ASCENDANT CITY

ASCENDANT CITY 之

城

Rethinking of Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution

艾 未 兴 方

从 城 市 权 到 城 市 革 命

Yichen Meng

反 思 反 叛 城 市

Manchester School of Architecture MA Architecture & Urbanism Semester 1

Cities and Urbanism Ideologies and Futures Yichen Meng Tutor:

David Chandler Simon Mitchell

14th January 2022

01

Introduction Book & Author.

Heterotopic space.

1968 student movement far leftist leader (Sourse: Kelly, 2016). Photo by AFP/Getty Images [online] via ATI.

03

Urban Battle

Muted voice in Slums.

Phased victory.

URBAN POVERTY: Any household failing to meet a certain minimum consumption expenditure can be treated as a poor household. Picture shows a stretch of Dharavi slum in Mumbai. (Sourse: Rangarajan, 2014). Photo by AP [online] via The Hindu.

Westernized East

Real example of socialism.

Does socialist act like socialism?

Contrasty scene in Beijing.

Wang Jinsong 王劲松, Character chai (demolish), 1999 (Sourse: Edelmann et al., 2008: 127).

Contradiction Can Debate

Is public space really shared?

Yes, public space can be shared.

11

Conclusion

MILLENNIUM PARK. (Sourse: Urso, 2016)

Reference List Illustration list

15

Ascendant City

14

07

Martin Luther King Jr.’s 1968 Poor People’s Campaign march, Image courtesy of Portside. (Sourse: Gross, 2019).

Bibliography

INTRODUCTION Book & Author Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution Author: David Harvey David Harvey is an urban geographer with a worldwide influence in academia and one of the few global public intellectuals. His lifelong political and academic mission was to find a more truly human geography of everyday urban life. Harvey’s theory of the city is derived from Marx’s original works, and also draws on the radical urban theory and politics pioneered by Henri Lefebvre. His research has transformed the way urban theorists approach capitalist cities and the ways activists seek urban, social and political change.

(Swyngedouw and Harvey, 2005).

Harvey used relentless and thought-provoking words to place Rebel Cities at the centre of capital and class struggle, drawing on powerful examples such as the Paris Commune and the London riots to illustrate the subtle relationship between urbanization and capital. Throughout the book, Harvey questions who claims the right to the city who dictates the quality and organization of daily life?

‘T

he right to city’ is the right of who lives in city to transform the city according to wishes without any interference. City rights are a collective right, not an individual right. Urbanization is a class phenomenon. Cities have always been developed through the geographical and social gathering of surplus products. The ruling class needs a large amount of political restraint which forces us to live in a city that is increasingly divided, fragmented and prone to conflict. How can we view the world and define this possibility depends on where we stand?

The ever-increasing polarization of the rich, the poor and the power has profoundly affected the spatial form of the city, with fortress divisions, closed communities and privatized public spaces under constant surveillance all day long.

David Harvey’s portriat (Source: Supadu & Robinson, 2017) [online] via Pluto Press.

The illustration on the left, Harvey used in ‘The Condition of Postmodernity’. The texts ‘Sans retour ni consigne,’ means ‘without return or deposit.’ It is a powerful image that tells old town replaced with duplicated boxes in non-return.

Sans Retour Ni Consigne (Source: Batellier, 1978).

01

INTRODUCTION

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his essay will begin with Harvey’s ‘Rebel Cities’ as the basis to evaluate the gap between Marx’s socialist model, heterotopic space and public shared community spaces to the real society.

Firstly, what happens in the street is far more important, but the formation of street movement events requires a precondition. This does not occur in certain circumstances, elements that might be the blockages to accomplish this phenomenon could be culture, religion, class etc. The slum in India is an example.

Secondly, China is a distinctive example to demonstrate Marxist anti-capitalist perspective. From ‘The Right to City’ to the right to people, China seems to have exploited the loopholes of anti-Marxist capitalist theory. This ‘Utopian Marxist’ programme almost has become a blueprint to keep people forecasting the light of hope.

Finally, if the worker should have rights to the means of production, then the residents, citizens and anyone requires full rights to the city. The free use of the “city” is not easy to locate, but possibly could be switched continuously according to the transformation of the city’s functional roles.

Rebel Cities (Source: Harvey, 2012).

Heterotopic Space Cry and demand + in street = Heterotopic space

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he formation of the heterotopic space in the city is the simplest and almost the direct way to express ‘The Right to City’. Harvey evaluates the creation of ‘Heterotopic Spaces’ could be interpreted from different perspectives. The concept of heterotopia appeared earlier in Michel Foucault’s texts. Foucault describes it as (1984: 4) ‘reserved for individuals who are, concerning society and to the human environment in which they live, in a state of crisis.’ Harvey explains by using Lefebvre’s interpretation which is the interaction from expressions of human senses and actions in daily life (Harvey, 2012). In other words, when people spontaneously come together to the street, whether in a square or a certain street, this moment of gathering in a certain sense creates a space that is disturbing, intense, incompatible, contradictory or transforming. This form of ‘come together’ corresponds to Harvey’s texts that people’s daily life needs should be paid more attention to. This demand is not personal, but a collective one that is based on the needs represented by the city.

Therefore, the ‘Heterotopic Spaces’ are generated naturally from the street which is the real feedback to the urban daily life. Recording to Purbrick (2019), in the summer of 2019, nearly one million Hong Kong citizens gathered in the streets to express the dissatisfaction that most of them had rooted in their hearts. The Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement has gradually turned from peaceful street marches to violent clashes between protesters and police at times. Another example, Charnock, Purcell and Ribera-Fumaz (2012) state that in the spring of 2011, ‘15-M’ protesters about 40,000 in Madrid and 80,000 in Barcelona voluntarily occupied and set up camps in major urban squares such as Puerta del Sol and Barcelona of Plaza Catalunya. This long campaign attracted the attention of the world media. Protesters try to convey who is the unemployed, the underpaid, the subcontractors, the unstable, the young demand to change the circumstance and the direction of the powers imposed on people for profits. These kinds of social movements are inevitably formed by collectives and cities, also called heterotopia. The meaning of this ‘come together’ is a process of exploring the real demands in the urban environment.

02

URBAN BATTLE

Figure 1: Demolition works and protest demonstration at the north wing of Stuttgart Hauptbahnhof, 26 August 2010. (Wikiwand, no date)

Maharashtra Slum Area (Source: Express News Service, 2016).

‘Furthermore, the right to the city is an empty signifier. Everything depends on who gets to fill it with meaning. The financiers and developers can claim it, and have every right to do so. But then so can the homeless and the sans-papiers.’ (Harvey, 2012: 10)

URBAN

BATTLE

03

URBAN BATTLE

Muted Voice in Slums Spontaneously ‘come together’ moment is being challenged in slums due to the social hierarchy and culture background.

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onsidering of urban residents, there is a category of residents living in urban squatters. Take Mumbai as an example, ‘it is a city of an estimated 10 or 12 million people and 6 million of them are squatters’ (Neuwirth, 2004: 110). With the acceleration of urbanization, the government has to deal with squatters in the city centre. What followed was expulsion and reconstruction. Neuwirth claims (2004: 112) that ‘there are the thousands of families who invaded the Borivali National Park, literally hacking their plots out of the jungle and now facing a court-ordered eviction.’ The government’s policy is that squatter’s families who own structures and can prove that they could get free apartments which the government allows developers to build on the land of the original squatter (see Figure 2). However, the practicality of the policy remains to be questioned. The problem such that the area of the new housing is not built according to the scale of the family members. Questions such as these are given unilaterally, without paying attention to the needs of the residents.

‘What has been happening in the streets, among the urban social movements, is far more important...But everything to do with ongoing struggles over who gets to shape the qualities of daily urban life.’

(Harvey,2012: 8).

Despite social movements seem to be common on the global scale, but what Harvey has neglected is there still demands from certain groups that cannot reach the street, this kind of ‘irruption’ in the street is usually accompanied by the stimulation of another force that has the ultimate oppressive senses from culture and religion. Roy examines this ‘come together’ from a detailed situation in ‘Urban Informality’. The giant slum that exists in the urban area is another form of a city. Urban slums are defined as the informal sector (Roy, 2012). The wide-ranging social and economic characteristics of slums reflect the diversity of slum dwellers, including religion, language, and caste (Schenk, 2010). The labour in slums produces values that support part of the economy, but the quality of urban daily life in slums deeply relies on the political assistance system of the government.

Figure 2: The squatter community in Borivali National Park. The vacant area in the foreground was once covered with homes, but 30,000 families have been evicted (Source: Neuwirth, 2004: 113).

04

URBAN BATTLE

I

n the slum, the life of the poor often is surrounded by trivial struggleless, but the residences would make the effort to live without much complaint. There is a limitation of whether the poor in slums can realize what kind of daily life they yearn for. The limitation is trapped by compromise and not enough eagerness to get rid of poverty. Roy argues that (2012: 4) ‘with the hollowing out of formal labour markets, the urban poor, he notes, are rarely organized and mobilized collectively. Rather, they are fragmented and atomized by vectors such as religion and ethnicity.’ Recording to De Geest & De Nys-Ketels (2019), slums in India reconstruction methods are constantly changing with urban governance and state intervention. Since the 70s, slum residents have rarely had the opportunity to participate in local politicians’ negotiations to obtain government support.

This is also the original intention of the Basic Services to the Urban Poor (BSUP) program.

However, the Wanjara relocation project and Indira Nagar’s in-situ project have reflected the difficulty of the implementation process: Stakeholders have caused financial instability and low community participation and the residents of slums have limited ways to express their appeals due to the com-

plexity of society in the slums, how residents express their appeals also have different presentations. Indira Nagar and Wanjara are two very different expressions. De Geest & De Nys-Ketels (2019) evaluate that in Indira Nagar, most of the residents here live in large families for a long time, and some residents spontaneously gather to express that they prefer to retain the original plots and obtain individual housing. Not an apartment proposed by the government.

Residents have no other way to express dissatisfaction, so more contests believe that they must take to the streets. The conflict between residents and the government reached its peak on 21st June 2011. On the contrary, in the Wanjara neighbourhood, it was a ‘silent struggle’. Many residents were forced to live in resettlement sites. Most of the residents here are Muslims. Even though these residents have specific demands, many people think that the protest is wrong. However, their protest method is to express their dissatisfaction through illegal renting and illegal transformation (See Figure 3). The complexity of the slums makes the BSUP project more challenging.

The concern is how can architects and designers help the community to participate more in the deHOUSING STUDIES 1685 sign process.

Figure 3: Illegal extension in Wanjara (Source: De Geest & De Nys-Ketels, 2019: 1685).

Figure 1. Illegal extension in Wanjara (Source: Author’s photograph).

05

Phased Victory

URBAN BATTLE

A case of railway and urban development project proposal in Stuttgart, Germany in 1994 failed in 2011. Then, reboot in 2021.

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tuttgart 21 is a complicated urban railway project in terms of history, politics, economy, and urban environment.

It is also a controversial large-scale trans-European railway network project. The project is 57k in length, including 16 tunnels and cuttings (see Figure 4). The whole process leading to the termination of this project is of historical significance and worth learning. For the struggle between citizens and capital, the Stuttgart 21 project is a staged victory for the people. Novy and Peters state Geifiler’s words from the German weekly Die Zeit (2012: 129), ‘The world is different after Stuttgart 21, ... adding that no future government will be able to push through a project the way Stuttgart 21 was pushed through’ and that ‘politics will be forced to consider not only technological and economic advantages but also the impact on people’.

DB Projekt Stuttgart-Ulm GmbH/Plan B (Sourse: Savage, 2021: online).

Since its inception in 1994, the Stuttgart 21 project has been opposed by the people.

The reasons can be interpreted from five aspects: the first is cost and economic feasibility, the estimated

cost of 4.1 billion euros is considered to be a huge risk and potentially will be over the budget till its completion; most opponents believe that the project will pose a threat to the transportation industry; then, environmental costs and ecological risks. Especially concerns about a large number of felling trees and future air pollution; next is the protection of urban historical-cultural relics, specifically referring to the need to demolish part of the historic Stuttgart’s old central station for the project; finally, concerns about the implementation and promotion of the project, such as internal decision-making It is not transparent and the participation of citizens is limited. (Novy & Peters, 2012).

The opposition movement of Stuttgart 21 has never stopped, such as social demonstrations and online social media. In 2007, thousands of residents were dissatisfied because the government rejected the people’s petition on legal grounds.

In 2009, the project is about to start, but protest rallies will

Figure 4: Stuttgart 21’s infrastructure components (Wikiwand, no date). Photo by Jahne, K.

be held every week. In 2010, when the demolition was about to begin, the scale of the protest rose to as many as 100,000 people (see Figure 1 on p.03 and Figure 5). The people involved included various social roles, such as doctors, lawyers, retirees, and students.

(Novy & Peters, 2012). The result of the referendum on November 27, 2011 was 58.8% of the vetoes, which shaken the funding of the project (State of Baden-Württemberg, 2011).

The Stuttgart 21 project continues to this day.

The funding for the project increased from 450 million to 760 million euros, and the citizens’ protest movement made the project struggle for 27 years. ‘Despite this sentiment, many realise that to stop now would be a waste of the investment made so far, and German rail operator Deutsche Bahn has underlined that it would now cost just as much to cancel the project as to finish it.’ (Savage, 2021: 5min21). The Stuttgart 21 movement is worthy of reflection on how to achieve good communication with citizens in large-scale urban infrastructure projects, especially to make people understand that huge investment is the key to the future benefits.

Figure 5: Stuttgart, 13. August 2010 (Wikiwand, no date).

06

WESTERNIZED EAST

..., we cannot understand some of the paths that are currently being taken, particularly in China, to get out of the mess that was fundamentally produced elsewhere.

(Harvey, 2013: 41)

WESTERNIZED

07

EAST

Collage Resources: Wang Jingsong, 王劲松 One hundred sign of the demolition 1999. (Edelmann et al., 2008: 127).

WESTERNIZED EAST

Real Example of Socialism China is a typical country of Marxist socialism. Does China meet Harvey’s anti-capitalism expectations?

H

Deng Xiaoping proposed to build socialism with Chinese characteristics (Source: China Daily, 2021: online)

arvey considers China is a relatively special case that is difficult to be understood. China’s socialism and Harvey’s Marxist anti-capitalism have similarities, but from the perspective of the process of urban development, China seems to be taking the old path of capitalism. As early as Deng Xiaoping’s period, the thought of ‘building socialism with Chinese characteristics has been remained until nowadays. Based on Marxism as the world outlook, Deng’s theory has become the eternal ‘ideocracy’ of development after China’s reform and opening up (Chang, 1996). China’s socialist model was born from Marxist socialism. In classic Marxism, democracy plays a closely important role in socialism. People are both productive forces and owners of social wealth, and their interests are above all else. This seems to be in accord with China’s advocacy of ‘The people are the masters of their own country’ (Yu, 2010: 387). However, it can be seen from the various development trajectories that the forward trend of socialism with Chinese characteristics seems to be following the footsteps of Western capitalism.

Dose Socialist Act Like Socialism?

F

From the 90s in China, rapid urbanization has led to a sharp decline in the rural population and increasing class polarization. Beijing has been chosen as the host of the 2008 Olympics had a subtle impact on this phenomenon. Exciting Chinese citizens gathered on Tiananmen Square and Chang’an Avenue in Beijing for celebrating Beijing’s successful bid for the Olympics on 13th July 2001. This feast is of great significance to China. It not only represents the extension of the global economy to China, but also provides more investors and entrepreneurs with abundant profit opportunities (Smith & Himmelfarb, 2007). The Beijing government has actively invested in the construction of Olympic venues. China’s international status has also entered a new stage in the world and more international architects have joined this urbanization masterpiece. In a few years, high-engineering modern landmarks have risen from the ground in succession, such as, the National Centre for Performing Art built with the titanium shell;

the “Bird’s Nest” Stadium used 42,000 tons of curved giant steel bars that were shaped geometrically connected; the CCTV Tower was even more challenging to pick out at a height of more than 200 meters achieving visual twists (Edelmann et al., 2008).

Does this rapid explosion seem familiar? ‘In some ways, China’s development mimics and exaggerates that of the Post - World War II United States’ (Harvey, 2012: 55). Of course, how much unequal exploitation is under this glorious achievement? Recording to Boykoff (2017), host cities in developed countries emphasize gentrification; developing countries are more inclined to displacement and eviction of brass-knuckle. The 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing was the latter – ‘forced to eviction through state power’ (Boykoff, 2017:15). Even more ironically, when more than one million residents were relocated to make way for the Olympic venues, but the slogan was, “One World, One Dream”. But the fact is that the construction of Olympic venues has caused the dis-

08

WESTERNIZED EAST placement of nearly a million people (COHRE, 2007). To build venues in the suburbs, the central government’s measure is to administratively requisition land without democratic consultation, but to provide unequal financial compensation to the residents of the requisitioned land. This force of land reclamation is essentially imperative.

COHRE records that the Beijing Municipal Government and the Beijing Olympic Organizing Committee (BOCOG) are responsible for destroying the stock of affordable housing. Harassment, suppression, imprisonment and even violence are the authorities’ habitual methods for residents and rights defenders, and more of the government’s resistance to resistance. The person carried out “reeducation through labor”. In addition, demolition and eviction are often carried out without due process, sufficient compensation is not provided to obtain a substitute residence, and there is no opportunity for legal recourse. In some cases, tenants have received little or no notice of relocation, nor have they received promised compensation. The compensation rate rarely enables the affected people to relocate to the same standard of living while retaining the indigenous people (COHRE, 2007). Residential buildings that have been forcibly demolished will be painted with the Chinese character ‘拆Chai’ in a circle which means to be demolished, as shown in (Figure 5 and 6). ‘Following the release of Fair Play for Housing Rights, Chinese authorities stated in December 2007 that only 2 000 Monday, ith.fm Page December 551 Monday, 3, 2007 December 2:11 PM 3, 2007 2:11 PM people were removed from Olympic Games venues, later revising that figure in February 2008 to 15 000 people’ (COHRE, 2007: 8). From 2000 to 2008, according to COHRE (2007) field research, the number of residents expelled due to the construction of theSMITH Olympic wasHIMMELFARB as high as about 500,000 ANDGames SMITH HIMMELFARB AND 551 households (See Table 1).

Figure 5: Wang Jinsong 王劲松, Character chai (demolish), 1999 (Sourse: Edelmann et al., 2008: 127).

551

Table 1.2. ofofHouseholds and e 2. Estimates Table ofEstimates Estimates Households and Households Inhabitants andInhabitants Affected Inhabitants byAffected Demolitions AffectedbybyDemolitions Demolitions in Beijing,in in Beijing, Beijing, 2000–2008 (Sourse: Smith & Himmelfarb, 2007: 551).

–2008 2000–2008

ear

Year

00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 al

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 Total

Households affected Households by affected by Inhabitants affected Inhabitants by affected by Persons per household Persons per household demolitions demolitions demolitions demolitions 58,550 58,550 69,000 50,000 24,000 72,000 60,000 60,000 60,000 512,100

58,550 58,550 69,000 50,000 24,000 72,000 60,000 60,000 60,000 512,100

3 3 3 2.9 2.9 2.6 2.6 2.6 2.6 —

3 3 3 2.9 2.9 2.6 2.6 2.6 2.6 —

175,650 175,650 262,000 145,000 69,600 187,200 156,000 156,000 156,000 1,483,300

175,650 175,650 262,000 Figure 6: Dongchang hutong: text reads “demolish”(-  145,000    Sourse: COHRE, 2007).

69,600  187,200   156,000 156,000                            156,000  1,483,300 

                                                

nment directive government wasdirective issued towas local issued authorities to localtoauthorities manage Beijing to manage relocations Beijinginrelocations a way in a way s consistent that is with consistent residents’ with legal residents’ rights, but legalthe rights, COHRE but the researchers COHREfound researchers that violent found that violent legal evictions and illegal have evictions continued. haveMany continued. families Many that families have resisted that have evictions resisted have evictions found have found 16 Although in 16 the selves left themselves adrift in aleft maze adrift of in construction. a maze of construction.

Although last few inyears the last government few years government s have been ordersissued have to been maintain issued services to maintain to these services residents, to these it is residents, clearly both it is unsafe clearly and both unsafe and althy forunhealthy individuals forand individuals families and to remain families in abandoned to remain inneighborhoods. abandoned neighborhoods.

Accounts of Accounts violent or of illegal violent evictions, or illegal as evictions, well as unfair as well treatment as unfair of treatment families that of families have that have ed to move, refused are to denied move,byare most denied official by most sources, official whosources, claim that who theclaim pressthat is exaggeratthe press is exaggeratnd that ing, thoseand affected that those haveaffected been relocated have been at government relocated at expense. government Previous expense. research Previous on research on reform developmentdevelopment in Beijing, however, in Beijing, suggests however, thatsuggests residential thatdisplacement residential displacement has has 09post-reform an ongoing beenproblem, an ongoing with problem, many families with many left families without homes left without or government homes or assistance government assistance

WESTERNIZED EAST

Contrasty Scene in Beijing S

All those who do not conform to the image of China will be removed from Beijing before the start of the Olympic Games. How can the world hear their ‘cry and demand’? Interpreting in Marx’s words almost sounds like describing a tragedy.

ince the start of the construction of the Olympic venues in 2008, scenes with a strong sense of contrast can be seen everywhere in Beijing.

The urban scene with Chinese characteristics Smith.fm Page 544 and Monday, December 3, 2007 2:11 PM character is in sharp contrast with the modern buildings with a sense of western high-tech; there is also a bungalow built temporarily for fa544 mous agricultural EURASIAN GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMICS workers around these modern construction sites.

‘Between equal rights force decides’ (Harvey, 2012: 10).

Figure 7 and 8 show the public slogans issued by the authorities during the expulsion of residents.

Figure 9: Beijing National Stadium (also known informally as

Fig. 1. Beijing National Stadium (also known informally as the “Bird’s Nest”), nearing complethe Nest”), nearing J.completion in July 2007. Phototion in July“Bird’s 2007. Photograph

by Christopher Smith.

graph by Christopher J. Smith. (Sourse: Smith & Himmelfarb, 2007: 544)

Olympics-related activities are transforming the city of Beijing. The Games of the XXIX Olympiad (“2008 Games”) will be celebrated from August 8–24, 2008, commencing with an opening ceremony at the Beijing National Stadium, one of the major outdoor facilities now under construction (Fig. 1). The 2008 Games were awarded to Beijing after two rounds of voting by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) on July 13, 2001 in Moscow, leaving Toronto, Paris, Istanbul, and Osaka without the coveted prize.2 Figure 7: Dayuanfu hutong: text reads “Welcome the OlymThe pursuit and sponsorship of “mega-events” such as international sporting competi pics, Leave early receive Leave early receive benefits, Wait tions has become an increasingly popular strategy of national and municipal governments    around and lose out.”(Sourse: COHRE, 2007). worldwide (Waitt, 2001; Nauright, 2004; Preuss, 2004; Silk and Amis, 2005; Hall, 2006;   Roche, 2006). Serving as the host country for events such as the 2008 Games is assumed to  provide major economic, political, and cultural benefits that will outweigh the costs of restructuring the urban space (Maguire, 2005). The current global climate of neoliberalism  has tended to reinforce views that hosting a mega-event provides a unique opportunity to  enhance visibility and prestige, and consequently raises the host country’s competitive status                   and advantage in world markets.              the case for the capital of a country such as China, which is striving to This is especially  ensure that the Games will enhance its credentials not only as an economic but also cultural superpower in the 21st century. In the words of Beijing Communist Party chief Liu Qi, “By •  hosting the Games, we National are able to fully display the world not only Chinese nation’s Figure 10: The Centre fortoPerforming Art the -the Titani• 

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um Egg – as most termed it. (Sourse: Gluckman, 2008).  2Beijing had previously submitted a bid to host the 2000 Summer Olympics, but ultimately lost to Sydney after  initially leading in the balloting.   When paying a large amount of capital for flashy  infrastructure, how many people can enjoy the  benefits and convenience brought by these facil

 ities? Even public   8:     “Honestly           Figure Dayuanfu hutong: text reads implement              sunshine demolition and shine demolition and support the                    Olympics Engineering.

The reward date is approaching. There is s approaching. There is still 1 day until [you can]  leave early and receive still 1 day until [you can] leave early 

  receive     and benefits; wa benefits; wait around and lose   out.”(Sourse: COHRE, 2007).                            

spaces.

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CONTRADICTION Millennium Park Millennium Monument

Chase Promenade North

Grant Park North Garage

Harris Theater Bike and Roll McDonald’s Cycle Centre

Cloud Gate

Chase Promenade Central Jay Pritzker Pavilion

Crown Fountain

Chase Promenade South

Nichols Bridgeway

Public free entre Charged entre Public service

BP Pedestrian Bridge Great Lawn

Lurie Garden

Maggie Daley Park

CAN DEBATE

11

CONTRADICTION CAN DEBATE

Is Public Space Really Shared?

I

s public space really shared? Harvey simply answers (Harvey, 2012: 62), ‘not all forms of the common entail open access.’

Whether the public space can be shared, the boundary is not easy to locate, but more of a matter of degree. The evolution of urbanization from the 60s to the global financial crisis can be found in a quite identified pattern. The pattern is the world has experienced the plundering of public funds due to industrial recession and the solution is globalization and economic liberalization, continuous privatization and individualization. This model has dominated the urban planning and development direction of cities (Madanipour, 2010). Public privatization is an indisputable fact. Even streets in the traditional sense are usually contracted to private companies for management and maintenance. This has to consider the relation between production and value by public spaces. In theory, a pure shared space will not produce any value which is not an optimistic business for capitalists who invest. Because, ‘public goods, such as public space, therefore, were seen as a liability, as they could not be sold and had no direct profit for the private investor’ (Madanipour, 2010: 3).

Sanitation, public health, education, park and tourist city are no longer shared resources in certain dimensions.

Harvey proposed (2012) that the creators of public space are generally divided into two categories: one is created by state expenditure; the other is social groups accumulating capital under the guise of creating shared resources.

This causes the latter to fall on everything possible to create profits. Business opportunities in the city can always be smell by capitalists and even intangible things can be commoditized. Such as well-designed parks, managed streets and artistic cafes can all be commercialized, then gradually become commercial centres of each city. For instance, the completion of the High Line Park on the West shore of New York and coupled with the continuous expansion of the Pennsylvania Station project made the area quickly become crowded luxury commercial streets and high-rise buildings surrounding the central arena.

As a result, a substantial increase in the surrounding land rent makes a group of residents unable to afford the increasing rents.

Harvey lamented that (Antipode Online, 2020: 9min08; 10min03), New York is built ‘for people to invest in, not for people to live in’ and all of these mega-developments will be seen as “monuments to stupidity” in the future.

David Harvey and the City – An Antipode Foundation film. The scene of The Pennsylvania Station area. (Sourse: Antipode Online, 2020: 12min36).

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CONTRADICTION CAN DEBATE

Yes, Public Space Can be Shared I

ndeed, from the perspective of public space accessibility, The Pennsylvania Station project can be seen as a closed community.

So, the relative permissions for use are limited. An opposite comparative example is Millennium Park in Chicago which offers a completely open free accessible park. There are four valuable achievements worth mentioning. First is the completely open-air auditorium providing residents with a precious way of cultural transmission.

9

not in the form of commercial buildings and appear as different artistic sculptures. This is not only forming the benefits of space gathering but also create cultural value. An example is Cloud Gate (See Figure 10) on the west side of the Jay Pritzker Pavilion is artwork from Anish Kapoor. The 3.7 meters tall stainless steel is shaped like a bean. The stainless-steel surface reflects all the objects around the park, including the tourists on the surrounding steps where the tourists stand for taking photos. So, it is also called Reflections of the City.

The cost of this artwork was borne by the Millennium Park Foundation using private donor funds.

Crown Fountain (See Figure 11) is

12

13) designed by OWP&P Architects. In summer, this place is one of Chicago’s largest outdoor dining venues, adjacent to the Park Grill on Michigan Avenue between 13

11

The Jay Pritzker Pavilion (See Figure 9) designed by Frank Gehry is the most conspicuous building here. It not only provides a variety of free cultural exhibitions but also holds different concerts and music festivals every year. The second is the attractive city landmarks are 10

another example, a pair of 15 meters height of Public LED sculpture and a reflecting pool by Jaume Plensa. The LED lighting and water elements are also child-friendly. The Millennium Monument at Wrigley Square functions similarly. The third is a multifunctional place that is fully accessible and can switch functions to seasonal changes. An example will be the McCormick Tribune Plaza (See Figure 12)& Ice Rink (See Figure

Washington and Madison Streets.

In winter, it becomes the largest ice-skating rink in Chicago and free opens to the public. The last is the improvement of mobility and the integration of facilities with the surrounding environment. McDonald’s Cycle Centre (See Figure 14) is a project that provides bicycle rental and peripheral services, 14

Sourse: Chicago Official website of the City of Chicago: online.

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Figure 9: The Jay Pritzker Pavilion.

Figure 10: Cloud Gate.

Figure 11: Crown Fountain.

Figure 12: McCormick Tribune Plaza in summer time.

Figure 13: Ice Rink in winter time.

Figure 14: McDonald’s Cycle Centre.

Figure 15: The Jay Pritzker Pavilion.

Figure 16: Millennium Park Entrance Map.

CONTRADICTION CAN DEBATE

15

mainly to ease urban traffic and reduce urban pollution. There is also the BP Pedestrian Bridge (See Figure 15) used to connect Millennium Park and Maggie Daly Park. The detailed design of the bridge also creates a barrier-free environment for the disabled communities (Chicago, 2021). The connecting parts of these sculptures and buildings are composed with open gardens and surrounded by 7 entrances and exits, as shown in Figure 16 (Chicago, 2021). In addition, Harvey may be gratified that most of the project costs are borne by the Millennium Park Foundation using private donor funds with free public accessibilities.

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CONCLUTION

T

he relationship between urban power and the people is complementary. As long as there is a city, the pace of capitalization will not stop, and the people will continue to use this coming together to express their demands. The pace of urbanization will continue. Who is the master of the city, who has the right to decide the people’s life, no matter which class people come from, they will learn from practice and failure to find a balance between the two. From an architectural and urban planning perspective, the position of architects and urban planners in construction is to truly understand and fully consider the needs of the people in the city. From neighborhoods to residences, from public areas to private clubs, different groups of people have different needs.

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Illustration list

Antipode Online. (2014) David Harvey and the City – An Antipode Foundation film. [Online video] [Accessed on 8th December 2021] https://antipodeonline.org/david-harvey-and-thecity/ China Daily. (2021) Deng Xiaoping proposed to build socialism with Chinese characteristics. [Online image] [Accessed on 28th December 2021] https://www.163.com/dy/article/GD8P81DG0514R9KE.html Cross, V.(2019) 2019 MLK Campaign: Telling Their Stories, Marching for Civil Rights. [Online image] [Accessed on 28th December 2021] https://www.edi.nih.gov/blog/communities/2019-mlk-campaign-telling-their-stories-marching-civil-rights Express News Service (2016). Malad: Slum-dwellers stage protest, seel housing under SRA scheme. ENS. [Online image] [Accessed on 13th December 2021] https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/ malad-slum-dwellers-stage-protest-seek-housing-under-sra-scheme-2849495/

age] [Accessed on 13th December 2021] https://www.plutobooks.com/author/david-harvey/ Rangarajan, C. (2014) ‘The need to measure poverty.’ The Hindu. [Online image] [Accessed on 28th December 2021] https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/ tp-opinion/the-need-to-measure-poverty/article6289330.ece Urso, M. (2016) 12 FUN FACTS ABOUT MILLENNIUM PARK. Chicago Loop Alliance. [Online image] [Accessed on 13th December 2021] https://loopchicago.com/in-the-loop/12-funfacts-about-millennium-park/ Wikiwand. (no date) Stuttgart 21. Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. [Online image] [Accessed on 13th December 2021] https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Stuttgart_21

Gluckman, R. (2008) Beijing’s OhOh Olympics: As China races to the start of its 2008 Olympics, a brand-new Beijing, with flashy architecture and a host of innovative infrastructure is all ready. But heavy-handed restrictions and Beijing’s paranoid style of over-management - as well as the persistent pollution - could ruin the party. [Online image] [Accessed on 13th December 2021] https://www.gluckman.com/Beijing%27s%20OhOhOlympics.html Kelly, E. (2016) ATI. [Online image] [Accessed on 28th December 2021] https://allthatsinteresting.com/pictures-of-paris1960s#17 Savage, A. (2021) ‘Germany’s 27-Year Struggle to Complete a Rail Project.’ The B1M. [Online video] [Accessed on 30th December 2021] https://www.theb1m.com/video/germanys-27year-struggle-to-complete-a-rail-project Supadu & Robinson, R. (2017) Independent Radical Publishing: David Harvey. Pluto Press. [Online im-

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C Collage Resources: #BlackLivesMatter protest in Stockholm, Sweden. #Monochrome New York cityscape. By Tom Adams https://unsplash. com/@tomadamsmia