BRANCHES
McGill Undergraduate Environment Journal
Volume 5 - Winter 2015
BRANCHES
McGill Undergraduate Environment Journal
VOLUME 5 WINTER 2015
McGill University Montreal, Canada BRANCHES acknowledges that McGill is situated on traditional Haudenosaunee Territory
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Copyright © Branches: The McGill Undergraduate Environment Journal McGill University, Montreal, Canada, 2015. Editorial selection, compilation and material © by the Editorial Board of Branches and its contributors. Branches is an academic journal of McGill University with submissions by undergraduate students. Printed and bound in Canada by Solutions Rubiks Inc. All rights reserved. Except for brief passages quoted and cited from external authors, no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any way or form without the permission in writing from the publisher. Special thanks to McGill Environment Students’ Society, Arts Undergraduate Society and Rubiks for enabling the publication of this journal. Cover photo by Christine Chang.
BRANCHES McGill Undergraduate Environment Journal EDITOR IN CHIEF Elliot Tan UNDERGRADUATE EDITORS Lucy Cui Elena Kennedy Valeriya Sokolenko GRADUATE EDITORS Aaron Vansintjan Alejandra Zaga Mendez DESIGN EDITORS Justine Provost Lauren Wray
For more Branches, visit our website: mcgillbranches.tumblr.com
LETTER FROM THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF It is with great pleasure that the Branches editing team presents our fifth edition! This edition marked a pivotal time in the Branches editorial team, as we had a slightly smaller staff with some new faces. Despite these changes, I could not have asked for a harder working, dedicated editorial staff. In this edition, we continue with the theme of sustainability presented in previous editions. Our papers take us from El Salvador, to our very own city of Montreal, examining a variety of topics such the portrayal of environmentalism in classic literature. Breathtaking photographs of nature are interspersed between the papers, showing the photographer’s view of the world through their camera lens. When reading this journal, please give the wonderful editing team a round of applause; their dedication and commitment has been truly a joy to work with. I would also like to especially thank the authors for taking the time out of their hectic school schedules to share, and collaborate on their works for publication. We hope you enjoy reading this journal as much as we enjoyed working with you! Finally, a special thank you to our previous editor-in-chief Nessa Ghassemi-Bakhtiari for her guidance, and work in laying down the foundations for Branches in the years to come. On behalf of the Branches editorial board, Bonne lecture! Elliot Tan Editor-in-Chief
TABLE OF CONTENTS A Community Study of the Existing Food System in Parc Extension, Montreal Shariss Ostrager, Rabab Wali, Zarin Tasnim Haque, Nisrine El Amiri, Lara Schwarz and Christopher Ricci
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“Myself am Hell”: Identity and the Environment in Paradise Lost Antonina Scheer
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The Historical, Social, and Economic Effects Influencing Demand for Shark Fin Soup and the Current State of Public Awareness in China Lena Courcol
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The Effects of Fishery Activity on Stellar Sea Lion Population Shariss Ostrager
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Permaculture in El Savador: Knowledge Production and Power Relations Kaila Bolton
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About the contributors
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A Community Study of the Existing Food System in Parc Extension, Montreal by Shariss Ostrager, Rabab Wali, Zarin Tasnim Haque, Nisrine El Amiri, Lara Schwarz and Christopher Ricci Faculty Supervisor: Julia Freeman Client: Justice Alimentaire Montreal
Abstract: The Montreal neighborhood of Parc Extension is characterized by a high population density and wide ethnic diversity, with more than half of its residents consisting of immigrants. Using access to healthy, affordable and desired food as a proxy, a two-pronged approach was used to explore manifestations of structural racism in Parc Extension’s food system. Systemic obstacles that impede access to healthy, affordable, and desired foods were examined qualitatively from both the perspective of food system stakeholders and consumer experiences. A System Dynamics modeling approach was used to explore connections identified by stakeholders between variables in the Parc Extension food system that either influence or result from access to food. FGs were conducted to investigate consumer experience, perceptions, and emotional responses to issues of food access. By comparing and contrasting the System Dynamics model and heavily emphasized discussion items from our FGs, we identified several major barriers to food access in Parc Extension: the language barrier, the lack of recognition of foreign degrees, availability and affordability of food related to seasonality, and meeting eligibility criteria for food assistance programs. In addition, we found indications of structural racism with respect to the non-recognition of foreign degrees. This research has identified a number of possible responses to overcome these barriers. These include a revision of policies pertaining to foreign degree recognition, a re-evaluation of criteria for food assistance eligibility, establishment of a community greenhouse within the neighbourhood, and implementation of nutritional education programs in school curriculum.
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Introduction The food system is a structure that has a powerful impact on the lives and well-being of all citizens in the society (Billings and Cabbil 2011). Often embedded within the food system are inequalities that affect individuals, particularly minority groups and other disadvantaged segments of the population (Morland et al. 2002). These inequalities may be attributed to the presence of structural racism, defined as “a system of social structures that produces and reproduces cumulative, durable, race-based inequalities” (Grassroot Policy Project 2011). Structural racism occurs through the normalization and legitimization of historical, cultural, institutional, and interpersonal dynamics that advantage the dominant group while disadvantaging and creating a systematic pattern of prejudicial treatment of minorities (Lawrence and Keleher 2004). Specifically in the food system, inequalities due to structural racism may emerge from certain legislations and policies that are part of the higher social structures of society (Billings and Cabbil 2011). These inequalities are realized in the form of disparities in access to and availability of quality food sources across different minority groups, as well as social and economic exclusion of those groups43. Inequalities in food access are a form of social exclusion that hinder certain people’s ability to access food services and their ability to perform the activities deemed normal for the society in which they live (Apparicio et al. 2007). After reviewing relevant literature, we found that instances of this phenomenon have been documented in various food systems, particularly in North America (Morland et al. 2002; Bedore 2010; Franco et al. 2008). Our study examines the extent to which structural racism influences the
food system in Parc Extension, Montreal. Parc Extension is a dense neighbourhood that is home to a diverse group of residents, both economically and ethnically. Over half of its population consists of immigrants who are also visible minorities and 78.4% of residents speak a first language other than French and English (Centraide 2014). Additionally, 50% of its population lives under the poverty line (CBC 2014). Given this socio-cultural, economic, and linguistic diversity, as well as the density of the neighbourhood, we felt that Parc Extension was an appropriate location to investigate structural racism. Following a comprehensive literature review, we found that there was not a substantial body of literature with respect to structural racism in Parc Extension. It is important to note that structural racism is a concept that is inherently difficult to study due to its amorphous nature. This concept cannot be measured directly as its manifestation within the social structure of the system is “difficult to locate in a particular institution because it involves the reinforcing effects of multiple institutions and cultural norms, past and present, continually producing new, and reproducing old forms of racism” (Lawrence and Keleher 2004). Thus, structural racism is not necessarily deliberately put in place but rather occurs as a by-product of patterns of prejudice that governs the system (Lawrence and Keleher 2004). Nevertheless, the impacts of structural racism affect individual experiences related to day-today discrimination. They cause individuals to have unequal access to power and life opportunities as a result of one’s ethnic and racial background (Viruell-Fuentes et al. 2012). In the context of the food system, it may lead to significant impacts on health, financial health, and education of individuals, as food access is intimately
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connected to all facets of life and plays a significant role in the proper functioning of society. As such, problems encountered with access are of prime importance for both individuals and the population at large and an investigation of structural racism’s effect on food access is warranted. Such an investigation may be done by inspecting food deserts, a common manifestation of structural racism within the food system. Food deserts are defined as “socially deprived areas within cities that have poor access to food retailers” (Apparicio et al. 2007). The majority of research on structural racism and food deserts has been conducted in the United States where studies have indicated the existence of food deserts in a number of major cities, often showing differences in food suppliers, food prices, and food quality between racially distinct neighbourhoods (Block et al. 2004; Moore and Roux 2006; Morland et al. 2002). These food desert studies commonly involve the measure of physical barriers and geographic distances within a region to identify structural racism in the food system(Morton and Blanchard 2007; Bertrand, Therien and Cloutier 2008; Morland et al. 2002; Zenk, Schulz, Israel et al. 2005; Cummins and Macintyre 1999; Moore and Diez Roux 2006; Donkin, Dowler, Stevenson et al. 1999; Spark, Bania and Leete 2009) In the city of Montreal, it has been concluded that there are no technical food deserts; however, other variables such as social and cultural norms, physical disabilities, economic assets, and knowledge about food can limit food access (Wrigley, Warm and Margetts 2003; Cummins and Mcintyre 2002; Shaw 2006; Apparicio et al. 2007). Additionally, it is believed that socio-economically deprived areas in Montreal are less well served in terms of food price, quality, and variety
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than other economically secure districts (Bertrand et al. 2008). This suggests that measuring geographical proximity alone is not an adequate means of evaluating food access. As such, we propose that food access in Montreal is much more nuanced than simply defining access in terms of geographic proximity to food. Hence, we believe it is of crucial importance to take into account the wide array of factors influencing food access and its effects on consumers, rather than relying on a narrow definition of food deserts to identify racial inequalities in the food system. Any policy or intervention aimed at improving food accessibility must consider the underlying factors including the social, cultural and economic factors. Research Questions/Hypotheses The purpose of our research was to collect information about the many ways in which structural racism manifests itself in the Parc Extension food system. Due to the complex and elusive nature of structural racism, we opted to use “barriers to access” as a proxy for structural racism in the Parc Extension food system. We believe this is valid because the presumed outcome of structural racism is not only food deserts, but a more nuanced, and restricted access to food. In order to make meaningful conclusions, we investigated two levels of the food system in Parc Extension, the systemic and consumer levels. We explored systemic obstacles within the food system that impede access to healthy, affordable and desired foods to better understand the inner workings and issues of the food system as well as the linkages between them. We also investigated consumers’ experiences in obtaining healthy, affordable and desired foods; this allowed us to examine barriers that exist at an individual level.
Table 1: Logistics of the system dynamics focus groups including, the date of the interview, the participant, the research facilitators, the language the interview was conducted in, and the location of the interview. Note that although Jean Talon Market is not technically in Parc extension, it is within the Villeray-Saint Michel-Parc Extension borough. We felt Jean Talon Market was within a reasonable buffer distance to Parc Extension and that individuals, particularly those on the periphery who were closest to the market may very well shop there and for that reason it was worth interviewing a representative.
With respect to our consumer experience investigation, we hypothesized that individuals would perceive factors beyond geographic proximity that hinder their access to healthy, affordable and desired foods, and that some of these factors may be attributable to structural racism. With respect to our systemic investigation, we hypothesized that stakeholders would identify cause-and-effect relationships that hinder access to healthy, affordable and desired foods in Parc Extension and that stakeholders may not necessarily be consciously aware of these relationships. Methodology/Approach and Methods/ Tools We used System Dynamics (SD) modeling to explore connections between various elements within the Montreal food system, and conducted focus groups (FG) to investigate consumer experience, perceptions, and emotional responses to issues of food access.
treal food system as they pertain to Parc Extension, we utilized the System Dynamics modeling method. The System Dynamics method was adapted from a business-modeling tool to an environmental science-modeling tool by Julien Malard, a McGill University PhD candidate in Bioresource Engineering; it has been used to illustrate the complex interconnected issues in areas such as public health where the linkages between concepts may cross over from various fields (Homer & Hirsch 2006). In the context of our project, the method entails interviewing stakeholders with various roles in the Parc Extension food system and having each create a system model. Through research and with the help of our client, Justice Alimentaire MontrĂŠal, we identified and contacted major stakeholders in the Parc Extension food system, including store owners and civil society groups as shown in Table 1.
Method 1: System Dynamics Model In order to gain an understanding of the relationships within the Mon-
Ultimately, we interviewed six stakeholders who have an understanding of and play a significant role in influencing
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the food system in Parc Extension. Three of the interviews were conducted in French and three in English. The interviews each took up to an hour and a half and the interviewees were offered coffee and snacks in exchange for their time. Before each interview, interviewees were asked to sign a consent form, which briefly explained the project and outlined the participant’s role in the study. The consent form also indicated that participation in the study was voluntary, and that individuals retained the right to withdraw at any time. To facilitate model development, interviewers introduced the central issue of investigation: access to quality and desired foods in the Parc Extension food system. These words were chosen intentionally instead of using access to “healthy, affordable, and desired foods” as they appear in our research question to avoid biasing stakeholders with our own ideas about what foods are desirable or what constitutes quality food. Using “healthy” would have required us to predetermine the definition of healthy foods; we also would have been assuming that healthy foods are desired, and that our definition fits stakeholders’ definition of healthy foods. Additionally, “affordable” would have directly implied that cost influences access to food. After establishing the central issue of interest, stakeholders indicated and recorded primary and then secondary causes that contribute to food access. Once all causes were extracted, primary and secondary impacts were identified in the same fashion, using post its on a board. Feedback relationships between variables were indicated with a plus or minus sign, to indicate positive and negative feedback mechanisms. A positive feedback relationship is one in which an in-
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crease in one variable leads to an increase in the other variable or a decrease in one variable leads to a decrease of another. A negative feedback relationship is one in which an increase in one variable leads to a decrease in the other variable or vice versa. Positive feedbacks were referred to as reinforcing loops (identified as R#) and negative feedbacks were referred to as balancing loops (identified as B#). With this preliminary diagram in place, stakeholders were asked to identify connections between the impacts themselves and the initial causes, creating feedback mechanisms. Stakeholders were then asked if they could suggest any policies that might improve the system based on the model they created. This method yielded six distinct, dynamic models with many interconnected feedback loops, demonstrating various elements at play in the Parc Extension food system. Finally, the six stakeholder models were integrated into one cohesive model using a computer program called Vensim. The research team met with Julien Malard on several occasions to learn how to facilitate interviews and use the Vensim program for analysis. Method 2: Focus Groups Focus groups were used to gain a rich understanding of opinions, attitudes and insights about the local food system from a consumer perspective. We looked specifically at the experiences with, perceptions of, and emotional responses to food access in Parc Extension. We determined it would be advantageous to recruit and conduct our focus groups at community centers, where Parc Extension residents were familiar with the environment, and would therefore be more comfortable and open to discussion. These community organizations supported us in recruiting participants;
Table 2: Logistics of the focus group meetings including, the date of the discussions, the number of participants, the researchers and their respective roles, the language the discussion was conducted in, and the location of the discussion. *PEYO - Parc Extension Youth Organization *CLSC - “Centres locaux de services communautaires,” i.e. Local community service center
however, we were not targeting any particular socioeconomic or ethnic group. In total, we conducted five focus groups at five different locations with a total of twenty participants; three were carried out in English and two in French. Additionally, two participants were interviewed in FG1 due to language barriers that arose. The discussions took about an hour and the participants were offered lunch in exchange for their time. More information can be found in Table 2. Before conducting the discussions, participants were asked to sign a consent form. Along with their consent form, participants were asked to complete a basic information questionnaire, in order to give us an idea of the demographics of our participants. During the focus groups, one team member facilitated discussions by asking participants open-ended questions that addressed thoughts and feelings in relation to accessibility to food. In order to compile a comprehensive account of each focus group, discussions were recorded and another team member typed notes
about the discussion and observational data such as body language and expressions. Recordings and notes were used to create transcripts; which was followed by cut and paste coding by theme and topic to organize our data. The next step was focused coding in which we looked for the frequency, depth and the emotional level of responses. These responses were then set in context with the attribute information provided on the questionnaire, and categorized by theme in an Excel spreadsheet. This allowed organization of raw data to identify emergent patterns and recurring ideas among respondents. Analysis In order to provide a comprehensive understanding of issues related to food access in Parc Extension, we used a two-tiered approach involving System Dynamics and focus group methods. The following sections will discuss the results of each respective method. Following this, we looked at points of intersection and disconnects between the two methodologies’ findings. This enabled us to make recommendations for future policy changes and initiatives with regards to the Parc Ex-
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tension food system. Method 1: System Dynamics The final System Dynamics model (Figure 1.0) shows various interconnected and complex relationships. Since access to food is such a crucial factor in the functioning of society, many of the factors influencing this access are also intimately connected with other systems of society such as the economic, education and health care system. In fact, each of these systems could have given rise to their own models. Thus, it is important to understand that many other influences and impacts could be added to our model beyond those that were identified; however, the ones that were identified indicate priority in the eyes of the stakeholders interviewed. Additionally, this final model of the food system in Parc Extension is based on the perspective of a limited number of stakeholders and thus reflects the views of the contributors themselves. Hence, it is not an objective model of the Parc Extension food system. Rather, the aim was to gain a specific understanding of how these stakeholders view the food system of Parc Extension as they are crucial players in it. Analysis of the model demonstrated the presence of many feedback loops. In total, ten feedback loops were identified, one balancing loop and nine reinforcing loops. Although feedback and causal loop modelling theory asserts that reinforcing loops result in continual growth or decline8 .The overwhelming majority of reinforcing loops in our system does not mean access to food is unstable. There were several external variables in the model that influence food access directly and indirectly without being part of a loop. Furthermore, many external variables did in fact influence the trajectory of these reinforcing loops without being a
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part of a loop and can be seen within the model (Figure 1.0). Additionally, the loops themselves were not all positive or negative; some encouraged access while others inhibited access, thereby balancing out the outcomes of increased and decreased access. It is also important to note that different variables in different loops operate on different time scales; some changes to the system take effect more slowly than others. For example, the link between increased demand for local stores and a subsequent increase in the number of local stores may take years whereas the link between a stronger sense of community and a greater number of urban gardening projects may take months. The feedback loops discovered were found to mainly operate on three levels: governmental, community, and individual. Note that these loop levels are not mutually exclusive of each other. It was often the case that the variables most directly linked to access to quality and desired foods were at the individual level while the outermost variables related to higher level influences were from community and then government levels. Here we address the most influential feedback loops found.
Figure 1.0: Integrated Model of the food system in Parc Extension from the System Dynamics method.
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Economic Dynamics (R1/R2):
Figure 1.1: R1/R2, Governmental Economic Dynamics loop from the System Dynamics method, reinforcing loop.
Governmental Level: As shown in Figure 1.1, this loop at the governmental level illustrates how the health system and economy function in relation to access to food. In the case of increased access to quality and desired foods, the loop predicts a major impact on health. Increased physical and mental health of the population predicts a decrease in the rate of hospitalization. This then causes a decrease in the financial burden on society and allows the government to have more funds to invest in social assistance programs. An increase in socially funded programs then predicts an increase in the number of food assistance programs and eventually an increase in the number of people accessing these programs, finally leading back to an increase in access to quality and desired foods. It is important to note that several stakeholders mentioned the major role of food assistance programs in Parc Extension; however, as indicated on the integrated model (Figure 1.0), an eligibility factor may also
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influence the number of people accessing these food assistance programs because certain criteria must be met to qualify for assistance from these programs. This may then influence the loop such that the outcome is not necessarily reinforcing. Interestingly, this distinction was only addressed by one stakeholder. Furthermore, funding of social programs by the government influences another variable, housing costs, creating a sub-loop. It was presumed by stakeholders that an increase in the availability of social programs would result in the creation of specific programs, one of which might function to decrease housing costs, thereby allowing consumers to devote a greater portion of their household income to food and ultimately leading once again to an increase in access to quality and desired food. Note, this was rather a speculation of what stakeholders thought might happen with more funding of social programs.
Community Level Community Influences on Stores (R5) As indicated by stakeholders in Figure 1.2 above, an increase in access to quality and desired food predicts various beneficial social outcomes. In fact, increased access results in an increase in social interaction in the community via a variety of neighbourhood events. These events include food-sharing events at local food assistance organizations that are simultaneously intended to increase residents’ knowledge of diverse foods and their preparation, which also increases access. During the interviews, stakeholders representing civil societies indicated these events are quite common in Parc Extension. Increased social interaction leads to a greater, stronger sense of community as relationships are formed between residents during these events. One stakeholder in particular explained that throughout this process, consumers also form relationships with local store owners and then feel more inclined to support these individuals’ stores rather than large
Figure 1.2: R5, Community Influence on Stores loop from the System Dynamics method, reinforcing loop
Figure 1.3: R6, Community Projects loop from the System Dynamics method, reinforcing loop
chain stores. Consequently, the preference and demand for these local ethnic stores increases, leading to an eventual increase in the number of ethnic stores. This increase in the prevalence of local stores consequently causes a decrease in food prices as well as an increase in the variety of foods available among different stores, which leads to greater access. Community Projects (R6) Additionally, one stakeholder’s perspectives presented in Figure 1.3 revealed another impact in relation to the greater sense of community that was described by stakeholders in Figure 1.2. As the neighbourhood sense of community strengthens, the number of urban gardening projects (and the number of project participants) increases. This in fact is quite significant to Parc Extension, as multiple urban gardens are present in the neighbourhood already, which enable greater access to quality and desired foods. Another variable mentioned a stakeholder, though not part of the loop itself, is ecological values; when these values are stronger, individuals are more inclined to
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Language & Work (R7/R8)
Figure 1.4: R7/R8, Language and Work loop from the System Dynamics method, reinforcing loop.
support and participate in urban gardening projects because of the moral value placed on local fruits and vegetables. Individual Level: Within this loop, presented in Figure 1.4, poor access to quality and desired foods results in both increased hunger and decreased diversity in an individual’s diet. Both of these factors led to a decrease in nutritional adequacy from nutrients and thus results in a decrease in physical and/or mental well-being, a decrease in energy, and then a decrease in an individual’s ability to study. The loop then diverges into two paths that both influence an individual’s ability to study. The first branch is that a decrease in ability to study inhibits individuals from working to minimize the language barrier that they may experience. This is relevant for
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immigrants in Parc Extension, specifically those who either speak no French and/or English because many work positions in Montreal require individuals to be bilingual. Additionally, a decrease in ability to study results in a lower level of academic education and an increase in the amount of time an individual will need to devote to studying in order to be able to work. This applies to all citizens of Parc Extension. One stakeholder mentioned that academic degrees from other countries are not always recognized and thus immigrants must resume studying to legitimize their academic qualifications for work. Further, the ability to study affects young individuals who are working to obtain a high school or university degree to qualify for a particular job. The inability of an individual to work then leads to a low household income, poor financial health,
Individual Economics (R10)
Figure 1.5: R10, Individual Economics loop from the System Dynamics method, reinforcing loop.
and little disposable income for a household to devote to food. This ultimately results in a continued decrease in access to quality and desired foods. In Figure 1.5, stakeholders identified a relationship between individual health and access. It can be seen that decreased access to quality and desired foods leads to more hunger and a less diverse diet, both resulting in decreased nutritional adequacy. This then leads to a decrease in physical and/or mental health, causing an increase in the frequency of individual hospitalization. One stakeholder noted this causes a decrease in parental care because parents who are hospitalized have less time and physical ability to supervise their children. This stakeholder described their opinion that decreased parental supervision leads to poorer school performance, a lower level of academic educa-
tion achieved, and then an accumulation of fewer skill sets and experiences for work. As indicated by several stakeholders, this then limits individual employment opportunities. It should be noted that employment opportunities are influenced by larger factors that are not shown in this feedback loop. As described in Figure 1.4, a higher level of academic education requires less time devoted to studies and increases an individual’s ability to work. In Figure 1.0, it is shown that increased ability to work improves national economic health and enables the government to provide more employment opportunities. Thus, the variable, employment opportunities, exists at both the individual and government levels. While an individual must possess marketable skills to enable them to take advantage of existing job opportunities, the national economy must
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also be strong enough to create an open job market. Returning to the feedback loop, reduced employment opportunities result in poorer financial health, leading to less disposable household income for food and inhibits an individual from gaining car ownership. Both of these ultimately decrease access to quality and desired foods.
emphasis on the immigrant population. Stakeholders noted that creating more job opportunities and increasing employment and income would help individuals better afford food resources and reduce social inequalities. This was particularly evident with the discussion of foreign degree recognition addressed in the language and work loop (Figure 1.4).
Stakeholder Policy Suggestions In addition to our model findings, stakeholders also suggested policies they felt might help improve access to quality and desired foods. The main policies could be categorized into two groups, pertaining to nutritional education or job availability. Several stakeholders described nutritional education as lacking in Parc Extension and accordingly suggested nutritional education programs and initiatives as potential areas of intervention, especially for immigrant populations. As nutritional education is not implicated in any particular loop and links directly to food access, this seems like a plausible and fairly simple intervention. In fact, stakeholders also suggested specifically implementing these nutritional education programs in schools to teach children about nutrition and self-care at a young age in order to encourage healthier eating habits; this, however, would be more difficult to implement as it involves governmental action. Additionally, one stakeholder suggested nutritional education be implemented within an ecological context in order to educate the population about the environmental implications of food procurement and to encourage urban gardening initiatives. Another prominent suggestion was related to job availability for individuals in the community, with particular
Method 2: Focus Groups Structure of Analysis In analyzing our transcript data, we were able to identify nine major themes discussed by the FG participants: (i) the sense of community of the neighbourhood, (ii) availability and variety of foods, (iii) quality and price of products, (iv) transportation to and from the grocery store, (v) perceptions of healthy foods, (vi) barriers for new immigrants, (vii) seasonality, (viii) economic constraints to food access, and (ix) overall satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the food system in Parc Extension. Here we address the themes that had the largest implications on the study neighborhood.
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Demographics of Participants The responses to our demographic questionnaire showed that we had a diverse group of participants from various ages, sexes, ethnic groups, income levels, and number of years living in Parc Extension and Montreal which corresponds well to the diversity that exists in the neighbourhood. Because the questions were optional, certain demographic information was not available for all of the participants. It should be noted that the following demographic data is based on the responses from participants who chose to share the requested information. A total of 6 men and 14 women participated in our FGs with the majority
Figure 2: Self-identified ethnicity of focus group participants.
of participants in their 30s. Figure 2 shows the self-identified ethnicities of the FG participants. With respect to participants’ monthly income, all participants fell in the range of $4,000 or less. On average, participants have been living in Parc Extension for 4.75 years, but responses ranged from 8 months to 18 years.
i)
Parc Extension - a Community Oriented Neighbourhood FG participants described Parc Extension as a community-oriented neighbourhood. Many explained that there are a lot of immigrants living in the neighbourhood, and they viewed the diversity of cultures and traditions as a valuable and unique characteristic. For example, a 28 year-old French woman in FG 2 described: “C’est vraiment un quartier merveilleux, les gens te disent bonjour dans la rue. C’est le premier quartier où très rapidement j’ai connue mes voisins et je me suis fait des amis avec mes voisins, et que je me fait des amis proches si
facilement.” [It’s really an incredible neighbourhood, people say hello to you in the street. It’s the first neighbourhood where I have gotten to know my neighbours and made such close friends so quickly]. Most participants had a very positive view of Parc Extension as a whole. Participants also mentioned that the neighbourhood has a lot of organizations and activities that support residents and promote community bonding such as culinary workshops and community gardens.
ii)
Availability of Stores and Variety of Food Choices Variability in food choices was a topic that was discussed in depth in all 5 FG. The majority of participants maintained that there is an abundance of variety, in the form of local ethnic stores and restaurants, as well as large-scale supermarkets. Many of the members indicated that they were able to find foods from their respective cultures at stores in Parc Extension. A 37 year-old Greek male stated,
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“It’s such a dense cultural place. There’s a little bit of everything…everything is just a walk away.” It was clear that participants viewed Parc Extension as a “food hub.” Even though there was an overall consensus on the availability of a variety of foods, there were certain products that people had difficulty acquiring in Parc Extension. In particular, FG 2 participants stated their concerns with respect to the lack of availability of local and organic foods. A 35 year-old mixed Latin American man from that FG stated, “il n’y a aucun magasin a Parc Ex qui vend ni local ni bio,” [there is not a single shop in Parc Ex that sells neither local nor organic produce]. Another member from the same FG expressed her opinion that the lack of demand from the population could be the reason behind this.
iii) ucts
Quality and Price of Food Prod-
The majority of participants also discussed quality and price in depth. The two variables were often brought up in conjunction, and conversations reflected that the quality and price of food products affect each other, as well as purchase decisions. In the discussions, there was a general consensus that there is a variety of produce available and that produce is often cheaper in the small local stores compared to larger grocery chains such as Provigo. According to the participants, this also holds true for the prices in Parc Extension as compared to other regions in Montreal. However, one participant also indicated that he has to “balance the price with ripeness” (age 32, male Canadian Mennonite), and other participants in the same FG agreed. That is to say, even though the food prices may be lower in these stores, consumers may find themselves making
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concessions for quality. This led to the discussion of how the quality of foods affects shopping habits because buying foods that have a short shelf life requires residents to go to the grocery store more often. The 32 year-old Canadian Mennonite also conveyed his discontent at the apparent absence of a price standard for certain products. He explained that this is a regulation that caps the prices of products but does not exist in this neighbourhood, evidenced by his observation of excessive variation in prices of the same products at different locations. Members of FG 2 explained that they make great efforts to purchase local and organic foods, but that it takes them outside Parc Extension where food is more expensive. As the month progresses however, these individuals start feeling a tighter budget and consequently buy from neighbourhood stores and corner “depanneurs”, which often hold inferior quality produce. A 19 year-old female in our first FG maintained that this is also the case with food baskets provided by neighbourhood food assistance programs, where the food provided is often past its expiration date.
iv)
Healthy Foods Although access to healthy foods constituted an important part of our research question, it was not a major point of discussion in any of our FGs. Most participants did not articulate any problems specifically accessing healthy foods or discuss the topic in depth. A few participants across three discussion groups indicated that family composition impacts their decision to buy healthy foods; those that had younger children expressed that it was more important for their children to be exposed to healthier food choices. Further, a 33 year-old male Latino in FG 2 specified that inhabitants of this particular
neighbourhood often face financial problems, so feeding the family with what is cheaply available is more of a concern than providing healthy foods. FG 2, however, was unique among our discussions as they did in fact elaborate on the topic of healthy foods; they indicated that health for them constitutes local and organic foods. However, they mentioned that they may be an anomaly in Parc Extension because they do not believe a significant portion of the resident population regard the lack of local and organic foods to be an issue.
v)
Immigrants: Language Barriers and Bureaucratic Regulations Several FG participants mentioned new immigrants as a vulnerable group in the neighbourhood in terms of food access. They attributed this partly to the communication and language barrier that exists for newcomers, especially in a city with two official languages. A 35 yearold Bangladeshi woman in FG 1 explained, “the first time coming here there was difficulty communicating with grocery store owners. Trying to find out if a store sold halal food or not.” Another woman in the same FG, however, disagreed, explaining that she shops at the stores that sell foods from her culture, and therefore doesn’t have a problem communicating with the store owners. Participants in FG 5 described language as a barrier to employment for immigrants. “It is important to know French in this neighbourhood in order to get work,” explained a 32 year-old Canadian Mennonite. A 40 year-old woman in the same FG explains, “I see the language barrier is the main problem here for getting jobs.” A 32 years old Bangladeshi woman from the same FG elaborated that immigrants face this issue specifically
because of the two new languages in the neighbourhood. She also mentioned that language courses available are usually for people that already speak French or English, and there is a lack of information available for those that can’t communicate in either of the two languages. The lack of recognition of foreign diplomas is another barrier for new immigrants to find jobs. “This neighbourhood in general is over-scholarized. Overqualified but underemployed,” explained a participant in FG 5. Interestingly, structural racism was briefly mentioned in the context of bureaucratic regulations on this issue. Additionally, two participants from FG 2 explained in depth that the non-recognition of foreign degrees creates problems with regards to employment opportunities; many immigrants come to Parc Extension with advanced degrees but are unable to use them to work in their respective fields in Canada. Another issue that was brought up as especially problematic for new immigrants is providing proper documentation to register for food assistance programs. In order to qualify to receive food boxes from organizations, one must have a permanent address. Therefore the most vulnerable populations, in particular those who have just moved to the neighbourhood and don’t have an address, are not able to access food from these groups. The language barriers, strict bureaucratic regulations, and issues with eligibility for food assistance programs make it more difficult for new immigrants in the neighbourhood to integrate and adjust to a new way of life.
vi)
Seasonality and Food Access One of the most prominent topics we encountered across all FGs was seasonality and how it hinders access to
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foods. Though we anticipated some mention of this topic, we did not expect it to be discussed in such depth, especially since we did not include it as one of our main questions. Interestingly, this topic was brought up consistently and discussed in depth in 4 out of 5 FGs. A noticeable finding was that it is predominantly lowincome groups that find seasonality as a hindrance to food access. Participants described seasonality as affecting them in three ways: transport, food choice, and individual expenses. As Montreal winters are extremely cold and harsh, residents described adjusting their mode of transportation to grocery stores when the seasons change. A 35 year-old mixed Latin American male in FG 2 explained, “surtout en été quand on a le vélo c’est plus façil. C’est plus loins et en hiver on bouge pas beaucoup.” [In the summer when we can bike, it is really easy. It’s much further in the winter so we don’t move as much]. A certain number of individuals explained that fresh produce is more expensive in the winter, which obviously impacts purchase decisions. FG 2 mentioned that the majority of Parc Extension residents grow their own foods (though we were unable to independently confirm this observation), and several participants from other FGs also cited gardening as a source of food in the summer. In the winter, however, people must rely more on store bought. Furthermore, residents claimed that the colder weather prompts them to buy in bulk so fewer trips are made to grocery stores in the winter in comparison to the warmer months of the year. Other participants from FG 2 agreed that in the summer they tend to spend significantly less money on food because they grow their own produce. In FG 1, a 32 year-old
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Bangladeshi female commented, “In the summertime we grow vegetables in our own garden. We also fish. In the winter we don’t have a choice so we go to the store.” Overall, the harsh winters experienced in Parc Extension have a big influence on food accessibility in the neighbourhood. vii) Economic variables Overall, income was identified as a large barrier to food access by FG participants. Most participants claimed that food expenses constitute a large portion of their monthly budget. For example, when asked about managing food as a part of their monthly expenses, a 35 year-old mixed-Latin American male in FG 2 explained, “pour moi c’est le 65%, plus que le loyer [for me its 65%; more than rent].” When asked about her food choices, a 35 year-old Caucasian woman from the same FG explained: “ca depend si j’ai de l’argent ou pas, j’essaye de m’alimenter bio si je peux. Alors je sors du quartier si j’ai de l’argent, du temps, mais autrement je vais au depanneur au coins de la rue, la nourriture est vraiment pas chère, mais est de moins bonne qualitée et pas bio”[It depends if I have money or not; I try to eat organic if I can. So I leave the neighbourhood if I have money, time, but otherwise I go to the corner store. The food there is not expensive, but it’s not as good quality and not organic]. It is interesting to note that FG 3 participants, who fell in the relatively higher income bracket within our participants, mentioned that although price and quality are important variables, they themselves do not regard price as a determining factor in their purchases.
Immigrants again, were specifically mentioned as a group that has difficulty obtaining the foods they need due to economic constraints. A 33 year-old Indian woman in FG 3 explained, “New people face problems. We don’t have that much money because we don’t have much work. It is very expensive for us when we first arrive here as new citizens.” Additionally, the vulnerabilities of the elderly in terms of economic variables to food access were brought up in FG 4. Immigrants and elderly people on pensions seem to be the most affected by food prices. A participant from FG 5 identified income as the major barrier to access in the neighbourhood. “Everybody should have a basic income to be able to eat. That is often the main barrier that we see here ... It’s not there’s (no) access to the food.... It’s that they don’t have enough money.” Clearly economic security is a crucial factor to food accessibility. Linking Methodologies and Findings After a comprehensive analysis of our findings from each of the two respective methods we integrated our results to look at points of intersection and disconnection between the results from the system and consumer levels. We found several issues that were brought up in both the SD interviews as well as the FG discussions. However, we also found other significant factors that were addressed in one method and not the other, as well as contradictory points. Several ideas were discussed at both the system and consumer levels. One of these was the mention of the language barrier in Parc Extension, particularly with respect to new immigrants in the neighbourhood. Both the SD stakeholders and FG participants addressed immigrants’ difficulties communicating with store owners about food being offered or
foods they are looking for as well as with employment opportunities. According to them, it is often the case that foreign diplomas are not recognized which, as detailed in Figure 1.4, inhibits individuals’ ability to work and earn income. Another finding addressed in both methods is that food facilitates community bonding. As shown by Figure 1.2, Stakeholders identified that access to food encourages participation in community events where residents meet local store owners and forge relationships with them, which then creates demand for small local stores and therefore increases food access. Further overlap between methodologies was found in relation to the idea of healthy food. With the exception of one FG, the healthiness of food and food choices was not discussed at great length. In SD interviews, however, health was discussed considerably as an outcome of food access. Additional alignment of the methods can be found with respect to store preferences. Several participants described that residents mostly shop for groceries at smaller stores because of the cheaper prices, despite the inferior quality offered in comparison to large chain stores. This was similarly implied by SD stakeholders, who almost exclusively talked about food access in the context of small local stores. The local store-owner stakeholder even claimed that large stores such as Provigo are struggling in the neighbourhood. These areas of intersection are noteworthy because they indicate that individuals integrally involved in the functioning of the food system adequately understand the needs of consumers. However, in addition to the complementarity of the two methods, there were also aspects of both methods that contradicted each other. One such element was a disconnect regarding seasonality. While FG
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participants discussed the implications of seasonality at great length, the issue of weather was only brought up briefly by one System Dynamics stakeholder and was not incorporated into a feedback loop. FG participants discussed seasonality in terms of changes in household economics and its impact on food, food choices, and changes in transportation to and from the grocery store. They described walking as a preferred mode of transportation and an increased reliance on public transportation in the winter; meanwhile, only one SD stakeholder mentioned weather at all, and only made a connection between weather and walkability. Another issue that was emphasized differently in the methods was the eligibility criteria for food assistance programs. While FG participants discussed the shortcomings of these programs with regard to eligibility and reaching needy individuals, only one SD stakeholder mentioned the idea of food assistance program eligibility and did not elaborate much on the idea. These contradictions between the two methodologies illustrate disconnects between stakeholders and consumers. These findings are important because they represent areas where food providers and other individuals acting at systemic levels can better cater to consumers’ needs to improve access to healthy, affordable, and desired foods. This will be further discussed in the recommendations section. Discussion From our findings, we have identified several barriers to access in the Parc Extension food system. Though the neighbourhood has a high density of food outlets, problems do exist for residents in terms of access to healthy, affordable and desired foods. As such, Parc Extension does not seem to qualify as a food desert according to the definition in our intro-
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duction. It is, however, apparent that other factors act to hinder accessibility beyond geographic constraints. Based on our findings, we also identified subgroups in Parc Extension’s population who are particularly vulnerable in the food system. Due to financial constraints, low-income immigrants in Parc Extension were identified as the most vulnerable group in terms of food access. This is consistent with other studies that have also identified low-income, visible minority, and inner-city populations as those groups most at risk of food access problems(Smoyer-Tomic, Spence and Amrhein 2006; Hendrickson, Smith and Eikenberry 2006; Jiao, Moudon, Ulmer et al. 2012; Thomas 2010; Dutko, Ploeg and Farrigan 2012). To further address the situation of immigrants, it is also important to acknowledge the difficulty in fulfilling eligibility criteria for food assistance programs that was mentioned in both the FG and SD methods as a factor that hinders access. One issue that was discussed in particular was the inability of some individuals, particularly new, low-income immigrants, to provide identifying information such as a permanent address. This may in part be due to the fact that individuals must live in Canada for two years to become eligible for permanent residency, in order to also apply for public housing. Additionally, waitlists for public housing favour Canadian-born residents over immigrants, which further delays the waiting period to obtain public housing (Ross 2013). Another issue with accessing food assistance programs is navigation. Through our own research online, we found it difficult to identify programs that offer consistent assistance beyond emergency supplies, which are only offered a limited number of times per month or year by groups such as Resource
Action-Alimentation. Not only does this suggest a lack of transparency with respect to these services, but it also means we are unable to verify the concerns our participants brought up. These individuals would be heavily reliant on word of mouth in the community as well as the community centers at their disposal. Due to the inability to confirm the experience of our study participants, we cannot definitively confirm that structural racism is at play, however our results and research suggest this very well may be the case. Though we were unable to confirm the presence of structural racism with respect to food assistance programs, we found that the issue of foreign degree recognition is indicative of structural racism, especially towards immigrant populations, which indirectly affects food access. Literature supports the claims of Parc Extension residents about foreign degree recognition. It shows that foreign degree credentials are devalued in Canada and therefore immigrants are often denied the opportunity to practice their occupation of training (Girard & Bauder 2007; Basran & Li 1998; Li 2001; Mata 1999; Najm 2001). According to Bauder (2003), the devaluation of foreign education and credentials is a major barrier to labour market integration among Canadian immigrants. For example, one study identifies non-European immigrants in Canada as disadvantaged in the labour market (Bauder 2003). A second study claims that immigrants from South and Central Asia, the Middle East and Southern and Eastern Europe have the most difficulty with obtaining high skill occupation jobs in Canada (Thompson 2000). In 2001, South Asians were identified as the largest minority group in Parc Extension; as such, this population may indeed be particularly susceptible to
this issue5. According to Bauder (2013), this discriminatory treatment towards minority groups creates a division between Canadian-born and immigrant labour, which he accredits to a systemic process of labour-market exclusion. In light of this evidence that government policies are in fact biased to disadvantage minority, immigrant groups on the issue of degree recognition, we suggest that structural racism seems to be at play in Parc Extension. However, more research, specifically at the policy level, would be needed to further delve into this issue, and definitively confirm or deny its presence. Recommendations: Policy recommendations Degree Recognition As explained above, one of the main concerns revealed by our results for both the FG and SD methods involved problems with the non-recognition of immigrants’ foreign degrees. As indicated by FG participants, difficulties emerge when immigrants arrive in Parc Extension due to the inability to find work, which is in large part caused by their foreign degrees not being recognized. This can result in poverty and as such, these immigrants struggle to afford food. Published research on the topic of foreign degree recognition supports the claims of our study participants; it indicates that the misrecognition of foreign degrees is a large issue for immigrants, who were identified by our FG and SD study participants as vulnerable populations in the neighbourhood, and more specifically, the food system (Girard and Bauder 2007; Basran and Li 1998; Li 2001; Mata 1999; Najm 2001; Thompson 2000). As further explained in our discussion, this suggests that structural racism
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exists as a barrier to immigrants, and that changing the existing policies that prevent immigrants from joining the workforce may reduce the harmful effect of this barrier. Research on Canadian immigration laws in 1999 suggests stakeholders were attempting to improve the situation with the non-accreditation of immigrant professionals (Mata 1999), however, later research on this topic in 2003 indicates immigrants were having increasing difficulty gaining access to work in advanced-degree occupations in Canada (Reitz 2003). More recent research on this issue has shown an increase in efforts to alleviate this problem (Bloemraad 2012). However, as our research shows that the issue remains, we suggest a revision of policies pertaining to recognition of foreign degrees could be extremely beneficial to immigrant populations by allowing them to enter the workforce earlier and thereby establish their lives. Although we acknowledge that this is a large undertaking that spills over in a greater population than that investigated in our study, we suggest that fundamental changes on the governmental level to more easily recognize foreign degrees would not only benefit the immigrant population but would also be a positive change for the Canadian economy. More research should be performed on this topic to determine how best to implement such a policy. Community Greenhouse In order to combat the barriers the neighbourhood faces with food access due to seasonality, we suggest the establishment of a community greenhouse in the neighbourhood. We believe this would not only draw on the existent communitybonds and strengthen the community-feel of the neighbourhood but it would also
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alleviate the stress related to food accessibility in the wintertime identified by our participants. Since urban gardening was mentioned as a common and positively viewed way to produce food in the spring and summer, a greenhouse would enable residents to continue gardening in the winter months. Additionally, greenhouses could be used to increase availability of local and organic foods, which some FG participants mentioned they were unable to find in the neighbourhood. We feel this project would best be run by the municipality in order to reach all Parc Extension residents, including those who do not utilize the resources at William Hingston New passive solar technologies enable greenhouses to be affordable during the wintertime, creating more food options during the months of most restricted food access (CURA 2013).Small growers across the Midwest of the United States are actively growing produce in cold climate greenhouses during the winter months (CURA 2013). Additionally, greenhouses have been cited as a means of creating income and employment opportunities for communities as well as a way to alleviate financial pressure for low-income individuals by providing cheaper sources of quality foods (Kearney 2009; Kurtz 2001). In light of our findings that urban gardening is an active practice in Parc Extension and that it helps facilitate community bonding, we feel that neighbourhood residents would be quite receptive to a greenhouse initiative. Further, literature supports the idea that community gardening strengthens community ties and improves the nutritional status of the community with the production of fresh food. Finally, community gardening offers the potential for intergenerational learning from experienced elders to children, and the potential for additional integration of desired ethnic
foods in planting and then the sharing of recipes with these ethnic foods, thereby simultaneously promoting nutritional education (Kearney 2009; Kurtz 2001). Eligibility for Food Assistance Programs As described in our discussion, food assistance program eligibility is a considerable concern identified by our study participants in terms of food accessibility in Parc Extension. Food banks play a primary role in meeting the food needs of vulnerable populations in Canada (Riches 2002). One author explains that food assistance programs “fill in the gaps left by the private (for-profit) food system and informal (not-for-profit) social safety nets so as to ensure the food security of vulnerable individuals, households and communities� (Lentz 2013). Recognition of cultural diversity in designing these programs has been shown to significantly improve access and consequently the nutritional status of individuals (Margetts et al. 2001). However, it does not necessarily lead to improved nutritional status of the population as a whole. One such program in the United States known as Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program, found no significant decrease in hunger or improved nutrition among Americans in response to a loosening of eligibility criteria for their program (Tanner 2013). Despite this uncertainty, we recommend that a re-evaluation and revision of policies may help make these programs more accessible for those in need. Before a re-evaluation of policy can be done, however, we first suggest an in depth policy analysis to determine the ways in which individuals can qualify for food assistance programs and how changing these policies would affect the community.
Nutritional Education It is interesting to note that healthy food was not a major topic brought up by FG or SD participants in terms of food access. This may be due to the fact that the Parc Extension food system has a lot of accessibility to healthy foods and as such, individuals did not consider this a barrier an issue in the neighbourhood. However, this could also be attributable to the lack of information and education in the neighbourhood with regards to good nutrition and healthy lifestyles, specifically for the most vulnerable populations. Despite the existence of several programs in Parc Extension seeking to promote healthy lifestyles and proper nutrition, individuals who are uninvolved in community activities do not have access to this information and are unaware of these existing programs. As such, we recommend the implementation of additional nutritional education initiatives. These can be incorporated into school feeding programs in Parc Extension, because school meals provide a valuable opportunity for nutrition education and serve as vehicles for addressing micronutrient deficiencies (Perez-Rodrigo, Klepp, Yngve et al. 2001; Lentz, 2013). Such programs have been shown to improve educational enrolment rates, participation, and cognitive abilities (Afridi 2011; Alderman and Bundy 2012). Many of these factors were implicated in our SD model and demonstrated that with their increase comes an eventual increase in food access. In addition, nutritional education will provide children with a stronger basis, knowledge, and skills they need to make nutritious food choices and lead healthy lives. These education programs must be tailored to the diverse community they tend to by considering individual factors such as cultural background in order
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to be effective (Perez-Rodrigo et al. 2001). This is of particular importance in Parc Extension due to its highly ethnically diverse population. Limitations and research recommendations Our research has provided important information that can help develop ideas for future research to continue investigating structural racism in the Parc Extension food system and beyond. However, there are some challenges and limitations that should be mentioned with regard to our research studyin order to improve in future studies. The most noticeable challenge for us was the language barrier. Due to the diversity of languages that exist in Parc Extension, we experienced difficulties in communicating with potential participants who did not speak French or English. This was challenging in both methods as we were unable to reach populations and stakeholder we could not communicate with, and therefore are missing their perspective from our study results. In particular, this includes the new immigrants who were identified as one of the most vulnerable populations in Parc Extension. Future research should target new immigrants and collect data about their particular experiences regarding food access in the neighbourhood. Additionally, it would be valuable to perform a thorough analysis of policies that influence food accessibility in Montreal, which may provide another way to look at structural racism. In addition, data was collected in a small geographic section of Parc Extension. Despite our attempts to branch out into other parts of the neighbourhood, our recruitment efforts kept redirecting us to the William Hingston community center. This center is a main resource of the neighbourhood to access community
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organizations and social assistance programs, and is located in a central area of Parc Extension. Though the group of FG participants we collected was diverse, this heavy reliance on William Hingston may have biased our findings because it fails to reach a significant geographic proportion of Parc Extension as well as individuals who are unaware of the assistive resources at William Hingston. This further indicates that we may be missing the perspective of the most vulnerable groups in our FG discussions since those who do not visit the William-Hingston center would not have known of our study. For future research, we suggest that data collection take place in other areas of the neighbourhood and that researchers not rely so heavily on community groups or centers. This could be accomplished by recruiting participants at a greater variety of public locations, such as grocery stores or community markets. It should also be noted that for the SD method, it was easier to recruit representatives of civil society groups because these organizations’ interests are aligned with our research more so than commercial and governmental representatives’ interests and as such these individuals were more willing to participate in our study. Unfortunately, some stakeholders, such as the managers of large grocery stores, were simply too busy to offer their time to participate in the SD method. Therefore we are missing the perspective of managerial and governmental levels of the food system, which would be a valuable addition to the model. In future research projects, it would be interesting to continue developing our System Dynamics model by incorporating perspectives of a wider variety of stakeholders. Although this was challenging in our research study, more time and resources could help in securing these
participants who were difficult to recruit in our study. Incorporating these perspectives would provide a more detailed and accurate model of the food system in Parc Extension. Furthermore, the Vensim software used has additional capabilities with which a quantitative analysis of the System Dynamics method could be conducted. Through further research on stakeholderidentified variables, one could assign numerical values to each variable pertaining to the time needed for such a change in the system to occur. With this in place, a simulation could then be run on the food system to determine the influence of certain variables as well as the outcomes of potential policy interventions over time. Overall, our study supports our initial suggestion that the narrow definition of a food desert is not thorough enough to identify structural racism within the Montreal food system. Although there are clear methodological challenges to our study, our findings also suggest the need for further research on structural racism in the food system. By taking into account the limitations and suggested improvements to our research, we believe this approach could be used to further investigate structural racism in other boroughs of Montreal. After preliminary findings on each borough are completed, this data can then be used in a comparative way to uncover disparities in food access within Montreal as a whole. Conclusions Through exploratory, qualitative research, we were able to identify several barriers to food access in Parc Extension as well as the likelihood of structural racism being manifested through the systems failure to recognize foreign degrees. As hypothesized, the barriers to food ac-
cess occurred on a more nuanced level rather than simply in geographic terms. Geographic accessibility to food was in fact found to be a meaningful asset to the neighbourhood. Access to healthy, affordable, and desired foods appeared to be mainly influenced by indirect causes. From our results, we can conclude that new immigrants within Parc Extension are vulnerable to experiencing problems with food access, due to economic constraints. These constraints were attributed to two indirect causes: the language barrier and nonrecognition of foreign degrees. Another major barrier that was mentioned was seasonality. Furthermore, recognition of foreign degrees may be a solution to counter the inability to work of immigrants in Parc Extension. It is supported in the literature that recognition of these degrees would lead to greater facilitation of employment opportunities for the immigrant population. However, we also suggest that the most feasible solution is to create a community greenhouse. There is already a high degree of community engagement in Parc Extension, including urban gardening efforts, which suggests that residents would be more than willing to participate in this endeavour. Furthermore, this would create a healthy, sustainable, and affordable solution to the lack of access to certain foods during the winter. Acknowledgements First, we would like to thank Justice Alimentaire MontrĂŠal for all their support and for providing the contacts of various organizations we interviewed in Parc Extension. We would also like to thank them for providing funding for snacks. Secondly, we would like to thank Julien Malard for providing us with the
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necessary knowledge to use the Systems Dynamics method. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Julia Freeman, the supervisor for this study, without which this study would not have been possible. Bibliography
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Smoyer-Tomic, K. E., J. C. Spence, and C. Amrhein. (2006). Food Deserts in the Prairies? S u permarket Accessibility and Neighborhood Need in Edmonton, Canada. The Professional Geographer, 58, 3, 307-326. Sparks, A. L., N. Bania, and L. Leete. (2011). Comparative Approaches to Measuring Food Access in Urban Areas: The Case of Portland, Oregon. Urban Studies, 48, 8, 1715-1737. Tanner, M. (2013). The Food Stamp Program Needs Reform. Policy Analysis, 738. Thomas, B. (2010). Food Deserts and the Sociology of Space: Distance to Food Retailers and Food Insecurity in an Urban American Neighborhood. International Scholarly and Scientific Research & Innovation, 4, 7, 5-14. Thomson, E. N. (2000). Immigrant Occupational Skill Outcomes and the Role of Region-of-Origin- Specific Human Capital. Applied Research Branch, Strategic Policy, Human Resources Development Canada: Hull, Quebec. Viruell-Fuentes, E. A., P. Y. Miranda, and S. Abdulrahim. (2012). More than Culture: Structural Racism, Intersectionality Theory, and Immigrant Health. Social Science and Medicine, 75, 12, 2 0 9 9 2106. Wrigley, N., D. Warm, and B. Margetts. (2003). Deprivation, Diet, and Food-Retail Access: Findings from the Leeds ‘Food Deserts’ Study. Environment and Planning, 35, 1, 151-188. Zenk, S. N., A. J. Schulz, B. A. Israel, S. A. James, S. Bao, and M. L. Wilson. (2005). Neighborhood Racial Composition, Neighborhood Poverty, and the Spatial Accessibility of Supermarkets in Metropolitan Detroit. American Journal of Public Health, 95, 4, 660-667.
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Photo by: Christine Chang
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“Myself am Hell”: Identity and the Environment in Paradise Lost by Antonina Scheer Literary figures like William Wordsworth and Henry David Thoreau who wrote about the protection of nature before the word “environmentalism” existed are known as proto-environmentalists (Glotfelty & Fromm 1996). A much earlier author who could fall into that category is John Milton, one of the most significant poets of the English language. In his epic poem, Paradise Lost, the significance of a natural environment is most clearly visible in Adam and Eve’s relationship with paradise. Literary critic Ken Hiltner points to their perfectly balanced and knowing connection with Eden as evidence of protoenvironmentalism in Milton’s work. There is a possible extension to this analysis in which the proto-environmentalist implications of Paradise Lost can be expanded to nonhuman characters. Indeed, the powerful bond between a character’s identity and their environment extends to the non-human being called Chaos, the fallen army of angels in Hell and their King, Satan. All of these characters are profoundly shaped by their physical surroundings because their identity and their environment are symbiotically connected. Adam’s relationship with the Garden of Eden and all that it holds is central to Paradise Lost. This bond presents itself in his physical essence and in his ability to intuitively name God’s animal creations. The most striking connection between Adam and his environment is the
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fact that he is literally made of the ground of Eden. When Raphael descends to converse with Adam, he tells him the story of his creation: “he formed thee, Adam, thee O man / Dust of the ground” (7.5245). Milton references the biblical birth of humanity (Gen. 2:7), itself an echo of the Greek myth of Prometheus who made the first man from mud. This ancient trope depicts our profound link to the Earth in the most basic of ways; our very bodies are composed of it. This oneness can imply not only that we are extensions of the land that nurtures us, but also that abusing the Earth is comparable to abusing ourselves, a deeply proto-environmentalist notion. In book eight, Adam describes his birth and places language as the second mark of his knowing connection to Eden. God declares that he has gifted all the Earth to Adam, and presents the other creations to him. Adam relates this event: I named them, as they passed, and understood Their nature, with such knowledge God endued My sudden apprehension (8.352-4) Milton places name and nature as entirely analogous. Adam’s capacity to understand this equivalence proves his connection to Eden and its inhabitants. The fact that, as a species, we no longer have such an understanding of our fallen world demon-
strates that Adam’s environment, the perfect Eden, was the source of his instinctual language. When Adam and Eve are exiled from the Garden, their identities change irreversibly. They lose their unadulterated speech and resort to lowly accusations (9.1187). Adam is made of Eden’s materials and imbued with a deep awareness of his home which is destroyed when he is banished from it. Eve, like Adam, has a verbal relationship with Eden, but she also has a deeply emotive link to her home. When the Archangel Michael tells Adam and Eve that they cannot remain in paradise, he says they must till “fitter soil” (11.262), implying that they are no longer fit to reside in the Garden. Milton demonstrates to what extent their link with the perfection of paradise is broken; God must keep their tainted identities consistent with their environment by sending them to an imperfect world. Adam is speechless faced with this banishment, but Eve grieves loudly despite not being meant to hear this conversation: O unexpected stroke, worse than of death! Must I thus leave thee Paradise? Thus leave Thee native soil (11.268-9) Eden is woven into the very core of her being; her suffering is like that of a plant being uprooted (Hiltner 2003). Adam, on the other hand, heeds Michael’s advice to “possess a paradise within [himself]” (12.586). Adam is rational in his acceptance of exile and echoes Satan’s proclaimed, though unsuccessful, ability to transform Hell into Heaven within his own mind (1.254). Such an attitude seems to indicate an inspiring level of selfcontrol, something Eve is meant to emu-
late instead of weeping hysterically. One could read this contrast between the two first humans as indicating the superiority of man since he can control his emotions with reason. However, their differing reactions could instead indicate how much more connected Eve is to their native land, since she is unable to recover as quickly as Adam from their banishment. In fact, she even needs to be drugged by Michael to deal with the tragic news (12.595). Her deeper connection to Eden is also made clear in the scene of her birth in which she lingers by her own reflection in a lake (4.480). Eve displays a remarkable independence and a profound satisfaction at being alone in the Garden with only herself and her natural surroundings as company. In contrast, Adam longs for a companion soon after being created, and clings to Eve when she suggests they work alone (9.235-48). She therefore has a greater connection with her environment than Adam does, and perhaps even knows it more fully. While he is given the honour of naming the animals, she gives names to Eden’s flowers (11.277). Viewing this distinction through the lens of ecology, one could maintain that naming the primary producers (i.e. plants) places Eve at the foundation of the Garden’s ecosystem. She is at the very core of its structure and, as the first mother, can be linked to the concept of Mother Earth. Thus, her identity is wholly dependent on her environment in a powerful and mutually reinforcing way. By naming Eden’s components, Adam and Eve both contribute to the Garden as they are simultaneously shaped by it. A significant character in Paradise Lost is Chaos, a mysterious being who rules the area that separates Heaven from Hell. Milton uses the word “Chaos” interchangeably to refer both to a specific being and an entire realm. Chaos is described as
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“a place of utter darkness” (1.argument), but it is also addressed by Satan as one of the “spirits of this nethermost abyss” (2.969). This ambiguity between place and person is a tool to display the singleness of these two elements. Chaos is also called “the Anarch old” (2.988); defined somewhat paradoxically as an anarchy’s head of state (Kerrigan et al. 2007). This is an accurate title since the territory he rules over is dramatically disordered and aptly equated with an anarchical state: “Hot, Cold, Moist, and Dry, four champions fierce / Strive for mastery” (2.898). Chaos thus has a political title that is defined by the features of his surroundings. Furthermore, Chaos the realm and Chaos the being share an important characteristic: they are both undefinable. When Satan travels through the space of Chaos, he “swims or sinks, or wades, or creeps, or flies” (2.950). The place is neither fully liquid nor solid nor gaseous, so its material composition is unclassifiable. In a parallel way, the character of Chaos is unclassifiable as a good or evil force. One could say that he is evil because he assists Satan in his journey to Heaven, proclaiming, “Havoc and spoil and ruin are my gain” (2.1009). However, his enraged response to Sin and Death building a highway to Eden for the demons (10.416-8) contradicts the simple assertion that he is evil since he does not support their invasion. Literary critic John Rumrich states that Chaos’ apparent solidarity with Satan is built upon the assumption that Satan’s desire to do evil is not structured (Kerrigan et al. 2007). If Satan was simply a trouble-maker, Chaos would be an ally because both would simply strive for disorder. However, Satan’s disobedience is structured; he has a rigid and all-consuming need for revenge against his creator. Thus, Chaos is not evil in the controlled sense that Satan is. Since
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Chaos is neither good nor evil, his moral code is as indescribable as his home. The indistinguishable nature of Chaos and his home resembles humanity’s connection to the Earth since we are, metaphorically and physically, composed of it. Milton’s depiction of Chaos’ seamless bond to his home is a suggestion that the reader examine their own relationship with their environment. The fallen angels residing in Hell possess an unhealthy relationship with their environment, unlike Adam, Eve, and Chaos who are nourished by their habitats. The environment of Hell is bound to the devils’ identities in the sense that they are imprisoned there. As Raphael tells Adam about Satan’s disobedience, it becomes clear why the rebel angels had to be expelled from Heaven and could not simply be punished. “Hell their fit habitation fraught with fire / Unquenchable, the house of woe and pain” (6.876-7) must be their new home. Exactly like Adam and Eve, they are no longer fit to reside in Heaven because they are tainted beings unsuited to that location. This pattern of exile after sin is more than just a punishment; it shows the importance of maintaining identity and environment consistent with each other. The devils are sent to an evil environment because they are evil. Milton vilifies the fallen angels to demonstrate that they deserve their malevolent home. Mammon, the prince of Hell that symbolizes wealth and greed, is a particularly relevant example. He argues that the exploitation of Hell’s resources is the solution to their dire situation. Also, it is Mammon who later teaches humans to “[rifle] the bowels of their mother Earth” (1.686). This imagery references the growing coal industry in seventeenth-century England which rose as the country’s forests were depleted (Nef 1977). The proto-environ-
mentalist interpretation of this passage is therefore not anachronistic. Milton seems to be taking a position against the mining industry by associating it with mythological demons. The correlation between exploitative practices and demonic beings initiates a vicious cycle of evil between the fallen angels and their environment. Perhaps the most well-known passage from Paradise Lost occurs when Satan declares that “The mind is its own place, and in itself / Can make a Heav’n of Hell, a Hell of Heav’n” (1.254-5). He proudly denies the connection between his physical location and his state of being. This assertion is disproven by Satan’s awful realization in paradise: “Which way I fly is Hell; myself am Hell” (4.75). Milton displays to what extent Satan’s hellish habitat is imbued in him: they are one and the same. Though his original environment is Heaven, Satan’s identity irrevocably changes after he sins against God and is thus no longer tied to his first home. His transformation can be seen in his altered name: he who once was “Lucifer” (7.131) has become Satan. It is not acceptable that an angel polluted by sin live in Heaven, so his environment must change. God, as in the case of the humans and the fallen angels, acts as a keeper of the consistency between identity and environment. Lucifer in Heaven and Satan in Hell, this character’s selfhood is carefully tied to where he permanently resides. It is important to note that Satan does travel from realm to realm. The way Milton refers to him depending on where Satan is geographically located provides another indication of the link between identity and environment. Indeed, in the first two books which are spent in Hell, Satan is referred to as a “Monarch” (2.467). This term implies power, superiority and even a certain level of dignity. The moment Satan leaves Hell,
he is consistently labelled with much more negative terms. For example, Milton uses appellations such as the “Fiend” (2.643) and the “arch-felon” (4.179), words that denote wickedness and villainy. In this way, the dependence of the self on the environment is displayed in the vocabulary used by the author. An evil being can only be revered in an evil place; away from his dominion, the King of Hell is nothing but a felon. Despite his elevated status in Hell, Satan strives to escape his terrible home throughout Paradise Lost. Milton’s portrayal of Satan’s honest and heartrending wonder at the beauty of paradise (3.552) may serve as a reminder that even our post-lapsarian home is tremendously precious. John Milton’s Paradise Lost explores the significance of environments and shows that God actively maintains a consistency between a person’s environment and their identity. Adam and Eve relate to the Garden of Eden in a profoundly intimate way, displaying a model of environmentalism for today’s society to consider. The realm and the character of Chaos is another important example of oneness, perhaps addressed by Milton to critically assess whether that kind of relationship is desirable. The fallen angels who initiate a cycle of evil exploitation in their vile home serve as the example which humanity must endeavour to avoid. Meanwhile, Satan himself provides a kind of renewed perspective on the beauty of the Earth, bringing the reader to a greater appreciation of the natural world. For these reasons, healthy relationships with one’s environment are praised while unhealthy ones are shown to create evil. If humanity understood how deeply our societies and individual identities are connected to the environment, perhaps we would take more care to preserve the home we have.
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Bibliography Attridge, H. W. (2006). The Harper Collins Study Bible. San Francisco: Harper Collins. Glotfelty, C. & Fromm, H. (1996). The Ecocriticism Reader: Landmarks in Literary Ecology. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press. Hiltner, K. (2003). Milton and Ecology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Milton, J. (1667). Paradise Lost. Kerrigan, W., Rumrich, J., & Fallon, S. M. (Eds.). New York: M o d ern Library. Nef, J. U. (1977). An Early Energy Crisis and its Consequences. Scientific American, 237, 140- 150.
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Photo by: Christine Chang
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The Historical, Social and Economic Effects Influencing Demand for Shark Fin Soup and the Current State of Public Awareness in China by Lena Courcol Abstract: In this report, I will identify, evaluate, and describe the underlying drivers and pressures for shark fin soup consumption and demand in China and Hong Kong. These include the historical contributions towards shark fin soup’s embedment in tradition and dining, behavioral attitudes caused by the social connotations of the dish and the implications of health controversies arising from scientific research. Furthermore, the state of public awareness and impacts of current initiatives (to stem the trade of shark products) will be explored. The rationale is to create understanding of the social and human dimension of shark finning in order to effectively produce and implement policies, campaigns and education programs to eliminate shark fin soup consumption. Introduction From the individual artisanal fishermen to the large corporate fishing fleets, the shark finning industry’s global network has efficiently distributed the majority of coastal areas in order to best meet the rising demands for shark fins. The lucrative opportunities presented from the harvest and trade of shark fins has created a highly competitive pressure within the shark fishing sector, resulting in the unsustainable practice of overfishing to enhance personal gains. A report produced by Clarke et al. estimated that an average of 100 million sharks are killed annually with fins from up to 73 million used for the luxurious East Asian delicacy, shark fin soup (Clarke et al., 2006; Worm et al.,
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2006). This highly destructive industry has severely changed food web dynamics and resulted in adverse ecological and environmental effects worldwide. The recognized consequences of shark finning pertain to a more complex holistic system involving multidimensional linkages and feedback mechanisms. The primary reason contributing to shark population losses comes from consumer demand. Addressing the economic, cultural and historical aspects that control the market demand for shark products is critical in order to create specifically designed solutions that target the fundamental motives for shark fin soup consumption. As proposed by the widely popularized motto featured in Yao Ming’s PSA, ‘Once the
`buying stops, the killing can too’ (WildAid PSA, 2014). Historical Background & Social Construction of Shark Fin Soup Consumption Shark fin soup has been present in Chinese culture and cuisine since the Sung dynasty (986 AD) (Denyer, 2013). Although its origins are not entirely known, many myths described it to have stemmed from the emperor’s ostentatious desire to display respect for his council and the noblemen of his party, his accumulated wealth and the power he held over both the country and the natural kingdom. The dish sparked astonishment, delight and great pleasure in all of the guests received by the royal court and, consequently, by the Ming dynasty, shark fin soup had become an accepted essential component of any grand banquet (Bowman, 2012). Today, shark fin soup remains a traditional delicacy heavily embedded in Chinese culture, local customs and dining. Its elaborate preparation and historical context has positioned it as a luxurious item reserved for wedding banquets, festive dinner parties, and business dining. Much like champagne and caviar, shark fin soup does not merely provide nutritional satisfaction – it is also a conspicuous product, the serving of which aims to demonstrate the host’s wealth, social status and values. Choosing shark fin soup among other dishes to be served at a dinner party is a calculated affair – food, quantity and cost must suit the occasion and guests’ expectations. Acting as a social vehicle, food plays an important role in communicating the right presentation of one’s self identity (Boyd). Successfully mastering this fine skill goes a long way for developing one’s guan xi (关系) and mian zi (面子) (Gunde, 2002). Both of these complex cultural-specific concepts are critical to the
moral code, social behavior and interactions of all individuals in Chinese society. Guan xi can be translated to social networking – however, unlike the Western meaning, guan xi relates to all interpersonal relationships ranging from family to colleagues and new acquaintances. The Chinese social network is bound very closely together and highlights mutual respect and interdependence. One can develop their guan xi through ren qing (人 情): gift giving, foodways and long-term reciprocity – all of which are essential for business and politics (Chan, 2006). Mian zi is the earliest form of the universally understood term ‘face’, which compromises of both the physical meaning and the connotative significance. According to A. Chan, ‘… it stands for the kind of prestige or reputation achieved throughout life’s activities and is the accumulated personal effort of maneuvering through choices and opportunities’ (Chan, 2006). Offering appropriately high-valued items on special occasions can fulfill a variety of the social obligations related to guan xi and mian zi. This is especially true for weddings, as the celebratory banquet paid for by the groom’s family conveys hope for the future of the couple, including their material wellbeing and financial stability (Gunde, 2002). Thus, shark fin soup - a conspicuous good - is just one way of proving the family’s position in society and is important to avoid shame, disgrace and a poor reputation. Overall, choosing not to engage in this social custom leads to immense personal costs; turning one’s back on social obligations is to turn one’s back on society’s moral code and divest from social relationships. The historical and social construction built around shark fin soup consumption seems to no longer be a mat-
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ter of choice but rather a required duty one simply cannot refrain from participating in. The Effect of China’s GDP Growth on Shark Fin Soup Consumption The 1978 economic reform of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) led by Deng Xiaoping, launched entrepreneurship and opened the country to foreign investment (Tisdell, 2009). The transition between state socialism and neo-liberal capitalism generated many new occupations and employment opportunities that were no longer centralized in the public sector but diverged towards privatization. This redistributed wealth among the population, established socio-economic inequalities and created real disposable income for the new middle class (Goodman, Zhang, 2008). Throughout China’s rapid economic growth, the newly rich have felt an increasingly strong motivation to gain respect and recognition with regard to their socioeconomic performance. From the 1980s onwards, many of the middle class moved to differentiate themselves from lower social strata through status acquisition14. An easy and obvious approach to doing this was to turn towards consumerism – by cushioning themselves with material well-being, the members of the middle class were able to create a quality of life that had not yet been experienced by many in Chinese society. Nowadays, consumer passions have been heavily focused on luxury characteristics including high-end fashion items, extravagant houses, sports cars and elite clubs (Cartier, 2008). This drive to publicly exhibit markers of wealth has resulted in an astonishingly rapid growth of the luxury industry in China and Hong Kong. By 2006, 12 percent of global sales
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of luxury handbags, shoes, jewelry and perfume were to be found in the PRC and the Chinese were being described as ‘the biggest high-end buyers on earth (Ford, 2007; Jones, 2007). This tendency towards a superfluous lifestyle has had real implications on the consumption of shark fin soup within the region. As China’s GDP per capita increased significantly, the proportion of Chinese society with financial access to shark fin soup also expanded. Although, the luxurious dish had originally been consumed by only a small number of governmental elites, within a few decades the demand rapidly surged as a substantial number of the aspiring middle class also wanted to participate in elaborate feasts and banquets. A 2006 survey conducted by WildAid and the China Wildlife Conservation Association reported that 19% of participants responded that the reason they ate shark fin soup was for social status, while 23% said it was for the taste, 27% for curiosity and 31% for nutritional benefits (Buckley, 2007). Thus, it can be inferred that shark fin soup serves as a good suited for both invidious consumption and pecuniary emulation; it is a status-signaling good that high-status persons may consume conspicuously to differentiate themselves from lower classes, whilst lower-status persons also consume the dish to allow others to perceive them as equal status (Bowman, 2012). Both of these social behavioral attitudes show how sharks become victims of a superficial image-construction for the members a capitalistic society. How does Pecuniary Emulation Cause Shark Fin Soup to be Driven Down-Market? Pecuniary emulation is a behavioral concept in which a lower-status per-
son may consume conspicuously in order to be perceived as a member of the same class or of equal status. By acting as a good suited to exploitation through pecuniary emulation, the demand for shark fin soup has risen considerably in the past decade. Fishermen have responded according to economic markets and increased the supply of shark fins available for trade. The competition amongst suppliers has led to a significant reduction in the price of shark fins and has allowed it to become extremely accessible. Expensive restaurants are no longer the only commercial bodies to serve shark fin soup, instead lower class restaurants and local households now also have the ability to consume shark products with great ease. WildAid’s recent research has indicated that ‘Singapore now boasts a US $8.99 All-You-Can-Eat shark fin buffets’. Furthermore, press publications in Shanghai has stated that the economic recession has motivated customers to choose lower quality and cheaper self-prepare kits found at grocery stores (WildAid, 2003). This recent down-market turn for shark fin soup may have the potential positive effect of reducing market demand, as consumption will no longer act in association to the development of a prestigious image. On the other hand, it may also keep increasing demand as pecuniary emulation continues and more will have the opportunity to partake in the delicacy. Health Controversies Surrounding Shark Fin Soup Despite its luxurious attributes that contribute largely to its consumption, demand for shark cartilage also lies closely to the popular belief that it holds great health and nutritional benefits. Numerous traditional Chinese medical books suggest that eating shark
fin soup leads to a great variety of health advantages, including rejuvenation, appetite enhancement, blod nourishment, a rebalanced vital energy (气, qi) and increased strength in lungs, bones and kidneys. Furthermore, it is believed that it contributes to curing a variety of diseases such as arthritis, rheumatism, herpes simplex, peptic ulcers, AIDS and cancer (Vannuccini, 2002). Although, no medical or scientific reports have stated any evidence for these capabilities, traditional Chinese medical practitioners have often retained these health claims as valid (Cancer Research UK, 2014). To them, a focus on the ‘holistic systems approach’ to medicine and health is more important than viewing the direct linkages between a product and its effects on the human body. This alternative worldview is exemplified through an elderly shark fin trader’s reasoning: the well-exercised fins hold the strength and vigor of the animal and must undeniably complement the human body by improving bone and muscle condition (Vannuccini, 2002). On the other hand, recent research reports and public awareness campaigns have called attention to the negatively impacting effects of shark products on human health. The greatest health concern associated to shark fin soup consumption is the high level of mercury content accumulated in sharks throughout their lifetimes. The inorganic and organic sourced environmental pollutant, mercury, enters food chains through chemical processing conducted by microorganisms, which are fed on by plankton (first trophic level organisms) and gradually bio accumulates through assimilation from primary consumer to apex predators such as sharks, swordfish and tuna. Due to food chain dynamics, the slow growing preda-
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tory fish accrue all of the mercury found in their prey. Therefore, throughout their lifetimes, the concentration of the highly poisonous chemical eventually reaches extremely dangerous levels (Ferreira et al., 2004). By consuming shark products, humans are put at risk of developing mercury poisoning; the neurotoxins affect the brain, spinal cord, kidneys and liver as well as reducing motor skills and the definition or detail of senses (J채rup, 2003; Knobeloch et al., 2006). Various health advisory bodies including the US Food and Drugs Administration and US Environmental Agency have issued warnings advising young children and women of childbearing age to avoid shark products as the developing brain of fetuses and children are most at risk of adverse effects of mercury exposure (Oken et al., 2005; Grandjean et al., 2007). In addition, high mercury levels have also been linked to infertility in men (Leung et al., 2001; Dickman et al., 1998).
Although, the underlying opinion that shark fin contains a variety of nutritional benefits and has a positive affect on our health is quite popular among Chinese society - 35% of participants of a WildAid and CWCA survey stated that they chose to eat shark fin soup for this reason - a larger majority, 49% of participants, stated that they would stop eating shark fin soup if there were potential health risks associated to the consumption (Buckley, 2007). Thus, it can be inferred that Chinese society is concerned with health aspects of their lifestyle and it is important for public awareness campaigns to efficiently communicate the scientific findings showing the harmful effects of consuming shark products in order to reduce demand. Current Public Awareness and Education Campaigns and Their Impacts on Societal Behavior and Change In the year 2006, WildAid con-
Figure 1 Sourced from WildAid- End of the Line?
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ducted a series of research programs and surveys in order to gather baseline data on the context of shark finning and the social understanding of the issue. Their findings revealed that public knowledge of shark finning was negligible, despite the heavy consumption and demand for shark fin soup (Whitcraft et al., 2014). 80% of participants of WildAid’s survey were unaware that the soup they ate contained elements of sharks – a common confusion attributed to the Mandarin translation ‘fish wing soup’. Furthermore, 19% believed that the fins grew back after being harvested and very few understood the environmental consequences that followed the fishing (WildAid Survey, 2004). Given this context, public awareness campaigns, education programs and PSAs were heavily required in order to create change and motion towards sustainable solutions. Public Awareness Campaigns and PSAs Recognizing the environmental concerns, WildAid became the leader of the transformative mass movement that has extensively changed consumption habits across China through the propagation of a new public attitude: eating shark fin soup is unacceptable (Tsui, 2013). Their 2009 short television public service announcement featuring the highly influential celebrity, Yao Ming, as their spokesperson and ambassador was the first of many that created public awareness of shark finning. Turning to public involvement, the ‘I’m FINished’ program collaborated with Sina Weibo (China’s version of Twitter) to launch a campaign urging the public to join many celebrities in pledging towards anti-shark fin consumption (Whitcraft et al., 2014). The aim of WildAid’s initiatives is to change public perception and plant the seed for alternative tastes in the new middle class. By creating a new image for shark fin soup, the use of the dish for sta-
tus signaling and acquisition will no longer be relevant, in fact, consumers are put off by the now-marketed non-ethical and cruel dish that only blemishes their reputation. Guo Jingjing, four-time Olympic champion and WildAid ambassador, refused to serve shark fin soup at her recent wedding as she believes that nowadays ‘killing sharks means losing face’(Tsui, 2013). Following this initiative, the culinary industry has seen famous chefs utilize their expertise as an asset to propose alternative dishes to replace the use of real shark products in traditional dishes (Goodyear, 2011). In order to maintain customer satisfaction, it was important for wedding planners, high-end restaurants and hotel groups that have banned the dish to offer experimental dishes that emulate the texture and taste of shark fin (WildAid – New Reports Finds Shark Fin Demand Down, Awareness Up). Many brides to-be have appealed to this sustainable project and believe that the new business initiative is the best option for them as it synthesizes cultural tradition and sustainability (Fitzpatrick, 2013). As demonstrated by the new wedding banquet fashion, the flexibility and adaptability characterized in the new generation plays a key role in reconstructing society’s attitude towards sharks. Tackling the problem from a bottom up approach means that solutions transcend from children to parents and installs a positive consumer habit for the future. Hong Kong Shark Foundation’s Ambassador Program allows young students to take on leadership roles in their community by educating their peers and family members through self-run education activities. Ecological and biological conservation concepts are introduced by highlighting the benefits of sharks and their beautiful
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Figure 2 - Sourced from WildAid 2014 Report
evolutionary characteristics, whilst also challenging media constructed views of sharks as vicious killers (HKSF Ambassador, 2014). Further initiatives are continuing and evolving to march shark fin soup out of the restaurant industry. Hong Kong Shark Foundation in association with OpenRice (a popular online database of restaurants) is currently creating an icon that labels and ranks restaurants for their seafood sustainability levels. The aim is to provide a clear indicator that engages customers to consciously consider ethical and environmental dining (Kong, 2014). Setting an Example: Governmental, Hotel and Multinational Company Bans As with most societies, the Chinese find great social influence from the larger institutions that impact their lives through political, cultural and economic
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bases. The social behavior associated with status acquisition is modeled from the moves made by those with authority, power and wealth. In this domain, there too has been significant social change regarding shark fin soup consumption. Persuaded by an effort led by WWF-Hong Kong, over 150 corporations including 24 airlines, three shipping lines, the multinational supermarket Carrefour and a total of five hotel chains including Shangri-La Hotels & Resorts have settled agreements banning the utilization of shark fin products in their operations (Shangri-La Hotels, 2012; Simm, 2012; Tsui, 2013; Whitcraft et al., 2014). Following this, the Chinese Government officially pledged to ban and remove shark fin soup from their official state banquets within three years (Denyer, 2013). The effort is largely associated to the anti-extravagance measures applied
through President Xi Jinping’s movement towards regulating promotion and corruption within the Chinese Communist Party (Donovan, 2014). Hong Kong – the central hub for the shark fin trade – has also established similar regulations in order to promote the city’s ‘commitment to green living and sustainability’ (Denyer, 2013). Conclusion “People say you can’t change China, but I would submit that no other society in the history of the world is changing as quickly as China is today,” - Peter Knights, executive director of WildAid (Tsui, 2013). Knights’ statement engenders awareness as to the opportunities presently available for environmental management of shark finning worldwide. China’s social system is not reluctant to change - it is a matter of applying the adequate solutions that will allow the attitudes and tastes of the new middle class to shift. Shark fin soup should no longer be viewed as a means to the ends of status signaling for the aspiring rich. The social implications begot of historical contextual usage have been effectively targeted with the aim of breaking them down and appealing to both moral and humane ideals, with the ultimate aim of halting consumption. The numerous PSAs, campaigns, policy changes and innovative business ideas are all responsible for the considerable reduction indicated in 2013’s report of shark fin trade – WildAid states that last year’s shark fin sales have dropped by 50% - 70% (Duggan, 2014). Change is a sign of progress. Overall, the contextual conditions provided through this report illustrate positive impacts in social behavior influencing market demand throughout
China. The local behavior and ideals functioning in China are no longer isolated matters; instead the actions they carry out today have true environmental implications on the entire world. There are no boundaries to how our world systems interact. Continuing public awareness, educational programs and implementing rigorous legal systems for international trade in the shark finning industry are critical to making change happen. Works Cited Bowman, Sheli. 2012. “Conspicuous Consumption versus Socially Responsible Behavior; Motivating and Dissuading Factors for Shark Fin Soup Consumption”. Boyd, Danah. “Managing Representation in a Digital World.” MIT Media Lab. Accessed October 3,. 2014. http://smg.media.mit.edu/people/danah/thesis/thesis/negiotiating.html Cartier, Carolyn. 2008. “The Shanghai-Hong Kong Connection: Fine Jewelry Consumption and the Demand for Diamonds.” The New Rich in China, 187200. Chan, A. 2006. “The Chinese Concepts of Guanxi, Mianzi, Renqing and Bao: Their Interrelations and Implications for International Buisness”, Australia and New Zealand Marketing Academy (ANZMAC) Conference 2006, Brisbane Australia. Clarke, Shelley C., Murdoch K. McAllister, E. J. Milner-Gulland, G.P. Kirkwood, Catherine G.J. Michielsens, David J. Agnew, Ellen K. Pikitch, Hideki Nakano, and Mahmood S. Shiviji. 2006. “Global estimates of shark catches using trade records from commercial markets”. Ecology Letter, 9(10): 1115-1126). David S. Goodman, Xiaowei Zhang. 2008. “Introduction”. The New Rich in China, 1-20, New York USA. Denyer, Simon. October 19, 2013. “In China, Victory for Wildlife Conservation as Citizens Persuaded to Give Up Shark Fin Soup.” Washington Post. Accessed October 11, 2014. Dickman, M.D & Leung, K.M.C. 1998. Mercury and organochlorine exposure from fish consumption in Hong Kong. Chemosphere 37(5): 991-1015.
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Donovan, Tim. January 23, 2014. “China’s Crackdown on Corruption and Government Spending: A Timeline”. China Business Review, Accessed October 11, 2014. Duggan, Jennifer. August 7, 2014. “Sales of Shark Fin Soup in China Drop by up to 70%”. The Guardian. Accessed October 13, 2014. Ferreira, A.G., Faira, V.V, de Carvalho., C.E.V, Lessa., R.P.T. & da Silva., F.M.S. 2004. “Total Mercury in the night shark, Carcharhinus in the Western Equatorial Atlantic Ocean”. Brazillian Archives of Biol. And Tech.47(4):629-634. Fitzpatrick, Meagan. February 6, 2013. “Hong Kong Brides say ‘I Don’t’ to Shark Fin Soup”. CBCnews. Accessed October 12, 2014. Ford, Peter. 2007. “Consumer tidal wave on the way: China’s middle class’”. The Christian Science Monitor. Goodyear, Danah. December 28, 2011. “No Sharks Were Harmed in the Making of This Shark Fin SoupThe New Yorker”. The New Yorker. Accessed October 12, 2014. Gandjean P., Weihe, P., White, R.F., Debes, F., Araki, S., Yokoyama, L. 1997. “Cognitive deficit in 7-yearold children with prenatal exposure to methylmercury”. Neurotoxicology and Teratology. 19: 417-428.
Kong, E. 2014. “Communication on HKSF- Openrice Project Planning Throughout Internship L. Courcol”. Hong Kong. Louis Buckley, J.H. 2007. “The End of the Line?”. WIldAid. :48. “New Report Finds Shark Fin Demand Down, Awareness Up”. WildAid. Accessed October 12, 2014. Oken, E., Wright, R.O., Kleiman, K.P., Bellinger, D., Amarasiriwardena, C.J., Hu, H., Rich-Edwards, J.W and Gillman, M.W. 2005. “Maternal fish consumption, hair mercury, and infant cognition in a US cohort”. Environmental Health Perspectives. 113(10): 1376-1380. “Shark Cartilage” Cancer Research UK. Accessed October 4, 2014. Sim, Fann. January 2012. “Carrefour Says No to Shark’s Fin”. Yahoo News Singapore. Accessed October 12, 2014. Tisdell, Clem. 2009. “Economic Reform and Openness in China: China’s Development Policies in the Last 30 Years”. Economic Analysis and Policy at the University of Queensland. 39(2): 24. Vannuccini, Stefania. 2002. “Utilization”. Shark Utilization, Marketing and Trade. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.
Gunde, Richard. 2002. “Culture and Customs of China”. Culture and Customs of Asia. Glenwood Press, USA.
“What You Need To Know about Mercury in Fish and Shellfish”. United States Environmental Protection Agency. Accessed October 11, 2014.
“HKSF Ambasador”. Hksfambassador. Accessed October 12 2014.
Whitcraft S., Hofford, A., Hilton, P., O’Malley, M., Jaiteh, V., and P. Knights. 2014. “Evidence of Declines in Shark Fin Demand, China”. WildAid. San Francisco, CA.
January 17, 2012. “Shangri-La Announces Sustainable Seafood Policy and Discontinuing Use of All Shark Fin Products in 81 Hotels and Resorts”. Shangri-La Hotels and Resorts. Accessed October 12, 2014. Järup, L. 2003. “Hazards of Heavy Metal Contamination”. British Medical Bulletin. 68(1): 167-182. Jones, Richard. February 4, 2007. “Conspicuous Consumption”. Post Magazine. 16-20. Knobeloch, L., Steenport, D., Schrank, C., and Anderson, H. 2006. “Methylmercury exposure in Wisconsin: A case study series”. Environmental Research. 101: 113-122.
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“WildAid PSA- Yao Ming: Shark Fin Soup”. Youtube. Accessed October 13, 2014. WildAid Survey, China. 2006. Worm B., Barbier, E.B., Beaumont, N., Duffy, J.E., Folke, C., Halpern, B.S., Jackson, J.B., et al. 2006. “Impacts of Biodiversity loss on ocean ecosystem series”. Science. 314 (5800): 78790. New York, USA. Yang, Xiyun. July 18, 2010. “China’s Censors Rein in ‘Vulgur’ Reality TV Show”. The New York Times. Accessed October 3, 2014.
Photo by: Christine Chang
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The Effects of Fishery Activity on Steller Sea Lion Population by Shariss Ostrager Abstract: The Steller sea lion is an important member of the north pacific marine ecosystem. While the conservation status of this specie has improved from “endangered” to “near threatened,” the western Steller sea lion population remains threatened. While there are several anthropogenic and natural threats to the persistence of the Steller sea lion population, one that stands out is fishing activity that leads to nutritional stress for the sea lion population. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between fish harvest levels and Steller sea lion population, hypothesizing that there is a negative correlation between these two variables. This hypothesis was tested by examining Steller sea lion population and Alaskan fish harvest over time. The Steller sea lion population growth rate was compared to both Alaskan salmon and Alaskan herring harvest levels. The Western Steller sea lion growth rate was also compared to Aleutian (western) salmon harvest levels. Data was analyzed using a trendline accompanied by the coefficient of determination. It was found that there is a relationship between fishing activity and Steller sea lion population. This relationship is polynomial rather than linear. In addition, there is a significantly stronger relationship with Aleutian salmon harvest and Alaskan herring harvest than Alaskan salmon harvest. Thus, further research is needed to address the complex impact of fishery activity on Steller sea lion population dynamics. Keywords: Steller sea lion, population decline, Steller sea lion database, Alaskan fishery status, and Alaskan fish harvest.
Introduction The Steller sea lion (Eumetopias jubatus) is an important species within the northern pacific marine food web because it is both predator and prey to several marine species (Gelatt and Lowry 2012). This widespread importance makes the persistence of this species an issue worthy of
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concern. The decline of the Steller sea lion population was first detected in the mid1970s, and continued to the year 2000, when an increase in population began to be seen (Allen and Angliss 2011). In 1996, the Steller sea lion population was listed as endangered; but since then it has been re-listed as “near threatened” due to the
population increase observed (Gelatt and Lowry 2012). However, when one separately examines the eastern and western populations of this specie, the population trends are not as simple. While the eastern population is now stable, the decline in the western stock has lead to listing as “endangered” under the U.S. Endangered Species Act of 1973 (Allen and Angliss 2011). Research examining the effect of climate change on the evolution of the Steller sea lions has found that population size at the time of events determines the outcome (Allen and Angliss 2011). Thus, the careful monitoring and management of this species remains imperative to prevent a relapse in decline. Among many anthropogenic and natural threats to the Steller sea lion stock, it has been suggested that the impact on recovery from competition for food with fishery harvest is “potentially high” (Allen and Angliss 2011: 8; Gelatt and Lowry 2012). Fishing may be a contributing factor to the sea lion decline because the expansion of fisheries coincides with the period of decline (Hennen 2006). The “Junk Food Hypothesis” explains that the decline of the Steller sea lion population may be attributed to reduced fecundity and survival in juveniles and adult females as a consequence of switching to a low nutritional quality diet (Atkinson et al., 2008). Furthermore, low dietary diversity is also thought to have “played a role in nutritional stress causing the Steller sea lion decline” (Atkinson et al., 2008: 6). Due to this species’ conservation listing as well as threat concerns, several management actions were implemented from 1990 to 1998 to stimulate recovery of the western stock of Steller sea lions such as no-entry zones and prohibition of groundfish trawling around rookeries, as well as spatial and temporal allocation of allowable fish catch
(Hennen 2006; Allen and Angliss 2011). This research addresses the above issues by examining the total and western Steller sea lion stock trends in relation to fishery activity and harvest levels. It is hypothesized that Steller sea lion population is negatively correlated to increased levels of fish harvest. Methods Data was obtained from Internet searches using Web of Science, Google, and Google scholar. Key words included: Steller sea lion, population decline, Steller sea lion database, Alaskan fishery status, and Alaskan fish harvest. Databases were used to access yearly population data (Allen and Angliss 2011) as well as yearly fish harvesting levels (in pounds of fish). Population and fish harvest data was found for both the total Steller sea lion population and the western Steller sea lion population. Fish harvest data was collected for Alaskan herring (ADF&G 2012; ADF&G 2013) and Alaskan and Aleutian (western) salmon (Heard 2005; ADF&G 2013), two types of fish commonly found in the Steller sea lion diet (Gelatt and Lowry 2012). From the population data, a growth rate for each year of data was calculated. For the instances in which there was a gap in the years of data, the growth rate was established by dividing that year’s population by the previous year of data’s population and then dividing this number by the number of years in between the data points. In order to examine the relationship between fish harvest and Steller sea lion population, 3 graphs were created. In the first graph, total and western Steller sea lion population was plotted against time in years and fitted with a polynomial trend-line. In addition, total Alaskan fish harvest (in pounds) was plotted against
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time in years on a secondary y-axis and fitted with a polynomial trend-line. Here, total Alaskan fish harvest corresponds to the sum of salmon and herring harvest data found. In the second graph, both Alaskan salmon catch and Alaskan herring catch (in pounds per year) were plotted against the total Steller sea lion population growth rate. Both data sets were fitted with a polynomial trend-line and were accompanied by the equation of the line and the R2 coefficient of determination value. In the third graph, Aleutian region salmon catch (in pounds per year) was plotted against the western Steller sea lion growth rates calculated as described above. The Aleutian region is sufficiently representative of the western Steller sea lion population. A polynomial trend-line was fitted to this data and accompanied by the equation of the line and the R2 coefficient of determination value.
Results The results show a decline in both total and western Steller sea lion population over time with a slight increase beginning around 2000 (Figure 1). Results also show a sharp decrease in Alaskan fish harvest until 2005 where it begins to increase slightly. The comparison of total sea lion population growth rate to total fish harvest shows higher growth rates for Steller sea lions at the extremes of high and low levels of herring harvest (Figure 2). The polynomial trend-line has a coefficient of determination of 0.705 and a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.840. Results indicate a random distribution of growth rate in relation to salmon harvest. The polynomial trend-line for this data yields a coefficient of determination of 0.0941 and a correlation coefficient of 0.3068 (Figure 2). The comparison of western sea lion growth rate to western salmon harvest shows an increase in western Steller sea lion growth rate with decreasing Aleutian salmon catch. This comparison results in a coef-
Figure 1. Change in Steller sea lion population (total and western) over time as well as change in Alaskan fish harvest (in pounds) over time.
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Figure 2. Total Steller sea lion growth rate in relation to Alaskan salmon catch as well as Alaskan herring catch (in pounds per year). This comparison shows a relationship between the variables through the trendlines and coefficients of determination.
Figure 3. Western Steller sea lion growth rate in relation to Aleutian (western) salmon catch (in pounds per year). This comparison shows a relationship between these variables through the trendline and coefficient of determination.
ficient of determination of 0.4802. This yields a correlation coefficient of 0.693 (Figure 3). Discussion The trends in Steller sea lion population and Alaskan fish harvest have similar behavior (Figure 1). This could be an indicator that nutritional stress con-
tributed to the decline in sea lion stock because of a fish stock shortage, which would also lead to a simultaneous decrease in fish harvest. The comparison of Alaskan herring catch and Steller sea lion growth rate shows a significant relationship between these variables. The coefficient of determination reveals that approximately 71% of the variation in growth rate can be at-
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tributed to herring catch. The correlation coefficient further supports this relationship, revealing that the two variables are approximately 84% correlated, which is a significant correlation (Figure 2). Meanwhile, the relationship between Steller sea lion growth rate and salmon harvest were weakly related. The coefficient of determination reveals that approximately 9% of the variation in growth rate can be attributed to salmon catch. The correlation coefficient reveals a correlation of about 31% between these variables (Figure 2). These results are weak, but not negligible. Interestingly, the graphical representation of western sea lion growth and Aleutian salmon catch shows that there is in fact a correlation between these two variables. The coefficient of determination reveals that approximately 48% of the variation in growth rate can be attributed to salmon catch. The correlation coefficient further supports this relationship as it reveals that the two variables are approximately 69% correlated, which is significantly correlated (Figure 3). Thus, it seems that fishing activity has a significant impact on the Steller sea lion population persistence, because it significantly affects the growth rate in two of the three analyses. A decreased growth rate has implications for the future persistence of a population and therefore its population size. Fishing activities can have various effects on the Steller sea lions. First, they reduce the available fish for the sea lions to feed on, leading to nutritional stress. Not only does this reduce the availability of fish, but it also depletes the easily accessible prey base, so the sea lions must expend more time and energy to capture their prey (Hennen 2006). The relationship between fish harvest and growth rate, however, is polynomial, not linear
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as expected. The fact that there are higher levels of growth at low and high levels of herring harvest (but low growth at intermediate levels) could be indicative of policy and increased fish abundance. The high growth rate at low levels of fishing could be due to strict management of fishing activity in order to lower the activity and allow the sea lion population time to rebound. Further, high growth rates at high levels of fishing could be explained by an over-abundance of fish in the waters; there is ample food for the sea lions even with excessive levels of fishery activity. Remarkably, the western sea lion population is highly impacted by salmon catch, while the total sea lion population is minimally effected. This makes sense, as the western population is endangered and more vulnerable to the effects of threats due to its smaller population size. However, one would expect that if the total population were minimally affected by total salmon harvest, it would also be minimally affected by total herring harvest. Furthermore, one would expect the herring catch to be less influential than salmon catch because more salmon is caught than herring, which would, in theory, pose a greater stress on the sea lion population. In order to understand this relationship further, one might examine Steller sea lion food preference between herring and salmon, as well as the fish base that is being harvested from to determine what proportion of each food source is being removed and how much is left for the sea lions after fishing. Even though it was predicted that there would be an indirect linear relationship between Steller sea lion population and fish harvest activity, the polynomial relationship found demonstrates that the relationship is far more complex and that further research is needed to reach a con-
clusion on this issue. To further investigate the impact of fishing activity on the western Steller sea lion population, one might gather data on seasonal sea lion stock, as well as data in close proximity to each rookery (Hennen 2006). Research explains that seasonality of the relationship between fishing and population is important because females do not leave the rookery during early stages of pup development and therefore a lack of local food could be particularly detrimental to the survival of the females and the growth (and survival) of the pups (Hennen 2006). Furthermore, females may require extra caloric intake to produce milk for their young. The data for this study may be subject to some confounders. For instance, the measure of fishing activity in pounds of product does not account for other impacts of fishery activity such as sea lion bycatch resulting in additional deaths. It might also be interesting to investigate a time-lag effect of fishing activity on Steller sea lion population and growth rate. This however, would require a greater pool of data with more sample points and a set of yearly data without gaps, something that limited this study. Finally, there are many other factors that may contribute to the Steller sea lion decline, such as predation by killer whales (Hennen 2006; Allen and Angliss 2011). Therefore, further research could also address the severity of various impacts on the Steller sea lion population. Acknowledgements Special thanks to P. Thompson for all his help in developing the method of analysis through graphs and his expertise in excel. I would also like to thank L. Schwarz for reviewing this work prior to
submission. Literature Cited ADF&G. (2012). Information by fishery: 19962008 Alaska commercial herring sac roe harvests & exvessel values. Retrieved from http://www.adfg. alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=CommercialByFisheryH erring.exvessel_2011 ADF&G. (2013). Commercial fisheries: Alaska commercial salmon harvests and exvessel values. Retrieved from http://www.adfg.alaska.gov/index.cfm ?adfg=CommercialByFisherySalmon.exvesselquery ADF&G. (2013). Information by fishery: Commercial herring catch, effort & value - harvest. Retrieved from http://www.adfg.alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=co mmercialbyfisheryherring.herringcatch Allen, B. M., & R. P. Angliss. (2011). STELLER SEA LION (eumetopias jubatus): Western U.S. stock Retrieved from http://www.nmfs.noaa.gov/pr/pdfs/ sars/ak2012slst-w.pdf Atkinson, S., Demaster, D. P., & Calkins, D. G. (2008). Anthropogenic causes of the western steller sea lion eumetopias jubatus population decline and their threat to recovery. Mammal Review, 38(1), 1-18. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2907.2008.00128.x Fisheries, N. (2013). Marine mammal stock assessment reports (SARs) by Species/Stock. Retrieved from http://www.nmfs.noaa.gov/pr/sars/species. htm#otariids Heard, W. R. (2005). Status of Alaska’s salmon fisheries Retrieved from http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/2005/ nsf0539/nsf0539_12.pdf Hennen, D. (2006). Associations between the alaska steller sea lion decline and commercial fisheries. Ecological Applications, 16(2), 704-717. doi:10.1890/1051-0761(2006)016[0704:ABTASS]2.0 .CO;2
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Photo by: Christine Chang
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Permaculture in El Salvador: Knowledge Production and Power Relations by Kaila Bolton Abstract: With globalization and the spread of information, methods of knowledge production have evolved. As a result of this, and due to the nature of knowledge–power relationships, the ways in which knowledge frameworks are perceived, valued and manipulated within society has also changed. Those who can access certain types of knowledge are able to gain positions of power above others. This leads to a network of relationships affecting economic and political decisions within societal institutions, and national and international states. This paper examines these theories in relation to tensions between indigenous and scientific knowledge production within permaculture in an NGO setting located in El Salvador. Introduction El Salvador is a predominantly agricultural country. Its economy and the well being of its rural population (composed mainly of small-scale subsistence farmers) depend on the agricultural productivity of their lands. Currently, El Salvador’s agricultural productivity is limited due to ecological issues such as deforestation, lack of soil fertility, water contamination, and loss of creyoyo (native) fauna and flora (“El Salvador – Environment”). These current ecological problems also predate the 1979-1992 civil war. In 1881, prior to the civil war, a small number of wealthy Salvadoran families expropriated communal lands from indigenous owners in order to plant large fields of cash crops such as coffee (“History of El Salvador”). To maximize the productivity of their cash crops, these
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wealthy landowners introduced chemical fertilizers and pesticides that contributed to the initial depletion of soil fertility in El Salvador. In 1979, a guerilla army of local agricultural farmers revolted against the national military force in El Salvador to protest land-right issues and reclaim their original lands (Lauria-Santiago & Binford 2004: 71). The civil war ended in 1992, and 295,000 hectares of land were redistributed to local subsistence farmers (Kowalchock 2004: 188) (“El Salvador - Rural Development Study” 1998: 16). Despite this significant redistribution of land, the majority of famers in El Salvador remain landless and land-poor (“El Salvador - Rural Development Study” 1998: 55). In an effort to maintain the productivity of what little land they have, these farmers continue to use chemical fertilizers and pesticides to enhance their crops. As a result of
this history of land use, appropriation, and redistribution, El Salvador currently faces many socio-ecological problems. El Salvador’s recent civil war and the country’s current attempts to resolve its socio-ecological issues have placed it in an interesting position amidst networks of national and international actors. These networks involve a variety of complex relationships between financial aid and foreign donors on the one hand, and El Salvador’s national government and their social institutions on the other hand. These social institutions include a growing number of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) that have established themselves in El Salvador. This paper looks closely at one grassroots NGO, the Instituto de Permacultura de El Salvador (IPES). This NGO was established in 2002, founded and largely funded by international sponsors. IPES’s goal is to address the socio-ecological issues of landlessness and lack of soil fertility in El Salvador by teaching permaculture to rural Salvadoran farmers, thereby promoting independence from traditional agricultural development strategies (“Local Development”). The NGO’s stated mission is to “promote permaculture for the development of a healthier, wiser and more ecologically sustainable society” by moving away from the “dependency […] of agro chemicals [and] material investment” (“About”) (“Local Development”). This paper examines the ways in which the production of traditional indigenous knowledge and contemporary scientific knowledge may intersect and potentially inform permaculture knowledge. It looks at the production of distinct types of knowledge, and assesses how different ways of interpreting and understanding the world affect power dynamics both within IPES and between the NGO and
international countries. It also assesses the hierarchical classification of knowledge and the value of ‘expertise’ in an attempt to uncover how networks of power affect small-scale agricultural farmers in El Salvador. This paper is divided into four sections. The first section introduces the theoretical frameworks that inform the analysis. The second and third sections introduce the case study of IPES, report on the methodology used in the field, provide a thorough account of the goals of the research and present the main findings from fieldwork interviews and participant observation. Finally, the fourth section interprets the findings and discusses how the main theories introduced relate to the specific case study of IPES. Theory The two main ways in which knowledge is acquired include formal education and lived experience (“Knowledge”). The production of knowledge is a complex and lengthy process that involves an infinite number of interactions with other beings and the interpretation of these interactions to form a cohesive understanding of particular events. Individual knowledge production is dependent on historical and contemporary societal conditions that shape the ways in which people interact with their environments (Akena 2008: 2). Knowledge is not static; as society evolves, so do methods of knowledge production (Akena 2008: 2). The question: ‘how is knowledge produced?’ is an interesting one that many social scientists have been analyzing and debating for years. Knowledge production in a contemporary setting has shifted significantly from primarily local knowledge to global knowledge (Elzinga, Ziman, Jacquemin 2000) (“About”). This phenom-
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enon began with the industrial revolution in the 1800s, which initiated a process of globalization that further evolved with advances in communication technologies and commercial aviation in the late 1800s to early 1900s. All of these developments in technology allowed people to exchange information more freely across the globe, establishing universal links between local knowledge from different regions (Kattakayam 2006: 465). The shift from local to global knowledge therefore paralleled a shift from indigenous to scientific knowledge, resulting in the transformation of a plurality of discourses into preferred hegemonic ideologies. Within mainstream capitalist societies, this hegemony has favored the scientific narrative that discusses subjugating nature for the purpose of maximizing resource extraction. Indigenous knowledge is locally situated and based on learning through lived experience. Traditionally, indigenous knowledge is qualitative, holistic and orally transmitted through stories, myths, and folklore (Nadasdy 1999: 2). Originally, indigenous knowledge was produced by observing the effects of human actions on natural phenomena and exchanging information about these observations between nearby indigenous communities (Akena 2008: 3). This ecological indigenous knowledge was then used to develop productive agricultural practices (Hunn 2007: 6) (Ronsbo 2004: 218). As a result of the process of it’s production, indigenous knowledge represents local-context specific knowledge. Through the industrial revolution, and the resulting increase in accessibility of general and globally applicable information, indigenous knowledge became perceived as less valuable. In addition to this, indigenous knowledge was also viewed as inferior to other types of
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knowledge because it was deemed ‘superstitious’ and ‘primitive’ due to it’s localized specificity (Akena 2008: 2). This view of indigenous knowledge as inferior was reconsidered around 1980, when concerns emerged about the loss of indigenous knowledge and the negative environmental consequences of capitalist hyperproductivity (Hunn 2007: 6). Indigenous knowledge is informed by a radically different relationship to the land than is common in modern capitalist societies. Therefore, indigenous knowledge offered an alternative approach to contemporary socio-ecological issues and came to be acknowledged as relevant within mainstream societies (Hunn 2007: 6). Scientific knowledge is produced in such a way that its authority is rarely questioned (Shapin 2007: 439-440). Mainstream perceptions of science envision scientists conducting systematic experiments in a lab, removed from and untainted by the outside world, thereby making scientific knowledge ‘pure, accurate and truthful’ (Shapin 2007: 439-440). There are many misconceptions about the ‘truthfulness’ of scientific knowledge. One way in which scientific knowledge is produced is through the use of models created in a lab. These models are shaped around theoretical concerns and are mainly artificial. When they are removed from their constructed reality in a laboratory setting, the knowledge gained from these models may not be applicable to specific local environments (Sismondo 2004: 155-156). There are also concerns about the ‘purity’ of scientific knowledge and the failure to recognize that knowledge is always informed by cultural beliefs. This represents the nature/culture, also called the subject/object, dichotomy. This dichotomy reflects an ontology that sees
the world as divided between objects as entities and subjects that observe them (Schwandt 2007: 227). This is the basis of the fundamental misconception about scientific knowledge, which views its production as pure and removed from any cultural influence. Science is not solely related to nature and the environment, but is related to a social network of economics, politics, law etc. (Sismondo 2004: 153). This becomes apparent when we consider the fact that scientific knowledge is affected by the cultural beliefs, values and opinions of individual scientists. Furthermore, individual knowledge is reflective of that individual’s society and cultural upbringing, therefore scientific knowledge can be used as a political tool to promote the hegemony of knowledge and posit scientific knowledge as the ultimate ontology. Bill Mollison and David Holmgren co-developed the concept of permaculture in 1978 with the publication of their collaborative book Permaculture One (Mollison 1990: ix). In an interview, Mollison explained how permaculture knowledge is a branch of ecological design based on scientific research and principles but draws on indigenous wisdom (“Permaculture: A Quiet Revolution”). According to Mollison and Holmgren, permaculture develops ethically conscious agricultural techniques and principles that meet human needs without negatively impacting the environment (“Permaculture Design”). According to Mollison, permaculture emerged as its own unique framework of knowledge production informed by indigenous, local and experiential knowledge, as well as scientific, formal and structured knowledge. There are both benefits and disadvantages related to combining these two types of knowledge within a new framework. One benefit
of intersecting indigenous and scientific knowledge is that the holistic perspective offered by indigenous knowledge can be combined with the technological capabilities of scientific knowledge to address contemporary socio-ecological issues. One disadvantage, however, is that indigenous knowledge risks becoming institutionalized through efforts to standardize curriculums and market it as a selling point in permaculture design courses. Permaculture seeks to take indigenous knowledge of natural phenomena and provide scientific explanations for these phenomena. An example of this is the practice of a Filipino man who always put a chili plant and four beans in the same hole as a banana root (“Permaculture: A Quiet Revolution”). He understood that planting these three things together was beneficial; however, he did not know the scientific explanation for this. Scientifically, the beans fix the nitrogen in the earth, promoting plant growth, and the chili plant prevents beetles from attacking the banana root (Trumbore 2002). In this situation, the Filipino man’s understanding of this phenomenon was the result of indigenous knowledge developed through observations accumulated over thousands of years. The scientific understanding of this process resulted from lab tests used to determine whether this was a universally true phenomenon. Permaculture knowledge is disseminated through permaculture institutes established around the world. These institutes use a standardized curriculum with set criteria in order to legitimize the integrity of their program, and to ensure that knowledge taught to students is consistent. Graduates from permaculture institutes obtain certification, which then authorizes them to also teach at permaculture institutes (“Permaculture: A Quiet
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Revolution”). The three knowledge frameworks presented here: indigenous knowledge, scientific knowledge and permaculture knowledge, are all produced through a variety of different processes. In discussing the production of knowledge structures, we must consider how differing types of knowledge are informed by differing ontologies and worldviews, affecting peoples’ understanding of the world around them and their position within it. The reproduction of knowledge is tied to the reproduction of power and as a result of this, knowledge production has implications for power dynamics by virtue of its hierarchical categorization (Carr 2010: 18). In his article ‘Enactments of Expertise’, E. Summerson Carr discusses the relationship between the production and consumption of knowledge, expertise, and the legitimization of expertise through institutionalization. He reiterates the posited superiority of scientific knowledge, which he attributes to scientific knowledge’s closer ties with the political and economic sphere of society, therefore making it more profitable. Furthermore, the legitimacy attributed to scientific knowledge due to its perceived universal truthfulness earns it the classification of ‘expert’ knowledge. Indigenous knowledge is therefore cast aside as inferior and inaccurate myth and folklore that needs to be managed, incorporated ‘into’ scientific knowledge and used for purely politically expedient purposes (Nadasdy 1999: 3). We can see an example of how indigenous knowledge has been used for politically expedient purposes when we consider the discourse of indigenous knowledge as intellectual property. Claiming that indigenous knowledge holds specific intellectual property rights in comparison to other forms of ‘public’
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knowledge attempts to restrict access to indigenous knowledge by charging for it. This tactic represents a potential danger, and could result in the commoditization of indigenous knowledge (Hunn 2007: 8). Scientific knowledge on the other hand, does not run the same risk of commoditization because of the fact that its nature and influence is so pervasive. Indigenous knowledge, however, is marginalized to smaller sectors of society. As a result of this, the appropriation of indigenous knowledge by the dominant hegemonic narrative of scientific knowledge may undervalue indigenous knowledge (Hunn 2007: 8). According to Carr, expert opinion is “a poignant intersection of knowledge and power” (Carr 2010: 19). Due to the fact that the process of scientific learning is valued so highly, emphasis is placed on formally training students and legitimizing their achievements through institutionalization and certification (Carr 2010: 19). This reinforces the divide between indigenous and scientific knowledge and legitimizes scientific ‘expert’ knowledge. This also solidifies scientific knowledge’s claim to power and authority by excluding those who have not completed formal scientific training and who do not have appropriate certification. The authority that this institutionalization provides also creates a divide between expert knowledge and public knowledge, widening the gap in power relations. Experts are able to make seemingly legitimate and undeniable statements about truth, validity and value, and laypersons are expected to simply accept these statements as fact without questioning them (Carr 2010: 18). In summary, knowledge is immanent in power relations (Ball 1990: 5). The mode of production of different types of knowledge results in the commodifica-
tion of indigenous knowledge, the belief that it can be transferred between actors for a sum of money. To a certain extent, monetizing knowledge holds significant implications for its position in the hierarchy of knowledge. Vice versa, the potential for monetizing knowledge is also based on its position in the hierarchy of knowledge. The hierarchy of knowledge is associated with the certification of ‘expert’ knowledge, which in turn relates to an intricate network of power relations. The claim that permaculture knowledge intersects scientific and indigenous knowledge and the power relations derived from knowledge production will be analyzed in greater detail in the following sections of the paper with specific reference to the case study of IPES. Methods On-site research was conducted at the Instituto de Permacultura de El Salvador (IPES) over a 6-week period of time in June and July of 2014. During this time, I resided at IPES’s demonstration farm located in the department of Cuscatlán, just outside the town of Suchitoto. I was an international volunteer on the farm, learning permaculture techniques with the other local farmers Monday-Friday from 9am to 4pm. The information presented in the paper includes information based on active participation in daily tasks, as well as qualitative data about IPES. This qualitative data is a combination of information from the IPES website and information collected through participant observation and formal semi-structured interviews. Attempts were made to contact Karen Inwood, one of the co-founders of IPES, through e-mail to get information about funding and employee wages and salaries. My e-mail was forwarded to several members of the administrative staff
before being returned to the international volunteer coordinator who explained that information about wages and salaries was confidential. General information about sources of international funding was provided. A total of eleven semi-structured interviews, lasting between 30-50 minutes, were completed. Nine interviews were with local farmers involved with IPES’s demonstration farm, one interview was with the current international volunteer coordinator and one interview was with an international volunteer from Japan. The interviews, the informal participant observations, and the information collected via e-mail, are presented in the findings section of the paper and incorporated throughout the discussion section. In conducting and presenting this research, there are several potential constraints that should be addressed here. One limitation was the language barrier between the local farmers and myself, as I had only taken one year of University level Spanish courses before travelling to El Salvador. However, building on this foundation I was able to pick up Spanish very quickly. The interviews were conducted in the final two weeks of my stay at IPES, at which point I was able to communicate effectively with the local farmers. Another limiting factor is that all interviews, excluding the interview with the international volunteer and the interview with the international volunteer coordinator, were conducted with farmers who worked on the land. There were no data collected from bureaucratic employees in a position of authority within IPES or farmers who were not affiliated with IPES. Finally, a third constraint of the research is that due to my positionality working within the field, participants
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may not have been completely forthright in responding to certain interview questions. Despite the fact that participants were informed of the confidentiality of the interviews, they generally seemed to feel uncomfortable with questions of a more delicate nature, such as those concerned with determining if there was conflict within the NGO. This may be attributable to the fact that I was residing on the land and viewed as having a connection with higher authorities within the organization who were responsible to a certain extent for my well being. Findings In this section, the history and the structure of IPES will be explored. Subsequently, the demographics of the participants interviewed and some of the main findings will be presented. The purpose of this section is to introduce the main reoccurring themes observed throughout my participation in daily farming activities, semi-formal interviews and participant observation. These will then be analyzed and discussed in further detail in the next section. There are a variety of reasons why IPES was established in Cuscatlán – most of these are not unique to this department, but are pervasive throughout rural El Salvador. Cuscatlán is the smallest department in El Salvador with high population pressures and persisting unequal access to land despite the post civil war land reforms. In Cuscatlán, and in the rest of El Salvador, plots deemed unsuitable for agriculture due to soil erosion and poor fertility are still cultivated by poor small-scale farmers (“El Salvador – Rural Development Study” 1998: 232-233). In part, this is because farmers throughout El Salvador have few non-agricultural employment opportunities due to a lack
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of education. Studies have shown that approximately 40% of poor rural farmers in El Salvador are illiterate (“El Salvador – Rural Development Study” 1998: 52). It is also worth noting that permaculture potentially presents the community in Cuscatlán with an opportunity to regain access to indigenous knowledge and beliefs being lost as the indigenous population decreases. According to 2003 estimates, in the previous 50 years El Salvador’s indigenous population had decreased from 20% of the total population to 5-10% of the total population (Ronsbo 2004: 211). This decrease is also in the context of El Salvador’s overall increasing population density from 2,199,897 in 1950 people to 5,958,794 in 2000 (“El Salvador Decennial Population” 2013) IPES emerged from the collaboration between Juan Rojas, a Salvadorean permaculturist, and Karen Inwood, a British permaculturist (“About”). As with most emerging NGOs, IPES originally relied on volunteers and donations. As the organization expanded however, Karen Inwood donated 20 acres of land to IPES to use as a demonstration farm. The organization then acquired grants and funding from international agencies and employed full-time staff to work on the land and run the NGO. The demonstration site is used to provide practical hands-on learning experience for poor rural Salvadorans farmers enrolled in the Permaculture Design Course (PDC) taught by IPES employees. Upon course completion farmers are certified as permaculture experts and are expected to implement permaculture techniques in their own farming practices and promote permaculture throughout their own communities. The internal stratification of the organization creates a hierarchy of positions. Those who have completed the PDC
are at the top of the hierarchy, controlling farmers at the bottom who are still in the process of completing the PDC. The local farmers are divided into different positions based on their seniority and level of permaculture expertise. The number of farmers in each position varies depending on funding and the NGO’s budget. However, in general there are six promotores en aprendisaje (promoters in training) who are in the process of completing the PDC, four promotores (promoters) who have completed the training and help facilitate the PDC workshops, three técnicos (experts) who run the PDC and a permacultor permanente (permanent permaculturist) who lives on the demonstration site and acts as a guardian to the land. The wages and salaries of all workers are paid for through international grants and funding, and the pay scale varies in accordance with the hierarchy of expertise. Despite the fact that the organization refused to provide me with official information about workers wages, I learned through conversations with local farmers that some are paid a viatico, which is essentially a stipend to cover their cost of transportation and food, and others are paid a salary. The promotores en apredisaje, those who have not been PDC certified, are paid a viatico of 8$ a day, whereas the promotores are paid 10$ a day and the técnicos and permacultor permanente are paid a fixed salary (no information about the amount of salary was provided to me). The difference between a viatico and a salary is significant because viaticos do not enable the workers to be formally recognized by the government as employed. Workers who are paid a fixed salary are recognized as such and are therefore able to claim certain benefits. While I was working on the land, I learned that IPES was being sponsored
through a grant from a UK based cosmetics retailer called LUSH. This sponsorship was ending as I was leaving the farm and I learned that Misereor, a catholic Germanbased aid organization, would be the new sponsor. The money from sponsors goes towards paying the wages and salaries of IPES workers, whereas donation money from individual supporters subsidizes the cost of running the PDC (e.g. the cost of supplies and equipment required for experiential simulations). Of the eleven participants who were interviewed, nine were rural farmers living in the department of Cuscatlán, one was an international volunteer from Japan, and one was the international volunteer coordinator. For the purpose of this findings section, I will focus on the interviews with the rural farmers as the size of the sample population of international volunteers would not allow me to draw any pertinent conclusions. Of the rural farmers who were interviewed, there was one PDC participant, four promotores en apprendisaje, one promotor, two técnicos and the permacultor permanente. Two of these informants were female and seven were male. The age range varied: the youngest farmer was a participant in the PDC at the age of 18, and the oldest farmer was the permacultor permanente at the age of 47. Furthermore, with one exception, the three other promotores en aprendisaje, were younger than the técnicos and the promotor. All of the farmers interviewed only spoke Spanish and their highest level of formal education was high school. A majority of the farmers had relatively little knowledge of permaculture before their involvement with IPES, but all of them had worked in agriculture as their primary occupation their entire lives. Information from the semi-
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structured interviews suggests that informants viewed indigenous knowledge, scientific knowledge and permaculture knowledge as three separate knowledge frameworks. While all participants considered indigenous knowledge a necessary and useful tool for the implementation of permaculture techniques, there was variation in their attitudes regarding the usefulness of scientific knowledge for permaculture. A majority of participants believed that scientific knowledge was often detrimental to the goals of permaculture and in blatant opposition to its ethics and principles. On the other hand, certain farmers perceived scientific knowledge as superior to indigenous knowledge due to its ability to rationally explain phenomena that are known, yet not fully understood, by ancestral indigenous knowledge. The farmers who stated that scientific knowledge was in conflict with indigenous knowledge, explained that the conflict was due to differences in interests, values, philosophies and ethics between the two types of knowledge. They claimed that when scientific knowledge works in accordance with nature and with indigenous knowledge – as it does in permaculture – it could help with understanding nature, preserving it, and living in harmony with it. One participant stated that “ahora son pocos instituciones que están
trabajando para eso”1 referencing the lack of societal organizations aiming to reorient scientific goals towards working in conjunction with nature. In contrast, some farmers stated that scientific knowledge was superior to indigenous knowledge within the framework of permaculture. One farmer stated that “uno tiene dinero y el otro no tiene”2 meaning that they perceived scientific knowledge as superior to indigenous knowledge because of the amount of funding received and capital produced by science. Other farmers also stated that despite the fact that today’s technologies produce the majority of current environmental issues, they also have the potential to resolve them. In this sense, another farmer claimed that “el conocimiento ancestral esta sirviendo a la ciencia moderna”3. This relates to TEK being incorporated into modern scientific knowledge. These findings, gathered from observations of, and interviews with, rural Salvadoran farmers involved with IPES, do not necessarily represent the entire demographic of rural farmers using agricultural organic and/or permaculture techniques in El Salvador. Furthermore, they may not be indicative of the opinions of all the people involved with IPES as only 8 out of 14 farmers were interviewed, and no interviews were conducted with IPES’ administrative staff. Finally, it is also important to note the gender disparity between the number of men and the number of women who were interviewed. This disparity was not necessarily a result of a gender gap in number of women employed by IPES, despite the fact that the total ratio of farmers is 5 women to 9 men. More men 1 There are few institutions that are currently working towards this. 2 One has money, but the other doesn’t 3 Ancestral knowledge is serving modern science
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were interviewed than women due to the practical difficulties of conducting interviews with women because they rarely stay overnight at the farm. Often if men were working the next day, they would reside in provided sleeping quarters on the land. The majority of the interviews were conducted after the workday when the women had returned home to cook and clean for their families, but the men were still present. Discussion This discussion section will first establish a distinction between two types of scientific knowledge that vary based on the framework through which they are interpreted. It will then look at the intersection of indigenous and scientific knowledge within permaculture, and examine the position of permaculture knowledge within mainstream capitalist society. Finally, it will determine how the implementation of a certification system for permaculture knowledge 1) has implications for local actors with limited resource availability; 2) affects IPES’s relationship to international funding agencies; and 3) influences power relationships within the NGO. The three main ethical principles of permaculture, developed in conjunction with indigenous traditions, are: care of the earth, care of people and sharing of surplus by setting limits to consumption (“Permaculture Design”). Scientific knowledge interpreted through the framework of permaculture knowledge, adheres to indigenous traditions of communalism and respect and care for nature. Through this framework, scientific knowledge aims to understand local context-specific phenomenon and develop ecologically sustainable technologies. In mainstream capitalist society, however, scientific
knowledge often seems to be in conflict with indigenous knowledge. This is due to the fact that scientific research often does not adhere to the same types of ethical beliefs and that the dominant hegemonic narrative emphasizes the subjugation of nature in order to maximize the amount of resources humans can extract from it. In an attempt to integrate both indigenous knowledge and scientific knowledge, permaculture combines different methods of knowledge production. From indigenous knowledge, permaculture draws on processes of experiential learning through lived experience and observation of nature. From scientific knowledge, it draws on processes of formal learning and expertise through explicit explanations of phenomena, structured curriculums and coursework organization. As identified by rural Salvadoran farmers involved with IPES, certain scientific narratives and indigenous knowledge structures can work together within permaculture because they have the same goal: namely improving human lives without negatively impacting the environment. If permaculture knowledge is the intersection of both indigenous knowledge and scientific knowledge, a view that rural Salvadoran farmers involved with IPES seem to support, it cannot exist without encompassing both types of knowledge. The knowledge embodied by scientific laboratory practices and equipment must be adapted and modified to local environments. This can only be done by interpreting scientific knowledge through indigenous knowledge’s framework of specific environmental conditions. Furthermore, scientific knowledge only possesses a place within permaculture knowledge if it acknowledges the ethics of, and strives towards the same goals as, indigenous knowledge. As a result of
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this, scientific knowledge depends on indigenous knowledge for its incorporation in permaculture. Indigenous knowledge is also dependent on scientific knowledge to establish its position within permaculture. Without a thorough scientific understanding of the natural processes behind observed phenomenon, permaculture’s ability to interpret information and apply useful practices and techniques is diminished. Furthermore, without modern scientific knowledge, the time frame for the production of permaculture knowledge would be too slow to be of any significant importance in resolving current environmental issues. Within permaculture, indigenous and scientific knowledge are therefore codependent and non-hierarchical. This relationship between indigenous and scientific knowledge is different within mainstream capitalist society. Outside of the permaculture community, laboratory scientists who do not adhere to permaculture’s ethics and principles have mainly avoided addressing the movement. This has restricted permaculture from being ‘legitimized’ in wider spheres of society that believe in the absolute universality of scientific truth and who debunk permaculture as a return to folklore. As a result of this, scientific knowledge is still perceived as superior to permaculture knowledge within mainstream society. It is possible that the scientific community avoids acknowledging permaculture for fear that it will negatively impact their profession. Laboratory scientists earn their living by innovating new technologies. If permaculture is, as they believe, a return to ‘traditional’ values and beliefs – in the sense that unlimited capitalist growth is no longer the ultimate goal – it threatens the basis of their careers.
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This demonstrates the undervalued power of permaculture knowledge. Empowering individuals at the regional household level would allow them to move away from a dependency on scientific knowledge and consumerism (Holmgren 2002: Introduction). Scientist’s refusal to attribute legitimacy to permaculture by withholding their scientific label of approval indicates their desire to restrict permaculture’s potential for introducing doubt into the absolute certainty of scientific truth. To surpass the lack of mainstream scientific support for its process of knowledge production, permaculture attempts to legitimize itself and establish its position of power within the hierarchy of knowledge by providing certificates to graduates of the PDC. The institutionalization of permaculture knowledge affects the hierarchy between types of knowledge and creates power dynamics within the framework of permaculture practice itself. Those who have obtained a permaculture certificate are labeled as experts, whereas those who may have learned all the permaculture techniques but have not participated directly in the course would not be certified or known as experts. These power relationships are apparent within IPES where the promotores en aprendisaje are under the direction and supervision of the permacultor permanente, técnicos and promotores. This power structure also holds implications for tangible incentives as those in higher positions have higher salaries and wages (Figure 1). The importance of certifying permaculture knowledge is heightened for low-income countries, such as El Salvador, where the majority of the population does not have the time and/or resources necessary to obtain post-secondary education. None of the interviewed rural farmers had received formal education past high
school. By gaining certification through permaculture courses, people that would not otherwise have attained a level of ‘expertise’ in any particular field are able to do so. This is important, as often high-income countries are able to exert pressure and manipulate low-income countries because of their position of power. The position of power held by most high-income countries results from their higher levels of education, which result in higher socioeconomic status (Nelson, 1993). A recent example of the pressure exerted by high-income countries towards less powerful low-income countries occurred in June and July 2014 between the United States and El Salvador. The
United States offered a 277 million dollar aid package conditional on the El Salvador’s purchase of Monsanto GMO seeds (Sarich 2014). Farmers were able to successfully resist this pressure by firmly expressing their refusal to purchase GMO seeds over locally sourced seeds, and by referring to economic as well as environmental benefits of planting creyoyo (native) seeds. This represents the kinds of steps countries with lower levels of formal education need to take in order to work towards self-sufficiency and independence from high-income countries. Increasing knowledge certification, expertise and formal education are all measures that can improve the chances of collective action
Figure 1
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towards decreasing the knowledge, and the power, gap between low-income countries and high-income countries. Permaculture certification also holds implications for NGOs receiving funding from international granting agencies. By running a PDC, IPES is able to show that funding and donations from international agencies are specifically going to pay wages and salaries of farmers participating in and running this certification course. This reference to a familiar technique of formal knowledge production provides international agencies with a sense of security that their funds are going towards providing rural farmers with ‘legitimate’ knowledge. It is also important to note the commodification of indigenous knowledge also creates important reputational benefits for sponsoring agencies, as it did for LUSH in the past year. In summary, power produces knowledge and knowledge produces power (Kattakayam 2006: 461). As many of the above examples demonstrate, to have knowledge is to hold a position of power. By the same token, those in a position of power often have access to additional resources that allow further production of knowledge. Based on the distinction established earlier between modern scientific knowledge in mainstream society and scientific knowledge within permaculture, there is conflict between capitalist scientific knowledge and permaculture. Competition between different types of knowledge is inevitable and is, in fact, necessary for the advancement of human knowledge production. Through disagreement between different worldviews influencing the ways in which knowledge is produced, knowledge can be articulated and developed. This will hopefully generate discussion about the ways in which the social production of knowledge creates hi-
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erarchical relationships of power between countries worldwide. These relationships of power need to be examined and mediated if we are to establish any serious advances in resolving current environmental issues in the anthropocene. Conclusion To conclude, structures of power are fundamental to any human organization because of hierarchies related to the production of different types of knowledge. Within the framework of permaculture knowledge, the non-conflicting intersection of indigenous knowledge and scientific knowledge is possible due to the alignment of goals and ethical principles. This co-dependence demonstrates that a hierarchical relationship between indigenous and scientific knowledge within the framework of permaculture knowledge does not exist. Power dynamics within the permaculture community result from the certification of permaculture knowledge as an attempt to legitimize it within mainstream society. The institutionalization of permaculture knowledge creates varying levels of expertise, placing certain actors who acquire this expertise in a superior position in comparison to those who have not. This structure of power rewards those who possess ‘legitimate’ formal certification with higher wages and salaries, thereby increasing their socio-economic status and thus perpetuating their movement up the social hierarchy of power relations. This relationship between education and power relations is present not only at the individual level in relation to power structures within NGOs such as IPES, but is also present at the international level between low-income countries and high-income countries. This holds implications for relationships not only between
countries themselves but also between NGOs in these low-income countries and international funding agencies in highincome countries. Finally, the conflict between mainstream capitalist science and permaculture results from variations in embodied values in the production of these distinct types of knowledge. As the majority of the farmers involved with IPES identified in their interviews, scientific knowledge that does not adhere to permaculture ethics and principles produces technologies with the sole aim of increasing the amount of natural resources that can be extracted and consumed by humans. The conflict between different types of knowledge is inevitable. What we can hope to gain from knowledge clashes is a greater understanding of the societal influences that continually shape the production of knowledge within our societies and the implications of this for natural environmental systems.
El Salvador - Environment. (2014). Retrieved December 21, 2014, from Encyclopedia of the Nations website: http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/ Americas/El-Salvador-ENVIRONMENT.html El Salvador - Rural Development Study. (1998). Retrieved from http://documents.worldbank.org/ curated/en/1998/03/693695/el-salvador-rural-development-study Elzinga, A., Ziman, J., & Jacquemin, A. (2000) The New Production of Knowledge: About. Retrieved December 20, 2014, from SAGE website: http://www. sagepub.com/books/Book204307 History of El Salvador. (2008). Retrieved December 20, 2014, from Permaculture Institute of El Salvador (IPES) website: http://permacultura.com.sv/aboutel-salvador/history-of-el-salvador Holmgren, D. (2002). Permaculture: Principles & Pathways Beyond Sustainability. Hepburn: Holmgren Design Services. Hunn, E. (2007). Ethnobiology in four phases. Journal of Ethnobiology, 27(1), 1-10.
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Montagna, J. A. The Industrial Revolution. Retrieved December 20, 2014, from http://www.yale.edu/ynhti/ curriculum/units/1981/2/81.02.06.x.html Nadasdy, P. (1999). The Politics of TEK: Power and the “Integration” of Knowledge. Arctic Anthropology, 36(1-2), 1-18. Retrieved from http://www.jstor. org/stable/40316502 Nelson, R. R. (1993) National Innovation Systems: A Comparative Analysis. Abstract retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract=1496195 Permaculture: A Quiet Revolution — An Interview with Bill Mollison. Retrieved December 20, 2014, from Scott London website: http://www.scottlondon. com/interviews/mollison.html Permaculture Design. Retrieved December 20, 2014, from The Urban Farmer website: http://theurbanfarmer.ca/resources/permaculture-design/ Ronsbo, H. (2004). This is not Culture! The effects of ethnodiscourse and ethnopolitics in El Salvador. In A. Lauria-Santiago & L. Binford (Eds.), Landscapes of Struggle: Politics, Society and Community in El Salvador (pp. 211-226). Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press. Sarich, C. (2014, July 24). Win: Farmers in El Salvador Successfully Oppose Monsanto’s GMO Seeds. Retrieved December 20, 2014, from Info Wars website: http://www.infowars.com/win-farmers-inel-salvador-successfully-oppose-monsantos-gmoseeds/ Schwandt, T. A. (2007). The SAGE Disctionary of Qualitative Inquiry (3rd ed.). California: Sage Publications Inc. Shapin, S. (2007). Science and the Modern World. In E. Hackett, O. Amserdamska, M. Lynch, & J. Wajcman (Eds.), The Handbook of Science and Technology Studies (pp. 433-448). Cambridge: MIT Press. Sismondo, S. (2004). An Introduction to Science and Technology Studies. Malden: Blackwell Pub. Trumbore, S. (2002). The Permaculture Solution. Retrieved December 20, 2014, from First Unitarian Universalist Society of Albany website: http://www. trumbore.org/sam/sermons/sc43.htm
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About the Contributors Kaila Bolton is entering her final year of study in fall 2015 with a major in Anthropology and a minor in Environment. She is passionate about environmental sustainability and social justice and has been involved with a number of organizations concerned with these issues. In the future, she hopes to pursue something in her life that makes her happy while fulfilling her goal of helping others. Christine Chang is a U2 student majoring in Environment with a domain in Ecological Determinants of Health. Photography is her greatest passion and she enjoys shooting in a variety of settings and genres, especially nature, travel, and portraits. Lena Courcol is a U2 student in the Arts & Science Environment program. She was born in France but grew up in Shanghai, China. She is a part of Nourish International and enjoys traveling, being outdoors, and reading. Lucy Cui is a third-year undergraduate studying Environment and Development, with a minor in Geography. She is passionate about environmental challenges facing developing countries and is especially interested in issues relating to the rise of mega-cities and urban sprawl. In the future, she has dreams of publishing a book, learning to speak more languages, and travelling to all seven continents of the world. Elena Kennedy is a recent MSE graduate and current Law student. She is primarily interested in the relation between environmental justice and cost internalization mechanisms, particularly environmental liability, as well as the translational challenges between environmental science and law. Shariss Ostrager is a U3 student studying Ecological Determinants of Health (Cellular) within the MSE. Though she has a keen interest in medicine and health, and her ambition is to become a doctor, she is also interested in ecology and environmental conservation. 76
Justine Provost is a recent graduate of the McGill School of Environment. Since graduating, Justine has worked for City Farm School and the Sustainability Action Fund at Concordia University. She continues to work on a variety of design and social media projects for up-andcoming environment organizations in the Montreal area. Antonina Scheer is an environment student enrolled in the Earth Science and Economics domain, and is pursuing a minor in English literature. Interested in the intersection between poetry and progress, Antonina plans to continue her research in ecocriticism, the field concerned with proto-environmental literature. She is fascinated by the interdisciplinary study of environmental issues and hopes to contribute to a better understanding of our place on the planet. Valeriya Sokolenko is a U2 student studying Renewable Resource Management and Urban Systems. Her interests include the balance between natural and social systems and photography’s role in portraying it. Elliot Tan is a third year environment student studying the Ecological Determinants of Health in Society, and minoring in Political Science. He is interested in the environmental and political drivers of health in developing areas. Aaron Vansintjan studies food justice and ecological economics. He likes watching the sunset and fighting the enclosure of the commons. Lauren Wray is a U3 student in Environment, with a focus on the ecological determinants of health in society. As a social studies student, her interests include deepening her understanding of people, society, environment, and the combination of all three. Alejandra Zaga Mendez is a Master’s candidate in Natural Resource Sciences, option in Environment, working in the Ecological Economics Research Group. Alejandra has a bachelor degree in Agro-Environmental sciences, and she is interested in the role of institutions in shaping 77
socio-ecological interactions, especially in agro-ecosystems. Nisrine El Amiri, Shariss Ostrager, Christopher Ricci , Lara Schwarz, Zarin Tasnim Haque, and Rabab Wali are fourth year students in the Environment program. They conducted this research for their senior research project for the course Environment 401: Environmental Research under the supervision of Dr. Julia Freeman. Although they plan to pursue various different careers, they were brought together to work on this project because of their common interest in public health.
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BRANCHES
VOLUME 5
WINTER 2015