What Western diplomats could learn from Arab taxi drivers

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What Diplomats could learn from Arab taxi drivers Bulging in trays, and countless appointments mean that Secretaries of State are heavily dependent on their staff and whatever information they manage to glean from the media. The increasingly parochial nature of some media outlets as highlighted by reports such as Shrinking World: The decline of international reporting in the British Press (2010) are a timely reminder of the challenges faced by ministers and policy makers if they are to be better placed to make informed decisions. Not so many years ago those who entered the Foreign Ministries of countries such as Britain and France were expected to be cultured individuals destined to be the public face of their nations in various corners of the globe. Historically their embassies in the Middle East and North Africa were staffed by an elite who not only mastered Arabic as easily as they had Latin and Ancient Greek, but who were just as likely to be autodidacts who in their spare time would teach themselves Farsi and Hebrew along with Arabic calligraphy. For all their patrician virtues, these remarkable individuals still managed to generalise about the Arabs and Persians and looked upon the regions they worked in as a chess board of which they were the sole arbiters. This gilded world lasted until the 1950’s when Arab-nationalism wreaked havoc upon the policies formulated by the Foreign Office, London and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris and was to see the gluttonous King Farouk toppled in Egypt and the nationalisation of the Suez Canal. London and Paris along with the newly created state of Israel endeavoured to engineer an emergency to act as a cover for military intervention only to find that their machinations earned the disapproval and censure of the United States of America and as a consequence resulted in a humiliating climb down. The fall-out from the Suez Crisis was far reaching, bolstering Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, emboldening the Soviet Union to send tanks into Hungary and sowing the seeds of discontent and treachery that was to result in the murdering of the benign King Feisal II of Iraq and his family in 1958. One of Nasser’s disciples, Brigadier Sallah in September 1962 was to orchestrate and execute an Egyptian backed coup in Yemen, thus ousting Muhammad al- Badr – the Yemeni King and Imam, whilst the following year Abdul Salam Aref, another friend and admirer of the Egyptian leader, carried out the violent overthrow of Prime Minister Qasim of Iraq, an event that ushered in the era of the Ba’ath Party which ultimately was to lead to the rule of Saddam Hussein. In the fifty years or so that have elapsed since much has happened that should be a clarion call for foreign policy makers to return to their history books or at the very least spend a few hours in the company of Arabs taxi drivers in cities such as Amman, Cairo and Nablus. In this age of austerity and uncertainty maybe foreign policy makers in London and Paris could put “leverage” and “synergy” to one side and drink in some of the knowledge, opinions and wisdom to be found away from official vehicles and the Euro-mediocrities that fill their diplomatic social scene. A battered yellow Mercedes-Benz could prove to be an unlikely place of learning and the driver a refreshing commentator, guide, historian and observer of local and international politics. These ‘seats’ of learning and transportation would of course include certain features as standard; small cups of cardamon coffee, pungent cheroots and the sublime if rather doleful voice of the unofficial Patron Saint of Arab taxi drivers – Oum Kaltoum. So what might the not-so-bright young things from Europe’s foreign ministries gain from such an experience? Well, one thing is for certain they had better be familiar with the following: The Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916) and The Balfour Declaration (1917). Arab taxi drivers delight in exploring what has shaped their region and have an excellent working knowledge of the West’s games and game players. Such is their knowledge that the world’s top business schools and multi-nationals should be hiring some of them to draw up PESTLE analyses


to help companies seeking to interact with the region. The knowledge, both general and specific of some British diplomats and Foreign & Commonwealth Office staff sent to the region is at times distinctly sketchy. Many have never even heard about John Bagot Glubb let alone read any of the writing of the famed Glubb Pasha; his books most notably Great Arab Conquests should be required reading. Mention the likes of Aden, the Trucial States and Nuri -as Said and you are greeted with quizzical looks and blank stares. The Arab peoples whilst disparate in nature possess a strong sense of history, one which ensures that they are only too well aware of former triumphs and past slights. Diplomacy in the West has largely ignored history, even recent history and therefore is placed at a real disadvantage when it comes to engagement, establishing a rapport and understanding the mindset of those one deals with. The Hashemites of Jordan are taught from birth of their historical association with the Holy city of Mecca and the role the House of Saud played in ousting them, equally they understand that they owe their current status not due to a popular mandate but to being installed by the British. Whilst the Arabs treasure their sense of the past and delight in conspiracy theories (the latter being a favourite past time) those seeking to represent the West seem to have overlooked so much and what is worse at times appear utterly ignorant of what has gone before. If policy makers in London and Paris seem ill prepared the situation in Washington is even more parlous. The US has been used to running much of the region by proxy and sometimes gives the impression it has made minimal effort to appreciate the dynamics and antipathies that shape interArab rivalry or make the Arab League so utterly ineffective. America’s foreign policy myopia has resulted in a siege mentality made worse by its total pre-occupation with Israel and Iran. Policy makers have bought into their own rhetoric and have routinely formulated solutions which bare little or no reality to the complexities of the situation on the ground. This has been exacerbated by security concerns which have resulted in American diplomats being ever more detached and hamstrung. Recent events from the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf have left Western diplomats dazed and confused. The so-called Arab Spring and the maelstrom that is Syria have made the political landscape ever more daunting. Countries such as China and Russia have used their usual tactics designed to thwart diplomatic progress, whilst other emerging powers have stood by either wringing their hands or doing nothing at all. The time is right for diplomats and those advising ministers and shaping policy to venture forth from their hermetically sealed offices and official cars and discover the real world again. Few international problems remain quite as intractable as does the current political instability and conflict in Yemen. This veritable Serbonian Bog has largely been abandoned by the international community, who routinely dismiss this quagmire of factionalism and dire poverty as a quasi-failed state that is the haunt of Al-Qaeda and its affiliates. With international legations closed and almost all but the most tenacious journalists having withdrawn from the country, the plight of Yemenis and those ‘trapped’ in the country goes unreported. Like Syria here is a land where a proxy war is taking place, a titanic struggle between the Gulf States and Iran, Sunni versus Shi’te Islam. In addition historic rivalries, especially in the interior of the country and the fact that the Yemeni Government’s writ has never really extended much beyond Sana’a and one has a situation that is indeed both highly complex and in a state of flux. Political expediency and a total lack of understanding leads most international observers to view things in a simplistic manner, put crudely: Yemen = Al-Qaeda. This analysis is not only erroneous, it is dangerous, because it appears to condemn and demonise the entire population. Whilst there is extremist activity, the majority of those living in Yemen are endeavouring to survive and whilst they are Muslims, this does not mean that they support militant elements. Foreigners invariably find it difficult to comprehend al-Din (the complete way of life) that


is so integral to being a Muslim. Furthermore, Yemen is bedevilled with challenges not least the fact that it suffers from water and food insecurity and according to the International Fund for Agricultural Development only 15% of the population has access to electricity. Politically it has endured years for turmoil, with the ramifications of the 2011 Revolution still being felt. Internal strife and external meddling have become a way of life. The Yemen Times has calculated that between April and October 2013 there were some 93 assassinations of security and army officials, with others since. Add to this anecdotal evidence of interference from countries such as Saudi Arabia and US drone strikes against supposed Al-Qaeda operatives and the picture is decidedly depressing. Diplomats, NGO workers and Foreign Correspondents have up sticks and left and as a consequence reliable information has become even scarcer. Whilst the world may be oblivious to what is going on, momentous events are taking place are regularly taking place. When the town of Dammaj in the Sa’ada Governorate was recently being besieged for weeks on end little or no comment was made outside. Houthis (a group of Zaydi Shi’ites) indiscriminately rained shells and sniper fire down onto the Sunni residents, a fact that many Middle East specialist seemed utterly unaware of. The Houthis who were believed to be receiving support from Iran routinely label the townsfolk of Dammaj as takfereen (extremists) and were intent on taking the town regardless of the cost. The list of deaths and casualties climbed day by day. As well as the locals being besieged there were a number of foreign students who have been studying at the Dar Al Hadith Centre (a renowned centre of Islamic scholarship) who are unable to leave. An American student was killed by snipers and other nationalities including British citizens had been endeavouring to leave for weeks to no avail. The family of at least one British national sought help from the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London and to date has neither received a sympathetic hearing or practical assistance. The situation became desperate with food scarce and even the most basic of medical supplies are fast running out and yet the mainstream media appeared indifferent to what is taking place. Iona Craig, Yemen Correspondent of The Times of London (who is based in the Sana’a) managed to encapsulate international indifference to the newsworthiness of the plight of the citizens of Dammaj when she commented; “I’ve pitched it all over the place. Zero interest.” To all intents and purposes Yemen would appear to have become a terra incognito and what is more the wider world appears ignorant or unconcerned about its fate. Whilst those being besieged in Dammaj did eventually manage to pull out, Yemen as a nation lies bruised and bleeding. The current situation is akin to an open wound, one that infects neighbouring states including the likes of Somalia. Now with Syria a cause of diplomatic paralysis at the UN and the spectre of Iraq’s dismemberment the stakes could not be higher. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (Isis) or The Islamic State as it spokespeople have begun calling it presents a supreme challenge for those purporting to read the regional runes. As things stand the prognosis for the region is far from encouraging. What is clear is that policy models, training and the mindset in Western Ministries must change if there is to be any hope of navigating a way forward with pragmatism and a modicum of understanding. Mark T Jones


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