Landscape Architecture: Negotiated Study 2014 by Meg Back

resorting to culture LAND 8000 2014 MEG BACK

contents executive summary relevant theory proposed methodology case studies context context: the resort currently analysis tests concept summary appendix references 2

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resorting to culture 3

How can an alternative Landscape Architectural approach to resort design, focused on culture, improve sustainability in Fijian tourism?

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

For many, a holiday in a foreign country (such as Fiji) includes trying to make decisions or purchases that are considered ‘sustainable’. To look closer raises the question - why does culture feature significantly in definitions of sustainability, yet seem glossed over or avoided in a tourism business’s actual day to day sustainability policies? Does it matter? Is there value in a more complete recognition of the facets of sustainability? As landscape architects we may question the appropriateness of forming opinions on another’s culture, however as academics we believe a considered evaluation of reviewed and published literature can elucidate a subject. Additionally, effective landscape architects are well skilled in the art of facilitation, and able to coordinate a wide range of groups of people, disciplines and ideas to complete projects. Landscape Architects can examine a site and assess the plants, the topography, the soils and the other facets of the physical makeup; but study also the stories, the interactions and associations with people and the cultural associations that all combine to turn land into a landscape. This project examines a question: if culture in sustainability is the question,can landscape architecture provide the answer?

The simple acts of day-to-day living become the constructs through which the histories, traditions and cultural ways of doing are passed on and reinforced. Landscapes reflect human activity and are imbued with cultural values. The landscape can reflect the mythology and history; the mythology retains the sustainability lessons from the past. Development of the cultural landscape within the resort setting additionally increases biodiversity, leading to better outcomes for the local population as well as highlighting and showcasing the aspects of the local culture. Protecting and enhancing the culture of the landscape protects Beqa Lagoon Resort’s unique point of difference, while contributing to a truly memorable experience for the guest. The landscape architect can create a multidisciplinary response to the complementary bundle of products a guest uses. However the strength of the landscape architect is their ability to facilitate, not dictate, leading to greater ownership and empowerment for all stakeholders.

The value of tourism to Fiji cannot be underestimated, it is the lead contributor to GDP and in 2013 earned 1,318 million dollars. However with one industry contributing so much of the GDP (and balance of payments) comes both risk and the responsibility to ensure both a stable flow of visitors and the best outcome for all of the people. While tourism has many economic benefits it is also associated with issues including marginalisation from land, localised degradation, exploitation, social and environmental problems. Sustainable tourism seeks to address those negative effects. Defined as a style of nature-based encounter which seeks to achieve host gain, some social enrichment both ways and a conservation of the cultural and natural heritage; it includes the need to protect cultural heritage. One of the issues is that the benefits of tourism are often measured objectively, e.g. in monetary terms; while the costs are often less tangible and more difficult to objectively measure. Tourists, in consuming the natural environment, may also be consuming culture in terms of the various local cultural values that may have been ascribed to the site of landscape. To landscape architects the concept of landscape includes cultural and social values and the interpretation of landscape as a lived experience (Swaffield, 2003). The inextricable link show the environment and people are linked, with the health of the environment, in particular the biodiversity affecting the health and wellbeing of the indigenous population. The methodology involved in this project started with literature reviews of anthropology, tourism, sustainability, and several different areas of Landscape Architecture. It then went on to consider the knowledge derived from living on site, earning the stories, the plants, the associations and observing the day-to-day nuance of the landscape and how people interacted with it. Analysis included photographing, drawing, collaging and modeling, including using natural materials such as masi and dogo ink. The Beqa Lagoon Resort site turned out to be a landscape rich in layers of history and ecology. Additionally it represents some of the best land on Beqa Island, and is a significant cultural site. With different tribal groups owning the land, or neighbouring, or holding the customary rights over the dive reef, consultation is key. It is not only respectful, but community involvement in tourism lessens negative social and cultural impacts and improves the possibility of sustainable development and long term success.

It takes a place to create a community, and a community to create a place -Ethan Kent

INTRODUCTION

While the benefits of tourism are significant enough to make them the primary source of income for several Pacific based island countries, including Fiji; there are also many reported problems, especially with respect to damage to the culture of the indigenous population. This is despite the fact protection of culture is an integral part of the concept of sustainability; and sustainability is an ideal considered important by many tourism stakeholders including the guest and the resort. The bland homogenisation resulting from the international brand standards and the other westernised business practices of many of the larger resort properties may be merely an outward flag to broader issues of tourism. The landscape architect has the potential to use their ability for collaboration of multiple skill sets within the landscape to provide an overall better outcome for all stakeholders across a wide range of tourism related activity. On a site-specific scale, they are involved in planning, design, implementation and management of the immediate landscape the visitor is exposed to. On a broader scale they can contribute to the management of the wider environment including protection via general policy, setting up or management of reserve areas, rehabilitation of the surrounding environment, or impact minimisation of activities by the visitors outside of their resort.

How can an alternative Landscape Architectural approach to resort design, focused on culture, improve sustainability in Fijian tourism? The site in particular, pertinent to this question is Beqa Lagoon Resort, on Beqa Island, in Fiji. It must be noted that this project does not set out to criticise in any manner the current tourism industry in Fiji. As trip advisor will attest, there are a large number of people already having fantastic holidays in Fiji, and at Beqa Lagoon Resort. Rather the project wishes to investigate the possibility of better outcomes for all stakeholders, through the application of the theory and practice of landscape architecture to the question of culture in the resort landscape. To allow the site and issue to inform the final design, this project will work through • THEORY - the research around the pertinent issues of the question, world wide and locally

-case Studies - how have others applied these theories or addressed these concerns

• CONTEXT -the broader context - Fiji

- Beqa Island

- Beqa Lagoon resort currently

• METHODOLOGY • TESTING • FORMATION OF A CONCEPT • THE DESIGN • SUMMARY 7

relevant theory 9

THEORY: The cultural landscape of tourism

ABSTRACT Tourism, the world’s largest industry (Schevyns & Russell 2009), surpassed sugar cane several decades ago to become Fiji’s lead income earning sector (http://www.statsfiji.gov.fj/). With the significant emphasis on Tourism as a percentage of GDP and contributor to the balance of payments comes also great risk; Fiji is prone to both natural catastrophes (suffering 3 major weather events in the past three years) and political turmoil (elections this month returning the country to democracy for the first time since 2006). Tourism may also result in adverse social, cultural and environmental outcomes (Rajotte 1980). One of the country’s main challenges is to ensure a stable flow of visitors and to maximise the benefits for its people (Girard & Nijkamp 2009). Sustainable tourism, or eco-tourism is often seen as a desirable product for improving benefits for all stakeholders in the tourism industry. This paper considers the question of the importance of culture as a facet of sustainability, with the objective of assessing the value of landscape architecture (theory and practice) in offering solutions for more beneficial outcomes (for all stakeholders). Examination of relevant literature, especially interrelationships between the disciplines of Tourism (including eco-tourism, sustainable tourism, cultural tourism), Anthropology, and Landscape Architecture (including placemaking, sustainability, cultural landscape) shows the value of a landscape architect facilitated “exchange” of ideas expressed through the landscape, by the landscape. Consideration of the theories show that application, recognition and interpretation of culture in (and around) the resort landscape, can increase sustainability while providing mitigation of some of tourism’s adverse effects. The resulting multidisciplinary solution has the potential to improve outcomes for all tourism stakeholders. Key words: landscape, tourism, intangible landscape, resilience, Fiji, Beqa Island

INTRODUCTION: THE EFFECT OF TOURISM Due to their size, relative distance from large populations and traditionally restricted economies with historical dependence on primary commodities (e.g. copra, sugar, pineapples), tourism can seem to offer an effective solution for island nations to increase employment and bring in foreign exchange. The remote location serves to make the destination more exotic and enticing and, as the consumer traditionally travels to the ‘product’, distance from market is less of an issue (Rajotte 1980, Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). As a result, researchers note that most island states in the Pacific see tourism as a welcome strategy for economic diversification and growth (Harrison, as in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). In Fiji, tourism is the lead income earning sector, with revenue totaling FJD$1.318.2 million in 2013 (http://www.statsfiji.gov. fj/). When compared to the value of crops (coconuts, bananas, cocoa and coffee) in the South Pacific over a 20 year period, only tourism demonstrates a continuous upward trend (Sofield et al. in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). Tourism has the potential to do a lot of good for a community; Beqa Lagoon Resort, Fiji (the principle case study for this investigation), is the main employer for the west side of Beqa Island. However, there is also considerable potential for localized degradation or exploitation (Girard & Nijkamp, 2009). As one theorist stated, “Tourism is like fire. It can cook your food or burn down your house” (Fox, as quoted in Craik 1991). In the Pacific, the outcomes of tourism are not always beneficial, with reports of social problems, dislocation of the traditional village and family structures, cultural deterioration and lower than predicted economic benefits. An added issue of tourism is that while the benefits are often measured in economic terms, the costs tend to involve facets of the industry that are more intangible, including social, cultural and environmental considerations (Rajotte, 1980). One of the chief concerns is that while tourism has increased foreign revenue generation and significantly contributed to job creation in the South Pacific, the benefits could be much greater, especially for the poorer regions of society (Scheyvens & Russell, 2009). As the concept of landscape includes cultural and social values and the interpretation of landscape as a lived experience (Swaffield 2003); comparison of the disciplines of tourism, anthropology and landscape architecture can elucidate landscape based mechanisms to mitigate some of the intangible costs of tourism.

Within the cordon after the Nadi town floods, 2009

THE TERMINOLOGY: SUSTAINABLE TOURISM/ ECO-TOURISM/CULTURAL TOURISM Sustainable Tourism seeks to address some of the negative effects, with Riddell (2004) defining it as “a style of nature based encounter which seeks to achieve host gain, some social enrichment both ways, and a conservation of the cultural and natural heritage”. While “sustainable tourism” is potentially a key tool for addressing the dilemma between tourism and conservation, it seems in practice to be a poorly defined and elusive concept. Close to sustainable tourism by definition is “eco-tourism”, defined as “environmentally responsible, enlightening travel and visitation to relatively undisturbed natural areas in order to enjoy and appreciate nature (and any accompanying cultural features both past and present) that promotes conservation, has low visitor impact and provides for beneficially active socio-economic involvement of local populations” (Ceballos-Lascaurain, in Scheyvens 1999). Given the above definitions, Cultural tourism – tourism that focuses on a destination’s culture, including lifestyle heritage, art industries and leisure pursuits of the local population (Foo & Rossetto as quoted in Sigala & Leslie 2005) is hence a subset of sustainable tourism (or eco-tourism) which has a particular focus on intangible values. As the World Indigenous Tourism Alliance points out, mutually beneficial relationships are extremely important in the context of tourism sustainability, whether between people and the environment or between people and people (retrieved from http://www.winta.org). To consider the benefits of cultural landscape in a tourism setting, investigation must be placed at the confluence of multiple disciplines, including theories of tourism, sustainability, and anthropology as well as landscape architecture. Riddell states that sustainable tourism is “about local people, local economics, local cultural and celebratory events, and the local environment,” reinforcing the close relationship between cultural landscape and sustainable tourism. Posey (in Robinson and Picard 2006) termed this interrelationship as “the inextricable link” and places it at the centre of the sustainable development concept. An example of the “inextricable link” is the pronounced effect on the social, economic and health issues of indigenous people who live in sites of significant biodiversity, of the conservation and evolution of this biodiversity. As tourism is centred on the fundamental principal that exchange between peoples allows both expression of culture and experience of culture (Robinson & Picard 2006), a resort landscape is potentially both cultural landscape, and opportunity for conservation of biodiversity. Robinson and Picard (2006) summarise this: “tourists, in consuming the natural environment may also be consuming culture in terms of the various local cultural values that may have been ascribed to a particular landscape or natural site”.

THEORIES OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT AND THE CONSIDERATION OF THE “INTANGIBLE” The Butler Model of Tourism Development (1980) (as shown in Putra & Hitchcock, 2006

Throsby’s (2009) three golden rules of sustainability for cultural tourism destinations talk about getting the values right, getting the sustainability principles right, and finding the correct way to subsequently measure the application of the first two principles. Despite being an economist, his rules of sustainability consider intangibles such as cultural values (including the spiritual value of the traditions), the social values and connections to the people, the historical values, and the symbolic value or the way the site carries narratives of meaning for the stakeholders. Byrd (2013) recognises these intangible qualities in landscape terms with his statement that “the most powerful places possess a magic born of peculiarities of region and time. These are the landscapes that juxtapose human ideals such as rational geometric order with the natural circumstances of climate, landform, water flows and plant communities.” As there is a host of intangible values involved with the conservation of heritage, especially in the cultural sense, the issue of recognition and prioritisation of these becomes extremely pertinent. The meanings and values of culture are considered difficult to assess and frequently contested (Robinson & Picard 2006).

Butler’s product life cycle theory, first proposed in the 80s, is one of the most debated and quoted, having been revisited over 50 times in published literature. Butler’s model has been found useful and pertinent in research throughout the world, from settings as diverse as the United states, Sri Lanka, Malta, the Isle of Man, the Algarve, Australia and Bali (Putra & Hitchcock, 2006). Although there are possible weaknesses in its application to colonial and post-colonial societies, in a Pacific context Butler’s theorem is still considered a useful theoretical tool (Douglas, 1997). During the exploration stage, as tourists discover an area, they are attracted by natural or cultural features, initiating interaction with locals, and enjoy the informal and somewhat rudimentary tourist infrastructure. However, Butler’s theory posits that as a country’s tourism industry moves into the “development phase” locally provided facilities are rapidly superseded by larger, more up to date facilities provided by external organisations, particularly with respect to accommodation. This phase is typically characterised by a loss in local control. The investment cost of an international hotel is often beyond the means of a small island government. As Rajotte (1980) reminds us, in Fiji, as in the Pacific, tourism development has been determined by accessibility, so while there is considerable support from the government in the form of a national airline (Fiji Airways) and investment from the national superannuation fund FNPF; large hotel development has traditionally been initiated by outside investors (albeit sometimes as part of joint ventures e.g. the Intercontinental at Natadola). Fiji tourism is considered by researchers to be foreign dominated and centred around resort style development (Scheyvens & Russell 2009); 94% of the 132 tourism projects initiated between 1988 and 2000 in Fiji, had foreign ownership (Narayan and Prasad as quoted in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). Butler himself reviewed his theorem in 2000 and 2004, and pointed out that the concept of “life cycle” in tourism represents an early call for sustainable tourist development. Indeed many feel the term “stagnation” has a negative ring when that stage may indeed hold many benefits for a region. In Bali, when the more common tourist sources diminished post bombings, they were partially replaced by lower yield budget travelers from Taiwan and Korea, taking advantage of lower/”cut price” rates. This lead to concern for the sustainability of tourism operations and a call for change to a lower volume but higher yield/quality model. Hitchcock and Darma Putra (2006) commented in their publication “The Bali Bombs and the Tourist Development Cycle” that the Balinese have been notable in reacting to this situation by turning to their cultural resources and adapting them as “cultural strategists” to form “cultural solutions”. This demonstrated that the prevention of further development to conserve cultural and natural assets, that typifies the stagnation stage, can potentially move a country’s tourism toward greater long term sustainability. While Butler did not consider in the 80’s the effect of political turmoil or terrorism, later evaluation of his theory as it applies in destinations such as Rome, Vienna, Bali and Egypt shows that while a successful tourism industry requires political stability, tourism will indeed bounce back once the threats are removed (as quoted in Putra & Hitchcock, 2006). This suggests the possibility of post-coup Fiji being an opportunity for the introduction of more sustainable tourism practices via an increased emphasis on cultural strategy.

RECOGNITION OF THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PROTECTION OF CULTURE To explain, tourism leads to rapid social change which may be unacceptable or erode fundamental structure (Craik, 1991), and this holds true in the Pacific (Rajotte, 1980). The oft-quoted costs of change include destabilisation and undermining of local culture, while tourism literature contains multiple negative examples noting cases where corporate tourism commodifies, objectifies and caricatures native cultures (Crystal 1989; Greenwood 1989; Loukissas 1978; Nash 1982; Trask 1993 as quoted in Pigliasco 2007; Robinson & Picard 2006). As an example, one of Fiji’s iconic attractions, the Beqa fire walkers, has been subject to alteration through commodification for consumption by the tourism industry (Burns, 1994, Pigliasco, 2007, 2010, 2011). The world wide understanding of culture as an important concept for the construction of social identity has broadened considerably since the ‘landmark’ UNESCO Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage in 1972. Cultural heritage still remains about material expressions such as buildings, sites and objects, but is now considered by UNESCO to also relate to intangible expressions, including “language and oral tradition, social practices, rituals, festive and performance events, or ‘ways of life’ and everyday practice” (Robinson & Picard 2006). It is also now considered that the close inter-relationship between culture and natural landscapes is vitally important, hence to protect both is to enable protection and re-creation of resources. UNESCO has included cultural landscapes as a category of World Heritage Sites since 1992 in recognition of the close links between culture and nature, and Fiji ratified the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) in 2010 (Robinson & Picard 2006, http://www. culture.gov.fj/fiji-museum/). The wide range of tourism’s negative effects include degradation of sites, damage to artefacts, loss of vegetation and wildlife, pollution, excessive utilisation of natural resources and multiple socio-cultural impacts (Craik 1997), What Bouchenaki, UNESCO’s assistant Director General for Culture refers to as the “tremendous opportunity to advance cultural understanding among the inhabitants of this planet” is compromised by these issues (as in Robinson & Picard 2006). Conversely, however, the host culture may enjoy benefits including visibility and reputation of culture worldwide, or revitalisation of traditional music, arts, crafts, and rituals. Tourism therefore has four key positive influences:• • • •

changing visitor’s attitudes toward conservation and the environment using tourism to justify conservation enhancing environmental management having a positive impact on the social environment by acting as a catalyst for new or reinvigorated social and cultural activities throughout a community (Pearce, as quoted in Craik 1991).

THE ALIENATION PROCESS OF TOURISM Tourism typically changes the spatial and demographic realities of a place, to create its own form and type of touristic landscape (Robinson & Picard 2006). Other impacts of large tourism business entities include increased planning and provision of facilities, and this is not always true to local preferences (Butler 1980 as in Putra & Hitchcock 2006; Craik 1991). Privatisation of public spaces is just one of many social impacts as a consequence of subtle shifts in ownership, with alienation of the best land both aesthetically and economically a common pattern.

In Fiji, there has always been a conflict between the Fijian traditional concept of land as a sacred community trust, and the western concept of land as a resource for development (Kamikamica, 1987). Resorts are predominately on lease-held land, so the villagers may encounter a situation where access to their tribally held land or even fishing grounds is limited or non-existent. In Fiji the Native Lands Trust Board (NLTB) administers leases and also acts on behalf of communities in lease negotiations with foreign investors; leading to concerns that ordinary members of landowning communities are not fully involved in negotiations or sharing fully in the benefits. Additionally traditional decision-making processes in the South Pacific with respect to communal land tenure often do not include consultation with all voices, with women in particular prone to marginalisation (Scheyvens & Russell 2009).

THE CASE OF BEQA LAGOON RESORT; HOW IMPORTANT IS COMMUNITY? In 1988, the NLTB approved the development of Canadian owned Marlin Bay Resort (now known as Beqa Lagoon Resort, with US based ownership), the first tourist development on Beqa (Burns 2003, as reported in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). The immediate and major impact on the communities of Beqa, as observed by Burns (2003), included negative feelings due to the perception that financial rewards were not being distributed fairly, and the feeling that communities were “losing control over their local affairs through an exclusion from land, events, facilities at the resort.” Additionally the resort site is itself a location of great historical importance, so the western leasing model involving complete alienation for a set period of time was at odds with the indigenous community’s need to retain a cultural and spiritual connection to the land (Sofield (2003), Burns (2003), in Scheyvens & Russell 2009). The apparent high proportion of the total land area held by Fijian landowning units belies the fact that much of that land is not suitable for intensive agriculture, settlement or development (Kamikamica, 1987). A commonly quoted figure for available land on Beqa Island is 12% (Rambaldi et al., 2005), and Beqa Lagoon Resort is considered to be on one of the best areas of level ground (Burns in Scheyvens & Russell 2009). To determine what form (and degree of intensity) of tourism development is appropriate, and sustainable long term, a great deal of attention needs to be directed towards social and cultural priorities. Community involvement is known to be key. Cooke (in Craik, 1991) noted as early as 1982 the lower the community involvement in planning, the more quickly the community carrying-capacity for tourism was reached. The long term success of tourist development depends on whether a community feels positively about tourism projects and regards them as relevant to their community (Craik, 1991), with Taylor (2008) stating that the concept of placemaking is vitally important for a renewed sense of history and heritage values in a cultural landscape. Or as anthropologist Guido Pigliasco (2007) puts it “communities produce heritage, and communities must make decisions about heritage”. While Firewalking is the main “craft” on Beqa, there are long standing arguments from anthropologists over the damage caused by the commodification of it for tourist consumption. Associated effects such as drops in agricultural production were also reported (Burns, 1994, Pigliasco 2007, 2010, 2011). The involvement of the community in the planning and management of tourist development are key criteria for ensuring sustainable development and acceptable impact levels (Craik, 1991). Indeed ownership and sense of control are seen as important developmental benefits in their own right, with Pacific based studies showing that there is less experience of negative social and cultural impacts when local communities feel they have influence over tourism (Berno, in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). This parallels Ethan Kent’s statements that placemaking can be used as an environmental tool for increasing sustainability via encouraging and empowering people (as retrieved from http://www.pps.org/reference/placemaking-as-a-new-environmentalism/). To do this in a non European context the challenge lies in the separation of Western theory and practice from cultural values, so

non-western cultural values can be “confidently expressed in landscape planning and design resulting in contemporary places that resonate and connect to the local culture” (Menzies, 2013). In this increasingly globalised and homogenised world, niche marketing which emphasises the regional and local features is assumed to confer competitive advantage (McDonnell & Burton 2005). Avoidance of erosion and/or homogenisation of local culture has been shown to provide strategic benefits, especially with regard to gaining entrepreneurial advantage or resilience in the face of external pressures. In the case of Bali, the ability to use and adjust culture to respond flexibly to external pressures meant it could be used as a strategic resource to their benefit (Putra & Hitchcock 2006). Regional and local features in the Pacific context include the mythology. The loss of indigenous knowledge regarding cultural relationship with the environment is considered a real threat (Koya 2010). There is a saying “there are many stories in Fiji” (pers. comm. Alipate Bola) and there are numerous stories of spirits who are simply accepted as being all around; frequently at the heart of these stories are long practiced methods of sustainability. It has been suggested that it is inappropriate to consider the theories of education for sustainable development without the inclusion of these cultural considerations (Koya 2010). On Beqa Island, the oral nature of local history is integrally linked to the landscape: “Each narration re-establishes indexical landmarks with paths and sites on Beqa. Narratives transform places into landmarks in time and space, making them monuments of Island history” (Siikala & Siikala, 2005, in Pigliasco & Lipp 2011). Contemporary models of eco-tourism also recognise the value of indigenous cultural knowledge for both efficient natural space management and to increase levels of institutional and symbolic empowerment (Robinson & Picard 2006). Tourism surveys such as Colmar Brunton (2004) separate culture from landscape, their findings showing ‘landscape’ to be the main reason for travel, with ‘culture’ coming in second. For the Landscape Architect, the two are more closely linked. The phenomenon of landscape can be investigated as a biophysical system, or via the psychological process of human visual perceptions, or through interpretation of how the landscape represents social and cultural value, with the understanding that landscape is a lived experience (Swaffield 2003). The Cultural Landscape Foundation similarly describe cultural landscapes as providing “a legacy for everyone”, with “scenic, economic, ecological, social, recreational, and educational opportunities (as retrieved from http://tclf.org/landscapes/ what-are-cultural-landscapes). Hence the landscape represents a significant opportunity for reinstatement or showcasing of indigenous cultural knowledge for the benefit of both the environment and the stakeholders.

above: Sawau Firewalkers (Dauvila) source: Christchurch Press, December 12th, 1906

THE ROLE OF POLICY

FOOD, SUSTAINABILITY AND THE LANDSCAPE

Cultural Heritage, which traditionally focused on Princes, Priests and Politicians (Richard Engelhardt, UNESCO, as in Taylor, 2008), now includes ‘people’. Ideologies compel people to create places, and places reflect everyday ways of life. In Fiji, the influence of the government remains significant. In countries where tourism is a leading sector, tourism policy becomes an important mode for increasing sustainable policies (Girard & Nijkamp 2009).

One of the aspects of Buy Fiji Made is “Fiji Grown”, an initiative that may address the ongoing issue in Fiji tourism of the lack of representation of either Fijian grown food or Fijian culture in food. As most Pacific countries have agrarian societies, backward linkages between tourism and the food producing sectors are viewed as an important component of tourism development, if it is to help alleviate local poverty (Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). However, although all tourists eat, the obvious link between local agriculture and sustainable tourism is seldom the focus of any sustainable tourism initiatives (Berno, 2011). Of the tourism expenditure in Fiji, 20% is on food (Berno 2011), and yet up to 70% of the food is imported (Oliver, as retrieved from http://robertoliveronline. com/robertoliver/united-nations-conference/).

World wide, the accusation remains that overseas developers prefer the absence of strong regulatory frameworks that protect from environmental and social impact (Robinson & Picard 2006). Like many countries where the public sector provides both basic infrastructure, and promotion of strong national imagery to attract tourists and tourism developers (Robinson & Picard 2006), the Fijian Government implements policy which affects tourism through a number of departments. Land lease issues and/or negotiations are governed via the Native Lands Trusts Board. Investment in tourism entities is directly undertaken by the Government via the Fiji National Provident Fund (FNPF), while the Fiji Visitors Bureau (better known as Tourism Fiji) is funded by the Government to not only promote Fiji, but to react rapidly to instability (such as the coups) via its subgroup, TAG (the Tourism Action Group); a flexible group which regroups relatively rapidly to respond to adverse events (King & Berno, in Scheyvens & Russell 2009). The Department of National Heritage, Culture and Arts (which is split into three smaller entities: the Fiji Museum, the National Trust of Fiji and the Fiji Arts Council) report to the government on initiatives to protect significant land and culture. Anthropologist Guido Pigliasco considers that the Fijian Government is showing increasing recognition of the value of protection of social and cultural values of the indigenous community (Rambaldi et al 2005) and stated “this commitment derives from the recognition of traditional knowledge and cultural expression as a means of self-expression, social identity and a living and ever developing tradition, rather than just a memory of the past”. A Ministry of Planning statement from 2001 noted that ecotourism could confer benefits in the fields of conservation of Fiji’s biodiversity, indigenous Fijian culture and tradition, and the natural environment (Rambaldi et al 2005). The Bainimarama Government made further moves toward protection of Fijian craft and culture with the relatively recent instigation of “Buy Fiji made” (http://www.fijianmade.gov.fj/, Niqa Tuvuki pers comm). Interestingly they also addressed the notion of alienation of various stakeholders from land or sea by resorts (under the leaseheld model) when in 2010 the Regulation of Surfing Areas Decree 2010 was passed (Government of Fiji, 2010). This opened up a series of “private” surf breaks, and was met with both jubilation (“Native land and reef rights should be held and enforced by indigenous owners only, and not by non local, foreign businessmen/surfers”) and concern (especially with respect to protection for the environment)(http://www.surfermag.com/features/new_decree_aims_to_liberalize_fijian_surf_breaks_ tavarua_fiji/). Previous inaction by the government in tourism development, coupled with the strong influence of foreign investors has resulted in unbalanced regional tourism development. Fiji’s roading infrastructure is considered an example of this, with the bulk of investment in roading infrastructure on the main island of Viti Levu, located in the “tourist belt” between Nadi and Suva (Rao, in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009). The disparities resulting from the spatially unequal development between tourism areas and rural agricultural areas stifle the broader based development or “back-links” that would benefit a far wider community through both income and exhibition of culture (Torres, 2000 in Scheyvens and Russell, 2009; Rajotte 1980). Examples are local artisans selling crafts, stimulation of the agricultural sector through sourcing of food locally, or even locally owned food outlets selling indigenous cuisine ( Scheyvens and Russell, 2009).

As the tourist worldwide seeks the more authentic experience, food is an ideal vehicle for delivering this. As Berno (2011) states “Increasingly as destinations seek to differentiate themselves in the market, a distinctive local cuisine can be used as a tool for promotion. This further serves to reinforce the increasing desire of tourists for ‘authentic’ experiences. Sustainable cuisine, which supports local agriculture production, can be an integral tool for sustainable tourism”. Chef Robert Oliver is more upfront about what he calls “food colonialism” with his statement “Can you imagine the effect on a people when others are saying ‘your food is not good’? Especially when those people demonstrate sharing, generosity and celebration so often through food. It hurts.” (http:// www.nzherald.co.nz/lifestyle/news/article.cfm?c_id=6&objectid=10793581). A shift to both purchase of locally grown food and presentation of more local cuisine in resorts is one of the moves with the greatest potential for both nationwide economic advancement, and local empowerment through celebration of local cuisine and enhanced opportunity for income. However, any such moves must be made with absolute regard for local customary practise. Two Fijian reports of the 1950’s and 1960’s –the Spate report and the Burns report –brought to the fore for many Fijians the debate about veivakatorocaketaki vakailovo (economic development) as it pertained to their land. As summarised by Baba (2010) the main argument was that the Fijian was lagging behind economically especially compared to the other major race (Fiji Indians), and dragging the whole nation down, as they owned or had customary rights to the bulk of the natural resources. The result of the subsequent actions to increase cropping on Fijian owned land is generally considered to be a failure, and Academic Tupeni Lebaivalu Baba found, in his analysis, the answers came from application of the Fijian cultural construct. He noted firstly that the presentation of planting suggestions, either by chiefly people or consultants/officials (also behaving like chiefs), as well as the use of a mode of consultation which was basically very formal, requiring strict adherence to Fijian formal protocols; required the Fijians to act according to custom, and therefore not share their individual opinions. Although many development projects were initiated for advancing Fijian development most were not successful (Watters, 1969 and Belshaw 1964, in Baba 2010). The notion of ‘sautu’ or ‘the good life’ (Baba 2010) was a major missing factor in the debate. A ‘good life’ in the village entails ceremonies, feasting and some dancing and living at peace with the community. Instead, from the late 50’s a series of forced crop growing taught villagers that a) international markets were fickle, and b) the answer for their land was what they had been doing for over one hundred years or so, which their ancestors had done before them (Baba 2010).

As Baba (2010) summarises: “If the goals of development and the goals of ‘sautu’ of the ‘good life’ are closely connected would this in effect meant the end of development? Nabobo-Baba identified ‘sautu’ as having a sense of peace or vakacegu just to be or to live with one self, and yet be connected with one’s relations, people, tribe and Vanua (land)”. Sustainability is not only about economic aspects of development, it is equally to do with important cultural values like relationships between people and the custodian relationship between nature and man; this contradictory message of the need to develop and the need to conserve traditions has paralysed many projects (Baba 2010). Changes in tourism practice including the opportunity to have local island villages provide increased amounts of produce would have to take these issues into account. Above: View from Raviravi school, across Raviravi village, toward Beqa Lagoon Resort shows extensive planting of coconut palms. Top: Growing Yaqona (Kava)

OTHER ASPECTS OF CULTURE Tourism additionally affects culture through the degradation and alteration of local art forms. As Robinson & Picard (2006) state “Tourism and its wider institutional networks operate in an asymmetric relation of power, importing touristic aesthetics and underlying values to the selection and interpretation of various cultural resources”. Butler’s theorem documents the loss of control by locals as the value of tourism increases, and indeed as the value of Pacific tourist art increased, manufacturing methods and controlling entities changed. Existing craft objects were replicated without alteration or artistic development many times, or conversely altered to suit the market’s desires; the Tanoa (Kava bowl), is now available to the tourist in sizes ranging from large and elaborately carved to small enough to use as a salt dish. Even the assumption that artefacts in museums are ‘authentic’ may be misleading, with many of those objects also made specifically for sale to outsiders (Brunt et al. 2012). While local Fijian artist Lingikoni Vaka’uta notes that the market for traditional artifacts can allow people to earn a living, he is concerned that repeated duplication does not address the need for development of contemporary Pacific art, based on cultural ideas and seen as valid cultural expression (Koya, 2010). Imported items sold to tourists instead of locally sourced art and craft serve to compound the issue. This is despite a reported large demand for authentic, locally made gifts, especially contemporary Fiji-inspired art (Tuiqaqa, 2012; Maria Rova pers. comm.). The Fiji Arts Council is guided by UNESCO which emphasises that culture must be situated central to the country’s development policy, to ensure place is maintained for future generations, as well as serving as a mode for adaptation to ever-changing global processes (http://www.culture.gov.fj/). “Authentic” art forms are integral to the identity of a nation, in some cases even, as in the case of the Lapita people (who produced a distinctive dentate stamped pottery found across the Pacific) becoming the mode for categorisation (Bolton et al. 2012). Fijian indigenous artists have moved towards claiming their cultural art heritage in more exclusive ways, for example the women of a limited group of geographical areas, including Vatulele (and their descendants) are accepted as the only producers of tapa and the kesakesa designs (Koya, 2014), while pottery is the accepted craft of several Coral Coast villages. Firewalking is the domain of a select group of the people of Beqa Island (Pigliasco 2007). Valid cultural expression of regional arts and crafts is an integral facet of the destination landscape and can help reinforce cultural identity while providing an enhanced experience for the traveler.

above: the art of Maria Rova incorporates “touristic imagery” with deeper messages (© Sigavou Studios, used with permission) right: the Tanoa, as traditionally used, Beqa, Fiji

Summary

A greater emphasis on the cultural aspect of tourism has the potential to address the issue of stability in the market as culture can in principle be supplied year round and remain true in the face of other adverse events (Girard & Nijkamp, 2009). Tourism is considered the contemporary pilgrimage, an opportunity to escape to a natural space allowing cultural reconnection with the mythical dream of a golden age, of paradise (Délumeau, Graburn, Cohen; in Robinson & Picard, 2006). Taylor’s statement effectively applies this notion to the land: “Landscape therefore is not simply what we see, but a way of seeing: we see it with our eye but interpret it with our mind and ascribe values to landscape for intangible – spiritual – reasons. Landscape can, therefore, be seen as a cultural construct in which our sense of place and memories inhere”.

cultural values”. These stories retain history and mythology (with a collection of them from Beqa associated with fire walking), additionally the myths frequently reinforce ancient sustainable practices. Pigliasco’s extensive anthropological studies of Beqa showed that, “like many other communities in Fiji, cultural heritage is expressed through both tangible and intangible features, places, objects, rituals, myths, memory and the social and contemporary significance they each have” (Pigliasco 2007). The close interrelationship between protection of environment and protection of culture is now well recognised, as well as the benefits of the protection of both. Development of the cultural landscape within the resort setting can increase biodiversity and sustainability of the site while highlighting, showcasing and protecting aspects (including the less tangible) of the local culture.

As the adverse effects of tourism, and the elements of cultural landscape are both intangible values, the landscape is a logical mechanism for mitigation. The relationship of placemaking to improved sustainability (reported in landscape theory) is echoed in both tourism and anthropological research. The integration of local culture at multiple levels within and via the landscape, via collaboration with local entities, avoids homogenisation while working toward altering the westernised landscape construct to a more contemporised and localised version, and increasing or reinstating the local sense of control and ownership. To look after the cultural values of a landscape is to protect both the biodiversity, and empower the local people, leading to greater carrying capacity of an environment and better outcomes for all stakeholders.

Protection of the authenticity and quality of cultural experiences can safeguard the unique point of difference Beqa Lagoon Resort has, as a resort on Beqa Island with all of its associated cultural constructs. Examination of relevant literature, especially interrelationships between the disciplines of Tourism (including eco-tourism, sustainable tourism, cultural tourism), Anthropology, and Landscape Architecture (including placemaking, sustainability, cultural landscape) shows the value of a landscape architect facilitated “exchange” of ideas expressed through the landscape, by the landscape. UNESCO emphasises that centralising culture in development policy ensures place is maintained for future generations and aids in the development of flexible, resilient responses to global forces (Robinson & Picard, 2006). The expression of cultural and ecological messages via the landscape helps form and reinforce relationship with place for guests, staff, management and owners, to the benefit of all stakeholders.

As tourism is typically a bundle of complementary but not interchangeable products, for example transport cannot replace meals (Berno & Bricker, 2001), integrating aspects of the cultural landscape into all facets of resort operation can result in an effective multidisciplinary solution. Nature becomes both a geographic and metaphoric space, and can be equally represented by the use of natural or organic material. In the resort context, this can include building and decoration materials, body care products or food (Robinson & Picard, 2006). While creating a resort landscape, the landscape architect is able to implement design and interpretation, for both landscape and cultural aspects, including local plant typologies within and around a resort. Examples of this in the context of Beqa Lagoon resort could include reinstatement of the natural littoral ecosystem, integration of typical village garden species (ornamental and edible), or inclusion of craft and cultural elements, including the pandanus plants used for weaving or the plants historically associated with the tradition of firewalking. Integration of the culture can also be via food (which can be locally sourced where appropriate) or other tourist products such as entertainment, spa treatments. Accommodation can include local elements within art, furniture or bure design. Interpretation links the aspects of the landscape with the elements of the products or crafts, e.g. the inclusion of the dilo tree oils (a local littoral tree species still present in the landscape) in many of the spa treatments could be highlighted. The collaborative nature of the profession of landscape architecture enables a significant contribution across a range of scales; on a macro scale via contribution to policy, setting up of managed or reserve areas; or on a site specific scale through design and implementation which can use various partnerships to succinctly represent or implement the cultural landscape and address typical tourism requirements within the resort whilst also being functional and beautiful. The relationship between environment and culture is vitally important for the wellbeing and success of all stakeholders, and the Landscape Architect has the skill to implement design moves that recognise this. Sometimes the interventions can be subtle deletions to return a sense of authenticity, or the creation of the opportunity to experience simple sensory stimuli such as silence, or the sounds of waves. Hence, the experience becomes complete and memorable (Munsters & De Klumbis 2005), and the surrounding cultural landscape can seep in from all directions in a non-threatening manner. The simple acts of day to day living can become “the construct through which the histories, traditions and cultural ways of doing are passed on and reinforced” (Smith, as quoted in Koya 2010) or as Taylor (2008) reminds us “landscapes reflect human activity and are imbued with 20

“To be sustainable, ecotourism must not damage the physical environment that is the key attraction feature for tourists - it must be ecologically sound. It must also respect the social and cultural traditions in the host country, and thus preserve the social environment. It must also be non-exploitive of local people and ensure benefits flow to them. These are features that distinguish it from other forms of tourism, and they are features that fit well with the traditional outlook of anthropology. A key feature of ecotourism, one that distinguishes it from other forms of tourism, is its dedication to maintaining social and cultural integrity” -Anthropologist Leah Burns, 2004

Right: Dauvila (Firewalkers) from Dakuibeqa perform at Beqa Lagoon Resort, July, 2014

proposed methodology 23

METHODOLOGY

This project aims to use the lessons from the theorem found in current applicable literature combined with examples from case studies to form or reinforce the base hypothesis, and to inform the research process.

THE THEOREM REINFORCE THE NEED FOR EXTENSIVE CONSULTATION, AND CONSULTATION AS A METHODOLOGY TO: • learn the stories, mythology, history, etc • investigate possible underlying message of the stories -are they lessons in sustainability • try to elucidate any cultural considerations -protocol, traditional practice etc with the objective of integrating those into any recommendations or design outcomes, including seeking of permissions • find out the local crafts and who holds that craft knowledge (e.g. firewalking, mat making, balabala). Use only with their permission/input • find out who holds other applicable craft knowledge (e.g. roof thatching, tapa cloth) • foster craft and culture through appropriate support and application within the design process

ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY AND CULTURE AND “INEXTRICABLY LINKED” • investigate local ecology, which plants are native to the ecosystem/ generally grown for food/ generally used for ornamentation or gardens/ have cultural associations or significance • can these plants be appropriately integrated into design via gardens, art work, cuisine, furniture, ornamentation, building materials?

CAN CULTURE BE MAPPED? • investigate existing cultural mapping -possibly as part of context • investigate historical imagery or maps • consider collaging as per Dujmovic (over page)

GENERAL MARK MAKING • draw, photograph, model • investigate use of traditional products and methods within mark making (e.g. masi bark cloth, dogo sap paint etc)

TESTING • • • •

via small interventions on site via drawn and imagined perspectives via computer aided design visualisations via feedback , opinions, consultation

case studies 27

CASE STUDY: The Confluence Project

The Columbia River dominates the landscape across 2000km of the north west of the United States. It is an area steeped in history, and the Confluence Project seeks to explore the intersection of environment, culture and regional history via six sites over more than 480km from Clarkston, Washington to the point where the river meets the Pacific Ocean. The project, which began in 2001, is a collaboration of civic groups from both Washington and Oregon States, architects, landscape designers, Pacific Northwest tribes and artists including Maya Lin. Currently 4 of the 6 sites are complete. At each site is an art installation or series of art installations that interpret the area’s ecology and history. As Henning (2013)observes, the passage of time is established in three ways –the land, river, flora and fauna are all featured -the Native Americans who have lived in the region for more than 10,000 years provide legends, stories and artwork -and journals form the first white explorers, Lewis and Clark, are quoted at each site At Cape Disappointment State Park, one of the six sites, five unique artworks are among the devices used to interweave the stories of the explorers’ expedition and the Chinook people. The landscape features divergent paths, natural forms, and indigenous materials completing a fully integrated opportunity for visitors to contemplate the larger story of the land while experiencing it. Text from the explorers’ journals and lyrics of a Chinook praise song feature. A large single polished block of native columnar basalt sits on the edge of the bay and uses the engraving of a Chinook origin legend to tell the story of the interdependence of the Chinook people and the river salmon; while also functioning as a fish cleaning table. Adjacent, a simple, curved viewing platform offers an unobstructed view of the estuary. There is an oyster shell bed surrounding upended drift logs at the forest edge, providing a place for quiet reflection, while a piece of land buried under a parking lot for decades is now restored with native plants. In 2009 the Confluence Project won the prestigious top Honor Award in the Waterfront Center’s 2009 “Excellence on the Waterfront” Awards Program, an award conferred to recognise the best examples of high quality waterfront work by communities, developers and design firms from around the world (as retrieved from http:// greenworkspc.com/2009/12/16/excellence-on-the-waterfront-confluence-project/).

RELEVANCE This project, while much bigger, clearly has conceptual elements which relate to the Nacurumoce (Beqa Lagoon Resort) site. The project uses materials to promote sustainability, including removing invasive tree species and using them to build sculptures which speak of the ecology; succinctly illustrating how culture and sustainability are interwoven in the landscape. In another area, story circles explore the native cultures and language, flora and fauna, geology and natural history, competently stitching these elements of narrative into a cohesive experience. Finally like the site on Beqa, this series of sites deals with the meeting of different cultures over time; managing to appropriately represent the different cultural groups. The site on Beqa is potentially the meeting site of many different cultures, not just local vs tourist, but also several different Mataqali (tribal) groups. The Confluence Project offers visitors reconnection with landmarks, experiences of interwoven stories and most of all opportunities for to contemplate not only the larger story of the land, but also their place within it (Henning 2013).

Baker Bay Fish Cleaning Table, Cape Disappointment State Park (image from Greenworks Landscape Architecture)

Maya Lin at the Bird Blind at Sandy River Delta, which uses invasive hardwood species as sustainable building materials- image by Betsy Henning

As the Confluence Project nears completion, the full power of its vision emerges. Visitors pass from one artwork or site to the next prompted to consider how the intersection of rivers, cultures, communities and environmental forces continually shape the land and the people who live on it. -Betsy Henning, 2013

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Landscapes and Legends project represents a new approach to rural development in Europe based on a holistic approach to sustainability where culture, nature and economy are considered to be equally importantâ&#x20AC;? 30

FjĂĽgesund, P & Telnes, T

CASE STUDY: Seljord Lake Project, Norway

Seljord Lake in Norway has been described as a “giant battery of story telling, charging the surrounding landscape with mystery”. The area is associated with not only many ancient myths, but also significant historical events. Additionally, like Loch Ness, Seljord Lake has a mysterious serpent, a giant monster sometimes seen with an elk like head and horse like mane, other-times just as a grey or brown mass whipping up the water. It is seen at least a couple of times each year.

“This intimate connection between landscape and oral tradition -between material and immaterial culture, nature and text, or even nature as text - is the background for the Seljord and the Legends project, initiated by Feste Landscape Architects in 2008” (Fjågesund & Telnes 2013) Although not yet finished, already architecture, art , landscape and legend are converging in the location. Installations include ‘The Watchtower’; one of the structures of myth and legend as imagined by Rintala Eggertsson Architects, and a series of six ‘viewing stones’ incorporating sculptural motifs relating to the site specific legends.

RELEVANCE Myths and stories are subject to loss or forgetfulness, or alteration, just as the landscape can be subject to alteration, sometimes to the point where previous significant elements are eradicated. The Landscape and Legends Project has the objective of developing a consciousness of both the physical landscape as well as the metaphysical elements of myth and legend (Fjågesund & Telnes 2013). Fiji also abounds with myths, legends and stories of spirits or little people, in addition to history dating back to the time of the Lapita, often recited and passed down orally from generation to generation. Beqa is the centre of many legends. The legend of the gift of the firewalking is based in the river above Beqa Lagoon resort, beginning as the story of a man who went to catch a fresh water eel, while the eel was also said to gift the Fijians with the coconut tree. The area has also seen significant battles and events, and the island was even briefly the site of a leper colony (on the Soliaga Peninsula). The Sawau Project (see references) was a recent mode for the Sawau people to preserve some of their stories and oral history, in addition to photographic images. This however is in video form and not intended for tourist consumption. While the Seljord Lake Project and The Confluence Project make a compelling case for the integration of local stories into art installation, the issue would be skirting the fine line between creating a worthy community project, and inappropriate commodification of the tribal intellectual property for tourist consumption. Careful consultation at each level would need to be undertaken, combined with a combination of both formal and informal discussions to fully understand how the stories could be most effectively, sympathetically and beautifully represented in the landscape.

Images by Dag Jenssen for Rintala Eggertsson Architects

CASE STUDY: Bali -culture as a point of difference in tourism

Developing nations with their combinations of untouched beautiful scenery and ancient heritage sites, are often seen as products that can be easily bundled into unique tourism packages. It is also acknowledged that tourist dollars can help raise the standard of living of host communities. There is a concern however that these nations, which do not have large industrial bases or well educated work forces, may suffer the costs of tourism development made with little regard for sustainability, either socio-cultural or environmental. In Hawaii concern has been expressed for many years about the degradation of cultural representation, in particular the hula dance, while the increase in tourism to China from 1994 onwards has been linked to the loss and damage of irreplaceable artefacts (Putra et al 2006).

Familiarity with cultures such as Thai, Mexican, Italian, Moroccan is taken for granted and their food, fashion, and forms are easily recognised. The fact that many people also recognise the genre of Bali and Balinese culture (food, fashion, architecture) despite a much smaller area of land and population, have led researchers to suggest that in global terms Bali culturally is “punching above its weight” (Hitchcock & Darma Putra, 2006).

Bali has been a well recognised tourist destination since the 1920’s, and during Dutch colonial times was subject to policies which encouraged preservation of Balinese heritage, reinforcing its value for visiting tourists, artists, anthropologists and dignitaries. Despite changes over the years in regimes and political climate, Balinese were noted for their “outstanding efforts to protect their local cultural forms and identity” arguing that their unique culture was a “major tourism resource that conveyed major economic benefit” (Kagami (2003) as quoted in Hitchcock and Darma Putra 2006). Ironically other destinations have been accused of “trying to steal Bali’s clothes” for example Bali style bungalows in resorts in the Maldives. Beqa Lagoon resort is also guilty of this, with the second phase of the resort built in a copycat Balinese style to the extent of importing statues and other building elements such as doors from Bali.

While many people have an idea of Fiji, it is often bundled with more generic aspects of the South Pacific in general (e.g. flowers, palm trees, white sandy beaches) while other aspects such as the distinctive regional food are barely explored at all. The Balinese case shows the long term value of embracing the cultural point of difference, especially in terms of resilience in the face of the fickle nature of the tourism industry. This could certainly be useful in Fiji as it can be affected by political issues as well as world wide upsets such as SARS; immediately after the coup of December 2006, the country lost $NZD 1.3million/ day (Schevyens & Russell 2009). The Balinese case shows the value of applying culture both in a small scale within a resort, but also as governmental policy.

In Bali culture is symbolised as a tree, and this well known Balinese metaphor is often referenced with respect to the perceived interrelationship between culture and development. The Balinese religion (Agama Hindu) is viewed as the roots, the customs are its trunk, while the arts are its flowers or fruit. If the roots are damaged the tree will not prosper; this goes somewhat toward explaining the concerns about tourist behaviour, nudity, drunkenness as well as concerns about appropriation of religious ceremonies by visitors (with Mick Jagger’s wedding a famous example). Like many well established destinations the Bali of the 21st century is having to re-evaluate itself, especially in the wake of the devastating bombings of 2002 and 2005, and other more world wide events, such as the wars in the Middle East, SARS and H1N1 epidemics. As the more common tourist sources diminished they have been partially replaced by lower yield budget travelers from Taiwan and Korea, taking advantage of lower/”cut price” rates; leading to concern for the sustainability of tourism operations and a call for change to a lower volume, but higher yield/quality of traveler. The Balinese have been notable in reacting to this situation by turning to their cultural resources and adapting them as “cultural strategists” to form “cultural solutions” As stated by Hitchcock and Darma Putra in their publication “The Bali Bombs and the Tourist Development Cycle” tourism continues to be warmly welcomed, bur increasingly discussions about its sustainability are set within the context of globalisation. They see the Balinese response as culturally dynamic, especially in response to globalisation, tourism and the mass media, with the Balinese taking considerable pride in the use of their culture to define their regional and ethnic identity.

THE FIJI CONTEXT

CASE STUDY: St Gerlach, Netherlands

The expansion of the international hotel chains was accomplished and made possible in many cases by adherence to the common multinational business practices of the time. Brand standards, management by objectives, economies of scale et al all led to processes of standardisation and commoditisation, or what is known as the “big box” hotel or “McDonaldization”. “McDonaldization” of hotels additionally plays on people’s fear of the unknown by offering the known entity as the option with a feeling of security and familiarity. While in 2011 Accor group were using the new tagline “Open New Frontiers in Hospitality®” said to “embody the group’s aspiration to regenerate the spirit of innovation that is in its genes and imagine new forms of hospitality, notably digital ones”, the latest NZ TV advertisement shows people who want to “know what you’re really booking when you book”: emphasising the value of the big box hotel vs those offering a less homogenised experience. The St Gerlach case study looks at this phenomenon and applies it to the development of a historic Chateau in the Netherlands. Lifestyle hotels, according to Munsters & Freund De Klumbis, seek to differentiate themselves from the “big box” hotels by offering a “fully balanced” stay by means of experiential branding; countering the negatives of big box stays, which can include impersonality, predictability and boredom (Naber, 2002 as quoted in Munsters et al 2005). It is argued that it is difficult for a “box hotel” to transmit a memorable experience, as operations are controlled by standardized manuals, and staff procedures are defined to the finest details. Conversely lifestyle hotels can use a matrix of hardware components (‘the what’), and software components (‘the how’) to create pleasurable experiences. Munsters et al (2005) claim in order to meet or exceed the customers expectations, the pleasurable experiences of the guest need to be orchestrated properly. Optical stimulation, olfactory stimuli and auditory stimuli, combine with the other sensory stimuli (such as touch) to present an authentic, surprising and memorable experience for the guest. Munsters et al point out that lifestyle hotels have the opportunity to share a strong cultural component, or even be cultural attractions in their own right. An example would be a hotel in a historic building offering tours as well as accommodation, those therefore becoming autonomous cultural tourism products. Saint-Gerlach, a historic country estate near Maastricht in the extreme south of the Netherlands, consists of a monumental castle, a convent and a farmstead. It owes its name to a pious hermit who died in 1165 and is still worshiped by pilgrims in the local church next to the estate. Situated in a river valley right in natural beauty, the complex, its history and its surrounds together form a unique site.

Throughout the 20th century the buildings deteriorated, until 1997 when its change to tourism halted the slide toward complete ruin. With a chain of historic hotels and restaurants as the new proprietor, the now entirely restored complex offers a restaurant in the castle, hotel in the farmstead, an apartment complex in the convent with limited numbers to prevent physical pressure on the nearby conservation area; and social and cultural facilities for the parishioners and pilgrims including a new presbytery, sacristy and chapel, a room for religious education and a museum. The emphasis is on a balance between the commercial, cultural and religious functions of the complex. According to Munster et al (2005) a stay on the estate hence provides the guests with an enriching holiday experience in an authentic historical and natural setting. Management work with the Parish to organise cultural events for the hotel guest and to ensure worshipers are not disturbed, the hotel restaurant has been separated from the religious buildings by means of an intermediate buffer space. From the point of view of the local authority the shift from mass tourism to quality tourism can only benefit the surrounding population. Due to the cooperation of the various parties, and the guaranteed preservation and sympathetic presentation of cultural heritage, Saint-Gerlach is considered an example of best practice in the sustainable development of cultural tourism (Munsters, 2005).

KEY POINTS This case shows some ways homogenisation can be avoided by applying culture in many forms, including optical and olfactory to make the guest experience more authentic, surprising and memorable. This pertains especially to the resort landscape where sounds, including the ocean or silence, can be combined with various scents, including from local cuisine and drinks as well as from various plants themselves. This also shows the potential of the landscape to host or become alternative cultural events, adding value to the property as a more complete local experience.

“Optical stimulation is achieved, for instance, by the lighting, decoration, and presentation. Olfactory stimuli include aromas, freshness and cleanliness. Music, conversation or silence are part of the auditory stimuli. The hotel stay can thus achieve the value of an authentic, surprising and memorable experience for the guest.” (Munsters & Freund de Klumbis 2005) Left: Balinese sculptures at Beqa Lagoon Resort

“The designed world is conceived in tandem with the natural world, recognising that the most powerful places possess a magic born of peculiarities of region and time. These are landscapes that juxtapose human ideals such as rational geometric order with the natural circumstances of climate, landform, water flows and plant communities. […] I believe in fundamental anthropological premises for the making of place, such as the prospect-refuge theory of human settlement and evolution (established by Jay Appleton in his influential book The Experience of Landscape). This notion that early peoples evolved within a savanna landscape suggests that humans have always sought protected, elevated edges between forests and clearings. These archetypal landscape associations constitute our deepest human nature connections and seen to be wired into our collective memories. The best created landscapes take advantage of these primal associations to potently mesh the rational with the intuitive.” –Warren T Byrd Jr.

(Mississippi River meander maps by Harold N. Fisk (1944) as retrieved from http://cdn.visualnews.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/Mississippi_River_ Meander_Maps_4.jpg) and http://lmvmapping.erdc.usace.army.mil/index.htm

CASE STUDY: the narratives of the work of NBWLA

The NBWLA design method begins with careful observation of the site, teamed with a deep understanding of program and project goals. Tangible qualities and inherent energies beyond the “ownership boundaries” of the site include hydrology, geology, regional plant and animal communities, prevailing winds and solar aspect, and these are mapped to provide a dynamic framework. These are considered embedded energies that inform the design process. The process is collaborative, with a range of professionals including artists, scientists, crafts people, historians and engineers consulted at an early stage to help ask relevant questions of the site. Additional cultural research, e.g. historical records, maps, letters, also contribute to the foundation for contemporary design.

“This concept of narrative, in which land is infused with stories waiting to be told becomes the poetic structure of design and the vehicle for a dialogue extending into the future between people and places” “The designed landscape is a powerful tool for implementing restoration ecology and for telling stories of the land that promote stewardship long in to the future” (Woltz, 2013) . Narratives such as these were combined at City Garden, in St Louis Missouri where two different natures or landscapes are juxtaposed. The first forms are derived from the great limestone river bluffs of the Mississippi and Missouri river valleys, and the pattern of the meanders of the river. The smaller grain of the “erased landscape”: the former building lots and alley ways that crossed the City Garden site establish the location of paths and gardens in the park when overlaid over the long sweeping forms derived from the discovered natural history. These core tenets were applied to a NZ based project at Orongo Station near Gisborne, which spanned over 10 years. The result was an extremely effective combination of sustainable agricultural practice with extensive restoration ecology all connected by the powerful thread of the location’s historic narrative. The project included extensive site research, which led to around 13% of the farm restored to more natural ecological systems including wetland and native forest while also informing a series of domestically scaled gardens around the clients historic home (Meyer, 2013). The restoration of the native ecology was done not just in consultation with ornithologists, conservation biologists and other regional experts but also the local Iwi to respect the features of the land sacred to their culture (Meyer, 2013). The result was the integration of earthworks related to habitation, food supplies and fortifications of the previous Maori inhabitants, including embedding of those forms in part of the domestic garden. Other important sites were also acknowledged, such as the urupā (cemetery), recognised through a respectful configuration of roads and adjacent horticulture.

RELEVANCE TO THIS PROJECT This project is considered a worthy example of how the artefacts of previous inhabitants and other cultures have been central to the focus of contemporary programmatic needs (Meyer, 2013) with multiple award winning outcomes, which also seem appreciated at a community level. As this negotiated study project seeks to test if incorporating a higher degree of cultural narrative into the resort landscape will enhance outcomes, in particular sustainability; the methodology of Nelson Byrd Woltz in working with site narratives can possibly provide useful examples to apply in a context such as Beqa Lagoon Resort, where there is a significant collection of both natural history and local cultural insights. The notion of recognising not only the original native ecology, but also man’s interaction with plants locally suggests that there would be value in investigating both the plantings around the village and the local agriculture. This investigation may glean other cues on how to represent culture in the landscape in a memorable and rewarding manner.

Plants: NBWLA use plants for their cultural associations as well as for aesthetic, structural and seasonal traits. Native plants are considered to create valuable links between the work of the designer and site; however man’s interaction with plant species (native or imported), horticultural and agricultural, are also significant to the setting. Hence thoughtful use of horticulture can evoke regionalism through the use of native plants or tell global stories through the juxtaposition of native and exotic plants. The belief is that all important cultural factors including human settlement patterns and economics, combine with environmental considerations such as animal migratory routes and climate to make a place a place. Stone and Wood: According to NBWLA philosophy broad influences such as a site’s regional geology and natural history can inform the choice of building materials, which can be positioned in the landscape to reference nearby geologic features. In addition to geologic processes there is the opportunity to explore Man’s long standing relationship with stone and wood, highlighting regional traditions. There are many examples of Fijian craft involving wood, stone as well as pottery. Locally the site features striking volcanic geology. Water Water provides movement, reflection and sound in a manner that humans find mesmerising, but additionally appreciation of a site’s hydrological patterns can animate and enliven an outdoor space. Extensive research and site visits during different seasons can reveal fundamental patterns in rainfall, flooding and drought over the long history of a site stretching from pre-human times to the modern day. This informs a water-based narrative used by NBWLA to determine design cues for a project (Meyer, 2013). The Beqa Lagoon Resort site currently incorporates water in the form of plunge pools, a swimming pool and there is great potential to explore opportunities to connect with both the ocean and the Sawau Creek. But more significantly the Sawau Creek formerly crossed the resort grounds until development in the late 70’s, and during periods of heavy rain this water course reappears in the form of flooding. (Woltz 2013, Meyer, 2013)

CASE STUDY: the demand for cultural tourism

Two significant studies examine the possible value of Māori cultural tourism. “Demand for Māori eco-tourism” combines a very comprehensive literature review with a survey of tourists visiting more remote sites in the South and North Island, meanwhile two years earlier Colmar Brunton undertook a series of tourist questionnaires looking at similar questions. The surveys were both quantitative and qualitative.

Australian researchers also noted a strong correlation between interest in nature and interest in culture, i.e. if a traveler wanted to engage in aspects of one, they were more likely to have an interest in the other. Additionally Australian analysis also noted visits to cultural attractions were often made on impulse (Foo & Rosetto 1998), with little or no planning made in advance.

They defined cultural tourism to incorporate a raft of tourism types including heritage tourism, historical tourism, ethnic tourism, educational tourism and indigenous tourism, wrapping those up in a singular definition: eco-cultural. It was noted that economic benefits of tourism to a community or region often take centre stage with only lip service paid to other social, cultural or environmental benefits. Ecotourism is therefore suggested as a possible way to provide some of these other benefits, for e.g. conservation of the environment or local employment opportunities (especially in remote communities). A commonly cited definition of eco-tourism is “concerning small groups of tourists seeking to know about and sustain natural environments, and also wishing to learn about the cultures associated with such paces and the need to sustain local communities”. Cultural tourism in these studies is definitively a subset of eco-tourism.

In summary these case studies found a definite value to the industry of eco-cultural tourism, with cultural components adding value in terms of enjoyment and satisfaction with an experience. Australian studies show similar findings. However it was dubious if tourists would pay more for these aspects of experience, with the added note that further understanding of how cultural components add value to tourist experience in general was needed. The combination of cultural tourism with eco based tourism pursuits offered the greatest opportunity in terms of both development of experience and effectiveness of marketing without having to resort to clichéd stereotypes.

The amount of time the tourist gives to any tourist experience will be governed by a number of factors. This case study found for that reason short duration, discretionary cultural activities were seen as a good way to round out a trip, and hence factors such as access and proximity of activities became very important, as well as promotion/awareness. This helps share these experiences with the wide range of tourist types identified, with McKercher and du Cros (2002, as quoted in Wilson et al) describing 5 different types: “purposeful”, “sightseeing”, “serendipitous”, “casual”, and “incidental”.

These studies show the huge opportunity for the landscape to provide incidental yet authentic cultural experiences, adding value to the overall guest experience, especially as if they are interested in nature they are also likely to be interested in culture. As the majority of guests seek the destination for diving, representing culture in subtle yet authentic ways around Beqa Lagoon resort, in addition to planned cultural activities such as village visits or firewalking increases the chance for serendipitous experience. Access and proximity issues should become negligible when culture is built into the immediate landscape.

What tourists know of Māori culture is possibly based on stereotypical images, and the staged nature of some experiences cause issues surrounding the perception of “authenticity”. Stereotypical images can perpetuate a sense that culture is only a thing of the past, causing a gap between the traditional and contemporary representations of culture. An alternative they noted was to instead ensure experiences involve interactions that are ‘sincere’. The first clear result, as had already been proven in previous studies, was that the vast majority of overseas visitors cite the landscape as the most important driver for their visit, in this case 90% of respondents. The desire to engage in the history and culture of the country however was still a major motivator for 40% of those who chose NZ as a holiday destination. Additionally researchers acknowledged cultural components also “add value” to other tourism products, though in NZ these could include aspects of European and Chinese culture as well as Māori. With cultural aspects including traditional or historical representations, cultural tourism is often embedded in other nature or eco-tourism attractions such as horse trekking or whale watching; combinations felt to be valuable in strategic development terms. Quay Park (image from www.tedsmyth.co.nz)

RELEVANCE TO THE SITE

CASE STUDY: the Te Aranga Māori Design Principles

The Landscape and indeed architecture are often accused of being European constructs with little regards for the pre colonial facets of a country (Menzies 2013). The Te Aranga Māori Cultural Landscape Strategy (Te Aranga) is a strategic document prepared by Māori to articulate Māori interests and aspirations with an aim to foster culturally appropriate responses to the built environments of Aotearoa/New Zealand. Driven by the idea that good design will allow Māori to see themselves reflected in their natural environments, places of work or leisure, or in urban environments, Te Aranga principles are strongly grounded in the concepts of place and belonging intrinsic to Te Ao Māori, the Māori world.

These moves are summarised here http://www.aucklanddesignmanual.co.nz/design-for-auckland#/ design-for-auckland/auckland-as-a-unique-place. While there is no similar design principles in place in Fiji currently, there are many parts of the TeAranga principles that resonate with customary Fijian practice, including the significance of naming, and the need for formal consultation or permission to use names or craft methods or motifs.

A series of Hui (meetings) led to an interesting re-interpretation of the notion of place, as for Māori urban, rural or natural areas contain the same values, connections and meanings, whether as farm landscapes, forest/bush landscapes, skyscapes, lakescapes or seascapes. These landscapes were hence re-defined using the term ‘Māori Cultural Landscape’ to embrace the wider range of landscape types.

CASE STUDY: the work of Ted Smyth

“As Māori we have a unique sense of our cultural landscapes. It includes past present and future. It includes both physical and spiritual dimensions. It is how we express ourselves in our environments, it connects whānau, whenua, awa and moana through whakapapa, it includes both urban and rural, it is not just where we live it is who we are.” (Te Aranga Maori Cultural Landscape Strategy 2006: www.tearanga.maori.nz)

Te Aranga is intended as a supporting and enabling strategic foundation for Iwi/Hapū to adopt, customise and develop individually and in response to local context, giving valuable tools to deal with the question of consultation, especially with respect to part ii of the RMA (which accords special recognition to Māori and matters of cultural importance for Māori). It is a ‘non-statutory document’ with the key objective to seek the ‘reinstatement, development and articulation of the physical and metaphysical cultural landscapes of whānau, Hapū and Iwi within 21st century Aotearoa/New Zealand’ (Wihongi, 2009). It has since been included in the Auckland Design Manual and seen as a key tool for positive engagement with Mana Whenua (those with customary rights over the land) to shape the built environment and successfully acknowledge Auckland’s key point of difference as a truly multicultural city in the South Pacific.

RELEVANCE TO THE SITE Te Aranga sets out a number of principles, including recognition of significant sites, preservation and enhancement of visual connection to significant sites, and the use of cultural landmarks and associated narratives able to inform building / spatial orientation and general design responses. It also advocates heritage trails, markers and interpretation boards, which can help the public recognise the significance of many of these moves. These design principles have a strong environmental and sustainability ethos, including recognising the historical Māori cultural narrative (names and history), as well as current culture, protecting ecological diversity, and responsible management of water, energy and materials.

As the most published landscape architect internationally, Barnett & Margetts argue that Ted Smyth is New Zealand’s most celebrated landscape architect, as well as one of the industry’s most influential designers. Despite being self trained his early work is said to be influenced by modernist designers such as Luis Barrigan and Roberto Burle Marx, and his keen interest in Japanese Gardens, as well as his exposure as an artist and graphic designer to the NZ abstract movement of the 50’s and 60’s. His large public works will probably be looked back upon as his true statement in cultural landscape. Due to his previous working relationship with developer Robin Sheffield, Smyth was asked to work on the Quay Park Project: a joint venture development with the Ngāti Whātua. Smyth initially envisaged this as a small green jewel of a park, however decided to change that to a hard urban space. He knew he would have to make explicit references to Ngāti Whātua and things Māori, and he wanted to (Barnett, 1997), however he was keen to avoid overly literal references that may become hokey, superficial or even kitsch. His answer was to undertake continual consultation with Ngāti Whātua, resulting in a series of contemporary motifs with a degree of abstraction which allow them to be culture specific in form and symbolism, but have at times an almost art deco appearance which allow them to fit in well with the architecture of the railway station (providing a simple means of linking). A stainless steel sculpture known as “The Casting of the Mana of Ngāti Whātua” is at the entry to the park, and forms a gateway statement; this combined with the “primitive power” of the park’s huge water sculpture is claimed to create an effect that is distinctly “culture specific” (Barnett, 1997). While he won an award the cultural appropriateness of some of the designs is questionable,e.g. is the koru motif altered enough for it to be able to be used as seating?

RELEVANCE TO THE SITE While it is inspirational to see a contemporary form of a cultural motif represented in the landscape, the attitudes in Fiji toward appropriation of cultural motifs mean that there would have to be considerably more consultation to achieve a similar outcome. This, however, is not necessarily a bad thing, as the collaboration can result in even more innovation in the final output.

LOCAL CASE STUDY: the rebrand of Air Pacific: who owns culture?

Fiji Airways is Fiji’s national airline, servicing Fiji and the Pacific since 1951. In June 2013 the airline announced its rebrand, changing the name back to the original name –Fiji Airways (from “Air Pacific”), and introducing new livery which includes a logo and brandmark described as “truly authentic” (source: Fiji Airways promotional material). Fiji Airways’ press releases describe the craft of masi (the art of the production of bark cloth and imprinting of it with various natural dyes) as an “ancient art form that is woven into the very spirit of Fiji” and states that “it embodies the spirit of the nation; it is something very pure and hand-made that truly reflects the Fijian people, their culture, and the airline’s transformation”. Fijian Masi artist Makareta Matemosi was engaged to create a series of specially designed motif’s based on this traditional craft. Makareta, an artist with over 30 years experience, worked with Air Pacific and design studio Future Brand Australia for over a year. The designers from Future Brand, who also worked on Tourisme Tahiti’s new global identity, were initially sent out to experience the Mamanuca Islands. As Sally McNeill, Managing Director of FutureBrand Australia stated, “Through all our work in tourism and country branding, we know that the biggest challenge is the need to convey the authenticity of the destination without resorting to stereotypes and clichés. It is also important to ensure that a true and compelling positioning is developed that not only drives tourism but also has the power to create economic opportunity for that nation – delivering what the tourism industry needs now, as well as what society needs in the long term” (source: futurebrand.com). Following that a brief was created for Makareta which included showing her images of (i) Welcome garland; {ii} Tagimoucia; (iii) lslands; (iv) Kava Bowl; (v) Hawksbill sea turtle (Matemosi 2013 as quoted by Siwatibau & Sloan 2013) and contracting her to produce Masi [which] “will need to feature a distinctive and unique symbol as a centrepiece along with a range of border motifs which welcome, but also tell the story of “Fiji’s diversity and natural beauty, the warmth and culture of the local Fijians and the experience of discovery and connection when traveling..” Instructions also included three key themes that Air Pacific (Fiji Airways) wanted the motifs to be inspired by: 1. Natural beauty; 2. Culture/ My home; and 3. Travel experience - a series of themes not dissimilar to those commonly stated as stereotypical images of the South Pacific; white sandy beaches, gently swaying palm trees, unspoilt coral atolls and friendly, welcoming people (Scheyvens & Russell 2009).

The result was a series of 15 motifs to carry individual meanings about the people of Fiji, their relationship with the natural beauty of the islands and the country’s airline. The “centre piece” of the design was the “Teteva”. The artist designed this circular shape to have four crosses at four corners, indicating interconnection, with the inner circle reflecting the spiritual values of the Fijian people –the culture of caring and looking after each other as a community (supposedly just as the airline cares about its nation and strives to improve the quality of life for its people)(source: Fiji airways in-flight magazine edition 7, 2014).

The argument evokes many of the issues where standard business practices meet local culture. As a large company with offices in more than 8 countries this standard legal manoeuver would seem in accordance with the typical processes associated with branding. However opponents argued that it was strongly culturally inappropriate to trademark the majority of the newly created symbols (Koya 2013 as retrieved from http://www.academia. edu/3411465/Koya_C.F_2013_._Anthropological_Evidence_of_the_15_Fijian_Masi_Designs_ pre-dating_Fiji_Airways_Logo_Creation ).

The new branding was met with mixed reaction. While many appeared to love the new designs which were about to be rolled out right across the brand in uniforms, and all brand collateral (signage, plane livery, brochures, website); a significant group were not impressed with Fiji Airways move to trademark all of the designs, limiting and/or controlling use by any other party.

As academic Frances Koya notes: “It is significant to note that tapa making knowledge and skills is a form of closed/sacred knowledge that is held by women. While men may assist in the planting of mulberry and in tending to the garden as well as in harvesting, it is the women who prepare the bark cloth and paint the tapa ready for its cultural use. It is also the women who present these at cultural events while the men typically would be part of the formal kava rituals. While tapa knowledge is shared and common among women of the wider cultural community e.g. in Fiji, Tonga, Samoa etc - it’s cosmological and spiritual significance particularly of designs and their reference stories is closed to outsiders. These women (tapa makers) have access to a collection of traditional motifs which may be seen as a cultural database of designs. They may choose to use any of these motifs in its traditional/original format or as the basis for new creations. The ongoing creation of designs and of the combining of two designs to form new shapes and motifs is common practice and as such trade marking any specific design or its derivative would have far reaching consequences across the Pacific.” Using her extensive knowledge and reference sources on the traditional masi motifs, Koya goes on to argue that many of the new symbols created do indeed appear to be combinations of known and documented kesakesa symbology and as such to trademark or claim ownership and exclusive rights to them is glaringly inappropriate. She also points out the link between the masi art and the landscape “[in] Fiji it is also said that the relationship between man and nature is evidenced in kesakesa designs (tapa/Masi designs)”.

Above: From the Facebook Page of the same name

Cresantia and fellow academics Seni Nabou and Dr Akanisi Kedrayate felt strongly enough about this issue of ownership to take it to court, where the lawyers for Fiji Airways counter argued that firstly “The Applicant has no intention to prohibit Masi designers in Fiji from use of their traditional Masi motifs or deprive them of income. Rather the Applicant seeks protection of the specific marks that are the subject of this application that were designed for it and as depicted in application numbers 732120L2 to 76!l2Ot2. The Masi makers of Fiji are and will continue to be free to use their traditional motifs that have been handed down to them from generation to generation and create new designs just like the marks created for the Applicant. The Applicant relies on the evidence of Makereta Matemosi that the masi art form is viewed as a picture and not via individual strokes” (Siwatibau & Sloan 2013). When tourism appropriates culture (and inevitably alters it in some manner) the question invariably is: does this constitute a problem? Air Pacific argues that “Further, the Applicant’s use of the marks may create international awareness of the traditional Masi art form and may result in other masi makers benefiting commercially from increased awareness of and interest in the masi art form” and also that the “use of the marks by the Applicant in relation to its business may have actually created awareness of the ancient art form internationally, which is more likely than not, to create greater interest in the art form and open opportunities for the women and other Masi Artist regardless of gender and race, to create new designs and engage in trade on an economic level for their betterment” (Siwatibau & Sloan 2013). The new award winning brand look was subsequently rolled out across all facets of the business to critical acclaim from the design industry (http://mint5australia.com/news/Post/307/FutureBrand-wins-awardfor-Fiji-Airways-rebrand). Jonny Clark of The Design Air described the introduction of the new uniform, designed by Fiji based Alexandra Poenaru-Philp which uses the patterns as the defining moment, lauding them as “friendly, relaxed, modern yet authentic”. The design also had earthy tones, and took it’s inspiration from the traditional “sulu and jaba” dresses (Clark, 2013). (http://m.desktopmag.com.au/project-wall/fiji-airways/?wpmp_switcher=mobile).

OBSERVATIONS This case study raises questions on many levels. While it illustrates the effective use of local motifs (albeit with deeply embedded cultural meanings) to brand and to illustrate a desirable point of difference; it also raises the question of appropriation of craft. As future brand states, the biggest challenge is to convey authenticity without resorting to cliché. However in Fiji the bigger question of who traditionally holds the knowledge of that craft or art must be considered. This indicates that integration of culture into the landscape in a resort context in Fiji would require considerable consultation to ensure appropriate use and application of this culture; something that is already recommended in the New Zealand context via the application of the Te Aranga principles.

Left: Centre Piece Design as seen on Masi, Previous Page: New Fiji Airways uniform, Right: New Plane livery (Source for all images: Fiji Airways)

LOCAL CASE STUDY: tourism best practice

Most of the resorts of the Yasawa Island chain are a more recent addition to the Fijian tourism portfolio, many of them developed after 2000. As the Yasawa group is located to the north west of Viti Levu, for most visitors, boat or cruise companies are an integral part of their travel to their resort destination. One of those companies is Awesome Adventures Fiji, described by their website as a wholly owned subsidiary of Fijian Holdings Ltd, managed in conjunction with Marine Tourism Management, who also manage other successful tourism companies including South Sea Cruises, Blue Lagoon Cruises and Coconuts and Coral in Fiji; as well as Cruise Whitsundays and Awesome Whitsundays in Australia. Possibly best known for the Blue Lagoon (of the movie of the same name), the Yasawa’s feature high volcanic islands, smaller atolls, and crystal clear blue waters full of colourful coral and marine life. Like many smaller pacific island chains, however, they also suffer issues such as water shortages, restricted diet, and limited access to medical care. Additionally there are the constraints on quality education invariably suffered by remote communities. Awesome Adventures use the phrase “Voluntouring” to describe their volunteer packages, which are known as “Vinaka Fiji”. While marketed as volunteering programs the “volunteer” pays for their stay, stays in superior accommodation and the scenery, experiences etc. are marketed as being at least as special as the more standard tourist experiences. As Operations Manager Elenoa Nimacere states

“It’s a way of dipping your toe into the volunteering pool because you can do as little as a week or two.” Additionally Awesome Adventures donates $10 from every booking of four nights or more to the Yasawa Trust Foundation, established in 2010 to formalise the work and economic assistance provided by Awesome Adventures Fiji to the people of the Yasawas. The aim of the Yasawa Trust foundation is to work alongside villagers to assist in three main areas: education, community development and marine conservation. Elenoa Nimacere says VF (Vinaka Fiji) averages seven volunteers at a time but she hopes to increase that to 10 in each area (as retrieved from http://www.nzherald.co.nz/travel/news/article.cfm?c_id=7&objectid=11307277).

The three core programmes are:

•

children, schools and education

•

creating sustainable communities

•

marine research and conservation

Achievements include

• one on one tutorial programs in schools, now supporting 22 students daily (students

identified as being below the national literacy averages) • 152,000l of new drinking water capacity across 6 villages via the installation of 22 new systems • 250,000 l of additional capacity via efficiency improvements and repairs of existing tanks • marine management via survey data collection, reporting, village workshops and working with village environment committee, and creation of Tabu areas It is not uncommon for a resort or tourist entity to fund something and be considered to be supporting locals or local culture, and yet still operate largely in a euro-centric manner day to day. Interestingly in this case the trust works both as funding source, and facilitator, bringing together companies, government departments, aid agencies and individuals with the landowners and residents, and this, combined with the running of volunteer programs is where it starts to make inroads into culturally sustainable behaviour. The trust also actively seeks funding from third party sources. Their statement is “we don’t want to take the approach of commanding a new way of life for the villagers, as we believe that sustainability is all about securing the future by keeping the culture and relaxed way of life intact”. The failure to observe the villages inherent culture, including what Baba (2010) describes as “sautu” or the “good life” has been cited as the missing factor in many failed development initiatives in Fijian history (Watters, 1969 and Belshaw 1969 as referenced in Baba 2010). Sautu involves having a sense of peace of vakacegu just to be or to live with oneself, and yet be connected with ones relations, people, tribe and vanua (land). The result is the application of the traditional cultural tales of sustainability and continuation of a lifestyle which treads lightly on the land; a lifestyle which is sustainable for locals over the longer term. Improving the health, education and wellbeing of the villagers can only help the tourism operation as these people are both the primary source of the staff of the resorts and a vital component of the experience itself. While there is not currently a comprehensive independent survey of the guest experience in Vinaka Fiji, comments recently to a NZ reporter included this one from 18 year old visitor Holly (from the USA)

“I’m really glad we came to Fiji. The people are amazing. They have so little but they’re so inspiring, so full of life and energy. We’re supposed to be here to help them, but we feel like they’ve helped us out more.” (deGraaf 2014, as retrieved from http://www.nzherald.co.nz/travel/news/article.cfm?c_id=7&objectid=11307277).

Involvement in the marine protection area of course helps safeguard the key attraction of the area. Rivers Fiji, a Viti Levu based rafting company also safeguarded the beauty of their attraction with the establishment of the Upper Navua Conservation Area (UNCA), a place now recognised to be of scenic and ecological importance, with “parrots, fruit bats, and giant eels; brought to life by at least a hundred trickles and at least half again as many serious waterfalls” (description from http://riversfiji.com/ecotourism/ramsar).

This involved negotiation with 9 mataqali (Indigenous land owners), including convincing them that the conservation efforts and rafting operation proposed in place of the logging and gravel extraction were comparable sustainable economic solutions. Negotiations also had to be undertaken with the Great Council of Chiefs and the Native Land Trust Board. By the early 2000’s these efforts had led to Fiji’s first fully protected, tourism-funded, conservation area; a conservation cooperative between Rivers Fiji, Mataqali, The Great Council of Chiefs and the Native Lands Trust Board. Subsequent to that, with assistance from the University of the South Pacific, specialists from various government entities, and the World Wildlife Fund for Nature, the Upper Navua Conservation Area became Fiji’s first officially designated Ramsar Site and Fiji became the 152nd party to the Convention on April 11, 2006. To quote River’s Fiji

“The Ramsar Convention is “the first of the modern global intergovernmental treaties on conservation and wise use of natural resources.” The national and international significance of protecting our fragile wetlands is extremely critical for the preservation of biodiversity and subsequently the health and wellbeing of our own human populations - both locally and globally. The UNCA is now part of more than 1280 wetlands around the world designated as areas of international importance that make up nearly 2 million square kilometers of surface area, an area larger than France, Germany and Switzerland combined. The Ramsar designated Upper Navua Conservation Area hosts important flora and fauna critical to the health of this unusual freshwater resource as well as the greater local and global human communities.” Rivers Fiji have managed to replace logging and gravel extraction with tourism to provide the villages with a similar income, while protecting their land rather than degrading and removing it.

RELEVANCE TO THE SITE These two case studies are considered good practice by many in Fiji (Tuvuki, N: personal communication, http://www.riversfiji.com/articles), and are multiple Fiji Excellence in Tourism award winners. Unlike many foreign lessees, who consider the land wholly alienated for a set period, regardless of the ongoing spiritual and cultural connection of the landowners (Scheyvens & Russell, 2009), these two companies, while not actually leasing land, are working with the local landowners to protect their land with the mandate supporting while avoiding compromise of their traditional practices. Traditionally Beqa Lagoon Resort is considered by anthropologists and tourism researchers to have failed in this regard (Burns, as quoted in Scheyvens & Russell). These case studies elucidate to a great extent why working with the local landowners to apply local cultural practice to the landscape can lead not only to conservation of ecology, but also to a greater level of sustainability derived from a greater appreciation of sustainable cultural behaviour. The fact that guests seem to really enjoy the point of difference reinforces possible benefits for all stakeholders in these cases.

Above images: source: Rivers Fiji Website

context 45

CONTEXT: Fiji Islands

Fiji consists of 333 islands in the South Pacific, with the main islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, nearly directly north of New Zealand, and an easy 3 hour plane flight out of Auckland. Beqa Island is located 10 km south of the Pacific Harbour area of Viti Levu. Fiji ceded to Great Britain in 1874, becoming a British colony until becoming an independent (Commonwealth member) country in 1970. More recently Fiji returned to democracy in September, 2014 with the election of the Fiji First Political Party led by fmr cmdr Voreqe Bainimarama, followed by its reinstatement as a full Commonwealth Member Country.

left: and top right Fiji Maps by Sarah Larnach for Tourism Fiji, this page South Pacific Map from http://sciblogs.co.nz/guestwork/tag/statistics-new-zealand/

CONTEXT: Fiji Islands

Fiji is well known around the world as a world class tourist destination, in fact since 1989 tourism has provided more income than any other sector in Fiji (Berno 2011) with over 600,000 visitors each year (http://www.statsfiji.gov.fj/index.php/migration-a-tourism). In 2013 tourism earnings totaled FJD$1,318.2 million. In 2013 Australians were the most common visitor, accounting for 53.5% of visitors, followed by NZâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ers at 15.8%, people from the USA at 8.1%, Japan and Continental Europe at 4.7%, China at 3.9% and the UK at 3.3%. Sugar remains the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s second biggest source of foreign exchange (http://www.statsfiji.gov.fj/). 48

FIJI ISLANDS: iconic local craft* 1: the firewalkers of Beqa Island 2: tapa designs (kesakesa) on masi bark cloth: Vatulele and some islands in the north of the group 3: distinctive pottery, magimagi string designs on buildings are traditionally from various villages on the Coral Coast 4 Lapita pottery remains are found in the dunes at Sigatoka but also on Beqa 5. Mat making, meke, balabala etc show regional differences across Fiji

*craft knowledge is traditionally held by certain village groups and their direct descendants

CONTEXT: review of current tourism images

A review of the current promotional material from travel agents (Ponsonby Road, Auckland) show a predominance of cultural images used to market destinations, including those brochures used to promote Fiji.

CONTEXT: Fiji Islands Cultural Protection

The Department of Natural Heritage, Culture and Arts reports to the Fiji Government. It consists of three separate bodies; The Fiji Museum, the Fiji Arts Council and the National Trust of Fiji. Fiji ratified the 2003 Convention for Safeguarding ICH (Intangible Cultural Heritage) in 2010. This obligates Fiji to implement a number of measures including • • • • •

compiling an inventory of ICH adopting policy for promoting ICH, and appointing of groups for safeguarding of ICH fostering training in management of ICH, and the transmission of ICH, enabling access to ICH -while respecting customary practice raising awareness of ICH

The National Trust of Fiji (NTF) was established in 1970 to provide protection for Fiji’s natural, cultural and national heritage. It is the only National trust in the South Pacific region which specialises in both the natural and cultural aspects of heritage conservation. It protects 14 heritage sites within Fiji, five natural (including Koroyanitu National Park and Bouma National Park), four cultural (including the Momi Gun Battery) and another five sites which are community conservation projects (as retrieved from www.nationaltrust.org.fj/) . The Fiji Museum is a statutory body guided by the Fiji Museum Act and the Preservation of Objects of Archaeological and Paleontological Interest Act. Its collection of archaeological material and cultural objects represent both Fiji’s indigenous inhabitants and other settling communities, with artifacts up to 3,700 years old. Governed by a board of Trustees, the Museum also arranges activities, presentations and publishes a biannual scholarly journal called Domodomo. The Fiji Museum shop also holds a comprehensive range of non-fiction books including antiquarian books, collectors items and early editions of significant South Pacific publications (retrieved from http://www.fijimuseum.org.fj/).

includes Culture and Heritage conserve: develop: promote

The Fiji Arts Council (established 1964) is the coordinating body for the preservation, development and promotion of the arts and creative industries in Fiji. They advise on policy and coordinate programmes to develop and promote visual, performing, fine arts, as well as traditional and contemporary craft. The council advocates for the promotion, preservation and/or revitilisation of the rich and diverse cultural traditions within Fiji, and creation of employment and income generation from this culture and heritage sector. The FAC also plays a significant role in organisation of the cultural component of events, such as Fiji Day, and at international festivals, most recently the 5th Melanesian Festival of Arts and Culture, held in June in Papua New Guinea, where the Fijian contingent led the march for the official opening ceremony (as retrieved from http://www. spasifikmag.com/30junemelanesian/, http://www.fijiartscouncil.com/, and pers comm with Niqa Tuvuki).

(as retrieved from http://webmediafast.com/nationalheritage/?page_id=63)

CONTEXT: Beqa Island

1 Beqa Island is an island of volcanic origin (a â&#x20AC;&#x153;high volcanic islandâ&#x20AC;?) located South of the main island of Viti Levu. It has a landmass of 37 km2 rising to 462m and is surrounded by a lagoon and coral reefs. It is characterised by steep slopes and only 12% of its area is suitable for agricultural production (Rambaldi et al, 2005). The total population is 1125, made up of 596 males and 529 female (source: Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 2007 Census), distributed across 9 villages allied to several tribal groups (see map of mataqali divisions, following pages). With very limited roading infrastructure, boats are the main form of transport. The high school is located in Raviravi and is a boarding school.

NAWAISOMO LALATII RAVIRAVI

SOLIYAGA

RUKUA NAISEUSEU DAKUNI NACEVA

1 2 3 4 5

Beqa Lagoon Resort Lalati Kulu Bay Royal Davui Lawaki Beach House

RESORTS BEQA & SURROUNDS

population (1,239 total)

Dakuibeqa

276

Raviravi

147

Rukua

228

Nawaisomo

194

Naiseuseu

~70

Naceva

~70

Lalati

140

Dakuni

~70

Soliyaga

~70

firewalkers

primary school

high school

nurses station

source: www.statsfiji.gov.fj/ and nurse Miliana Daunikamakama, Pigliasco 2007

The people of Dakuibeqa, Dakuni, Soliaga and Rukua are from the families who inherited the gift of firewalking. Beqa Lagoon Resort sits on leaseheld Sawau land. Sites which hold historic cultural significance to the Sawau tribe have been mapped by Felix Colatanavanua as part of the Sawau Project and several are on resort land (see map of all sites on following pages). While we can view on the map where the sites are, the reasons for why they are significant are not always to be freely shared.

DAKUIBEQA

Nawaisomo

*Beqa Lagoon Resort

BEQA ISLAND: as seen from the west 36m2 island of volcanic origin rising steeply from the coast to 462m in height, 12% arable land 9 villages + some smaller settlements, 2 primary schools, 1 high school, 18 churches 4 resorts + 1 resort on a close outlying island (Royal Davui) ringed by a large coral reef so technically in a lagoon, & dubbed â&#x20AC;&#x153;the soft coral capital of the worldâ&#x20AC;?

Raviravi

Beqa Lagoon Resort

Rukua

Nawaisomo Raviravi

Rukua

Naceva 54

Naseuseu

behind point

Lalati

Soliyaga

behind point

Dakuni

CONTEXT: Beqa Island Villages ... the island rises steeply from the coast

Dakuibeqa 55

Beqa Lagoon Resort

MATAQALI DIVISIONS

Boundaries of Beqa Island tribal lands: Adapted from Burns (1994) With rights to land, reef, and the areas that resort guests cross when doing activities all governed by different tribal entities, consultation must be extensive and considered. The Tui Sawau (the Chief of the Sawau) is chief of the (leasheld) land that the resort is built on.

CULTURAL SITES Beqa Island cultural sites significant to the Sawau (part of the Sawau Project) By Felix Colatanavanua, as adapted from Pigliasco (2007) n.b.: this knowledge is property of the Sawau Clan (so no key), however it is important to note that the resort is on a site of considerable historical/ cultural importance

Beqa Lagoon Resort

LOCAL STUDY: the myths of Beqa | the stories of sustainability

Mythology as the basis for unique cultural practices is an integral part of a (possibly very valuable) point of difference for the resorts of Beqa. Two key myths around the Beqa Island people are the gift of the firewalking, and the mythology of their shark ancestors. Both these myths refer to gifts they maintain to this day. While mythology in the Pacific Islands is generally an oral construct, rather than written, Pigliasco in his research noted many written accounts of the legend of firewalking, dating back to 1885. There are also written references to Dakuwaqa, the Shark God, though the version here is a local oral version as relayed to the Fiji Times. The Sawau Project is one of a few anthropological attempts to use modern technology to preserve some of the oral construct, however as such it is the intellectual property of the Sawau people and not widely accessible. The modern challenge, apart from the appropriate preservation of the stories of the land, is the appropriate use of the associated crafts, e.g. firewalking. Alteration of the ceremonies and cultural observances, especially to cater to requests of tourism operators, has led to accusations of undesirable commodification (Pigliasco 2010). The following account is partially from the version narrated by Aporosa Bulivou, recorded by Mika Tubanavau in Rukua in 1978 (transl. by Mika Tubanavau and quoted in Crosby 1988a: 68), which correlates closely with a combination of the accounts in Pigliasco (2007), Burns (2004), and an account from Mika Tubanavau as told to the Fiji Times in July 2014 (as retrieved from http://www.fijitimes.com/ story.aspx?id=275554); as well as from personal communication with Simione Meteka. Each different version of the story is considered to be accurate in its own right, hence while this summation correlates with the stories we were told at Beqa Lagoon in 2014, actually each story should more correctly be read in its own entirety (these are well represented in Appendix F of The Custodian of the Gift: ‘Variants of the Talanoa of Vilavilairevo’ from Pigliasco 2007). As a historical background, at the time the Sawau people settled on Beqa Island wars were fought almost continuously between villages. Because of this condition of warfare the Tui Sawau and his people moved up from Nacurumoce on the coast, (which is the name on the resort lease, and also marked as being where the Beqa Lagoon resort is on the Cultural map by Felix Colatanavanua, as seen in Pigliasco 2007) into the interior mountains. They built their settlement at the more defensible site at Navakaisese (Bulivou, 1978). This is considered to be where these stories occurred.

Many may have read or heard of the story in which Tuinaiviqalita was so impressed by tales of storyteller named Dredre that he promised to give him an eel as a gift, which was quite a delicacy. According to Mr Tubanavau, this was a time when his Sawau tribe ancestors lived at a settlement in the hills of Beqa known as Navakaisese (from the Fiji Times -for the location refer to the cultural map by

Colotanavanua).

“He put his hand in a hole in one of two streams that flowed through the mountains

and pulled out a little spirit creature.” According to legend, the diminutive spirit creature known in i-taukei as leka, (dwarf) then begged for his life promising to grant magic powers to Tuinaiviqalita in return. “Back then in Beqa there were a lot of leka. They were short and naked and there were plenty of them around, “ Mr Tubanavou said (as quoted in the Fiji Times). Other accounts refer to the leka as Tui Namoliwai. The favours are described in detail in great detail by Kuruiwaca (2004) (as quoted in Pigliasco 2007) as follows:

“He then reached inside the well/spring and pulled out an eel. This, he decided, would be his gift to the storyteller. However, whilst still making his decision, Tuiqalita surprisingly jumped at the instant when the eel spoke to him begging to free his soul from his wrath. He lamented: “Please, free me, you will have the biggest plantation in Beqa”. Tuiqalita replied: “I’m the best gardener in the whole of Beqa!” The eel again pleaded: “Please, free me, you will become the most handsome man in Beqa”. Tuiqalita, again, replied: “I am the most handsome in the whole of Beqa!”. The eel did not hesitate in refraining from pleading. He again asked: “Please, free me, you will become the most sort after sailor in Beqa”. Tuiqalita replied: “I, myself, am afraid of the sea, since I’m from the inland.” The eel realised that he would die, hence, made his last plea lamenting: Please, free me, for I’ll be our god of vilavilairevo”. Tuiqalita without hesitation accepted the gift offered to him by the eel. Prior to the eel showing Tuiqalita the activities/ceremonies associated with vilavilairevo, he had to transform himself to a human being. Subsequent to the latter, the eel requested for Tuiqilaqila to help him find firewood, large stones, and leaves. After collecting these necessities, the two prepared an earth oven (lovo), and later the eel (in human form) showed Tuiqalita how the vilavilairevo is undertaken. The method/style that the eel showed Tuiqalita is still being practiced today. Whilst Tuiqalita was still staring with awe, the eel jumped into the earth-oven, and beckoned for Tuiqalita to follow suit. But Tuiqalita was filled with fright. The eel then held Tuiqalita’s hand and helped him walk on hot stones. They circled the earth-oven without Tuiqalita ever injuring or burning his feet. Right: guests of Beqa Lagoon Resort sit and contemplate the story of Tuinaiviqalita as told by Meteka at the site where it happened

He put his hand in a hole in one of two streams that flowed through the mountains and pulled out a little spirit creature. According to legend, the diminutive spirit creature known in i-taukei as leka, begged for his life promising to grant magic powers to Tuinaiviqalita in return. 59

The eel also offered the power of being buried in the fire for four days but it is said that Tuigalita was concerned that may have been a trap, and wouldn’t try it.

The eel then replied: “If you do not want to be buried, then bury vasili or masawe as your replacements. However, I have a simple request, that is you prepare a small vakalolo after the vilavilairevo. Ingredients of the vakalolo should not consist of scraped coconut or sugar, however, syrup from the vasili can be used to sweeten the latter. The vakalolo should not contain coconut for we might choke from it…...For every smoke that we see, we try to detect its purpose. If the burning of firewood is meant for vilavilairevo we stick to it. But, please do remember now that we are about to part, all your descendants from now on till the end of the world, they will furnished with the skill of performing the vilavilairevo.” The two friends then shook hands and parted. From that day until now, the gift still exists (Kuruiwaca (2004) (as quoted in Pigliasco 2007). Interestingly it was also an eel who conferred the gift of the coconut tree. According to the cultural mapping by Felix Colatanavanua (image to the right, as shown in Pigliasco 2007) and the oral history as relayed by Meteka the stream where the encounter with the eel Tui Namoliwai occurred is the same stream where guests (of Beqa Lagoon Resort) walk up to the waterfall, and which splits, with the part of it known as Sawau Creek running through the Beqa Lagoon Resort (formerly Nacurumoce). Pigliasco notes a correlation between the cooking of the cordyline roots and the firewalking ceremonies in Fiji, Tahiti and New Zealand (where they instead cooked the roots of the cabbage tree – Cordyline australis instead of Cordyline fruticosa). Hammond (1924 as quoted in Pigliasco 2009) states that he was told the correct name of Temuka (in New Zealand) was te Umukaha – a fierce oven. This name was related to the cooking of the cordyline roots and the ceremony of firewalking; amino acid analysis of oven residues showed that Māori did indeed use large umu tī to bake the cabbage tree (Frankhauser 1993 as quoted in Pigliasco 2009). Other plants apart from the traditional Cordyline fruticosa / Masawe baking are associated with the firewalking ceremony. Drau ni balabala (dry leaves of the tree fern Cyathea lunulata) collected from the Namoliwai river were traditionally used to make anklets, with cordyline leaves tied to the wrists. Costumes were used once only and took a considerable amount of time to make. Costumes are now more durable, and although the people of Beqa don’t need this, apparently designed to limit flammability (possibly a demand or suggestion from the tourism customers).

Drau ni dogo (Mangrove leaves from the Rhizophora mangle) or dranikau ba were gathered to cover the pit at the end of the performance. Before the performance all burned branches are removed from the stones, and large vines are dragged to level the stones. At Beqa Lagoon these are the Wadamu –the water stick vine. A long tree fern stalk (waqabalabala) is laid across the pit. This is because hundreds of Veli, the little gods of firewalking, are hanging onto it and it is they who will help the dauvila (firewalkers) cross without getting burned. After firewalking the pit is covered with the mangrove leaves. Originally the stones were very large, as was the fire, which was used to cook the cordyline roots for four days so as to extract the sugar. Analysis of the rhizomes and stems of Cordyline fruticosa and Cordyline terminalis reveals that they contain a soluble poly-saccharide composed mainly of fructose. The root was also baked and stored to supply carbohydrates (Carson 2002) (as quoted in Pigliasco 2010). Until recently dalo and masawe (Cordyline fruticosa) roots would be prepared the day after the ceremony to form small puddings. Some of these would be taken away for the spirits, others would be eaten by the people who had taken part in the ceremony. The relaxing of these rituals including the taboos on marital relations and eating coconut is one of the more unexpected effects of time and commodification over the ceremony. Burns (2004) noted that during the 60’s the increase in performances at hotels led to a shortening of observance of taboos from one month to only four days by 1978. While the fire is smaller in diameter and the rocks smaller these days there is no doubt they are extremely hot, with a disbelieving Italian tourist suffering serious burns to his hand just at the end of June. For this reason one of the Dauvila (fire walkers) in subsequent performances cracked an egg on the rocks to show how fast it cooked. While this could be accused of reducing an ancient tradition to a circus like show it certainly ensures the guests are more mindful of staying clear of the stones. And there was a subsequent moment of levity when a following Dauvila picked the egg up off the rock and ate it. For the guests of Beqa Lagoon resort it can be argued that re-telling these stories before the Firewalking ceremony and on the walk to the waterfall also transform those places into areas with greater meaning, linking them to the land and bringing them closer to the landscape as their hosts see and interpret it. There are currently more than one hundred male individuals entitled through birthright and approval from the Tui Sawau and Naivilaqata elders to perform the vilavilairevo, with other firewalkers also from the Rukua village. Funds from the performances are communally shared and traditionally put toward major village projects, the sea wall and reclamation at Rukua being one example of this (Pigliasco 2010).

Sawau Firewalkers (Dauvila) from Dakuibeqa performing at Beqa Lagoon Resort, July 2014

masawe (Cordyline fruticosa)

There are at least two stories associated with shark ancestors, with the result that more than a few people in the district are descended from shark gods and hence treated with respect by any sharks they come across. The version below is from “The people of Rukua are descended from the Shark God, Dakuwaqa”, as related to the Fiji Times in 2011. Additionally The shark god Masilaca, a close friend of Dakuwaqa, appears in the Tui Sawau’s genealogy (Pigliasco, 2009).

“Beqa Islands have an ancestral covenant with the shark god Dakuwaqa that all people of Beqa be protected from shark attacks. Rukua villager elder, 78-year-old Rukua villager, Ponipate Jioji claims that Dakuwaqa’s home is a cave by the seaside at Derebu that was buried during the construction of the village seawall in the 1970s. “We also call him Na Gone mai Wai,” he said. Village historian Mika Tubanavau, 61, and Orisi Cagilaba, 50, both said that through oral history relayed to them by their ancestors through the generations, it began when the gonedau (traditional fishermen) leader of the Tui Rukua, named Cakaubalavu, was out fishing at sea. Traditionally, a special dish of qalu (delicacy of root crops or fruits and coconut milk) is made and properly wrapped in banana leaves for them. But upon their return, Cakaubalavu and his fellow fishermen met empty banana leaves floating at sea. The qalu had been eaten by a group of young men who went ashore first. In anger, he swam and overturned three times before turning himself into a shark. Feeling disappointed with the reception after his fishing trip, Cakaubalavu decided to leave Beqa together with his fellow traditional fishermen in search of another land. As they sailed away, a child aboard the canoe cried out aloud for his mother left behind at Rukua saying, “Isa Beqa, isa Nau.” It is said from their departure from Rukua, Cakaubalavu turned himself into shark. They left Rukua and headed towards Vatulele then to the Yasawas. During the journey the child continued crying out loud saying, “Isa Beqa, isa Nau!” According to a book regarding the yavusa Naduruvesi or direct agnate descendants of a single kalou-vu of the village of Rukua, prepared by Ratu Wame Tuivuya in 2002, Cakaubalavu died because of a boil on his back but because of his mana he managed to stay alive as a shark with a white tip on its fin. The white tip was where the boil, or soso as they called it in Rukua. The tourist attraction of shark feeding at the Shark Dive Beqa Lagoon based in Deuba is handled by Rukua natives Eliki Seruvatu and Rusiate Balenagasau. Tubanavau sums it well, saying: “We can kill sharks, but there is no point as traditionally he is our protector. Not once ever has a Beqa native had been bitten by a shark.”” As retrieved from http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=176628 62

“The loss of indigenous knowledge regarding cultural relationships with the environment is a real threat in the Pacific today” (Koya, 2010)

Fijians are easily able to equate their Christianity with their belief in the supernatural, which in turn enables revenue earners such as firewalking. As academic Cresantia Koya points out numerous stories of spirits abound throughout the South Pacific and Fiji “we do not worship these spirits, instead, as guardians or guides we simply accept that they are around us”. Frequently at the heart of those stories are long practiced methods of sustainability, leading Koya to suggest that cultural considerations should be an accepted inclusion in any education on sustainable development. “The loss of indigenous knowledge regarding cultural relationships with the environment is a real threat in the Pacific today”. Food, fishing and plant knowledge are also related to the stories. The art of Aseri Tuca Yabakicou superficially appears to be flowers, and fish motifs overlaid over pattern. However each one tells the stories his grandmother passed down of which fish will be available when certain flowers are blooming, overlaid over the local patterns specific to their vanua (land). The Leka/Veli (the little people) are an example of a commonly shared mythology linked to sustainability. The commonly heard phrase is “what is small to us… is big”. It refers to the Leka’s habit of making things backwards, and seeing small things as very big, big things as very small. They can after all make hot cold. When building a bridge they do not build a big bridge, rather just a log or two will suffice (neither too big or too small)(personal communication from Jerry, Teka). At Beqa Lagoon Resort one of the larger boats was unfortunately named “Firewalker”. This boat spent an inordinate amount of time broken down, always odd things breaking, things that don’t normally break at all. When it came time to give the boat a complete engine overhaul one of the staff suggested the name had to change. The boat now is called Reef Ranger, and is as reliable as any of the other boats in the fleet (Personal communication: Vasiti Ratulevu).

It must be noted that oral histories and other knowledge are not always openly shared. Koya (2013) points out that it is important to note the 3 categorisations of indigenous/cultural knowledge in Fiji •

closed or sacred knowledge: only accessible to specific groups or people, often only on the basis or their clan or gender (or both). This includes cultural arts and skills including boat making, tapa, herbal medicine, navigation etc

•

open or common knowledge: widely accessible and necessary for routine events, including language, protocol etc

and • negotiated knowledge; referring to situations where individuals may approach a closed knowledge holder/community and through the presentation of traditional gifts in a ceremonial context may be given permission for limited use of some aspects of that knowledge. (Bakalevu, 2002; Nabobo 2002; Teaero 2002; as quoted in Koya 2013) Shark in Beqa Lagoon, Image by Bruce Rasner, Image source: Alex Lintsky on Flickr

With the local legends linked to the firewalking and the sharks it seems apt that two of the main attractions of the resort are diving, shark diving, and firewalking. Firewalking was, until around the 50’s and 60’s generally practiced on Beqa only, with only a few exceptions including large exhibitions. Attendance of these meant many Beqan were extremely well traveled, and to show this named their houses after the countries they had been to (Burns 1994) e.g. Singapore, Malevani (Melbourne), Niusiladi (New Zealand). It was really only in the 50’s and 60’s however that regular ceremonies started to take place for tourists away from Beqa Island, and arguably that led to a commodification of the cultural ritual. Recently it has been proposed that the ceremony return to only being performed on the island (Pigliasco, 2007). Vanua means land, but could probably be more accurately compared to the Māori word Whenua.

“Vanua means land, but in Fiji the term has multiple meanings. Ravuvu (1983) and Tuwere (2002) interpret vanua as a sense of place, also as the people of the land, common descent, common bonds and identity. Nayacakalou (1975) and Lasaqa (1984) describe the vanua as a decision making group for traditional affairs and the basis of traditional leadership. The Fijian concept of respect for things vakavanua (literally, in the manner of the land) resonates with western branding when geography is to be considered (Pigliasco 2010). It is taken for granted these days that Champagne only comes from France. By the same consideration use of traditional names for branding should be cleared with the relevant authority first, in the case of Beqa Lagoon Resort, generally the Tui Sawau (as the chief of the land owning tribe).

Niusiladi -New Zealand. Firewalker’s house in Rukua Village, July 2014 (note the Cordyline fruticosa in the border)

The oral nature of local history is strongly linked to the landscape. “Each narration re-establishes indexical landmarks with paths and sites on Beqa. Narratives transform places into landmarks in time and space, making them monuments of Island history” (Siikala & Siikala 2005 as quoted in Pigliasco and Lipp 2011). For the guests of Beqa Lagoon Resort it can be argued that re-telling these stories before the firewalking ceremony or on the walk to the waterfall from where the legend began can also transform those places into areas with greater meaning, linking them to the land and bringing them closer to the landscape as their hosts see and interpret it. The Sawau Project is essentially an oral history archive, said to have grown out of the “tribes responsibility for their cultural heritage, a responsibility embedded in a continuing relationship between the people, their vanua (land), and other traditional and cultural resources” (Pigliasco 2009). As a “closed knowledge” the audiovisual documents remain in Fijian, are open only to Sawau community members and the Tabana Ni Vosa kei iTovo Vakaviti (Institute of Fijian Language and Culture). This makes it even more logical that the Vanua or land where arguably these stories came from should morally be a construct where at least some of these traditions can be preserved. Even if not used these days, plantings where fire walking is staged can include Cordyline fruticosa, Cyathea lunulata, wadamu water vine, and dalo can be grown on the resort, while the resort can be additionally be actively involved in Mangrove regeneration programs within resort boundaries and beyond. Protection and regeneration of the reef systems, and respect for sharks pay homage to the ancestors of the locals. Protection of the river recognises the significance of the eel; it was also an eel who also gifted the people the coconut tree. Protection of the authenticity and quality of cultural experiences safeguards the unique point of difference Beqa Lagoon resort has as a resort on Beqa Island in the heart of Sawau land, bordered by the people of Raviravi and Rukua. Telling of the stories and paying attention to the underlying cultural and ecological messages helps form and reinforce relationship with place for guests, staff, management and owners.

1959 firewalking ceremony, sourced as in Pigliasco 2007

CONTEXT: Beqa Island Climate

Fiji’s tropical maritime climate is generally mild, however there are hot/wet and cool/ dry seasons. Windward and leeward coasts have significantly different climates with the west (the “burning west”) having a much drier climate than those caught in the notorious rain shadow of Suva. Beqa sits in terms of climate between those two extremes. The prevailing wind is from the South East, so the resort sits on the more sheltered side. At the moment it can boast infrequent severe weather events. The extreme age of the coconut plantation on the resort, which dates back to the arrival of members of the Sawau tribe (>100 years? pers comm Bulou Ratulevu) shows there have been no major cyclones for several generations.

Source: collage from www.nadraki.com, http://earth.nullschool.net/#current/wind/isobaric/1000hPa/orthographic=178.64,-22.45,1029 and http://www.met.gov.fj/ , base map adapted from Ezilon.com

CONTEXT: Beqa Island Vegetation & Ecology

Nearly all of the islands of Polynesia are oceanic islands; islands of volcanic origin, as compared to islands that may have been part of a continental land mass in the past. The size, elevation, amount of disturbance and distance from other islands will affect the flora present (Whistler, 2002). These come in two basic types, “high islands” or “low islands”. Beqa Island is a high volcanic oceanic island (rising to 462m), situated in the lagoon formed by the surrounding coral reef (itself a semi submerged remnant of a volcanic island). Fiji mountains in general, while not high, are known to be extremely rugged (Parham, 1972), and Beqa Island is no exception with multiple ridges rising abruptly above the many bays and coves. Because of the nature of these islands, many of their native plant species are littoral (Whistler 1992, Parham 1972). All are native or “ancient introduction”; of the 81 separate littoral plants found in the Fiji Islands, only one grass is considered introduced. Littoral species have buoyant seeds that survive floating around on the oceans currents, or may have characteristics that allow them to be transported by sea birds. They can have a variety of life forms –tree, shrub, vine; but are generally resistant to salt spray, brackish ground-water or even occasional seawater inundation. Most prefer bright light conditions which excludes them from denser forest away from the shore. The original species present on the Beqa Lagoon site would almost certainly, considering the habitat, remaining older trees, surrounding plant species, descriptions on old maps, and stories from the villages, have been littoral species.

“Littoral species typically exhibit zonation in several bands that run roughly parallel to the coastline” (Whistler 1992) These bands include the following types:

• • • • •

herbaceous strand littoral shrubland pandanus scrub littoral forest and mangrove forest

Many of the Littoral species are significant healing species. Coconut in particular is used for skin, hair, massage (as well as building, food, weaving...)Dilo oil is a proven remedy for skin conditions and extensively used by Pure Fiji as part of their spa treatment (Koya, 2010, http://www.purefiji.com/repair, http://babasiga.blogspot.co.nz/2007/01/fiji-dilo-tree. html). As Koya (2010) and the Pure Fiji website point out, modern chemical analysis has shown many of the compounds found in traditonal healing plants actually do have a sound scientific reason for their effectiveness. Dilo is said to contain unique essential fatty acids (http://www.purefiji.com/repair)

In the herbaceous strand, generally adjacent to the coast, the dominant species are herbaceous creeping vines, grasses, prostrate shrubs and herbs. Extensive disturbance limits the presence of these plants, but the climbers still dominate on the shore beyond the resort. Shrubby species up to 2m or more in height dominate in the littoral shrubland, while in pandanus scrub the area can actually be a low forest dominated by pandanus, which, given shelter can exclude all other tree species. This zone can be absent, but when present may intergrade into herbaceous strong on its seaward side, with littoral forest on its inland side (Whistler 1992). Looking at old maps, the existing very old pandanus trees on site, and similar aspect land on the mainland where pandanus scrub dominates this may have been earlier a successful species.

The Littoral Landscape

Littoral forest is the most common and characteristic type of vegetation occurring on tropical shores. It is a dense forest often dominated by a single tree species such as the fish poison tree (Barringtonia asiatica), buka (Pisonia grandis), EvuEvu (Hernanida nymphaeifolia), Nokonoko (Casuaria equisitifolia), buabua (Guettarda speciosa), and tavola (Terminalia spp) though certainly in the littoral forest around Beqa Lagoon Vau (Hibiscus tiliaceus), and dilo (Calophyllum inophyllym) are present, certainly around the fringes, while ivi (Inocarpus fagiferus -not strictly a littoral species) is present within the local littoral forest around the stream margins. Breadfruit â&#x20AC;&#x201C;Uto- trees (again not littoral) move in as conditions become more favourable and the vegetation moves out of littoral zones. Coconuts are common littoral forest species albeit often planted or cultivated and the large ones on the Sawau land at Beqa Lagoon according to local lore were planted either in the early 1900â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, the 1950â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s or both. They rarely occur in undisturbed littoral forest as they are unable to compete, especially on the rocky shore, and the only occasionally disturbed peninsula is an example of this. The Beqa specimens have reached an extraordinary height indicating both great age and a climate unusually sheltered from adverse weather events such as cyclones. They support a range of epiphytes including ferns and psilotum (Psilotum nudum). Ground cover is often dominated by birds nest fern and tree seedlings, and interestingly cultivated pandanus patches also use fern as under-planting.

Pandanus scrub often dominates the littoral shore, as a low growth in windswept areas, or low forest where more sheltered. May sit between littoral shrub and littoral forest. According to lore and remaining species the resort land was part mangrove and part pandanus scrub

Littoral shrubland is shrub like vegetation on windy coastal ridges or the seaward margins of the littoral forest. The species tend to be up to 2m in height, but may be prostrate due to wind. The Beqa site tends to be very sheltered, but one of the most characteristic species of this landscape type is still common around the resort, Wollastonia biflora. Often this area will intergrade into littoral forest with indistinct boundaries

Mangrove forest around the area is limited to only a couple of small areas, however replanting of mangrove has begun outside of RaviRavi village. The local mangroves are generally one of two species, the tall Rhizophora bruguiera, and the more shrubby Rhizophora mangle.

THE LOCAL PLANT COMMUNITIES

food crops/farming

ornamental gardens (in villages)

surrounding vegetation (â&#x20AC;&#x153;jungleâ&#x20AC;?)

littoral vegetation

traditional use

(incl firewalking, mats, other craft)

medicinal

CONTEXT: Beqa Island Vegetation & Ecology continued

Plants on Beqa can be classified in other terms, including the cultural contexts that have been applied to them. As already mentioned, many of the littoral plants are also medicinal/healing plants, and extracts from some (including Dilo) are used in spa treatments at Beqa Lagoon Resort. There are many plants commonly used for healing in the villages. Various species are also cultivated for ornamental purposes in the surrounding villages, giving them a distinctive local look, as well as the plants that are cultivated for food purposes. There are plants that are traditionally associated with crafts or traditional rituals, including plants for firewalking and plants associated with other craft on the island. above: Meredani & Gabi with Vutu seeds, left: Teka shows the wadamu vine

CONTEXT: The surrounding forest

CONTEXT: The firewalking plants

While the island rises to 462m, the forest is principally on the lower slopes, with a base species series from the littoral forest, interspersed with other significant large trees, including the distinctively buttressed Dawa tree (Pometia pinnata). Long term human alteration is also apparent; clearings cut out of the forest for subsistence farming also allow invasion of vines such as Wa Damu Merremia peltata. While this is considered invasive, in a Fijian context it is considered invasive only in disturbed areas or post cyclone. The vine is used culturally as part of the firewalking ceremony and also makes a handy water-bottle as you can easily drink from a cut vine. The Balabala- Cyathea dealbata as mentioned is common in the forest areas, and also used to make balabala (the tree fern statues). Mango trees - (Mangifera indica) are very predominant on the ridges, as are Uto - breadfruit trees (Artocarpus altilis).

Masawe -Cordyline fruitcosa is commonly associated with firewalking as the (subsistence food) root that was cooked for four days in the fire to yield a sugary substance. Traditional firewalking rituals also included making a pudding out of the cooked tuber. The leaves of this plant are also used in traditional costumes

Hence the forest has a distinctive and stunning appearance with large roots, overhanging vines, and little areas of food crops. As the island is a high volcanic island the ground is additionally still dotted with large volcanic rocks (especially in the river beds). above: forms of island vegetation above the resort include vines (one of which -Wa Damu- you can drink water from), large mango trees, groves of breadfruit, buttressed roots

Wadamu - Merremia peltata -the waterstick vine is used to help level the rocks before the firewalking ceremony. It also yields water when cut and serves as a handy drink bottle when in the jungle/forest on the slopes of Beqa Island Balabala- Cyathea dealbata is a tree fern which is associated with the firewalking as the veli (the little spirit people) like to hide in it to be ready to assist the Dauvila (firewalkers) to cross the hot stones without burning their feet. It is common in the forest areas, and also used to make balabala (the tree fern statues) Dogo- Rhizophora mangle -this mangrove has many uses, but in a firewalking context the leaves are placed over the fire after the ceremony VoiVoi (Padanus thurstonii)-this plant is more recently also used to make the traditional firewalkers costume, due to its ability to form costumes that can be re-used.

Additional fact : Historically the Rewa chief â&#x20AC;&#x153;Phillipsâ&#x20AC;? Cokanauto was known to be very fond of a local grog distilled on Beqa using bananas, sugar cane, and the root of the wild Cordyline fruticosa (possibly based on a Tahitian recipe). Unfortunately alcohol abuse is largely credited with his early demise at age 41 (Derrick 1950)...

CONTEXT: The edible crops

eat local when you lose the crop you lose both the food and the wisdom of the traditional healing [...] If a culture loses its indigenous food identity, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s nearly impossible to get it back -Robert Oliver 74

As a result of the diverse composition of the population in Fiji there are a number of cuisines â&#x20AC;&#x201C;some adopted and adapted from other cultures. Cuisines include Indo-Fijian, Chinese, Indigenous Fijian, and Kailomo foods. Local Fijian ingredients such as Duruka (the heart of the sugar cane- a little like asparagus), Ota (wild river fern), breadfruit and jackfruit are seldom seen on menus. Lemongrass tea tastes wonderful and is a common drink but the Bulaccino chain of cafes is possibly the only European style cafe that offers it. Oliver et al (2010 as quoted by Berno 2011), proposed the development of a distinctive sustainable cuisine, a fiji/pacific cuisine as a means of establishing a farm-to-fork style ethos. Crops are cut out of clearings in the forest or off the ridges as well as in and surrounding the village, contributing to the formation of the local landscape by the people of Beqa. Common crops on Beqa Island include: coconut -many many uses, bele, breadfruit, dalo/taro, cassava, pawpaw, banana, plantain, pineapple, chillies, yaqona (kava), heirloom lemons, mango also: marrows, pumpkins, aubergine. Left: making coconut cream - Udu; Right: dalo/taro, pawpaw, tavioca (cassava) & breadfruit

Above from left: less traditional Balabala (tree fern sculptures), Dogo sap harvesting for tapa, Pandanus stand toward Rukua village for mat making. Right : the Fiji rendition of the Very Hungry Caterpillar at Rukua Kindergarten 2014

CONTEXT: Beqa Island plants in cultural context

Sustainability is not only about economic aspects of development, it is equally to do with important cultural values like relationships between people and the custodian relationship between nature and man. Hence all plants are in reality part of the cultural landscape, and day to day living is the construct which links the people to their vanua (land), leading to cultural resilience. The adaptation of “the very hungry caterpillar” at Rukua Kindergarten to highlight their cultural foods illustrates this. Having said that, some plants are specifically associated with crafts - those associated with firewalking as mentioned on previous pages, but also: • Pandanus - VoiVoi (Padanus thurstonii) used for weaving mats, costumes etc, there is also another species of Pandanus used for coarser mats • The Coconut tree - Cocos nucifera used for just about everything(!) this includes building and decoration, hence known as “the tree of life” • Masi - Broussonetia papyrifera - the bark cloth plant (paper mulberry), harvested and used to produce Tapa cloth • Dogo (Bruguieria gymnorhiza) - used for building, the sap is also used for making one of the principle dyes used in the making of tapa, also the paint used for highlights in this study • Vutu (Barringtonia asiatica) -the fish poison tree

There are many, many medicinal plants used in Fiji and on Beqa Island. Some of the prominent trees on the resort with traditional medicinal uses are the Dilo, and Noni. One produces an oil for skin treatments which is used in the Pure Fiji Spa treatments at the resort, the other produces fruit which is commonly made into a (reputedly icky tasting) tonic. (see the plants files in the appendix for more uses of some of the local plants)

CONTEXT: The Village Plants

Everyday life is the construct in which memories inhere, and the plants in the village represent a rich tapestry of tradition. A palette of commonly grown ornamentals nestle with food crops, and the craft plants such masi (for bark cloth), pandanus (for weaving) and yaqona/kava. With no fences, plants surround the houses which are linked by small paths. The majority of these plants are either of ancient introduction, or have been around Fiji for over 100 years. These plants are an important statement of the culture of the landscape, telling the story of the land and the people, including the colonial influences:

â&#x20AC;&#x153;thoughtful use of horticulture can evoke regionalism through the use of native plants or tell global stores through the juxtaposition of native and exotic plantsâ&#x20AC;? (Woltz, 2013)

Left: Diving around Beqa Lagoon Resort, images by Chris Liles, 2014

CONTEXT: other considerations of the landscape

Water and stone are two other dominant landscape features. The volcanic origin of the island means there are still striking features all around the landscape, especially dark black rock formations. Water is extremely significant as the ocean is on two sides of the resort, and Sawau Creek forms one boundary. Additionally Sawau Creek used to traverse the resort site. The creek holds considerable historic significance, as it is culturally linked to many of the Sawau stories. The appeal of water is also considered an extremely important theme in tourism. The preoccupation with water is shown in history as water features in the apex of many iconic travel experiences. As Craik (1991) states “water symbolises either a return to nature, simplicity and purity; or luxury, where human intervention transforms the water into an exotic and glamorous form”. In tourism, it has been argued that water is a neutral buffer zone between the known and unknown, hence the beach and shallows reinforce a sense of security forming a buffer between the familiar, knowable and controllable and the unfamiliar. Water can also have connotations of health or healing in a tourism context. The ocean is the main reason the majority of guests come to Beqa Lagoon Resort, as it is known as a dive resort, renowned for soft coral, and the shark dive experience. The qoliqoli (customary rights) for most of the dive sites are considered to be held by the Tui Nawaisomo (the chief of the Nawaisomo village) so those dives are undertaken with his permission.

A site’s hydrologic patterns can animate and enliven an outdoor space. Water provides movement, light reflection and sound in a manner that seems intrinsic- never imposed or false. Humans find the play, movement and mere presence of water mesmerizing” Meyer, 2013

Right: the Ivi glade on Sawau Creek, at the northern boundary of the Beqa Lagoon Resort

context: the resort currently 83

CURRENT SITUATION: Beqa Lagoon Resort

The resort is around 15km from Pacific Harbour and faces the ocean on two sides. An untouched peninsula (Qalitoa) at one tip of the resort is actually a burial ground for the chiefly families of the Rukua tribe, and due to its mostly untouched nature also serves as a reservoir for local littoral plant species. While locals and guests walk along itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s base on the beach or between the resort and the headland, it is too steep to climb up and for funerals ropes are used. Qalitoa apparently has quite a few ghosts and spirits. Beqa Lagoon Resort is on Sawau land, but sits between Rukua and Raviravi, while using reefs belonging to Nawaisomo for dive activities. The Beqa Island main road (which is really just a track) runs behind and through one corner of the resort. As the school is at Raviravi there is a fair bit of foot traffic along this track daily, and guests also use it to walk to activities in the villages. Above the track the resort land rises steeply and plant including water tanks and generators are located up there shielded from the guest areas of the resort. The resort has only 25 bures on 4.4 ha, so even though they are large and private, there is still a considerable amount of space and much of it is overgrown, especially towards the river (Sawau Creek) which forms the eastern border of the resort. There are a large number of very old coconut palms and a considerable number of other mature trees, including mango near the main buildings and B13-16, Ivi trees near the river and as a remnants marking where the old river bed was, littoral trees including Vau, Pandanus, and Dilo where you would expect them (along the coast line), as well as lemons and breadfruit (which are reasonably common village species). There are two large stands of bamboo. The following pages serve as an orientation of the resort as it is currently (photographed by the author July- August 2014). Left: Beqa â&#x20AC;&#x153;main roadâ&#x20AC;?: Resort manager encounters heavy preschool traffic

QALITOA point (Rukua burial ground)

11 9

spa complex

13-16

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6 mainland viti levu and Pacific Harbour: 16km (boat)

20 5

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22 4

staff quarters

3 2

BEQA LAGOON RESORT

GSEducationalVersion

500m ruku a vi llag e

boutique fire walker area

restaurant, office dive shop

rav

workshop

swimming pool

i rav

water tanks

vil

e lag

300

generator shed

CURRENT SITUATION: the welcome

The resort is reached after a 30min plus boat ride. The main bure kalou (large bure) can be seen as the larger boat ties up at the mooring. As the (usually quite calm) bay has a coral reef, the guests must then get onto a smaller boat to go to the shore. There is no jetty, but as most of them are divers hopping on to the smaller boat then out onto the sand is not a problem. The sand and water is the second sensory experience on the resort, the first is hearing the sound of the staff singing coming across the water as you approach. Each guest is greeted with a â&#x20AC;&#x153;necklaceâ&#x20AC;? of woven coconut and flowers, created in the village. The guests are then taken up a sandy path to the restaurant, which features traditional Fijian styling, two pieces of tapa, but also a large number of asian art pieces. The path also features Balinese turtles and other Balinese sculptures as you walk up it. There are some older balabala (traditional tree fern statues), with orchids.

CURRENT SITUATION: public areas, restaurant, office, shop, pool, firewalking, dive shop

The area is currently a not unpleasant mixture of Fiji and Balinese items, next to a large Fijian style restaurant building which is the social centre of the resort and the meeting place for most activities. The extension of the pool a few years ago shifted the weekly firewalking display from near the beach to an area behind the shop which is hemmed with hedges and a large bamboo stand.

CURRENT SITUATION: Bures 1 - 6

Like all the bures on the resort, these bures are also large and spacious, standalone, with fences between each one. The grounds are large, and most also feature mature littoral trees, and coconut palms. The bamboo fences between each bure are due for replacement. Interestingly they werenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t originally part of the landscape plan, with each bure originally opening to a lawn leading to the beach traversed by a communal path. Long time guests commented that the addition of the fences and planting stopped the breeze that had formerly cooled those bures. It also limits the view of the ocean, however does frame it. Bure 5 features some very nice palm wood furniture and tapa cloth wall covering. These bures and bures 7-12, 17 - 25 all have traditional thatched roofs. These are thatched in the more sustainable (than sago palm) but shorter life rushes, using traditional methods. The shorter life is acceptable to the resort as they value their part in supporting the traditional craft.

CURRENT SITUATION: Bures 7 -12 , 17 - 19

These bures are also large and spacious, with fences between each one, despite the fact they are duplex. There is however an odd shared space between each one which is currently not functioning. The individual grounds are large and all feature mature trees of some sort, littoral tree species, including dawa, pandanus and coconut palms. The decks are due for replacement, each terminating in a plunge pool. Ecologically the land is slightly brackish though the grass seems to tolerate it for the most part, there are also extensive land crab holes, with more on this side than the side with bures 1-6. These bures look on the north side of the peninsula, which is mud flat at low tide. There is only a small amount of remaining mangrove, interestingly the mangrove outside of RaviRavi village just north has been re-planted. 17 - 20 are â&#x20AC;&#x153;the garden villasâ&#x20AC;?, they look toward the koi pond area across an extensive lawn dotted with occasional gardens. There are several septic tanks behind bures 7 - 12 and between the colonial villas and Bures 17 - 20; they are over planted with ornamental shrubs.

CURRENT SITUATION: the colonial villaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

This two story building contains 4 two bedroom units and is on the far side of the resort, with the ocean in front on the west, and Sawau Creek to the north. Sawau Creek and the view towards Raviravi are blocked by a large amount of undergrowth including a Kalabuci hedge. The coconut palms are of quite a remarkable age, 100 years is the commonly quoted age, and certainly at least 50 - 60 years. This is quite unusual and indicates the sheltered nature of this side of the island, which clearly has not had a severe weather even such as a cyclone in some time. The lawn also contains small overgrown gardens of hedge species. The upper story decks of the building have potential for quite a decent view, additionally any landscape put in would need to look great when viewed from above

CURRENT SITUATION: the Koi Pond Villas

These six bures are spacious, but a little dated, located around a koi pond containing fish, frogs and plants. Guests are also encouraged to use the main board walk to get to other parts of the resort, in particular, bures 13-19. The pond is in poor condition with no functioning pump and possible leaks. However it is the main feature of these guest rooms as they face onto it, and are not near the beach front. The effect is still reasonably pleasant. There is a range of Balinese statues in and around the ponds. There are also large spaces between each villa currently not utilised in any way which hold future potential.

CURRENT SITUATION: The Spa

These spa is a series of three open buildings connected by boardwalks. The west side of the spa is bordered by a high outcrop covered in littoral forest which is Rukua land, and is the burial site for their chiefs. This forest forms a borrowed vista above the fences on the west side. There is also an entrance which has been unofficially opened through one of the spa gardens through a gap in the fence to the Rukua area; as it is reasonably well formed it is possible an important access to their sacred area, but additionally accesses what was originally the main path between the two villages. The headland area is reputedly a favoured location for ghosts and the veli (the little spirit people). The ground around the spa is poorly drained and any rise in sea level would only exacerbate that. It is also land crab habitat. This has in part been countered by the use of sand instead of grass. It is the wish of Filo, the spa manager that the garden include more of the healing plants. Many of these are also littoral plants so would be well suited to the area. The spa uses a Pure Fiji regime which also highlights the use of some of the traditional remedies. Many of the littoral plants are also the healing plants, for example Dilo. It is Filo, the spa managerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s wish to have more of the traditional healing plants around her. The Spa complex sits on the corner of the resort and faces two beaches. It is potentially the site for a lot of foot traffic, so it is a shame to see the gardens in poor condition with a drain running through it. The drain fills in storms, but also at spring tides. There are mongoose and landcrab holes.

CURRENT SITUATION: utilities and plant

The site is 4.4 ha and as such currently has a lot of spare ground. Other requirements for a resort of this size are a shop, office, and in back of house:• • • • • • • • •

industrial kitchen to service the restaurant and bar generator (or some sort of power supply -there is no electricity provider on Beqa Island and the villages have generators, solar arrays or combinations of both) grease trap sewerage system, in this case septic tanks workshop laundry staff accommodation, though most staff are sourced from the two adjacent villages, Raviravi and Rukua water supply, at BLR a series of water tanks filled from an artesian supply further up the hill as approved by the mataqali (land owners) a garden is currently being added for propagation of ornamentals, littoral species and fruit trees (banana, pawpaw) for garden upgrade, with some vegetables and herbs

Much of the land which is not used is very overgrown. An open drain runs across the resort in a location similar to the old Sawau Creek, much of the land around it is poorly drained. The laundry staff line dry the resort laundry where possible on this land too. The river is surrounded by untidy undergrowth and unfortunately there has historically been rubbish dumped and partially buried here (sadly this is a common occurrence in Fiji), rubbish is now monitored for minimisation, and back loaded off the island to an official landfill on the mainland. The septic tanks are to be upgraded to a newer natural process, but still will require some sort of screening. With 4.4 ha only partially used a lot of back of house is overgrown, and a large amount borders Beqa Island’s “main road” -the track which runs from village to village, which clips part of the resort running between the back of dive shop, restaurant, and workshops, and water tanks and generator which sit further away up the hill.

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Sawau Creek, partially tidal, becoming more tidal in the lower end, littoral forest with Ivi (Inocarpus fagiferus) the dominant tree species, a small amount of mangrove (Rhizophora mangle in this case), dawa (Pometia pinnata) and vau (Hibiscus tiliaceus) in the lower reaches.

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analysis 105

CASE STUDY: reconfiguring memory: the work of Josie Dujmovic

Josie Dujmovic’s project reconfiguring memory was considered an interesting attempt at redefining conventional site analysis (Ware,2002). Dujmovic’s work attempts to engage the social or culturally constructed meanings of Alfred Square using a rich variety of techniques hence exploring the site both physically and conceptually. In this way, instead of separating the sites history into a singular chronology of events and physical remnants of the site, it considers and brings forward ideas which engage in landscape narrative and memory, both idealised and constructed, as the basis for site analysis (Ware 2002).

“I return to Alfred Square to place myself. What I am looking for lies beyond appearance, beyond the descriptive categories that regulate, define and name[…] The invisible layers reach beyond the empirical” “Inside Alfred Square there is an invisible matrix of anamnesis and memory which reveals a disjunction between the official public history and the invisible private history, that has been excluded from official documentary” (Dujmovic, 2002). For Reconfiguring Memory Dujmovic worked with artists Penelope Davis and Annette Douglass to increase the emphasis on multiple viewer positions, language, process and flexibility. Art was allowed to operate both conceptually and pragmatically to reconfigure as cultural memory was re-configured, with the result that landscape, social and cultural history and spatial pattern were manipulated into unexpected combinations. Historical material (photographs, maps, drawings and collected histories in the form of letters, stories, myths, and official records) was integrated to give renewed value to the notion of place. The team collaborated in writing, collage, construction, superimposition, metaphor, allegory, palimpsest and symbolism (Dujmovic 2002). The result was a series of collages which communicated a complex narrative suggestive of spatial patterns and possible spatial definitions.

“The Traveler has a ‘panoramic’ over-abundant eye through which history emerges into the setting of a metaphysical landscape. […] The Traveler arranges processed papers of memory. She piles up fragments ceaselessly, endlessly and, without any strict idea or goal she accumulates and sees one thing over the other.[…]In her hands the subject becomes something other. She does not restore the original that may have been lost or obscured, rather she adds another meaning to the image.” (Dujmovic, 2002)

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Alfred Square collage (from Dujmovic 2002)

CASE STUDY: the art of Russell Moses

Russell Moses is an artist deeply interested in history and the patterns left just visible in the surface of the earth. As narrative archaeologist, storyteller and scribe he uses sight and sound to discover where a places past and present connect. Using dots, discs, pendants, patterned panels and french curves, and ordered working process finds and unfolds a landscape of memory; and yet the landscape is made new, reduced yet intensified in symbol and pattern, light and dark (Dalgliesh, 2008). The Bannockburn series recognises the historical account of the gold mining, written into the land. To represent them Moses has enlarged, cropped and screen-printed pieces of those patterns onto panels that are placed together to create larger panels; forming alternation between both pattern and light and dark in a series of positive and negative images. These patterns are then brought together, overlaid with dots, or even gold leaf, creating new “landscapes” which interweave the past and the present (Dalgliesh, 2008). His Matuari Bay: Site Pacific series followed a trip with his partner where they were moved by the spirit of the landscape and the memorial (http://www.nzherald. co.nz/lifestyle/news/article.cfm?c_id=6&objectid=2045726).

“The boat is dead but in a sense it is a living organism under water, it is still growing. So this body of work is about a specific area in Northland which is why I call it Site Pacific. This is not a shape you could use in a South Island landscape.” RELEVANCE TO THE PROJECT Both these practitioners show the value of recognising and extracting the forms of the land, both in its natural state and the effect of the people in forming the “landscape”. In this way they both observe, represent and create, building in tangible and less tangible aspects of the site, and in the process extracting the unique elements and forms.

“From Higher Ground, Bannockburn” Russell Moses, Graphite and ink on steel 2004

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ANALYSIS: forms and collages

Artist Russell Moses refers to the difference in forms with different localities as “site Pacific” (sic), after noting the forms he used to represent Matauri Bay were not shapes that would be used in representing the landscape in the South Island (http://www.nzherald.co.nz/lifestyle/news/ article.cfm?c_id=6&objectid=2045726). This “site Pacific” effect is very pronounced on Beqa Island; when sketching, drawing and mark-making it’s apparent that lines meet each other in different places, and curves tend to go different directions altogether from forms drawn in NZ, from the larger forms of the land down to tree roots and the veins on leaves. Jerry’s hand drawn 1929 official map of the Rukua /Beqa Lagoon Resort area shows the intersection between the land and the people. Boundary lines run down ridges and along rivers, so the shape of the properties mimic the forms of the land as interwoven with the human connection. Often significant trees are the markers for the edges of property, so again the land shapes the human intervention in the form of crops, buildings or tracks. Use of natural materials to represent the landscape include dogo sap paint (as used on tapa), and masi bark cloth, whole pieces and off cuts. These have been collaged, printed on, painted on. The glue used for collaging was initially also natural cassava starch paste (which couldn’t be brought back into NZ).

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tests 119

OBSERVATIONS & TESTS: outook from bures 1 - 6 According to old resort maps and photos, when the resort was originally built the main path went along the front of bures 1 - 6 (see image far right). At some point for more privacy the path was shifted to the rear of the bures, and bamboo fences placed between them all the way to the beach front. As this also involves a sea wall there is blockages in the connection to the beach. According to long time returnee guests (Zavaleta, Kennedy and Cannell, pers comm July 2014), fencing these bures led to an immediate reduction in the amount of evening breeze through the area, and resulted in the necessity to install air conditioning units within the next year. The fences are now deteriorated, and the plants around them have grown to decent sized if patchy hedges. The owner expressed an idea about the vista from these bures, and wondered if only some of the fence was replaced would there be a far wider vista. As seen below, the poles mark where the fence was, before it was partially removed, showing the improvement in the outlook, with surprisingly little loss in relative privacy, especially considering the beach is below the eye level of the wall. It will be necessary to wait for summer to truly assess any improvement in evening breeze. opening up of view

removal of part of fence only to widen vista and reinstate breeze without compromising privacy overly

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Beqa Lagoon Resort in 1990â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. image by Isola Delle

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OBSERVATIONS & TESTS: because what is small...

The hammock garden was the second site for testing. The aim was to use subtle deletions of the forms that werenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t quite right to enhance the elements that were exactly right. Those were considered to be the ancient palms, the silence augmented only with the sounds of the sea, and the stunning views toward the point and north towards Rukua Village. There was one random and slightly overgrown garden which did not seem to fit. As it did not screen anything (some are planted around septic tanks) this was removed, with some of the plants replanted to form a screening hedge by the utilities area. Then the Balinese statues were removed (as part of them being removed resort-wide). Finally, after establishing the kalabuci hedge only appeared to have grown that big through neglect, rather than a need to shield anything, the sea view to the north was opened up by the Nawaisomo Rugby Team as part of their fundraising to travel to a tournament on the mainland. This also opened up the area where the river meets the ocean, which can now be replanted in littoral species. The large tree species were all retained. The result was starkly different. It was also noted that removing an old coppicing hibiscus (with little to recommend it) on the south side of the colonial villas would open up a glimpse of sea earlier when walking from the koi ponds, while moving the path that runs along the back of bure 7-12 to the right (as heading north) by 2 metres also opened up a tantilising glimpse to the ocean around 10 m earlier for walkers. The other note was one of the plant species, known as â&#x20AC;&#x153;tangiâ&#x20AC;? legend has it where it is grown there will be only tears. So that was also removed from the gardens in front of the colonial villas adjacent.

before: overgrown border & odd overgrown garden beds

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NEW VIEW

removal of tangi plant - â&#x20AC;&#x153;where it grows there will only be tearsâ&#x20AC;?

after: simple deletions to enhance view and celebrate iconic palms 123

OBSERVATIONS & TESTS: Balinese statues, appropriate textures

The resort landscape ornamentation consists almost exclusively of Balinese imagery, statues and pots, animals such as turtles and frogs and characters. As some of the characters are religious these are probably quite inappropriate ornaments for this predominately Christian island (18 Christian churches in the 9 villages). Additionally these statues seem very busy and out of keeping with the existing landscape forms. At the entrance path of the beach we removed the Balinese frogs and simply replaced them wit two dark coloured balabala (tree fern statues). Even without any additional hard or soft landscaping the effect on the entrance was immediate. Bures 1 - 12 feature gate posts with a marble look tile. Replacing the tile with a soft render was also an immediate improvement. The bures all feature thatch which was re-placed using the traditional craftsmen, however only 1 or 2 bures feature the traditional textures and textiles for inside a Fijian bure, i.e. tapa cloth and magimagi (rope designs).

after: balabala

before: Balinese statues

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before: faux marble

after: traditional textures inside and out

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OBSERVATIONS & TESTS: the old Sawau Creek

During development of the original Marlin Bay Resort, a D10 was brought in to “level” the site, removing mangrove, pandanus and other plantings around the house on site (where the volley ball court now is). The Sawau Creeks runs down the northern boundary of the resort, however locals say in times of flood it tends to short cut through the resort. Jerry’s 1926 map of the area shows that back then it did indeed traverse the resort. Even in times of heavy rain, there is extensive pooling and water flow almost across the same area (though the raised koi pond area seems to divert it to the mid-southern part of the resort. Additionally there is a drainage ditch running across part of the back of house, and from the side of the koi pond area where the ponding occurs to the ocean between Bure 7 ad the Lali Spa complex. During spring tides the sea water comes up this drainage ditch. The area from the volleyball court north to the ocean is also a land crab habitat and their holes can be seen dotted across the grass.

2 1

2 3 126

present creek mouth

where creek used to come out resort

3 2 1

1 127

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concept 129

CONCEPT

In Fiji local myths are also stories of sustainability, and the main mythology on Beqa is around the firewalkers and the firewalking spirits. It is apparent that consideration of these Leka (or Veli – little spirits) must be an integral part of any landscape design. The saying commonly associated with them “because what is small is big” explains to a certain extent their teachings. They see what is small as big, and what is big, as small; and they can make what is big, small and vice versa. A really big bridge therefore becomes too small for them to cross, and it is more traditional to just put a single log at a river crossing (not too small or too big). This informs a concept for the site based on small, simple but effective moves, which together have a significant effect while addressing the opportunities identified in the theory, case studies, analysis and tests. The aim of the series of small moves is to enhance sustainability on the resort and lead to better outcomes for the stakeholders, via preservation of both the ecological values and the cultural values assigned to the land, forming an authentic memorable experience for guests that also reinforces the lessons of day to day Fijian life, ¬as well as connection to the vanua (land); leading to more beneficial outcomes for all stakeholders including the owners. The result is a series of moves focused on the unique nature of the various areas of this 4.4ha resort.

CONCEPT: The 9 types of landscape

• The Welcome - introduction to the contributing culture of Beqa Lagoon Resort • Local gardens - surrounded by the species, the craft, the stories of the villages • Old Sawau Creek - solving a site-specific problem by reinstating a culturally significant area as a swale/ephemeral creek. The littoral zone - responding to a poorly performing area by reintroducing in part the original ecosystem - the littoral landscape, as well as interpretation of the cultural significance • Hammock garden - using the sensory experience of silence and the sea, and paying homage to the historic coconut grove planted by the Sawau people as part of their settlement there • Orchid walk - celebrating a popular Fijian plant to create a grove with a point of difference, as boardwalks hover over a sea of orchids • Ivi walk - highlight riparian protection and at the same time create a mysterious walk through monumental trees • The Firewalkers - remove the plastic chairs and reinstate more traditional planting to pay homage to this amazing local gift • Propagation garden - encourage local cuisine, practice local planting, propagate plants for bures, eco-source and propagate local heirloom species in a potager with a Fijian form

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1 2 8 3

the concepts 1. littoral zone to raviravi

2. local gardens

3. firewalkers 4. hammock garden 5. ivi glade

6. orchid walk

7. the propagation garden 8. the old sawau creek

9. the welcome area

to rukua

1:500 at A0

Bou

nda

sea ry/

wal

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CONCEPT continued

Each is tied back to the key ideas including a continuing connection to the land, and a representation via the land of the myths, stories as well as the day to day construct with a view to create a distinct set of forms and experiences that will enhance the resort experience for all parties. Some “site Pacific” forms include the lines and curves seen in the buttressed roots, the veins of the vau leaves and the air roots of the mangrove, which are all similar, yet unseen in the landscapes of colder climates. The dark volcanic stone and black hues of the balabala (tree fern) are also predominate, and a good fit in the landscape. Textures appear to look best when also linked to the land, soft, and natural of local materials. Current patterns of vegetation and animal activity indicate the zones for the new concept – the littoral zone is clearly marked out while walking around resort with land crab holes and patchy grass growth, even though there are more of the littoral trees along the beach on the western side of the resort. An open drain, flooding in rainy weather, and remnant Ivi trees show the previous path of the river and the opportunity to reinstate it as a swale or ephemeral bed. The local landscape can be brought in as flowering resort gardens, but also stunning combinations seen locally that can be both productive and attractive, e.g. combinations of aubergine and mondo grass, and pandanus and ferns. In the case of the pandanus the local village weavers are happy to come and maintain a weaving garden which also serves as part of a herbaceous border in the resort grounds. The owner is keen to introduce the experience of eating from the bure gardens, so guests can pick pawpaw or banana, and make lemongrass tea. This would include instruction in the guest compendium on how to gauge ripeness or how to pick the lemongrass and steep it. Scents of plants help add to the experience for the guest, while the local knowledge is preserved and practiced in the resort gardens, which can also include local heirloom species.

How we can put the landscape into the Bure? • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

traditional bure form with thatched roofs (to preserve craft), or colonial form vines over pergola to evoke feeling of local forest plant types from littoral ecology or local gardens pandanus mats coconut wood furniture, benches etc bamboo furniture also possible paintings/photos/ wall decoration of other media that illustrate cultural landscape, e.g. art that tells the stories knife and instructions on how to harvest fruit -pawpaw, banana, heirloom local lemon from bure garden instructions on how to pick lemongrass to make lemongrass tea resort branding featuring elements of the cultural landscape flower arrangements local ceramics or turned bowls plant/landscape-based spa and bathroom products, traditional remedies Sasa brooms in each room, housekeeping carrying traditional baskets Compendium notes on interpretation of local plant species and their significance Compendium notes on the spa ingredients, the plants they come from and significance Cultural notes on protocol to build a sense of belonging with less fear of or likelihood of offense

ALL to be locally sourced wherever practical or culturally appropriate

Water and silence are both authentic experiences, with silence in particular harder to come by and often neglected. The concept aims to include these to bring in a complete experience of the land, combined with a sense of belonging.

CONCEPT: other notes • eating local foods supports local growers, lowers carbon footprint and lets visitors experience how delicious cassava, dalo and local spinaches can be, even if in a more euro-centric form (e.g. cassava chips) • support local arts -don’t allow cheap imported product, but facilitate opportunities for genuine local art and craft to be featured and sold around the resort, e.g. local weaving products • integrate genuine local art into landscape design • guests are seeking authenticity, but authentic does not preclude contemporary • research and recognise local history and narrative, and use extensive consultation to ensure preservation of ways of life, customs, and connection to land 132

firewalkers plants traditionally associated with firewalking form-bush like atmosphere helping recognise cultural significance of resort site 133

hammock garden while it is hard to get an exact age, these coconut palms are unusually old for a country as prone to cyclones as Fiji. A site to appreciate the “tree of life”, the sweeping views down towards Ravi Ravi and the experience of “silence” 134

ivi glade the beauty of the river (currently inaccessible) is opened up and showcased via a walking track, the importance of riparian protection and the cultural significance of this site for the local land owners is highlighted

135

the welcome a new structure borne of collaboration between the different tribal groups of the stakeholders to be used to form sense of belonging with visitors on arrival

local gardens celebrate regionalism by using a selection of the locally grown plants, include fruits and species suitable for making tea & craft plants to counter loss and degradation of craft and highlight traditional practice

littoral zone re-establish the plants of the littoral landscape, the underlying ecology, however in a controlled, possibly even contrived garden manner. and corresponds with the current range of the land crab, so land crab friendly, and resilient to some of the facets of sea level rise; vines over pergolas evoke the feeling of the jungle, wood on deck cut to organic shapes to match the surrounding land form

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orchid walk celebrates the many species of orchid in Fiji, including some which grow in the wild currently. Floating board walks retained for effect 137

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the spa

old sawau creek

The spa sits between the littoral and local zones, and can draw from both, but with an emphasis on healing plants to maintain local knowlege

reinstatement of a swale or ephemeral creek bed, where king tides run up the series of drainage drains and area floods in rainy weather. this references the history of the landscape as it is a similar site to the original creek which according to Jerryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s map, ran directly through the resort in 1926

CONCEPT: overriding principles with all parts of the concept involving art or art motifs it is assumed that only those people with the rights to that motif or style of art will be retained to design or build that feature. Art examples by the author in this publication are hence indicative only. small moves or even small deletions will combine to form an overall powerful yet appropriate response to the local vernacular landscape overall themes contributing to unity across the resort design include referencing the black volcanic stone forms possibly including stones around seating, borders, outdoor shower or the addition of black oxide to pavers (which can also have more organic shapes) balabala markers (sourced locally and sustainably) and other local art or sculptures shall replace Balinese garden ornaments. the dark colours complement the hues of the volcanic stones the landscape shall overall work to preserve plant material (including heirloom species) and knowledge around local food, local craft and local medicinal practice “is it appropriate”? management will check with a collection of local consultants from the interested parties (e.g. the mataqali involved in the various facets of the resort), from staff to tribal representatives to ask if each move is appropriate. Management will accept some knowledge is ‘closed’ (forbidden to be freely shared) and will not seek further clarification on those issues

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coconut cocos nucifera

1 littoral

diverse | local ecotone | resilient | land crabs | medicinal \ traditional vau leka hibiscus tiliaceus

lemongrass cymbopogon coloratus

voivoi pandanus caricosus

PERSPECTIVES

extraordinarily old and tall coconut trees

4 hammock garden expansive view down the coast to raviravi

poles feature traditional motifs (these indicative only)

silence | amazing palms | sweeping views | unique

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BALABALA Cyathea lunulata 142

6 orchid walk

floating boardwalks | local orchid species | lush

3 th no more plastic

chairs | traditional plants | cultural site | interpretation

MASAWE CORDYLINE FRUTICOSA

WA DAMU MERREMIA PELTATA

BALABALA Cyathea lunulata

he firewalkers

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8 old sawau creek

localised flooding | sea level rise | historic landscape | littoral eosystem

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striking trees | riparian protection | cultural site | interpretation

dalo colocasia esculenta

ivi inocarpus fagiferus

5 ivi glade

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pandanus/voivoi Padanus thurstonii

kovekove wollastonia biflora

dalo colocasia esculenta 146

8 old sawau creek

local species | appreciation of local food | low food miles | ecosource new plants \ propagate local heirloom species

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summary 149

SUMMARY

Theorists agree about the potential damage of tourism; dislocation of traditional village and family structure, cultural deterioration, , lower than predicted economic returns and environmental issues, amongst others. This is true of tourism in the South Pacific, and true of Fiji. However the value to Fiji of tourism cannot be underestimated. It is Fiji’s number one contributor to GDP and balance of payments.

The resort currently has a limited palette of common resort garden plants, especially compared to the vast range outside of the resort gardens. Introducing plants into the resort from forest, littoral, cultural, productive and ornamental village habitats increases biodiversity and allows horticulture to evoke regionalism, telling the stories of the original ecosystem, and the developed landscape and the global influences it is subject to.

With one product contributing such a high proportion of the GDP comes risk, and one of the country’s main challenges is to ensure a stable flow of visitors, whilst getting the best outcome for its people.

As important on this site are the myths. The fire-walker spirits teach us that what is small to us is big, imparting lessons of scale and sustainability. As the site where the gift of firewalking was bestowed is just above the village, the stories can be retold there, reinforcing the cultural construct and linking it strongly in memory to the landscape.

Sustainable tourism seeks to address those negative effects. Defined as a style of nature based encounter which seeks to achieve host gain, some social enrichment both ways and a conservation of the cultural and natural heritage; it includes the need to protect cultural heritage. One of the issues is that the benefits of tourism are often measured objectively, e.g. in monetary terms; while the costs are often less tangible and more difficult to objectively measure. Tourists, in consuming the natural environment, may also be consuming culture in terms of the various local cultural values that may have been ascribed to the site of landscape. To landscape architects the concept of landscape includes cultural and social values and the interpretation of landscape as a lived experience (Swaffield, 2003). The inextricable link show the environment and people are linked, with the health of the environment, in particular the biodiversity affecting the health and wellbeing of the indigenous population. The methodology involved in this project started with literature reviews of anthropology, tourism, sustainability, and several different areas of Landscape architecture. It then went on to consider the knowledge derived from living on site, earning the stories, the plants, the associations and observing the day-to-day nuance of the landscape and how people interacted with it. Analysis included photographing, drawing, collaging and modeling, including using natural materials such as masi and bark cloth. The Beqa Lagoon Resort site turned out to be a landscape rich in layers of history and ecology. Additionally It represents some of the best land on Beqa Island, and is a significant cultural site. With different tribal groups owning the land, neighbouring, and holding the customary rights over the dive reef, consultation is key. Theorists agree this is a good thing, as there are less negative social and cultural impacts when local communities feel they have an influence over tourism, and greater long term success of a tourism entity if the community regards it as relevant. Place-making can be seen as the new environmentalism, a way to increase sustainability via encouraging and empowering people (Kent, retrieved from http://www.pps.org/reference/placemaking-as-a-new-environmentalism/ ).

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With each intervention that made up the concept, the aim was to suit it to the unique nature of that part of the site, reference any history, tell the stories, evoke regionality via plants. Plants that were used were from either the village or the littoral landscape, or were plants that had cultural associations, such as those connected with firewalking. This way the day to day experience of the resort would be authentic and memorable, and the culture of the landscape would become an incidental experience, enriching the guest’s visit, while sustaining local craft and culture within the landscape based moves. Natural forms and material show shapes that have a regionality that can be repeated in other elements of the landscape. The distinct forms of buttressed roots of the Ivi and the Dawa, the air roots of the mangrove show a distinct and local shape. Learning about site and place was necessary to determine if landscape based interventions based on culture would provide a more sustainable resort, and better outcomes for all stakeholders; locals, owners and visitors. The landscape proved itself to be a powerful way to represent local constructs by introducing craft, food and increasing biodiversity. Sourcing local doesn’t just lower carbon footprint, it preserves local. Culture can be provided year round, and has the potential to be resilient in the face of adverse effects. As the adverse effects of tourism are intangible, the intangible of the cultural landscape provide a powerful tool for mitigation. Culture becomes a metaphorical place and can be equally represented through natural material, or organic; plants or art, building materials, cosmetics. Tourism is affected by a number of stakeholders on a number of scales and landscape architects can collaborate with many of those, from the resort level to lobbying to change governmental policy, or to set up manged or reserve areas. The simple acts of day to day living become the constructs through which the histories, traditions and cultural ways of doing are passed on and reinforced. Landscapes reflect human activity and are imbued with cultural values. The landscape can reflect the mythology and history; the mythology retains the sustainability lessons from the past. Development of the cultural landscape within the resort setting additionally increases biodiversity, leading to better outcomes for the local population as well as highlighting and showcasing the aspects of the local culture.

Protecting and enhancing the culture of the landscape protects Beqa Lagoon Resortâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s unique point of difference, while contributing to a truly memorable experience for the guest. The landscape architect can create a multidisciplinary response to the complementary bundle of products a guest uses. However the strength of the landscape architect is their ability to facilitate, not dictate, leading to greater ownership and empowerment for all stakeholders.

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appendix 153

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APPENDIX A: making the dogo sap paint

Paint for this project used in both analysis and presentation was made from sap from the Dogo tree. Filo holds the knowledge of how to make both masi bark cloth from the masi plant, and the paints for making tapa cloth, including the red mangrove paint from her family links. She is able to use the dogo stands near Raviravi through her husbands family links, and was generous enough to show some of the process. Bark cloth is generally stenciled using this red paint and the black, as shown in the photo to the right, of a Vatulele descendant now living in Vatukoula.

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APPENDIX B: Initial Collage

A short selection of some of the initial collage of photo and sketches. Prior to the use of the natural products of masi, tavioca glue and dogo paint .

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Cordyline fruticosa cordyline, tī, vasili, qai, masawe, qolo, kokotodamu Family: Agavaceae (Angiospermae, monocotyledonae) Aboriginal or ancient introduction. From tropical Asia to western Melanesia, aboriginal introduction to most of the Pacific Islands as far east as Hawai’i. Common, erect, sparsely branching shrub with thin woody stem up to 5m high. Broad lanceolate Leaves can be green, red, pink, brown or variegated. Spikes of small pink, purple and white flowers and small round red fruit. Can be naturalised in garden and fallow areas and open forest, e.g. was originally naturalised on Beqa. Culturally significant, a sacred plant in many parts of the pacific and planted to protect gardens from evil spirits in Fiji and Vanuatu. Has cultural associations with fire-walking. Still grown as an ornamental in many gardens and villages. The leaves are traditionally used for skirts, garlands, food wrapping. Used medicinally for treatment of earache, infected eyes, cough, colds, stomach ache, ecsyma and gastritis. The tuber is a traditional staple or famine food which yields a sugar like dessert when cooked for at least 4 days, and used medicinally with nursing mothers and for baldness. Historically the Rewa chief “Phillips” Cokanauto was known to be very fond of a local grog distilled on Beqa using bananas, sugar cane, and the root of the wild Cordyline fruticosa (possibly based on a Tahitian recipe). Unfortunately alcohol abuse is largely credited with his early demise at age 41 (Derrick 1950)... References • Derrick, R. A. (1950) A history of Fiji. Suva, Fiji: Colony of Fiji Government Press • Parham, J. W. (1972)(revised edition) Plant of the Fiji Islands. Suva, Fiji: Authority of the Government of Fiji Printer • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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Thunbergia grandiflora Thunbegia

APPENDIX C: Some Plant Files

Family: Acanthaceae Native to India and Asia, but widespread throughout the tropics. Introduced to Fiji in the 1880’s, climber with white flowers, moderately commonly cultivated, now naturalised and grows wild on Beqa Island. Considered a week in some countries. Vine to about 20 metres in height, tuberous root system, deep tap root. Stalked, opposite leaves, with rough surfaces, quite variable in shape, triangular or ovate, margins toothed, lobed or entire. Length is up to 20 cm and width is up to 6 cm. Flowers blue to mauve flowers, or in this case white -Thunbergia grandiflora ‘alba’. Flowers about 8 cm across with a 4 cm long tube. Pods up to 10cm long contain seeds that are ejected several metres upon ripening. Plants also reproduce from segments that are washed down watercourses.

References: • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thunbergia_grandiflora • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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Inocarpus fagifer Ivi, Tahitian chestnut Family: Leguminoseae Synonym: Inocarpus edulis A wide range in the tropics of the south-west Pacific and south-east Asian regions. Tree up to 30m in height, buttressed. Leaves leathery, simple, oblong, alternate, 160–390 mm long and 70–130 mm wide. The petiole is 5 mm long, apex pointed and the base lobed, with an entire margin, veins are opposite and yellow. It prefers to grow in the humid lowland tropics with a moderate to high, uniformly distributed or mainly summer rainfall of 1500–4300 mm annually, at altitudes ranging from sea level to 500 m. Grows in a wide range of soils, including those that are highly calcareous and saline, poorly drained to waterlogged, or those with medium to very low fertility, as well as in mildly acidic to very alkaline coastal soils. It is the dominant species around the rivers/creeks at Beqa Lagoon Resort. Flowers start at 3-5 years, small, white, deliciously perfumed, clustered along a short rachis at the ends of the branches and twigs, with five white to cream or pale yellow petals. It generally flowers from November - December. Fruit follows the flowering usually jan-feb; the tree begins producing fruit at around 8 years. A kidney-shaped fruit is contained within the thin brown, fibrous shell, relatively large, weighing 5–50 g, 20–70 mm long by 16–40 mm wide, toxic when raw but edible when cooked, perishable, with a short shelf life. The fleshy mesocarp, or pulp, of the fruit is eaten by cockatoos and flying foxes which act as seed dispersal agents. The Fijians boil or bake the kernel, and eat it either whole, or grated for use, in native bread or puddings. The timber is tough but owing to the buttressed character of these trees, is not economical for commercial purposes. Ferns, orchids, and hoyas grow well on the soft, spongy bark. References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inocarpus_fagifer • Parham, J. W. (1972)(revised edition) Plant of the Fiji Islands. Suva, Fiji: Authority of the Government of Fiji Printer

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Artocarpus altilis breadfruit, uto, kulu Family: Moraceae (Mulberry Family) Found across Malayo- Pacific, aboriginal introduction to Fiji. Considered occasional but very commonly found in villages of Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. Tree up to 20m. Large shiny deeply lobed leathery green leaves up to 90 cm long. Male flowers in elongated club shaped spike, up to 30cm long, female flowers in large rounded green heads. Large round brownish-yellow fruits up to 15 cm in diameter with edible flesh and containing edible seeds. Important staple food, baked or roasted. It can be preserved underground to make madrai - a bread. Tree has hard durable termite resistant wood, used for canoes, house construction. Sap used as adhesive for bark cloth and for caulking canoes, and as chewing gum. Parts of the tree are used medicinally. References â&#x20AC;˘ Parham, J. W. (1972)(revised edition) Plant of the Fiji Islands. Suva, Fiji: Authority of the Government of Fiji Printer â&#x20AC;˘ Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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Manihot esculenta cassava, manioc, tavioca Family: Euphorbiaceae (spurge family) Recent introduction to Fiji from Tropic America, but abundant throughout the Pacific, and extensively cultivated in most tropical and subtropical regions around the world. Spreading shrub, up to 3m high with woody stems and prominent knobby leaf scars. Palmate deeply divided light bluish green leaves. Tuberous root 5-10 cm diameter and up to 30cm long (tapered), with a firm, homogeneous flesh encased in a detachable rind, about 1 mm thick, rough and brown on the outside with white to yellow flesh. Commonly in Fijian gardens and crops, a very important staple root crop, as well as an important stock food. Found in the markets. The tubers are boiled, roasted or fried, and also used commerically to make chips. The leaves are occasionally cooked as spinach. The starch from the tuber is used in deserts, but also as glue, particularly to glue masi bark cloth together (in the making of tapa). References â&#x20AC;˘ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cassava â&#x20AC;˘ Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guiwde to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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Calliandra surinamensis pink powderpuff, fairy duster, surinam calliandra

Delonix regia flame tree, poinciana, vaivai, sekoula

Family: Fabaceae (pea or legume family)

Recent introduction to Fiji from Northern South America, named after Suriname (a country in Northern South America). Occasional, mostly in household gardens. Tall low branching evergreen shrub up to 4m high with compound leaves with a blade less than 8cm. Powderpuff-like flowers with red stamens, pod like fruit. By koi pond at Beqa Lagoon Resort; tolerates full sun, partial sun or partial shade, clay, sand, loam, acidic; slightly alkaline, well-drained sites.

Recent introduction to Fiji from Madagascar, grown as an ornamental plant in most tr. Common tree in Fiji, and very popular shade and ornamental tree in tropics worldwide. Tree up to 12m high with bright red orange large flowers. Flowers around Christmas in Fiji and is associated with it. Thrives in well drained soils in sunny places.

References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Calliandra_surinamensis • http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/st109 • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delonix_regia • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

image on right: "Flowers delhi" by Saad Akhtar from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delonix_regia#mediaviewer/File:Flowers_delhi.jpg

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Hernandia nymphaeifolia evuevu, lantern tree, hernandia

Abelmoschus manihot bele, bush hibiscus spinach, vauvau ni viti

Family: Hernandiaceae (hernandia family) Synonyms: Hernandia peltata, Hernandia ovigera, Hernandia sonora

Family: Malvaceae (mallow family)

Indigenous, littoral, found from tropical East Africa to eastern Polynesia, and all major archipelagos of Micronesia and Polynesia except Hawai’i and the Marquesas. A common tree in littoral forest on sandy shores but seldom found very far inland. Large tree up to 20m in height, with substantial trunk and branches. Leaves simples, alternate, blade peltate with a red or yellow spot on the upper surface, ovate, 7-20cm long, glabrous. Flowers in clusters of three, in axillary cymes mostly on a large peduncle, mostly 8-20cm long, unisexual, plants monoecious. Male flowers with 3 sepals, 3 white petals and 3 stamens. Female flowers with 4 green sepals, 4 white petals and a superior ovary. Fruit is an ellipsoid drupe 15-23 mm long, surrounded by a globose vesicle open at the top, mostly 2-5 to 3.5cm long, and yellow or red at maturity. Wood is used to make canoes and their outriggers. Seeds are fashioned into leis and dancing skirts, as well as being used as marbles by children. Parts of it are used medicinally in the Pacific. References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hernandia_nymphaeifolia • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press. • Whistler, W.A. (1992)(revised 2002). Flowers of the Pacific Island Seashore: A guide to the littoral plants of Hawai’i, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Fiji and Micronesia. Honolulu, HI, USA: Isle Botanica. image from http://www.phytoimages.siu.edu/

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image fromhttp://calphotos.berkeley.edu/

Indigenous, or early introduction. Found across tropical Asia, Melanesia, Polynesia. Common in Fiji. Shrub up to 5m high with weak stems. Bright green to reddish green leaves entire or intricately/ palmately lobed toothed fleshy leaves up to 30cm long. Yellow hibiscus like flowers. Fruit a cylindrical capsule up to 10 cm long. A important perennial food plant, leaves are rich in iron, vitamins A and C and fibre. Commonly sold in markets. Easily propagated from stem cuttings. Used medicinally to aid childbirth, and to treat rashes, colds, sore throats, constipation and peri-natal problems. References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abelmoschus_manihot • Cambie, R. C., & Ash, J. (1994). Fijian medicinal plants. East Melbourne, Vic., Australia: CSIRO Australia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abelmoschus_manihot • Parham, J. W. (1972)(revised edition) Plant of the Fiji Islands. Suva, Fiji: Authority of the Government of Fiji Printer • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

Hibiscus rosa-sinensis senitoa, common hibiscus

Hibiscus penduliflorus senitoa, sleeping hibiscus

Family: Malvaceae (mallow family)

Recent introduction to Fiji but extremely abundant and very much associated with Fiji. Found across warm-temperate, subtropical and tropical regions throughout the world. Shrub up to 3m high with simple toothed leaves and attractive red, white, yellow and variously coloured flowers. Prominent fused central stamens. Propagated by cuttings or grafted. Prefers well drained soils in sunny and partially shaded areas. Flowers used in garlands, flower arrangements and worn behind the ear. A sacred plant in parts of Vanuatu where it is worn only by high chiefs.

Recent introduction to Fiji less common than the “common” hibiscus (Hibiscus rosa-sinensis). Shrub up to 3m high with toothed leaves. Red hibiscus like flowers that do not open fully, enclosing the stamen. Propagated by cuttings or grafted. Prefers well drained soils in sunny and partially shaded areas. Flowers used in garlands, flower arrangements. Common around Beqa Lagoon Resort, with a large specimen by the shop and fire-walking pit.

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Hibiscus tiliaceus vau, vau leka, beach hibiscus Family: Malvaceae (mallow family) Indigenous, or early introduction, pan-tropical littoral species found on nearly all the major archipelagos of Polynesia and Micronesia. Common and sometimes dominant species of coastal thickets and stream banks, as well as in secondary forest of high islands. Infrequent on atolls. Shrub or tree up to 10m or more in height with paired lanceolate stipules 1-6 cm long. Vau leka is a smaller form. Leaves simples alternate, blade cordate to orbicular, 8-30cm long, upper surface green, lower surface gray and tomentose. Also comes in variegated forms. Flowers axillary, solitary or in a few flowered cymes. Calyx cup shaped, 1.5-3cm long, divided into 10-12 lanceolate loves with a cup shaped ring of bracts below. Corolla or 5 obovate petals 4-6 cm long, lemon yellow with purple at the base. Stamens many, monadelphous. Fruit an oblong to ovoid capsule 1.3 - 2.8cm long, splitting open by 5 valves. An extremely useful Pacific tree, wood used for timber, fish net floats, firewood, and many other things. Inner bark fibres can be made into skirts, cordage, mats, fishing line and even reef shoes. Cordage is also used to strain yaqona (kava) and coconut cream. Leaves are used for wrapping food (in cooking) and serving platters. The slimy sap and other parts of the plant are used medicinally. Leaves of vau leka are used as an analgesic to wrap broken bones, torn ligaments and sprains in Fiji. The leaves may also be used as toilet paper.

References • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press. • Whistler, W.A. (1992)(revised 2002). Flowers of the Pacific Island Seashore: A guide to the littoral plants of Hawai’i, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Fiji and Micronesia. Honolulu, HI, USA: Isle Botanica.

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Thespesia populnea mulomulo, portia tree

Wollastonia biflora kovekove, beach sunflower

Family: Malvaceae (mallow family)

Family: Asteraceae (sunflower family) Synonyms: Wedelia strigulosa, Wedelia biflora, Wedelia canescens

Indigenous, littoral species Paleotropics and Pacific Islands but rare on atolls. Considered uncommon in Fiji, but common around Beqa Lagoon Resort. Distributed from tropical Africa to Hawai’i. Grows in littoral forest, on the margins of mangrove swamps and along estuaries, but rarely becomes the dominant species. Tree up to 12m in height. Leaves simple, alternate, blade broadly ovate to cordate, 6-22cm long, glabrous. Flowers mostly solitary, axillary on pedicels 1.5-5cm long, calyx broadly cup shaped, entire owr shallowly 5-toothed, 7-12 mm long with a corolla or 5 petals 4-6cm long, pale yellow, many stamens, monadelphous. Fruit a subglobose capsule 2-3cm in diameter, several seed, not splitting but eventually disintegrating to release the seeds. Attractive fine grained chocolate brown wood is used for boat parts, bowls, paddles, gongs, household articles and handicrafts. The tree also has medicinal properties. Considered an important cultural tree which has been threatened due to over-harvesting for wood carving and land reclamation

Indigenous, littoral species distribruted from tropical Asia to eastern Polynesia and occurs on most of the high islands of Polynesia as far east as Rapa, and in the Marianas and Carolines of Micronesia. Common in littoral thickets on rocky shores, also weedy in coastal coconut plantations. Found around the banks of the Sawau Creek towards the shore at Beqa Lagoon Resort. A large, erect to sprawling herb or subshrub up to 1.5m in height, slightly woody at base, with angled, pubescent stems. Leaves simple, opposite, blade ovate, 6-15 cm or ore long, appearing palmately 3-veined from the base, surfaces slightly hairy, margins toothed. Flowers in composite heads 8-15cm wide, aranged in loose terminal panicles. Ray florets 6-10, yellow, 6-9mm long; disc florets tubular, 20-30, yellow, 4-6mm long. Fruit a obconical achene 2.5-4mm long. References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wollastonia • Whistler, W.A. (1992)(revised 2002). Flowers of the Pacific Island Seashore: A guide to the littoral plants of Hawai’i, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Fiji and Micronesia. Honolulu, HI, USA: Isle Botanica.

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Cyathea lunulata balabala, tree fern Family: Cyatheaceae Synonym: Sphaeropteris lunulata, Cyathea vitiensis A tree fern widespread in the Pacific, including Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Tonga, and Samoa (and apparently New Caledonia), and common in Fiji. Trunk up to 7.5m tall, fronds 3-4m long up to 1m wide with stalked pinnae up 75cm long, mostly sessile. The base of the frond stalks are feature beige-coloured scales. Juice from stem and leaves are used to treat a headache. On Beqa the stem can be chewed for a sore throat, and is also culturally significant. The base is used throughout Fiji for statues/garden ornamentation. References • • •

Cambie, R. C., & Ash, J. (1994). Fijian medicinal plants. East Melbourne, Vic., Australia: CSIRO Australia http://collections.tepapa.govt.nz/topic/4068 Parham, J. W. (1972)(revised edition) Plant of the Fiji Islands. Suva, Fiji: Authority of the Government of Fiji Printer

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image from http://florasilvestre.blogspot.co.nz/2014/03/cyathea-lunulata-ciatea.html

image from http://collections.tepapa.govt.nz/APICollection/media/305268/640

Cananga odorata ylang ylang, mokosoi

Allamandra cathartica allamandra, cup of gold, bua, bua ni vavalagi

Family: Annonaceae (Custard Apple family)

Family: Apocynaceae (Dog-bane family)

More recent introduction from Indo-malaysia. Common throughout Fiji. Fast growing tree up to 20m high with spreading horizontal branches, alternate elliptic leaves 3-9” long, 1.5-3” wide, arranged in a one plane, fragrant yellow-green spider like flowers, oblong green-black fruit.

Recent introduction to Fiji from Brazil. Vine like shrub up to 5m high. Shiny green whorled leaves and bright yellow bell shaped flowers, poisonous sap. Commonly planted in ornamental gardens in Fiji with flowers used for ornamentation and arrangements. Although poisonous is sometimes used medicinally.

A useful timber tree, flowers used for scenting coconut oil and making floral necklaces (ylang-ylang oil is a main ingredient in Chanel No. 5). Next to the shop at Beqa Lagoon Resort.

References: • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

References: • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cananga_odorata • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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Plumeria frangipani, plumeria, bua, bua ni vavalagi

Schefflera actinophylla octopus tree, Queensland umbrella tree

Family: Apocynaceae (Dog-bane family)

Family: Araliaceae (Panax family)

Recent introduction from tropical America, very common in Fiji. Native to Central America, Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, the Caribbean and South America as far south as Brazil. Common worldwide in tropical and subtropical regions. Small, spreading deciduous trees up to 7m. Swollen stems, milky sap, bluish-grey green leaves with pointed tips. Terminal clusters of fragrant funnel shaped flowers with a wide range of colours from white with yellow to pink, orange or dark red shades. The flowers are very fragrant at night in order to lure moths to pollinate them. Flowers are commonly used in flower arrangements, worn behind the ears, used for making garlands and leis and scenting coconut oil Propagation is by cuttings of leaf-less stem tips in spring or by tissue culture from cuttings of freshly elongated stems or aseptically germinated seed. They tolerate a variety of soils, the amount of water depends on the amount of sun received.

Recent introduction from Northern Australia. Abundant in Fiji. Tree up to 10m high. Has dark glossy compound leaves which look umbrella like. Large terminal palmate branching flower heads bearing small red flowers and blackish fused multiple seeded fruits are described as octopus like (Thaman et al). Planted as an ornamental tree, but is also common as a parasite growing on other trees, particularly large rain trees (Samanea saman). Can be quite an invasive species in disturbed areas and in swampy areas in Fiji, as well as in undisturbed forests in parts of Micronesia and Polynesia.

References: • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plumeria • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plumeria_rubra • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

image from http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/30/Plumeria.jpeg

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References: • R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

Barringtonia asiatica fish poison tree, vutu, vutu rakaraka

Polyscias filicifolia golden panax, fern leaf panax, angelica, danidani

Family: Barringtoniaceae (Barringtonia family) Synonym: Barringtonia speciosa

Family: Araliaceae (Panax family)

Indigenous littoral species. Common on the shores of the high islands of Fiji, found from Madagascar to southeastern Polynesia and Microneisa. Tree up to 20m high, often has a substantial trunk and thick, spreading branches. Leaves simple, bright green, leathery, alternate crowded at branch tips. Blade is coriaceous, obovate to oblanceolate, 10-60cm long, glabrous. Several beautiful fragrant white flowers in terminal short racemes with a coralla or 4 white, ovate petals 6-10 cm long and numerous white and pink filaments. A large four sided ovoid fruit, 8-12cm long with a coconut like hust that contains a single large seed. The seeds were formerly used to poison fish, and the buoyant woody fruits used as fishnet floats. References: • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press. • Whistler, W.A. (1992)(revised 2002). Flowers of the Pacific Island Seashore: A guide to the littoral plants of Hawai’i, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Fiji and Micronesia. Honolulu, HI, USA: Isle Botanica.

Recent introduction from Polynesia and Tropical Asia. Native to. Abundant in Fiji. Shrub up to 4m high, generally used as small ornamental or hedge plant. A common hedge at Beqa Lagoon Resort. Yellow green to bright yellow upper leaves, which get lighter on exposure to sunlight. Terminal clusters of fragrant funnel shaped flowers with a wide range of colours from white with Used to make garlands (salusalu) and flower arrangements. The aromatic leaves are eaten in soups, with fish and pork and cooked with food in earthen ovens in many parts of the Pacific References: • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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Cordia subcordata nawanawa, beach cordia, sea trumpet Family: Boriginaceae (Borage or Heliotrope family) Ancient introduction littoral species. Found across Polynesia, but rarely found very far inland. Tree up to 10m in height. Leaves simples,alternate, blade broadly ovate to elliptic, 7 - 30cm long, mainly glabrous with a petiole 2-8mm long. Flowers in loose axillary or terminal cymes. Calyx 10-17 mm long, 5-10 loved. Corolla broadly trumpet shaped, orange, wrinkled, 3-4.5 cm long, shallowly 5-7 lobed. Fruit is a subglobose drupe 2 - 3.3cm long, enclosed within a persistent calyx, black at maturity. The wood is used in Fiji for making plank canoes, bowls, furniture, paddles and drums. The flowers are used in leis. The inner bark is sometimes used in some parts of Polynesia in dancing skirts, mats, baskets etc. The small, edible seeds have been used as food in times of famine. Various parts of the plant are used medicinally. A very important tree for coastal protection. References: • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press. • Whistler, W.A. (1992)(revised 2002). Flowers of the Pacific Island Seashore: A guide to the littoral plants of Hawai’i, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Fiji and Micronesia. Honolulu, HI, USA: Isle Botanica.

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Calophyllum inophyllum dilo, Alexandrian laurel Family: Clusiaceae (Mangosteen family) An ancient littoral introduction found on nearly all of the hight islands of Polynesia and Micronesia. It can form almost pure stands in littoral forest, but does not thrive on atolls. Large tree up to 20m in height. Leaves simple, opposite with a coriaceous elliptic blade 10-25cm long, finely pinnately veined, glabrous, petioles 1-3cm long. Flowers in bunches on axillary raceme-like inflorescences 4-15cm long. Calyx of 4 orbicular sepals 4-8mm long, the inner pair white inside. Coralla of 4 white orbicular petals 8-14 mm long. Stamens numerous. Fruit is a globose drupe 2-3.5cm long, green to yellow at maturity. The wood is used for canoes, bowls, furniture, gongs, and houses in Polynesia. The oil from the seed is mixed with coconut oil and used in massage and hair care, and for skin conditions. The leaves are also used medicinally. The flowers are used in garlands and leis and to scent cocnut oil. An important tree for coastal reforestation and protection. References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Calophyllum_inophyllum • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press. • Whistler, W.A. (1992)(revised 2002). Flowers of the Pacific Island Seashore: A guide to the littoral plants of Hawai’i, Tahiti, Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Fiji and Micronesia. Honolulu, HI, USA: Isle Botanica.

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Carica papaya papaya, pawpaw, weleti, maoli

Acalypha hispida cats tail, chenille plant, bua ni pusi

Family: Caricaceae (Papaya family)

Family: Euphorbiaceae (spurge family)

A recent introduction to Fiji from Tropical America, extremely common in both gardens and wastelands, and in the wild where it is an adventive in disturbed sites after dispersal of seed by birds, fruit bats and other animals. Small tree up to 5 m high. Long stalked lobed leaves. Fragrant white flowers. Yellow-orange fruits with soft edible flesh and small sticky green to black caper like seeds. Sold in produce markets and supermarkets throughout Fiji, and also an important stock food. Green pawpaw can be used to tenderise meat or cooked as a vegetable. The fragrant white flowers are used in garlands and leis, and it is also used in beauty therapy products.

Native of Indonesia, occasional in Fiji, has become naturalized to multiple countries in North America, including the United States, Mexico, and Belize Shurb up to 3m high with simple toothed leaes and long hanging cat tail like spikes of many tiny bright red flowers. Used in flower arrangements and often used in hedges

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References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acalypha_hispida • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

Acalypha wilkesiana kalabuci damu, joseph’s coat, copper leaf

Jatropha integerrima rose-coloured jatropha

Family: Euphorbiaceae (spurge family)

Indigenous/ancient introduction found throughout Melanesia and western Polynesia. Abundant in Fiji. Needs temperatures above 10C so a tropical and subtropical plant. Grows naturally in Vanuatu. It occurs in the Pacific Islands. It prefers light well drained soil a protected shady position. It is damaged by both drought and frost. It needs a minimum temperature above 10 °C Shrub up to 4m high iwth toothed variegated red, copper-red pink leaves (sometimes even white or green). Common ornamental and hedge plant, leaves used in body ornamentation and flower arrangements. Leaves and stems are used medicinally to treat fever, headaches and migraines, stomach aches and gastritis, chest pains, female and male disorders, cancers, shortage of breath and to give endurance to warriors. Red leaved cultivars are planted in villages and garden areas to ward off evil spirits.

Cuban native. Recent introduction to Fiji. Shrub or small tree to 4m high wth palmately divided leaves, lobed leaflets and attractie red-pink flowers. Very popular ornamental shrub in Fiji with flowers used in flower arrangements. Common ornamental in household gardens, several specimens on Beqa Lagoon Resort including the tree adjacent to Bure 5. References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jatropha_integerrima • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

References • http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acalypha_wilkesiana • Thaman, R., Gregory, M., & Takeda, S. (2012) Trees of Life: a Guide to Trees and Shrubs of the University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Suva, Fiji: The University of the South Pacific Press.

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references: personal communication, and also a big thanks to: Alipate Bola (Treasure Island Resort Ltd) Simione Meteka Vasiti Ratulevu Bulou Ratulevu Filomena Lolou Samisoni Toganivalu Keni Vuecabe (all Beqa Lagoon Resort) Jeremaia Tagutu (Rukua Village) Niqa Tuvuki -Fiji Arts Council Leah Burns -Anthropology, Griffith University Felix Colatanavanua (the Sawau Project) Miliana Daunikamakama -Beqa Island District Nurse Ron Kennedy, Dan Zavaleta, Nori Cannell (long time guests of BLR) Eileen Rodenburg -Bulaccino Cafes Jane Samson, University of Alberta, Professor in Classics (incl Pacific Islands) Maria Rova -Artist and local arts proponent, founder of NGO creatiVITI Georgina Darveniza -past judge of Fiji Tourism Awards Stuart Huggett -Architects Pacific Leah Burns -Anthropology, Griffith University Felix Colatanavanua (the Sawau Project) Sue Wake and Penny Cliffin (for their help with plant id) and thanks to! Susannah Kitching for fantastic supervision, Di Menzies for her amazing help with academic writing Ian Henderson, Hamish Foote and Pete Griffiths for additional helpful comments

references: images The fire walkers from the island of Beqa Christchurch press 12 Dec 1906 as retrieved from http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/heritage/photos/disc20/ IMG0045.asp all photos by the author unless stated otherwise

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