procuring a family and therefore denies them of any other role in society. This takes on the assumption that women’s only capability in society is to raise a family, when many feel unfulfilled by this task and have talents that could be used greatly elsewhere. Moreover, some have argued that women are content with current social conditions segregating male and female spaces. While demonstrating their respect for Islam, this separation allows women to work in optimal conditions, as they don’t need to practice restrictions required in the presence of males. They can therefore enjoy a greater state of comfort to conduct themselves. However, Le Renard, an author who has established her ethos as she has a PhD in dissertation in gender segregation in Saudi Arabia, asserts that this segregation has led to inferior institutions for women without fail (Le Renard 615). Also, women are not granted access to many places that men are (Le Renard 615). Furthermore, it is outrageous to claim that women are content with their current social conditions. Some men have tried to assert that Saudi women have more than enough rights. Le Renard explains, “one of the male participants [of a Saudi newspaper] affirm[ed] that Saudi women had more than they deserved.” To this claim in particular, “after these words one of the female participants appeared to have burst into tears” (Le Renard 618). Though this woman doesn’t represent the whole Saudi female population, she demonstrates a general discontent with current conditions, as she was so upset by the male participant’s words that she cried. Conversely, although harsh laws in Saudi Arabia are claimed to be based upon Islamic Texts, such as the Qur’an and the Shari’a, there is nothing in these documents that dictates the oppression of women. Rather, it is false interpretations of these texts that cause laws to be so unjust. Islamic practices have never inherently been suppressive to women, but rather often state women should be treated women as equals. As explained by Mtango, “Islam in fact promotes
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equality between men and women to a great extent, so interpretations that are contrary to this are not in fact representative of the religious text” (Mtango 53). Additionally, Pharaon, an established author who has cultivated her ethos by reporting factual information, explains, “traditional Ulama sometimes ignore the context of select certain verses from the Qur’an to prove their point of view” (Pharaon 353). For example, practices such as veiling and sex segregation, two leading factors in limiting women’s rights, are said to be required by the Shari’a. However, there is no evidence of this in religious writings, as they don’t even speak on the matter (Mtango 52). Sadly, under the current government’s legislation, women are treated as second-class citizens. Enforcement of these laws is a fundamental issue of human rights, which no citizen should have to endure. Not only do legislators rule using these oppressive laws, but the Council has also worked in close relation with the Muttawas, who enforce laws that censor women and often overlook any which may prevent a male from doing what he pleases. As explained by Mtango, “the Muttawas strictly enforce the dress code for women, yet turn a blind eye to men that violate the Qur’an requirement to be covered from the waist to the knee” (Mtango 53). This biased enforcement of laws ensures a woman’s oppression in Saudi Arabian society. Additionally, current laws in Saudi Arabia ban women from driving. Limitations of the right to drive restrain women's access to facilities and traps them in their homes. Baker, an established writer who works for Time Magazine as the overseas reporter, explains that due to Saudi Arabia’s harsh desert climate, a car is often the only method of transportation (Baker 2). Also, there is currently no public transportation in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s capitol (Baker 2). This resource is utilized heavily in all other places of the world and lack of such places a immense restriction upon where women can travel. Therefore, the only way for women to be mobilized is
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by relying on male family members or immigrant drivers to get them to work (Baker 2). This is not only a huge burden and time constraint, but can be expensive. As stated in “Baby You Can Drive My Car,” an article from the prolific Journal, Middle East Quarterly, immigrant drivers cost on average “$300 to $400 a month to get [women] to work, school, shopping or the doctor.” (“Baby, You Can Drive My Car” 1). For many middle class families, it is therefore not financially feasible for women to be employed. Accordingly, prohibition of driving places a huge restriction on women, as it prevents their access to places of employment, educational facilities, and general necessary resources. This restriction logistically traps women in their homes, consequently narrowing them to roles that require limited transportation. This includes the role of a housewife or mother. Travel restrictions have also placed a burden upon employers, as many women may be capable for jobs but simply unable to access facilities. Nadia Bakhurji, a Saudi female architect, explains, “it becomes a barrier to hiring women” (Baker 2). Mahdi, an established author with vast knowledge on Saudi Arabian women’s employment, explains that due to these restrictions, the labor market for women has stayed at minimal levels (Mahdi 65). Granting the freedom of independent travel will undoubtedly cause other profound changes for women’s rights. Baker quotes Fawzia al-Baker, an advocate for getting women the right to drive, stating “driving means access, mobility and empowerment, and from there we can chip away at the bigger issues…if we can drive, anything is possible” (Baker 4). Not only are women prohibited from driving, but they also cannot travel alone in general. Laws requiring women to have a male escort, known as a Mahram, prohibits their ability to travel where they like and therefore has restricted their abilities in society (Mtango 59). This completely prevents women from acquiring any resources outside their homes, and forces them
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to become completely reliant on their male counterparts. Concurrently, women's inability to run for office and vote has limited their representation in government, therefore making change impossible. It is not until 2015 that women will be allowed to speak their minds through their votes (Oates 1). Voting allows women to advocate for their rights in addition to holding office. With no women in place in office, they have been unable to represent themselves in the population of Saudi Arabia. With a male dominated government, women as a group are incapable of standing up for themselves and speaking their voice. Likewise, the requirement of women to be veiled at all times prevents them from daily activities and therefore narrows their roles in society. Practically, the veil restricts many abilities of a woman. For example, “driving requires women to unveil themselves, and often uncovers certain shameful parts of the body” (Mtango 60). Not only does it prevent them from driving, but also many public spaces require women to be covered (Mtango 54). This creates an enormous imposition, as women must often put on or remove the veil as they enter or leave a space. Additionally, veiling has caused for segregation of the work place, as many women choose to participate in all female institutions to avoid wearing their uncomfortable face cover all day long (Le Renard 626). Barlow and Akbarzadeh, writers for Third World Quarterly which references reliable information, explain that women need to be able to choose whether to be veiled, as they “need the space and freedom to ‘look after their own affairs according to their own values and priorities’” rather than have values imposed upon them (Barlow and Akbarzadeh 1490). Though the practice of veiling is not inherently suppressive, the relentless requirement of doing so is, as it is demanded of women. Though many would be glad to represent their culture through the veil, by being forced to do so they are unable to have a choice as to whether they would like to
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continue the practice. This limits Saudi women’s choices of expression, as Muttawas force the veil upon them. Continuing on this idea, laws requiring women to be veiled at all times also limits their self-expression. Many have attempted to fight this oppression by decorating their veils. However, these endeavors have received backlash from religious authorities. House, the established journalist for The Wall Street Journal, states officials have complained “decoration [of veils] calls attention to women and undermines the very purpose of a [veil]: to make a woman largely invisible” (House 2). In all other parts of the world, fashion has allowed people to represent who they are and what they believe. The veil is a head to toe covering and consequently limits any other possible desire to demonstrate one’s personality through clothing. It is a shapeless garment, preventing viewing of any part of a woman’s body. This visually suppresses women, as they become identical, shapeless figures. Thus, the requirement of veiling ensures all women to appear the same, diminishing any hopes of individuality. Finally, segregation of educational and work facilities have left women in inferior facilities as well as in jobs that are menial to men's. Currently, women’s class sizes are larger than men’s and use teachers that are poorly trained (Mtango 55). Mtango establishes, “more than 34% of professors at men’s universities hold doctorates”, whereas only 3% do at women’s universities (Mtango 55). Additionally, segregation has left women at a disadvantage when it comes to library use. Women are only permitted to use the library one morning a week, whereas men are granted use any other time (Mtango 55). This allows men access to all the resources and information available in the library, therefore providing them a better education than women. Logistically, teaching classes of women is made difficult as women can only teach other women. Therefore, men cannot teach women, which has resulted in a shortage of teachers. This not only
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leads to larger class sizes for women but less qualified instructors as well, as they are often unequipped with sufficient knowledge of the subject. This provides women an inferior education, therefore limiting their job opportunities to those that require less study. Specifically, a woman’s education is often in “feminine” subjects, such as family and housekeeping (Mtango 56). This confines their education to subjects that limit their roles in society, restraining them to those that are typically done by women and not allowing them opportunities to gain roles that men may possess. Women’s poor education also has a huge effect on their employment opportunities. Because of restrictions on education, women can’t enroll in engineering, journalism, pharmacy or architecture. Instead, they are taught in subjects of education or clerical jobs (Mahdi 66). With a lack of education, women have been unable to acquire jobs beyond these. In particular, segregation of spaces has limited women’s employment opportunities. The Fatwa passed in 1979 demands women stay home at all times (Mtango 57). This limits women to total home confinement, and doesn’t allow them access to many places of work. Similarly, by Saudi laws, women can never come in physical contact with men. This confines them to jobs such as hairdressers, teachers or doctors (Mtango 58). Saudi laws restrict how and where a woman can work with a man, specifically what duties they can hold within a company. Due to women’s “nature,” women in Saudi Arabia are unable to become managers of companies. The reasoning behind this is that a woman’s natures “does not allow her to have independent thoughts and decisions and she cannot be in a position where she gives orders to men” (Mtango 57). Laws such as these, categorizing women and assuming their inferiority to men, therefore directly results in their limited roles in society.
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Furthermore, the Monitor's Editorial Board establishes that change has been implemented through protests and lobbying of women ("Women's Voting Rights In Saudi Arabia: A Blow To Medieval Brands of Islam" 1). The Board also explains “while [King Abdulla’s] latest moves may give women more voice, they will be limited in a country still ruled with a heavy hand and that is out of step with many Muslim countries in which women enjoy basic rights� ("Women's Voting Rights In Saudi Arabia: A Blow To Medieval Brands of Islam" 1). This is only the first small step in a huge list of natural rights that must be granted to citizens. Though this new right will grant women a better ability to advocate for other rights, they barely have begun to create a less suppressive society as other oppressions, such as restrictions on driving, have yet to be relieved. Limited rights for women, therefore leading them to limited roles, has denied women an ability to expand their horizons and reach their full potential in Saudi Arabian society. If women were granted these rights, they would have the same capabilities as a man and therefore have a chance to enhance Saudi Arabian society. If granted the same rights as males, women could make drastic developments in jobs markets, the educational system, or research fields. Imagine what positive impact Saudi women can have on the country. But alas, how can these changes come be made? Thus far, protesting has been a very effective method in driving change. Acts of civil disobedience, such as Saudi women driving without the right, have created awareness in the society that women are unhappy with their current rights and roles (Baker 1). With more protests like these, women will be able to acquire rights through awareness of unrest.
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Work Cited: "Baby, You Can Drive My Car." Middle East Quarterly 18.4 (2011): 46. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 30 Oct. 2011. Baker, Aryn. "Road Warriors." Time 178.1 (2011): 46-49. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. Barlow, Rebecca and Shahram Akbarzadeh. "Women's rights in the Muslim world: reform or reconstruction?" Third World Quarterly 27.8 (2006): 1481-1494. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 30 Oct. 2011. Butters, Andrew Lee. "Saudi's Small Steps." Time 174.15 (2009): 44-47. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 30 Oct. 2011. Brunsdalev, Mitzi. "Unveiling Islam Today." Publishers Weekly 257.25 (2010): 107. Academic Search Premier. Web. 2 Nov. 2011. Hasna, Fadia. "Islam, Social Traditions And Family Planning." Social Policy & Administration 37.2 (2003): 181-197. Academic Search Premier. Web. 2 Nov. 2011. House, Karen Elliott. "A Declaration of Independence." Wall Street Journal - Eastern Edition 07 Apr. 2007: P1+. Academic Search Premier. Web. 2 Nov. 2011. Hymowitz, Kay S. "The Feminist Silence About Islam." Policy 19.1 (2003): 29. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 30 Oct. 2011. Keating, Joshua E. “It’s Not Just the Veil.” Foreign Policy 186 (2011): 41-42. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. Le Renard, Amélie. "Only for Women:" Women, the State, and Reform in Saudi Arabia." Middle East Journal 62.4 (2008): 610-629. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. Page 13
Mahdi, Salah Taha. "Where do Females Stand in The Saudi Labour Market?." Ahfad Journal 25.2 (2008): 57-84. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. "Miss Saudi Beautiful Morals." Middle East Quarterly 16.4 (2009): 83. Academic Search Premier. Web. 20 Nov. 2011. Mtango, Sifa. "A State of Oppression? Women’s Rights in Saudi Arabia." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights & the Law 5.1 (2004): 49-67. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. Oates, Lauryn. "Women Drive Change In Saudi Arabia." Herizons 25.2 (2011): 7-8. Academic Search Premier. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. Pharaon, Nora Alarifi. "Saudi Women And The Muslim State In The Twenty-First Century." Sex Roles 51.5/6 (2004): 349-366. Academic Search Premier. Web. 2 Nov. 2011. Rawaf, Haya Saad Al, and Cyril Simmons. "The Education of Women in Saudi Arabia." Comparative Education 27.3 (1991): 287. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 30 Oct. 2011. "Silent Revolution." Economist 334.7900 (1995): 39-40. Academic Search Premier. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. The Monitor's Editorial Board. "Women's Voting Rights In Saudi Arabia: A Blow To Medieval Brands of Islam." Christian Science Monitor 26 Sept. 2011: N.PAG. Academic Search Premier. Web. 4 Dec. 2011. Truszkowska, Natalia. "Irreligious Police." Harvard International Review 23.2 (2001): 10. Academic Search Premier. Web. 1 Dec. 2011 Wagner, Cynthia G. "Progress Report On Discrimination Against Women." Futurist 42.3 (2008): 9. Academic Search Premier. Web. 1 Dec. 2011.
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Zoepf, Katherine. "Veiled Saudi Women Find Unlikely Role Model: Oprah." New York Times 19 Sept. 2008: 1. Academic Search Premier. Web. 1 Dec. 2011.
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