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MIC Volume 9, Number 3

November 1990

Bad F'ood, Bad Business

by Peter Daugavietis Hospitality Services, the branch of the University of Michigan handling dormitory cafeterias, recently surveyed students on the quality of dorm food .

As I wrote down my ideas for improvements, another student was leaving the cafeteria. When asked ifhe would complete a survey, the student remarked, "You don' t want my opinion," and kept on walking.

1 he quality of the V-M's cafeteria food has been the subject of jokes for as long as anyone can remember. And, while many may demand less salt on the meatloaf or more cheese on the lasagna, others argue improved cafeterjas need more than better recipes they need fundamental structural changes.

According to David Foulke, Associate Di rector of Housing, "The Hospitali ty Services tries to provide the largest number of mea ls to the largest

number of students at the lowest possible cost." He admits that the system

All students living in the dorms, except those who either live in apart0) ments or co-op halls, have financial re-. c;' straints, or illustrate some other spe~ cial case, are required to purchase o Hospitality Service's 2- term meal ~ plan. This year, 8,033 students bought ;; the meal plan, which provides 13 ~. meals per week, for $1850.94. This fig~ ure breaks down to $8.19 per day, or $57.33 per week. The average student ea ts approximately 9.75 of these 13 meals. Thus, many students are paying for food they will never eat.

'There is a fair argument for equity," admits Foulke.

Take, for example, Brian and Karen.

Brian eats al113 meals a week and regu-. larly gets second and third helpings.

Karen, on the other hand, usually has only a salad at each meal and skips Honestly, would you eat this? a meal every so often. Should Karen pay the same price as Brian? Under the "might not be the fairest or what the current system, she is effectively subsiresidents most prefer, but it maindizing Brian' s meal plan. tains low costs."

The Pot Law and Students

by Jeff Muir Just how much influence do University of Michi gan students wield when it comes to effecting the City of Ann Arbor' s laws? Is it appropriate for student-run special interest groups to attempt to alter city laws and policies?

Should U-M students run for public office to represent the interests of the citizens of Ann Arbor?

1 have been mulling over these questions for some time now. I am a UM student, of course, but I have also been an Ann Arbor resident for 15 yea rs. In addition, I once attended a sta te college several h undred miles away, so I know \·" hat it feels like to be a "resident" of a city that posSt.'Sscs certain cha racteristics wi th which I do

not personally agree and would like to change.

Historically, the permanent residents of Ann Arbor have opposed two particularly controversial issues in Ann Arbor associated with and supported by the city's seasonal student population: the rece ntly amended decriminalized status of marijuana and the intertwining issues of rent control, homeless ness and downtown development. Contributing di rectly to these issues has been U- M student invol vement in ci ty poli tics.

This article, on the issue of decriminalized mari juana, is the first of two articles concerning the lJ- M student impact on city politics. Next

month I will discuss rent control, homelessness and downtown development.

The controversy surrounding marijuana de-criminalization first arose in 1972 and has since been intimately linked with the U- M community. That year, the Human Rights Party (HRP), an organization dominated by students, succeeded in electing two of its members to city council. The two were U-M student Gerry DeGrieck, the first student ever to win a council seat, and Nancy Wechsler, who had graduated (rom the U-M the previous year.

Wi th these two votes, the HRP was able to have a tremendous influence in the affairs of the city, as neither the

This system exists for reasons of "financial security," says Larry Durst, the Housing Administrative Office's Business Manager. The "financial security" is not for the students, however.

Another source in the Hospitality Services says, "Some people feel safer with a $15 million yearly budget instead of a $1 2 million budget, making S1 00,000 above expcnses which in tum would go to the General Student Residence Reserve, a fund used for dorm renovations and other major expenses."

Obviously, the U-M needs to meet its financial obligations, but the means to such an end should not be through limiting student options.

Hospi tality Services and the Residence Hall Association have discussed a 10 meal-anytime-per-week option.

The 13 meal plan would still be left open as an option for those who actually eat 13 meals a week, but at a slightly higher cost. Those selecting the alternate plan would therefore pay a slightly lower cost than they presently do. Foulke believes this flexibility wo uld probably reduce absenteeism because the 10 meal plan is c1oscrto the prescnt a verage number

Please See Page

Inside

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Shaker Jake the Monopoly

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Interview with Deane Baker

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Kevin Phillips Book Review

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The Michigan Review, November 1990, p. 2

Serpent's Tooth "It's probably the shittiest publication .__on campus.::..said MSA President Jennifer Van Valey, referring to the publication you are now reading. We could not agree more, especially after last month's issue, when we printed a front-page story on Van Valey'sdubiousconnection with the Palestine Solidarity Committee, an organization to which she gave $1000 in student fees this summer. We also turned Van Valey's hatred for the Review into a politically embarassing situation for her last week when we exposed to the Daily her plans to evict us from our office. All of that sure was shitty of us, Jenny, and we promise to maintain our standards of mediocrity, as long as you do the same.

On Halloween the Review held a do-

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nut/bagel! coffee sale in the Fishbowl.

One naive staffer suggested that we supply ,cream cheese, Sweet-n-Low, and other luxury items to better serve our customers. Senior staffers, however, gave a cruel laugh. "Why should we?" they asked. "We have a government-sanctioned monopoly. No one can compete with us, because MSA issues sale permits. MSA doesn't believe in the free market." We ruthlessly took even further advantage of helpless students by charging 50 cents for a lousy six ounces of coffee, smiling Stalinisticly as long lines began to form in front of our table.

While selling our food, we violated several "consumer"protection" laws.

All those poor students who chose to buy our products didn't have Big Broth ... uh, the StateofMichigan properly regulating our transactions. Here is just a sampling of the laws we broke: 1) We did not use state-approved food containers.

2) We resold retail food goods.

3) We used bare hands to serve food.

4) We did not cover the food.

5) We did not separate the powdered cream into small, individual packets.

6) We did not wear hairnets.

7) We did not post prices.

8) We did not give receipts.

9) We did not charge sales tax.

To further spite regulators, we took our ill-earned profits and invested them in smuggling fruit across state lines.

Another interesting aspect of our coffee sale, out of which we seem to be getting unlimited Serpent's Tooth mileage, surrounded the MSA coffee pot we rented, complete wi th insidious neon-green sticker insisting we "Boycott Folgers." Now, don't think for one minute that after seeing this sticker we consciously purchased Folgers coffee, the brand preferred by right-wing death squads and served in America's finest restaurants, for our sale. Honest folks, it was a coincidence. Yet faced with the moral dilemma of either protecting the lives of innocent peasants or making a fast buck, weobviousiy chose the latter, as would any heartless, selfrespecting capitalist. We also used styrofoam cups.

In celebration of Student Activism Week: CHALK DOESN'T STOP GUNS!!! GUNS STOP CHALK!!!

CHALKISM!!! GUNISM!!! STOP STOP GUN STOP CHALK CHALK!!! A special thanks to those activists who contributed a much-needed intellectual discourse concerning the campus deputization issue.

Much like environmental activism, free speech is pretty hip these days among the politically correct. Of course, these are the same people who lobbied the U-M to place muzzles on white, heterosexual males, thereby making the campus climate more clement for women, minorities, gays, and other downtrodden life forms.

The whole matter of free speech recently re-waxed its anti-establishment veneer, however, with the NEAMapplethorpe and 2 Live Crew cases.

Now, every socially and politically conscious individual pays homage to the God of Free Speech, even in pursuit of totalitarian-progressive agendas. We often hear, "I support your right to say what you want, but. .." This hypocrisy calls to mind a quote from Winston Churchill: "Some people's idea of (free speech) is that they are free to say what they like, but if anyone says anything back, that is an outrage. "

"SATs are racist!" scream the dogooders of Mother Earth. Many now claim the SATs to be super-racist, however, as a recent proposal suggested allowing test-takers the use of

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calculators. "Only white people, all of whom are rich and own calculators, will pass!" they yell. So, as long as we're allowed to make gross, disgusting generalizations along racial lines, we suggest other sections to balance things out: Gutter Slang Proficiency, Arts Practicum in Graffiti, 5O-Yard Dash with Television Set, Car Abandonment, and Arson.

If it is true that a man can be judged as much by his enemies as by his friends, then Senator Jesse Helms is a Truly Great American. His reelection victory has given us hope that even against the calumnies of a nationally mobilized liberal establishment, truth can prevail. May he continue to be a cogent voice for freedom.

Visiting Professor Gregory B. Smith wins the Courageous and Sensible Educator of the Month Award. At the beginning of a recent lecture in his political science class, Smith stated that a number of students inquired as to why his reading list did not include more feminists. The professor responded that "feminist authors are not underrepresented at this university, while Hamilton, Madison, and Lincoln are. Besides, I have yet to read something by a feminist author that had not been previously articulated by a white, European male."

Regent Philip Power wins this month's Deane Baker Award for a quote found in the Daily: "I would say there are issues a lot more important to the prosperity and success of the University than the staff of the Lesbian and Gay Male Programming Office." The gall!

From our brothers in solidarity at the UAW comes a gleaming example of the left's open-mindedness and dedication to intellectual diversity. When some UAW members enrolled themselves in Wayne State's "Labor and Society: a Rank and File Perspective" class, which - if you can believe this - takes a sometimes skeptical view of today's union monsters, the organization threatened to cut off tuition benefits.

After all, it would be a shame if the mindless proletariat was exposed to such brainwashing.

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan Editor-in-Chief John J. Miller Publisher Carey Brian Meadors Executive Editors Adam DeVore Brian Jendryka Mark Tulkki Assistant Editors Rahul Banta, Clifton Gault, Joseph Klein French Correspondent Karen Brinkman Production Manager Ruth Armstrong Personnel Manager Vince Wilk Editor Emeritus Marc Selinger Staff Mike Beidler, Thomas Binkow, David Boettger, Jim Borninski, Brian Cook, Pete Daugavietis, Vincent DeSantis, Gregg Donnenfeld, Mark Dundon, Mary Beth Dziedzic, Athena Foley, Adam Garagiola, Reg Goeke, Monica Hanson, Jon Hoekstra, Nicholas Hoffman, Heath~r Johnston, Shannon Luttermoser, Jeff Muir, Chris Peters, Dave Powell, Michael Skinner, John Stanfield, Mark Stem, Chris Terry, John Transue, Al Tulkki, Stacey Walker, Tony Woodlief The Michigll71 RttIitw is an independent, non-profit, student""IUII journal at the University of Michigan. We are not affiliated with any political party. We welrome letters and artides and enrourage romments about the journal and issues discussed in it. Our address is: Suite One

911 North University Ann Arbor, MI48109- 1265 (313) 662- 1909

Copyright 1990

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What does Mosher-Jotdan dorm food really taste like?

by Brian Cook

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Szechuan Sole Terry Perrone, LSA Sophomore: They must think they can fool us with tricky names, but they can't. It stiU reminds me of road kill - it's vaguely reminiscent of a flattened squirrel with treadmarks. The sauce and the spice chunks resemble blood and maggots.

Beef Stroganoff Pat O'Connell, LSA Sophomore: It reminds me of the last time I puked observe the texture and color. I recall having some two days ago, when it was "fresh." The noodles were less rubbery, so they get an 8 on the heaveho scale, a 2+ for edibility.

Roast Beef

Larry Bartos, LSA Freshman: Looks, smells, cuts, and ... mmmm, t?-stes like shoe rubber.

Ratatouille William Someus, LSA Freshman: It dosn't taste good. I don't like zuchini.

Even if I did? No, it stili wouldn't taste good. The dish is ugly, and the cheese has formed a sort of scab. Want some?

Good choice.

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Do you ...

Oppose speech bans?

Support the teaching of classic literature?

Abhor the politicization of the classroom?

Feel the U-M/s leftists need to be challenged? .

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If you answered "yes" to any of these questions, . . support ·

The Michigan Rev.ieUJ , .

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With your tax".<Jedllctible.<;io~ation of $150TlT).or,e, y.o,~ ~Il!rf:Ne.i:Ye..<l9\'~:Yea~ subscription tot)le campus affairs jourp.al of, tl:W tjniver~~ty ;~( Michigrl,l. t , You'll read in-depth articles about the ~asteful ,V'"'M.' qure~~~r!i~j1,b~;tl}~ : first to hear of First Amendment violatiQ\ls"andi keep ,<l;l1r~sJ ot, tll~Jpr~,s . ' working, to'erodetraditional W-estern~.u~a"()ri. " ~ :.1 ') ' i " I

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From Suite One: Editorials .

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Over 100 students representing dozens of student organizations packed ".' themsetvesintothe Michigan Student Assembly{MSA) cllam~lastwet)k.11:tey came not because they were curious to learn about the inner wor}Qngs,of their student government, but rather to insure the Assembly not arbitrarily threaten or potentially destroy their organizations, some of which had been denied the office space they had occupied for many years.

MSA essentially serves as the landlord for all student organizations hoping to occupy an office in the limited spaces available in the Michigan League and Michigan Union. Every September, the groups must apply for office space, even if they already occupy an of~ce. Then, according to chapter 42, section 31 ofthe Compiled Code, MSA's procedural rulebook, "MSA shall establish a~~~mitlfe to make recommendations for space allocations each year. The Chairperson of BPC (Budget Priorities Committee) shall preside. The committee shall be com-: ' posed of MSA members and/or MSA employees."

For years, however, there were more office spaces available than there were applicants. The committee was never formed, and the chairof BPC an~ated office space without controversy. Everyone was happy.

This September, however, an abnormally large number of groups applied for office space. Instead of forming the prescribed committee, BPC Chair Charles Dudley followed recent historical precedent and arbitrarily allocated office space among 85 applicants, leaving many student organizations without a home.

Among the evicted were the Ann Arbor Film Cooperative, the Cinema Guild, .

Consider, the Gilbert and Sullivan Society, the Latin American Solidarity Committee, the Michigan Review, and the Undergraduate English Association - groups that had longooeupied the same offices. Granted space were newer groups like the Association of Black Journalists, the Greens, and Teaching Assistants for

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Social C h a n g e . , , Dudley ~dmitt~ he 9~dnot form the committee required by the Compiled Code d\rect \iiolationrof MSA's constitution - and claimed that MSA PTe$i~eQttJennifer Van Valey~ged him to, deny the Review its office space.

Although Van Valey admitted that she "would not be upset" if the Review were refused office space, she denied Dudley's allegation. In an effort to not single-out any particular organization, Dudley decided he would simply deny offices to all pubJi<::ations. He claims to have based some of his other decisions on the poor upkeep of ~ffices and fire h.:tzards., ' ., The,preblem-came toa,head at last week's MSA meeting, when scores of stu. de"t~ jarnme4 the t\SPefllbIfc¥mbers to express their grievances against the allocation procedure. Thankfully, ~ proposal submitted by Esther Armstead, R$ec:ca.!;ebbes,and Van V~ley manfiged to find office space for every applicant.

After much lpst:-minute shuffling, the proposal passed, to most everybody's satisfaction. ; ; ;

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'Regar'dlessof the details' of this particular case, the potential for abuse in the future remains. MSA must now address the mechanism that allowed such a fiasco to occur. Dudley has promised to ~tablish a Space Allocations Committee to look into the matter. What MSA ~eeds are a set .of guidelines that will consider an organization's seniority, number ofinembers, visibility, and contribution to the U-McDmmunity, be itch,iH'tcitJle, political, er whatever. In the future, Alpha Phi Omega, a .~member service fraternity, should not have to fret over keeping its already cramped quarters, the Amateur Radio Club its expensive equipment, or the Review its role as the only campus publication dedicated to conservative and libertarian ideas.

No Cops, No Guns, No Dice For all of the Michigan Student Assembly's (MSA) complaining, one would have seen." think they were very close to overturning the administration's decision to depuOf course, MSA's response to such criticism has consisten tly alleged tha t the tize a campus police force. Yet, even walking through the aftermath of a student administration is unwilling to work with student input, and that, in effect, it is government "chalk-in" on the Diag, three questions lurk in the background: Is conspiring to avoid contact withMSA. However, a NovemberS letterfrom Shirley MSA's pseudo-activism conducive to a rational, productive discussion of the Cla,rksop~ assistantto the, President, sta tes, "(W)e have tried repeated Iy to engage issues, is the activist ~pproach likely to be effective, and are MSA's efforts being the MSA leadership in discussions of this and many other issues of mu tual concern. For example, over th~past two months, we have made frequent calls and undertaken for wholly nonpartisan reasons?

In many cases, student activismat the University of Michigan leads to success. sent me~ges to (MSA) President Jennifer Van Vatey to arrange our regular One need only to look to the Blacls Action Movement(B,AMHorproofof this,.'Yet, monthly meetings between her, members bf the administration, and President ~sidiVi~Il1~gws, BAMis'a tough act to follow - and there is something inescapaDuderstadt and to initiate other formal and informal interactions ... Regrettably, bly artificial about a Student Activism Week sponsored by the student governwe have received no response at all." Ironically, Corey Dolgon, chair of MSA's ment. Vice President of Student Services Dr. RoseHe Wilson captured MSA's Students' Rights Committee and a principal sponsor of the recent activism, has not returned our calls. dilemma rather well, observing, "What MSA is doing is not new, exciting, nor anxiety provoking." . '" .. ,The ~e letter raises an0p'er troubling concern which pertains to Van Nevertheless, after hearing Regent Thomas Roach call M~A' s well-attended V~rY's ,real motives for spon5()dng anti.:.aeputization hysteria. In an open letter September rally in Regents' Plaza "not very persuasive," it seemed only natural to Presid~nt DuderstadtrVan ~ a]ey and others demand that, ''The regen ts immeto wonder how well MSA's antics sit with the rest of the administration. diatelYseftipj)ublic forumson campus safety :" before Novemb~r 15." Beneath the superficial appearance that Van Valey is acting with student interests in mind, According to U-M President James Duderstadt, "Activism is a strong tradition at Michigan ... (but) We try not to respond reflexively, to sma:lIfactions that try, qn~ ~iscov~rs an intere~til1g ulterior motive. As Clark,son wrote of Van Va ley' s to dominate campus discussion, however vocal or confrontational they, may be." letter, liThe tQne of your letter and the timing you propose dpes at least raise the Dr. Wilson echoed Duderstadt: ''For some purposes,prot~t is~ le&,tirnate and apq~es?~n OF wheth~~ yourl:iem~~~s are linked to partisan strategies in connection propriate route to take; for other purposes, it has no effect at aU." •.

WIth. the MSAelCFhon on November 14th and 15th."

In the very least, has MSA's activism contributed to the discussion of depuThus; M:SA's activism has been inefficacious. Instead of trying to soberly work with the administration, certain members of MSA have spent their greatest efforts tization on campus? Wilson seems to think not. According to her, although there has been ample opportunity for MSA to interact with the administration, certain on chalking the Diag and selling anti-deputization t-shirts. They have been using key members of MSA have been systematically non-responsive to the the iss!le of student safety-and therefore U-M students-as pawns in the irown " .... administration's offers. '!here.has been ~ discourse of reason/'she ~amen~ed, . selfj~~d\zf!,'&: p9IitjSalJdlspl~y..

"Students could work WIth vanous comrmtt~ or ~~e ,a r~~sone? ~a~ agamst . ")¥ay~. t~~r~,was ~ :~ny ,k~me} of truth i~ th~ side~aJkgraffiti; students need the proposals. Reason could temper thestandmg decrslCm, but that IS not what we to~~~ ¥R.lJ1ey n~to rea1~ that the xnajonty of MSA is a loose collection of

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The Michigan Review, November 1990, p. 5

Essay

Government Should路 Fund No Art

by David J. Powell A woman "performing artist" prances nude across the stage, with chocolate smeared over her body, and though you may lament the waste of chocolate or nudity, it does not occur to you she is "making a statement."

Irving Kristol's account of your tax dollars hard at work underscores the current rationale behind government funding of the arts: The public has the obligation to support art, but no right to question its content.

Any discriminating judgment on behalf of the people, besides being criminally narrow minded, elitist, racist, sexist, and homophobic, isa form of censorship, threatening to artistic expression. And, for those of you who do not care for photographs of crucifixes submerged in a vat of urine and other masterpieces courtesy of the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA>, an abridgment of First Amendment rights.

Nevertheless, I recently beckoned the opportunity to have my world view "challenged" by an oil painting of a man lying on his back, legs over his head, and penis in his mouth. Aside from being awe struck by such an awesome display of human flexibility, the painting elicited little reaction from me - it led to neither an enlightened or broadened perspective on human sexuality nor did it, withapologies to Senator Helms and my parents, provoke an outburst of moral indignation.

The painting mentioned above is part of the "Fear No Art" exhibit presently playing at Ann Arbor's Perform. ance Network, and is running through路 December 2.

Several weeks have passed since I saw the exhibit, however, and I still hold the notion that much of what I had seen was obscene - that is, unfit for consumption by certain sectors of the population. Nevertheless, there are probably a handful Ann Arborites out there thinking, "Maybe if he saw the exhibit again ... Maybe then he could free himself from the shackles of primitive morality."

Therein lies the problem behind this kind of "art" - the destructive animus under which it is created.

There is an increasing tendency among today's artists to assail the religious and aesthetic sensibilities of a great number of people. As such, craftsmanship and a sense of purpose transcending the artist's egoism has been super-

seded by the all-consurning passion to . offend the general public.

Because I amaware that rhy observation may be dismissed as "hopelessly provincial" by respected members of the arts community, I will refrain from any further discussion on the relative merits of art and tilnyin-

looking at路 photos of naked gay men breaking the law and read a book instead. Obviously, Kendall is as much a stranger to reason as most of the population is to her peculiar "art." Diversify yourself, Lynda. It's the first tenet of your cause! Or does the promulgation of obscene art take precedence over

America has a long-standing tradition of tolerance for thoroughgoing relativism - a tribute to American humility.

It appears, however, that tolerance is being substituted with state sponsorship. diversity and liberty? stead to an entirely different question: Should ci tizens be forced to contribute Thus, it is important to realize, as to the creation and consumption of art Kendall does not, that censorship and that they find blatantly offensive? the refusal to subsidize are two very different things. Refusal to subsidize According to both Performance art that assaults the aesthetic sensibiliNetwork Director Lynda Kendall and ties - and sometimes even religious current n~tional policy, they should. In convictions - of a large number of the October 10 Ann Arbor Metro Times, KendaU demonstrates how路some liber- . people is merely the refusal on behalf als are prone to self righteously redeof the federal government to sponsor fining censorship to advance a particuthe trashing of the Judro-Christianlar political or. social agenda: liThe humanist tradition responsible for the foundation of our republic. Furthermore insidious kind of censorship is enforced by the system of the market econbmy and by the decisions of those who have the money and power to display and distri!:'ute various forms of art."

Kendall's implication is that government has an obligation in assisting the "display and distribution" of art that is excluded - for instance, art created by "gay punks" - by the discriminatory (read: censoring) market more, it affirms the widely held mechanism. Whether or not Kendall's maxim: IIpublic funds are to be spent logic is faulty is debatable. Clearly, for public purposes." This would prohowever, it is dangerous. hibit the government from bankrolling the gratification of the aesthetic imKendall wants to take art away from what she perceives to be a pulses of a select few.

Conversely, forbidding the reprewealthy and powerful aggregate yuppies - and put it into the hands of sentation of something deemed objeca colleCtivist bureaucracy capable of tionable would prohibit the creation, display, and exchange of lIoffensive" imposing its will through its constitutional powers and perhaps even coerart. Failing to subsidize, however, is civeforce. the mere refusal to assist in the exThe collectivist Leviathan state, change of art which the market has however, has always posed a greater demonstrated that nobody wants or is willing to fund. threat to individual liberty, and hence Whether we like it or not, the artistry, than the market economy which, as Ayn Rand and others have American experiment in ordered libcorrectly observed, champions the inerty is cast in Judeo-Christian morality. This reflects our Founding Fathers dividual. Perhaps Kendall should quit

profound distrust:inatheists -and sophisters. Nevertheless, America has a long-standing tradition of tolerance for thoroughgoing relativism - a tribute to American humility. It appears, however, that tolerance is being substituted with state sponsorship.

With a limited amount of money to be distributed among a large number of applicants, some exclusion by the NEA is inevitable. This will always be considered lIunfair" by those excluded, but it is by no means oppression. Censorship, however, can only be exercised by those possessing absolute means for enforcing their will - in a civil society only the state has this ability, private citizens do not.

The consolidation of government control over the arts is threatening to artistic expression, for with the obligation to subsidize comes the power to withhold. Entrusting the government wi th these and other elaborate powers, one excludes any effective opposition to a totalizing state.

H Americans find it impossible to reach some kind of consensus as to what constitutes lIartfor public purposes," then the federal government has no justification for funding the arts. Couple most Americans contempt for deliberately offenSive art with the dangers of entrusting the de-

The consolidation of government control over the arts is threatening to artistic expression, for with the obligation to subsidize comes the power to withhold. termination of what constitutes "art" to a collectivist bureacracy, and it becomes clear that not only should we fear no art, but the government should fund no art, either.

DavidJ. Powell is a sophomore in history and political science and a staff writer for the Review.

No Skate Punks allowed on the Michigan Review MTS Forum.

To join, type MREV: Forum at the do next? prompL

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Satire

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by Chip Joyce In an effort to promote competition in Ann Arbor, the federal government has filed anti-trust lawsuits against two local alleged monopolies.

Preacher Mike and Shakey Jake Woods have recently been indicted for effectively monopolizing their respective trades.

continues, "many professors and campus organizations tell students that since they are guilty, they must sacrifice themselves to something, whether it be God, the State, the Environment, or the Common Good. Essentially, these are all a part of one market: the

throughserond.:..handdothes stores, lookingfor:gannents? :Where were they when he was practicing his guitar, mastering those two and a half chords?

If they were being as productive, they would be able to successfully compete against him- and possibly even beat

"I can't compete against a guy who's got cool threads. I only got my sexy chest to earn me money." - Hairy Willy

U.S. Government v. Preacher Mike Preacher Mike has been indicted for "unfair competition," under Section 2 of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. It is alleged that his oratory skills, developed from years of practice on the Diag, represent an effective barrier to entry allowing him to maintain an unnatural monopoly. In his brief, the prosecuting attorney claimed that "it is virtually impossible for another preacher to compete against Preacher Mike in selling guilt trips in the Diag market, and in the spirit of free enterprise, this must be challenged."

The prosecutors cited Judge Learned Hand's decision in the 1945 case United States v. Aluminum Company of America; the infamous "ALCOA Case." Judge Hand ruled that, "although (ALCOA) insists that it never excluded competitors; we can think of no more effective exclusion than progressively to embrace each new opportunity as it opened, and to face every newcomer with [such competitiveness], having the advantage of experience...."

Preacher Mike's attorneys are counteringthmhe guilt~trip market has been too narrowly defined. In fact, note his attorneys, the relevant market is not simply guilt trips but irrational, emotional arguments in general. Since Preacher Mike certainly holds no monopoly on illogical, emotional appeals atthe University of Michigan, his attorneys have claimed, monopoly power under this definition will be much more difficult to prove.

"The government's charges are unfounded," argues an attorney for Preacher Mike. "By arbitrarily defining Preacher Mike's market as being guilt trips only, they have over-simplified the issue. The students who accept his guilt trips often must also accept other irrational, emotional arguments.

They accept ideas on how a person ought to think and live, and this is where the rest of the market comes in.

"Preacher Mike certainly isn't the only competitor in this market," he

ike'Ja'n(j,r'Jake

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irrational, emotional argument market. Preacher Mike's guilt trips are indeed an integral part, for without such guilt, none of the rest of this market would exist. (The illogical argument market) is a very delicate, complex market, and we don't believe Preacher Mike is unfair competition. If anything, look how much of a market he has created."

U.S. Government v. Shakey Jake Woods

i

In, another significant but unre: lated case, local celebrity guitarstrummer and postcard-seller Shakey Jake Woods is being sued for unfair competitionin the pan-handling market of Ann Arbor. The prosecutors seek a settlement through which Shakey Jake would be compelled to teach his acquired talents to all prospective competitors. Citing the I. C. I. and du Pont~ase of 1952, in which Judge Ryall 'm.lmdated du Pont provide would-be competitors with technical information on its patents, the Justice Department seeks a similar ruling. , According to the prosecutor, "We hope that the judge rules that, in the name of free market competition, Shakey Jake must share his fashion secrets with would-be competing panhandlers. Also, we seek that he must teach them the two and a half chords he knows how to play on his guitar."

The defense attorneys argue that Shakey Jake has not acted with the intent of reducing free market competition. "On the contrary, Shakey Jake's success is simply a product of the free market. His aggressive innovation and diligent capital investment into his wardrobe and guitar has paid off.

"And as to those who can't compete against him now - where were they' when he was rummaging

him. Everrif they can't sllccessfully compete, there are plenty of other markets. No one can rightfully demand a place in a market; they can only try to earn such a place."

In the campus area, several burns claim that their attempts to enter the pan-handling market have been thwarted by Shakey Jake's alleged unfair competition.

"I can't compete against a guy who's got those cool threads, sunglasses, and guitar. I only got my sexy chest to earn me money," complains Hairy Willy, who regularly begs for change in the Diag, sans shirt. ''It ain't fair that [Shakey Jake] can play two and a half chords on his guitar. I learned only one chord before I ' had to qui t taking lessons; then I had to sell my guitar to pay for bus fare to Woodstock. Now, how am I supposed to compete?" asks an exasperated bum who could not remember his name.

The trials have been delayed until December at the request of both Preacher Mike and Shakey Jake. This delay will minimize interruption of their professions, as Winter is the slow season for both.

Chip Joyce is a sophomore in history and a staff writer for the Review.

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The Michigan Review, November 1990, p. 7

Bad Dorm Food Continued From Page 1 of meals being consumed (9.75)Also, those students who choose the 10 meal plan will be able to fit more of their meals into their schedules, with students averaging perhaps 9 meals a week, estimating a 10 percent absenteeism caused by, for example, students occaSionally calling out for pizza on weekends or skipping a meal when they are sick.

Foulke believes this plan will save students two or three percent of the initial cost, and he has considered other options.

Another plan makes considerable savings in labor costs through weekend cafeteria consolidation. Foulke figures with the 10 meal anytime plan, students will use most of their meal credit during the week. This would result in decreased activity in the cafeteriasduring the weekends. Byoperating only certain cafeterias on the weekends - say, Bursley, Markley, East Quad and either South or West Quad and closing the other five - the savings potential increases to five or ten percent.

Another of Foulke's ideas, which warrants cafeteria consolidation, is a 7 meal anytime plan. Since these credits would most likely be used for dinner, many cafeterias could close for either breakfast or lunch. If they did not close, they could at least limit their serving times to only one hour, for instance. Presently, labor accounts for 53 percent of the Food Service budget.

Raw food costs, at about 40 percent of the budget, would also decline, but probably not as significantly as the savings from cutting labor. Clearly, shorter hours would save student money.

Students taking advantage of the presen t 13 mea I plan would be the ones •

~

most inconvenienced by increased flexibility. They would be forced to eat at another donn on the weekends. But to remedy their inconvenience by leaving all the cafeterias open at everyone else's expense is unfair. If students can bear walking to class on cold, snowy January days during the week, they can most certainly survive walking to a cafeteria on the weekend.

and $4000 to pay for the use of U-M's mainframe and minicomputers. Tom Calcaterra, the General Manager of Pizzeria Uno's, described this cost as a /lstonewall tactic by the University to prevent competition./I He went on to say, /lNo one in their right mind would do it for those costs. I can't see why any merchant would pay that much./I Jerry Hool, the Supervisor of the

The General Manager of Pizzeria Uno's described this cost as a "stonewall tactic by the University to prevent competition. No o~e in their right mind would do it for those (osts." .

The Hospitality Services could also open its monopolized student market to outside businesses, or even completely dissolve itself, allowing a free market system to handle the problem. Some universities totally remove themselves from the food service industry and contract private food serVice companies, such as the Marriott Corporation. In other words, students could choose not only when they eat, but also what they eat .

Another alternative is to expand the uses of Entree PhIS and decrease the number of mandatory meals, if not make all meals optionaL In a system using only Entree Plus, a student eating in the cafeteria will have the cost of the meal deducted from a running balance. The present cost for eating at the cafeteria for students is $4.92 for dinner and $3.79 for lunch.

Additionally, private restaurants could accept the student meal cards.

They presently have this option, albeit a t the very steep price of $6000 per yea r - $2000 to rent a meal card machm.:

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Little Caesar's Pizza Station, recently relocated to the basement of the Union, hada different view. ,ilf you came to the Little Caesar's on South University a year ago, I would have said it was too much. But here in the Uriion it's not too much./I Should this alternative be enacted, the seeds of competition have already been planted. In hopes of making more money, Little Caesar's would invest the $6,000. If this proved successful, other businesses would probably follow suit. Soon afterwards, local businesses would be offering bargains

to entice students to buy at their own store, instead of at their competitor's.

Students would then have a choice between cafeteria and restaurant food.

They would not be obligated to pay for the mandatory 13 meal plan.

"I lived in West Quad myself, and I wish I had other alternatives to the dormitory cafeterias," said Hool.

In such a situation, the U-M cafeterias would be forced to compete with outside businesses. The quality and prices of food available to students would improve in both cafeterias and local restaurants.

Granted, if cafeterias were consolidated on weekends and fewer people ate in them, the dollar per meal ratio would be higher. If you are simply looking for an /lall you can eat" deal, this is still very reasonable. But if all you care to eat isa salad, pita, or slice of pizza with a drink, this price is seriously inflated -a luxury many college students cannot afford . Also, those who enjoy the /lall you can eat" option for every one of their 13 meals should, rightly, pay more for their meals. Students ought to choose and pay for what they eat, rather than making others subsidjze and decide their meals.

Peter Daugavietis is a sophomore in the Residential College and a staff writer for the Review.

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Interview

Deane Baker Discusses:'the 'U-M, Himself On October 12, Mark Stem of the Review interviewed Regent Deane Baker. Baker, a Republican, was reelected to a third S-year term in November, 1988.

REVIEW: Have you ever eaten in the dorm cafeterias?

go above and beyond those provided for regular students?

BAKER: We operate a very broad scope of services to students throughout the University, from the handicapped to those who are in need of financial aid, and it is very difficult to try to determine the allocation of those

BAKER: Yes I have, on many occasions.

REVIEW: Doyou believe that privatization of these cafeterias would be a good idea? Should students be able to use their meal payments at a ntlmber of places off campus, such as restaurants, rather than being compelled to eat in the cafeterias?

REVIEW: The Athletic Department recently posted a deficit First of all, do you as a Regent have much specific oversight in this area? Second, is this something that hC)S been happening historically, or is this a new development in Michigan athletics?

BAKER: I think with the number of students we have it would be very difficult. In this case, I do not think privatization would be appropriate. We already have an efficient organization to provide food, housing, and other services.

REVIEW: Did you vote for the original "speech code," which has since been ruled unconstitutional?

BAKER: I voted for the code subject to certain modifications of it, and it was substantially modified because of my efforts. I did vote for it in its final form.

REVIEW: There are attempts now being made to create a new speech policy to replace the interim policy which has been in effect since the first one was ruled unconstitutional. In light of the events that have taken place since the passage of the original code, would you support a new code?

BAKER: I voted for the code to be supportive of the President and supportive of the idea of trying to develop a consensus on this matter. However, at that time I called the code unconstitutional, and the record clearly shows that I did. If given the opportunity today, I would vote against the original code, and I would vote against the existing code that was instituted by President Duderstadt under his au-' thority as President on a temporary basis.

REVIEW: Should the U-M be obligated to provide special services for groups, such as homosexuals, which

tions of entering students or people who live in the dormitories. I think these are in some ways inhibitions of free speech, and I have received many complaints from parents and students about these indoctrination sessions. I have raised these issues from time to time with the Administration. I do not think that the University ought to preach orthodoxy. That is not its job. It ought not preach theology, it ought not preach orthodoxy, it ought not preach a particular set of limitations on freedom of speech and action, and I think that is what it does.

If the matter of a class on diversity came to the Board of Regents, and I do not think it will, I would vote against it on the basis of free speech. I think that the University's young people are mature adults. Certainly there are incidents from time to time which are unfortunate and hurtful because of free speech, but that is the price of freedom and that is the price of free speech.

ual persuasion who might like to come back to the Qther side, and there was a considerable objection to my question.

The reason for the latter question was that there are organizations, in Ann Arbor, and Saginaw, and Cincinnati and in other places throughout the United States, that counsel homosexualand lesbian individuals, and sometimes those indi~ viduals eventually accept a heterosexual lifestyle, or in some cases becoIl1e celibate.

funds. My own sense is that public money ought not to be used to advocate homosexuality, or other matters of a similar dimension that fall into the fame category. Now that does not mean that legitimate services of ageneral nature offered to all students should not be offered to the lesbian and gay male groups. There is a difference between advocacy and the extension of services which all students receive.

REVIEW: They have at present a counseling office which you have stated you do not believe is fully impartial.

BAKER: I asked a question: Are those counseling services impartial? That matter was responded to by the Provost, who said in essence, as I recall, that he thought they were impartial.

The other question that I raised at that time was whether counseling was provided for those people of homosex-

REVIEW: Do you believe that the Regents should have any say at all in the curriculum, or should this be left in the current situation, where the LS&A faculty determines requirements of this nature?

BAKER: The Regents have full responsibility for all aspects of the University. In that sense they do have oversight of the Athletic Department.

In many ways the Athletic Department is self-supporting. There is going to be a defici t this year. It would be my hope that this be the only year that they have a deficit. It is always disconcerting when you have unbalanced budgets.

BAKER: As a general rule, the faculty has those responSibilities, and it would probably be unusual for the Regents to reach into a faculty decision like that. 1 would expect they have the right to do it, but whether it would be a wise thing to do is another matter.

REVIEW: Why did you vote for the deputization of University security guards as a University police force?

REVIEW: The faculty of LS&A recently passed a requirement that students take one class dealing with what they term "diversity." What do you fuink about this requirement?

BAKER: I think if you look at my record on matters of free speech you will find that I am a strong advocate of free speech. There are a series of programs in the dormitories and in the Orientation program for students and elsewhere 'which present the orthodoxy of the University to incoming students. By orthodoxy I mean the present view of the values of the University, its attitudes, and its expecta-

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BAKER: Actually, I opposed the establishment of a University police force for many years; it has been an ongoing subject. I agreed to it this year because I think the there is a substantial increase in campus crime. Just a few weeks ago, gunshots were fired and people were stabbed and beaten at the Union. Those actions have no place on a campus. The Ann Arbor police responded quickly and they did a good job, but the seeuri ty officers and the administration and the Regents think that many aspects of policing can be better enforced by a University police force, and that is why I was supportive of it.

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Baker REVIEW: What do you think about the student protests to reverse that de;. cis ion? ' BAKER: I do not think it will be reversed. In the long teJ'm it is going to be beneficial to the University and to the safety of the men and women students on the campus.

REVIEW: Can the Regents create a positive check-off for the allocation of mandatory fees, like the Michigan Student Assembly fee? Or perhaps students could pay their mandatory fees in total, but would be able to decide which organizations they would like to allocate them to. Do you think this would be a good idea?

BAKER: Philosophically, I do not believe in mandatory fees. I have voted against them time and time again on Uni versi ty issues. (When I say mandatory fees I am talking about fees that are not specifically involved in the educational process.) I think you have to have fees for living in the dormitory and for paying tuition and those sorts of things are legitimate educational costs. But when it comes to supporting poli tical ideas, whole theories of things from PIRGIM to boycotts, I do not support them. I vote against them because they are not specifically educational matters. Your politics might be different than my politics. I should not be burdened with paying for your expression, and you should not be burdened with paying for my expression of political views.

REVIEW: You have been a regent for 17 years. This is your 18th year.

BAKER: And for 7 years before that I was on the Grand Valley State University Board, so I have been at this business about 25 years.

REVIEW: What originally motivated you to run for the office of Regent?

BAKER: I have always had an interest in higher education. Governor Milliken appointed me to the Grand Valley Board, and I saw at that point what I percei ved to be a need for a voice tha t would.ask questions about the educational process, that would question the expenditures of the educational process. In the case of the University of Michigan, I desired to maintain its quality of education and particularly its independence, which it has through constitutional mandate. It is the concept called autonomy.

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society in general. I am an action-oriented, goal-oriented person, and I try to get things done. I try to right wrongs when I see them. ' The last two times I have been elected by the people of Michigan, I have been elected with more votes than any other partisan candidate, except the presidential, senatorial, and gubernatorial candidates. It appears that my tenure in office, in three elections, has passed the test of public - acceptance.

~ most peoplereally donbtpay inough '" abolH yourself or any issue' that you

attention to the news to know who you are?

BAKER: Well, the Michigan Daily said at the end of last year that I had a high identification among the students, and that I was thought to be the only regent who was supportive of student views.

Where they got that bit of knowledge I do not know. It was in the last issue of the Daily last summer.

REVIEW: Your name is invoked quite a bit by the Daily. Do you think that it is unfair of them to be constantly attacking you for things they feel are wrong with society, which you have little or no control over?

BAKER: I wearasa badge of honor the Daily's opposition to my views. I stand for traditional values, for the family, for the church and synagogue, for a society that is equal and fair, and for a strong defense of the nation. These matters seem to be of little interest to the Daily. Consequently, at every opportunity they point out their differences with me. They have a right to print what they do; sometimes I wish it were a little bit more correct factually.

But we can overlook that, and I certainly have a right to say what I say, and intend to continue doing that.

REVIEW: Do you have anything you have done as aregenUhat you are particUlarly proud of, or are you pretty much proud of your whole tenure?

BAKER: I think my stand on free speech is absolutely vital to the University. It is the most important thing that can be done fora university. I have been supportive of the faculty because the faculty is really the University, and without good faculty, the institution would be of little consequence. I pay particular attention what I see as student needs. Obviously, there is some disagreement as to whether or not I see them correctly, but I do try to look out for student interests. I talk to many students, I meet with them regularly, and I try to resolve the issues which they bring to me. Another area of interest concerns the U,niversity buildings, and the planning for the University. I have worked diligently to see that the plans and architectural treatment of the University continue to have an empathy with the past and a vision of the future.

feel ought to be brought to light? . BAKER: In my background over the . years I have worked hard for equality among the races. For example, I have been on the board of the Detroit Urban League for many years. I was twice president of it. I built about 600 low cost homes in Detroit, the Martin Luther King Homes. I have worked for the issues of equality for many years.

I have worked for the improvement of the quality of education at the University of Michigan. That is very important. There is a very large investment on your part, and any other student that comes here, and you should get value for what you pay.

I also try to support the values of the society on a historical basis in the University, and I am often troubled by what the University describes as its values, because I think they are fre-

REVIEW: Finally, what did you think : of the Deane Bakel: Support Group piece in th,! September Review?

BAKER: I thought it was welcome comic relief.

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Pot Law Continued From Page 1

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Democrats nor Republicans had enough votes by themselves to pass legislation. The city council consists of 11 voting members.

The radical HRP joined a very cozy coalition with the liberal Democrats on council. Among its first actions, this coalition rammed through a city ordinance giving Ann Arbor the distinction of possessing the most lenient marijuana laws in the country: a $5 fine for possession of any amount of marijuana.

The 1973 election saw the Republicans pick up enough seats to tal:esontrol of the council, and it quickly'ae-leted this city ordinance. But in 1974 the HRP placed a proposal on the ballot which would amend the city' scharter to include essentially the same decriminalized status for marijuana as had recently been deleted by the Republican caucus. In the days preceding the election, the Michigan Daily gave virtually unlimited space to promoting this issue. On the day before the election, it ran an editorial, signed "the

among other things. Said Jesse: "The campaign was marked by a number of viscous tactics on the anti-free choice side, from arraigning for City Council to vote on putting the resolution on the ballot while most students were on Christmas vacation, to attempting to prevent the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws

Where were these students during Christmas vacation when City Council decided to place the issue on the ballot?

The students were at home, I would guess.

Daily staff," entitled "Support dope ballot proposal." The measure passed by a vote of 16,047 to 14,809. Since the measure was enacted by referendum, it could only be changed by referendum.

An amendment to delete this law was defeated in 1983 bya voteof 13,977 to 8,660. Again, the Daily made itself available to the opponents of de-criminalization, and officially opposed the measure. finally, in 1990, a proposal to raise the fine from $5 to $25-$100 (waived upon proof of attendance at a substance abuse treatment program)

(NORML) from holding a rally on the Diag. And, in the end, the authoritarians won."

These statements clearly demonstrate an ignorance on the part of Mr. Walker that is typical of activist student groups seeking to effect the city of Ann Arbor's laws.

First, if this is Walker's idea of "viscous" campaigning, I· hope he

tent in Mexican varieties of marijuana available in the early 19705 was around .5%, today the 0-9 THC content is about 8%. This represents nearly a twenty-fold increase in potency due to greater sophistication in growing techniques.

Several other authorities on the topic of actolescent substance abuse in Washtenaw County confirmed

never goes into politics, for his own sake. Second, where were these students during Christmas vacation when City Council decided, at an open forum held at City Hall, to place the issue on the ballot? The students were at home, I would guess. Students who do not consider Ann Arbor their home have no business trying to alter the city's laws like a bunch of sophomoric junior politicos. Any students concerned about their rights being trampled by "authoritarians" were free to send in absentee ballots.

Walker also asked three questions

Balmer's claims. Tom Renkes, the Clinical Nurse Manager and Quality Assurance Coordinator at the Center for Mental Health and Chemical Dependency, located at Catherine McAuley Health System's main campus in Ann Arbor, claims that overall marijuana use by adolescents has increased in Ann Arbor since 1972. Superintendant of Ann Arbor Schools Dr. Richard Benjamin concurs, basing his assumptions upon discussions with the city's youth.

A 1986 survey, conducted by Ann Arbor Public Schools in association with the U-M's Institute for Social Re-search found that 13% of seventh graders, 37% of ninth graders, and 65% of twelfth graders had tried marijuana sometime in their lives. Nationally, the survey studied only twelth graders and found that 51 % had used marijuanasometime in their lives.

Additionally, the study found that_ 91.3% of Ann Arbor's twelfth graders reported "ease in obtaining" marijuana, while 28.2% of seventh graders and 77.4% of ninth graders reported that marijuana was "fairly or very easy" to obtain. Apparently Mr. Walker, as well as the groups whose opinions his article represented, feels that these are acceptable levels of marijuana use for our children.

Next Walker asked, "Were criminals running 'pot houses' and neighborhoods being destroyed? No." Wrong again, Jesse. If you ~ver bother

Most students are temporary residents of Ann Arbor and are in a po~ition to abuse their voting privileges since they will not have to pay for any misguided policies enacted by student activism. passed by a vote of 13,101 to 11,419.

Meanwhile, the city thought that skateboarding on sidewalks was serious enough to merit a $50 fine.. Imagine what kind of message this unofficial endorsement of marijuana use sent to the city's youth.

Jesse Walker, writing for the Daily in its 1990 New Student edition, described the Ann Arborites who voted in 1990 to stiffen the $5 fine with words like "unreasonable" and "crusaders,"

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about marijuana. He appointed himself "Marijuana Expert" and IIAnn Arbor Demographics Expert" and proceeded to answer them.

"Had' marijuana use increased since the fine was instituted in the early seventies? No, it hadn't."

Wrong, Jesse. Not only has the use of marijuana by teenagers and pre-teenagers increased in the Ann Arbor area since the early 19705, but the potency of the marijuana available to them has . ,,'

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to drag yourself out of the student section of town, you will find several neighborhoods which have been dramatically effected by drug use and drug traffic. This summer the city's law enforcement officers participated with Federal Drug Enforcement Administration officers in evicting several tenants suspected of dealing cocaine and marijuana from their lowincome housing units. North Maple Village, Pine Lake Cooperative, Hikone, and Arrow Wdod Heights are a few examples of drug-plagued neighborhoods.

Finally, Walker asked "Was it serving as a 'gateway drug?', and answered "No, no more than it ever had."

Wrong again, Jesse. Marijuana has never been considered a "gateway drug" by marijuana users or self-appointed experts, but it has always been regarded to serve as a gateway to more dangerous substances by doctors, scientists, drug therapists, and recovering addicts. And the fact that the potency of marijuana has risen dramatically has exacerbated this problem.

Even if marijuana use among area youths had merely remained stable,

increased exponentially.

James Balmer, Executive Director of Dawn Farms, one of the nation's most successful centers for treatment of chemical dependency in young adults, located in Ypsilanti, claims that while the Delta-9 THC (the addictive substance present in marijuana which alters one's mood and perception) con-

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the increase in. potency represents an increase in 0-9 THe intake. This fact alone is sufficient grounds for re-examining marijuana's decriminalization. The·Committeefor Appropriate Consequences (the group which organized the 1990 campaign to stiffen penalties for ma.rijuana possession) did just that. It presented its case to the voters and prevailed.

This example of the history behind de-criminalized marijuana in Ann Arbor leads one to believe that when considering a choice between self-i) \terest and laws which protect Ann Arbor and it's citizens, U-M students have chosen the former.

I am certainly not suggesting that U-M students be barred from participating in Ann Arbor's political process, however. Rather, I am trying to establish that U-M students, while they may not agree with every aspect of city policy, must show more integrity in deciding what is best for the city of Ann Arbor and its people. Most students are temporary residents of Ann Arbor, and as such, are in a position to abuse their voting privileges since they will not have to pay for any misguided policies enacted as a result of student activism. The case of decriminalized. marijuana amply demonstrates this point.

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Arts: Book Review ,>_,o.i,

Kevin Phillips and "the Politics of Envy The Politics of Rich and Poor Kevin Phillips Random House Hardcover, $19.95 262 pgs.

by Tony Woodlief

Kevin Phillips, putative Republican analyst and 1967 author of The Emerging Republican Majority (touted as the "political bible of the Nixon era"), has created another stir in the political ranks with his latest book.

Concerning political realignment in the 19905, The Politics of Rich ~1id Poor charges the Reagan Administration with presiding over a period of expanding income inequality, pervasive national debt, and unhealthy deregulation. Phillips compares the 1980sand coming 90s with the 19205 and 305, when similar conditions resulted in massive social upheaval and embarkment on Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. While Phillips is dead on with some of his criticisms, the majority of his argument is based on shaky figures largely irrelevant to authoritative macroeconomic analysis.

Phillips begins with an assessmen t of the economic results of the Reagan years, followed by a history of conservative/liberal political cycles in the U.S. This is followed by what is supposed to be the meat of his book, an analysis of income and tax distribution, national and corporate debt, and the impact of Reagan policies on various parts of the country. Phillips uses this analysis to support his thesis that as in 1890 and 1920, conservatives in 1980 embarked on an agenda of tax reductionand deregulation that disproportionately favored the wealthy and those living on the East and West coasts. And, as in the decades that followed these periods, an emerging populist tide in 1990 will once again raise taxes, reregulate, and redistribute wealth.

While this thesis has predictive merit, Phillips fails by trying to oversimplify the macroeconomic problems facing the U.s. as traceable solely to the Republican party and as having simple remedies waiting for the right Dem0crat to come along and apply them.

For example, Phillips claims that the 1981 Economic Recovery Tax Act caused the current federal budget deficit by slashing income taxes, and he bemoans the decline in non-Social Security tax revenue as a percentage of GNP. He overlooks the fact that fed-

eral revenue skyrocketed nearly 30 percent in real terms after the Reagan tax cuts, in large part due to both the tax cuts and deregulation, which helped the economy expand by nearly one-third. And his belief that higher taxes are the only solution to the deficit foreshadows a simple-mindedness

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that characterizes his later analysis.

Alan Keyes, President of Citizens Against Government Waste, points out that while income tax revenues have grown 8% a year in the 1980s, Congress has increased its spending by 11% a year.

While Phillips claims that the fault lies with non-taxers for not increasing federal revenue to match this spending, equal force lies with the charge that Congress should have cut spending. The failure of the Reagan Revolution was not that it cut taxes,but that neither Reagan nor the Republican leadership had the courage or ability to challenge the legitimacy of big government by' pushing real, substantive cuts. John Cogan of the Hoover Institute points out that even the oft--cited 14 percent reduction in discretionary domestic spending between 1981 and 1982 was followed by large spending increases over the next seven years which made up for these cuts.

In addition, Phillips' claims about declining spending on key items like housing and education are patently false. Real spending on education in the US. increased by 24 percent in the 19805, compared to 16 percent in the 19705. Real per pupil expenditures rose 31 percent, ranking the U.s. second in the world behind Switzerland in instructional per pupil expenditures, acCording to Department of

Education figures.' _ As for housing, whil~ appropriations dropped, actual spending rose, increasing the number of subsidized units by one-third. The discrepancy between "appropriations" and "spending" arises because Congress for years passed bloated housing appropriation bills even though money from previous years had yet to be spent. The practice allowed them to claim massive spending for housing even though only a portion .of the housing came on line. The Reagan Administration, though rightly tainted .by the HUD scandal, stopped this deceptive practice, and even tried to empower poor families with vouchers in place of inefficient federally owned facilities, although the latter was rejected by a Congress more concerned with pork-barreling than housing the needy.

Phillips also offers comparisons between the different income classes in the U.s., in order to substantiate his claim that the poor suffered at the expense of the wealthy under Reagan.

Perhaps his strongest case is the fact that the lowest income decile of the American population suffered an overall increase in federal taxes and declining share of national income during the 19805, while the highest decile paid lower taxes on an increased share of national income. His mistake here is to assume that the membership in each decile is static. Given that hundreds of thousands of the unemployed found low-wage jobs in the

people from foreseeing the debacle, but we must remember that federal deposit insurance is the ultimate reason taxpayers are footing the bill. Government insurance is hardly laissezfaire, but to note this does not jibe wi th Phillips' agenda, so he ignores it. As for the fact that overpaid workers in deregulated industries like trucking had to start working for a living, Phillips should not expect too many hearts to bleed.

While Phillips is correct in noting an increase in the number of corporate mergers and leveraged buy-{)uts under Reagan, his analysis, is woefully inadequate. He claims that large fortunes were made shifting capital around, rather than building things, and he is right. But other than the fact most people envy wealth, Phillips offers little help here. Certainly there are important reasons why large corporate debts and paper entrepreneurships are bad, just as there are reasons why fluid capital is advantageous. Phillips ignores the latter, and reduces the former to a monotonic assertion in his final chapters, interspersed with juicy factoids about how much money Michael Milken made in 1987, or how many millionaires there are in the U.S. From deregulation Phillips turns to the Japanese, decrying the Reagan Administration for allowing them to essentially purchase the country. His xenophobic analysis has all of the intellectual rigor of a Dick Gephardt speech. Phillips's first big mistake,

Phillips' xenophobic analysis has all the intellectual rigor of a Dick Gephardt speech.

1980s, a good portion of the lowest income deciles consists of people who previously had no wage income, and thus were not even includes in previous income analyses. For these people, the lower share of national income does not necessarily mean a decline in living conditions.

Phillips goes on to level his guns at deregulation, blaming s&:L's, union wage loses, and increased mergers and takeovers on Republican commitment to the laissez-faire mantra. As with his claims about tax cuts causing a large deficit, he is right, but in a simpleminded way. Certainly lax monitoring of the practices of S&:L's kept most

made by protectionists in general, is to forget that American assets overseas are undervalued compared to foreign assets in the U.s. because the former are older, and are listed on the books at prices that do not account for inflation.

In fact, when the Rand Corporation made such an adjustment in a 1988 study, the U.s. had a positive net balance in investment.

Furthennore, even if Phillips' figures were worth a hill of beans, it is senseless to equate foreign ownership with "debt." Foreign invesbnent simply means that foreigners have faith in

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Arts: Book Review

Exa,min1ng t,

,~ ~ontent!Of ,OurCharacter

, cisrn. R~ently on, th!~ campus, the programs as Affi~tiye:~ction. He Michgan Daily opinion staff went sO fin "dcies not clain\ tha fit is (h\'~vil pi'hgra1\1' 't'· · , ' as to claim ~atthe \ Univ~ris~y's inSt. Martin's Press or that it was formed from bad intencreased en;olIment statistics were a tions. Instead, he asserts that it is a Hardcover, $15.95 mere facade. It claimed that the in175 pgs. failure, a stop-gap measure designed creased enrollment statistics for to rep~ir the damage of the sixties, to Asians only served to mask an unby Joseph Klein appease whites' need for innocence derepresentednumber of South-East Although many of the more obviand blacks' need for a share in the Asians. nation's power. Affirmative Action, ous obstacles to America's minorities ' ,' Steele suggests that this process of ' with its call for "diversity," concenappear to have been removed from ,demonstrating i'oppression to gain today's society, more and more of otlr trates on racial representation rather I , . . ' •• Me; ", ! t Cl power can be' SE:vel'ely damaging. He than racial upliftment: Through its 20 country's minority population ap~ ' 'Claims that many b,lacks find thempears trapped in the underclass. While year reign, the income gap between 0: , selves compelled to project an image of some voters call for additional governblacks and whites has steadily in§1 ' the bla(:k community as victimized mental efforts to solve these problems, creased. Steele calls for policies that r.; " " " ;:; and beaten: In order for ,a black stuensure America's black community an others express a feeling of fatigue 0'<' , ~ dE!nt or jolr-~l.<er to have the innotowards a system that they consider to equal opportunity for success, to~ "cence necessary ,to 'benefit from Afgether with some method of developbe at best ineffective and at worst ment that can give blacks as a whole ~" " fit:mative Action an~i similar policies, hypocri tical. !: ' : he must be ~Victirri;, he must have the confidence and self-reliance necesGeorge Bush vetoes "Civil Rights" ,; suffered. Thebla~kAmericans who sary for success. bills in the name of racial equality. In find themselyes experiencing success In Steele's anaysis, race and racism halls around the country, tens of thouoften must search for signs of oppressands of people gather to hear Louis have become substitutes for self-relision, interpreting every white as an ance. He does not deny that preferenFarrakhan speak out against him. oppressor, every black as a victini tial treatment of whites eXists, no'r<foes Worse yet, opportunists like David Worse still, some internalize the mesDuke pia v upon their constituency's he deny that pure racism exists. He sage that they cannot compete with fear of other races, exploiting racism to describes tellingly the difficulties of 'whites without society's help, in gain votes. They have learned that in trying to release one' s pain in a country L:!:! .~~~-~.~~ · ~, , !,~ ~,~~:;~!~,~ ~:~~, , school and in the workplace. the politics of race, it does not matter with "everything from Confederate Steele interprets modern ' racial While Steele does 'not deny that flags and pickup trucks with gun racks what you say, but how loud you say it. conflict as a battle for power and innoblacks have a difficult time attaining From the cacophony, however, one to black lawn jockeys and flesh-colcence. In his ' analysIs, blacks and' parity with America's whites, he is quiet voice makes itself heard. ored band-aids that are actually pink." deeply distrustful of modem groupDespite the racism still extant in , In The Content of Our Character, , whites have become two competing power groups, each attempting to asbased sOlutions. He' argues that the America, Steele believes that collecwriter and narrator of the PBS docusert innocence and, through it, to gain Civil Rights Movement's victory and mentary Seven Days in Bensonhurst and tivelycombative stances and emphasis power. Perceived innocence, whether the lifting of legal restrictions on on preferential treatment as a solution professor of English Shelby St~le it is linked to the genuine article or not, America's black community is all that presents an honest and insightful only reduce the emphasis on the real gives a group license to pursue power should be expected from group solusolution - personal development and analysis of race in modem America. at another groups expense. , White tions and that preferential treatment is the individualistic drive for achieveHis latest book is at once informative actualiy damaging, transforming theories of racial Superiority allowed ment that have pulled many ethnic and compeliing. their holders, to, enslave a race. The _ much of black America into a class of populations out of the ghetto.

Steele brings a valuable perspec. : ': : ' Civil Rights movement traded upon , • ,perpetual victims, racking the individ~ tive to the issue of race. As a member black innocence~ exchanging a partial ual drive to defeat a system that is of the black middle-dass, he was Joseph Klein is a senior in philosoabsolution of white guilt in exchage for stacked against them. raised by a working-class Chicago phy and an assistant editor for the concessions towards black power.

Steele's dogma of self-reliance Review. family. Anecdotes from the book even sound strikingly similar to some of the More recently~ th,o~gh, Jqe tr~nd has , presnts a compelling case against such tamer anecdotes from The Autobiograbeen,shifting.bac~\;V.atds. Steel~ in,W,.~-----------~---------------. phy of Malcolm X. One example is his , prets President.~e~~an'?goal , of a' "color-blind" societya's an attempt to description of his white sixth grade , portray an erosion 6f black, power i~ teacher, a cruel man who~ after Steele '" misread a sentence, labeled him '''stU:~ , shades of innocence: :" , Both ~ide~ \{f ' the ra'dal conflict pid." Steele writes that heinternalized -, the insult so completely that he was seem to be graspil.lS f?,r i~~oc,ence ~nd the bargaining' sup¢Eiority' ' that it unable to tell his parents of the scorn "\ brings. OppOnerits'of Affirmative Ac~ that the teacher continually inflicted tion and similar policies label them upon him, convincing him that he was ,I "reverse discrimination" while the too stupid to learn. ' policies' proponents accuse society at Unlike Malcolm X, however, large of racism on a scal~ thaJ seems Steele escaped his surroundings through education, rather than , almost uncomhatable.' 'Wl\i)e bppo~ " nents of Aff{rma'tive "AC'tion ' often -~ \. through rebellion a.nd religion. !l, ingnoret:eaI'sOcie,t~l\probl~ms, p~opo- ', Taught the value of ,hard work, achievement, and self-reliance by his nents fing them5ely~. gqi~g tq greater Do you r~ally th,ink we ~~>lt.it the,~firmative ~~ti~n Of~ic~ ,frqI!lAe~~? . family, he earn~d~~~J I?~.P\yl,\\ch beand ~!,,~~¢r,le.ngthg. ~A '9iscov~r r~s- .

The Content of OVr Character ,

Shelby Steele

" came his ticket out of ChicagQand in!?" the California, ~urg~isie. 'Not s~r~ , prisingly,hisappro~~h toth~probl~m_ of race in A~e~~a ~efleCtsn.is exp'erience. He argues that much of the African-American community has allowed itself to devalue self-reliance as a method of empowerment, con~entrating instead on societal cures,such as Affirmative, A,ction aI.'~ self~gre," , " , " ' " , gation.

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Arts: Book Review

Stories of· the Grea1 Lakes ,

Sweetwater, Stonns, and Spirits Victoria Brehm, editor University of Michigan Press Hardcover, $29.50 340 pgs.

by Adam Garaglola

The Great Lakes have been objects of awe and fascination since the time man first came to the region. Such vast bodies of water cannot help but touch the lives and cultures of the people that live on the land that surrounds them.

From the Indians who first migrated into the area thou~J.'!.dsofyears ago, to the first EuropeansettIers, and ultimately the Americans and Canadians of the modern era, each group has learned to make the lakes serve its own needs,while at the same time respecting the lakes for their power and unpredictability. Even in our modern, comfortable age, the lakes can still affect our lives and livelihood. Whether a freakish storm floods a lakeshore communities, or a gale catches a modern steel freighter and smashes it to pieces, the lakes, despite man's best efforts to tame them, still prove to be treacherous and often fatal.

Sweetwater, Stonns, and Spirits, an anthology of short stories edited by Victoria Brehm, reflects man's relationshipwith the Great Lakes and their environs. The stories are divided by categories into loosely related elements. The categories include "Masrersand Men," stories which deal with ships captains and crews, "St.

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mated the dangers of a Great Lakes' gale, and found themselves shipwrecked - or dead. · .

In the 1800s the·first stories by professional authors about the great lakes began to appear. The works written in this period vary widely in quality; popular fiction of the time appears beside well-crafted stories by first rate authors. This leads to a somewhat uneven quality in the writing between stories, but also allows the reader to look at life on the lakes from several

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Elmo's Fire," fanciful tales of ghost ships and sea monsters, and "White Squall," stories dealing with the storms of the lakes and the fate of ships unfortunate enough to be caught in them.

Within these categories, the stories come from a wide variety of different sources. The oldest tales are Indian myths collected from the tribes formerly living along the shores of the.

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are drawn from the period of the late 19th andearly20thC~n:turies, a time ~ wnen commerce.on the lakes reached ~. itS.peak. Perhaps the best story in the f:! work, "Geraniurns/' by Dean Eltham, is set in this era, a period of transition on the lakes, in which the old wooden sailing ships were· slowly being replaced by the forerunners of the modern steel freighter. The story deals with a sailing ship captain and a lockkeeper, and their attempts to preserve their dreams and ambitions against the changing times, which· are making their jobs and skills obsolete. Although lakes. These stories, with their fantasthe story contains neither a fierce storm nor a ghost ship sighting, it is a tic sea monsters and descriptions of fascinating study of the men who violent storms, serve to illustrate the attraction the lakes have long had on made their living, and lived theirlives, plying the lakes, the imagination of man.

Later stories are accounts by early Dividing the stories into thematically related· categories is helpful to European settlers of their travels on the lakes. Haughty and arrogant, the first some extent, because it allows readers traders and settlers often underestito select stories of Specific interest to

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them. However, it also detracts from the work in several ways. The categories are somewhat artificial; the stories do not, of course, fit neatly into the pigeon holes Brehm has created. More importantly, developing a feel for how stories from different time periods relate to one another becomes more difficult. A chronological, rather than categorical, arrangement of the stories would have been more effective in conveying the nature of man's ongoing struggle to understand and control the lakes.

All in all, Sweetwater, Stonns, and Spirits is a worthwhile read for anyone interested in the history of the Great Lakes and their relationship to man.

Plus, it is ideal "study break" reading material, because the stories are all independent of one another. Busy readers can pickup the book and read a story whenever they have a little time.

Adam Garagiola is a Residential College sophomore in creative writing and comparative literature and a staff writer for the Review.

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P6illips Continued From Page 12 the U.S. economy, and it represents a long-term investmentl not a· department store purchase. What are they going to do, take everything home with ..them? Also, former St. .Louis Reserve economist Mack . notes that labor receives about 80 percent pf . the value of national output, w1)icl\ means that despite claims that foreigners are "sending all of the prof.;. its home," American workers still benefit from foreign investment. Intere$tmgly enough, as the economy has begun to worsen, new foreign investment has plummeted. By Phillips' reasoning, this should be a good thing.

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But t~n that to companies and laborers who would have benefitted from this investment.

Casting aside questionable figures and .tinmerited assertions, the only item of interest in The Politics of Rich and Poor is Phillips' claim abOu~ emergipg populism. Whi,le his num.bers: are easily disputed; his predictions are not, because they are based on a belief that the average American voter will support plundering the wealthy rather than restricting government spending. This is certaillly plausible,and his work demonstrates how easily populism can be justified with misleading numbers and simpleminded analysis which, after all, are ~ the bread and butter of politicians. ,

If America is headed for another decade. of .., costly, . Ineffective regulation, punltivetakaiion, and ex~ pall~iVe~rk-barre1spEmding, it is sad that someon.eas astUte Kevrn Phillips would herald ifwtth such delight.

He SeeinstO have foreSa:ken reason in the· of pOptit.ism~ 'innovative thougl}fifi the ·ri~ ofbook-ilelling deplagoguery. In fact, the title of his bbok should be something at which he seems most adroit: "The Politics of Envy."

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Th( Michigan Revie\\T' November 1990, p. 15

Arts: Record Reviews

Something AboulScreaming Trees Screaming Trees

Something About Today Epic Records

by Chris Peters Screaming Trees plan to release Uncle Anesthesia, their first full-length album with Epic Records, in January.

The material on this four-song EP was recorded during the Anesthesia sessions; some of the tracks will most likely appear on the forthcoming album. The guitar-heavy jams on this

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1987. There theyhookedup with Dave Grissom, guitarist with Texas rocker Joe Ely, who produced Nocturnal Habit and even added a guitar track to the title song. The songs, like the 1950s classics, are short but they feature some impressive chops. Pianoman Pete Gordan, currently on tour .as a member of Mojo Nixon's band, displays his Jerry Lee Lewis-like wizardry on the jams "Hard To Be With You" and "Good Love Gone Crazy" while guitarist and chief songwriter Jake Flack crosses into the pure country vein on "Dreams Never Come True" and "Designated Driver." A few songs on the album, like the bluesy "Am I The Man" and "Don't Try And Tell Me," could possibly bring the Neptunes some commercial success, attracting fans of the Fabulous Thunderbirds and NRBQ. Vio-Lence

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Oppressing The Masses Megaforce Records

rcIea::.e have a Black Sabbath-like groove, but they still sound progressive. The songs feature powerful vocal melodies combined with a raw instrumental crunch, creating acharacteristic denseness in the texture of the Trees' music. "Something About Today (Numb Inversion Version)," the final cut on the EP, is a bizzare Screaming Trees translation of the blues, containing a psychedelic guitar solo from guitarist Gary Lee Conner, as well as some dreary yet soulful vocalizing from singer Mark Lanegan.

Screaming Trees, who have been together for six years, have additional materialavailiableon both the Sub Pop label and SST, inluding four albums and two EPs. The band was scheduled to appear with Social Distortion at the Blind Pig on October 31, but bus problems forced them to cancel.

The Neptunes

Nocturnal Habit REC Records

by Chris Peters The Neptunes are a Texas barband playing rock n' roll like the pioneers of the genre. Nocturnal Habit, their debut, is a musical melting pot of the early classic style. Chuck Berry, Buddy Holly, Jerry Lee Lewis, and Carl Perkins influences mix together into a welldone package.

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by Chris Peters San Francisco's thriving thrash metal scene has churned out a long list of bands impacting on a national level.

Exodus, Death Angel, Testament, and Metallicahail from the Bay Area, and, with the exception of Metallica, have released succesful albums within the last six months. With the release of their second effort, Oppressing The Masses, Vio-Lence aims to follow in the footsteps of these artists of the flourishing Frisco underground.

Vio-Lence formed in 1985 and released Eternal Nightmare three years later on Mechanic/NCA Records.

Tours with Testament and Voi Vod brought the five piece band to the attention of fans across the country and aided in placing the album on Billboard's charts for seven weeks.

Oppressing The Masses, recorded with ace producer Alex Perialas (Anthrax, Testament), is by no means a breakthrough album in the thrash spectrum, but it does contain some heavy-groove riffs. "Mentally Afflicted" begins with a funky bass-line and proceeds to develop into the album's most memorable track. "liquid Courage," a song about the horrors of excessive alchohol consumption starts off with an eerie Slayer-like riff and then develops into a musical mayhem powered by the ~hairsaw timekeeping of drummer Perry Strickland. Guitarists Robb Flynn and Phil

Demmel offer impressive solos on "1 Profit," the album's opening track.

Flynn's style is very much like that of Testament guitar mastermind Alex Skolnick and blends well with VioLence's aggressive harmonies.

Vio-Lence is currently on a European tour and plan to return for more U.s. dates soon.

more aggressive than that of the Cowboy Junkies. The album offers melancholy folk ballads like "Unravelling,""Shadow," and "Time Will Fly," but the remaining 8 tracks venture into a more energetic and upbeat realm of folk-rock than other bands of the genre.

Chris Peters is a freshman in LSA and a staff writer for the Review.

Martha's Vineyard

Martha's Vineyard rooArt Records Lynch Mob

by Chris Peters Australia's Martha's Vineyard have eloquently combined elements of rock, folk, and country into their debut effort. "More of the Same," an excellent country I rockabilly tune and "Old

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Beach Road", an upbeat track embellished by an accordian and tuba, artfully display the confident voice of singer I accoustic guitarist Peggy Van Zalm. Since the Cowboy Junkies have already popularized the combination of folk-rock with a soft-voiced female vocalist, the music of Martha's Vineyard automatically draws comparisons. Van Zalm' s voice is very reminiscent of Margo Timmins' (as well as Chrissie Hynde's of the Pretenders).

And, just as Timmins' voice is the centerpiece of the Junkies' music, Van Zalm's is the same within her band.

The music on Martha's Vineyard is

Wicked Sensation Elektra Records

by Greg Roth George Lynch is back for a different kind of attack. Leaving behind the shattered remains of Dokken, the pyrotechnic lead guitarist assembles a wealth of talent in his new band, the Lynch Mob. Along with ex-Dokken drummer Mick Brown, singer ani Logan, and bassist Anthony Esposito, Lynch finally finds the blues-based sound he's been looking for. The Mob's debut album, Wicked Sensation, combines Logan's hard-driving vocals with Lynch's almost inhuman fretwork. From the raw energy of the title song to the catchy groove of "Street Fightin' Man" (nota cover of the Rolling Stones' song), and the bluesy jams of "All 1 Want," Wicked Sensation is anything but the straightforward and somewhat refined rock of Dokken.

Though "Through These Eyes" is your typical, much overdone rock ballad, this isa minor point when compared to the rest of the album. Wicked Sensation will please Lynch fans and, at the same time, break away from the Dokken mold, attracting new listeners in its own right.

Greg Roth is a freshman in LSA and a staff writer for the Review.

Join the Michigan Review!

We need staffers in all areas, including writing, illustrating, photography, and business.

Our next meeting will be held on Sunday, November 18, in Suite One, Michigan League, at 7:00 PM. Call 662-1909 for more information.

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The Michigan Review, November 1990, p. 16

Arts: Concert Review

Cray Strolls Through ~Ann Arbor ',,('

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by Chris Peters . ' , Robel1Cray without a doubt, one of the greats of contemporary blues music. He has released three Grammy-winning albums and is presently touring the United States in support of his latest effort, Midnight Stroll.

Cray and his band, including the Memphis Horns, provided a commendable evening of music at Hill Auditoriumon Wednesday, November 7.

The Robert Cray Band hit the stage at 9:00 after Buckwheat Zydeco's standing ovation set of accordion blues jams. Cray openned the show with "Phone Booth," a song from his 1983 debut release, Bad Influence. By the third number, "These Things," Robert and his six-piece band had the stage cooking. The song featured some James Brown-style crooning from Cray, as well as a killer guitar solo, and was the first of ten songs he would

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perform from Midnight Stroll.

The tune "Where Do I Go From Here" showcased the talents of Wayne Jackson and Andrew Love, better known as the Memphis Horns. .-

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cluding "Labor of Love" and "Bouncing Back." They also contributed to the song "Consequences," which was a climax of the performance.

Between numbers Cray joked with band members and jammed excerpts of old blues tunes. It was during this between-song noodling that Cray created some of the evening's most biting licks and displayed his gospel-influenced talent as a blues singer. Bassman Richard Cousins was the band's most visual member, dancing and having a funky time throughout the entire set. ''We've got to change the groove," said Cray as the band began ''The Things You Do To Me," a slow blues piece from the Midnight Stroll album.

Hendrix influences were strewn throughout the extended guitar solo, in which Cray tastefully incorporated a few psychedelic vibratto licks. "Hold-

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The most uplifting number of the show was the jazz/rock tune " Labor of Love." The song was written by Tim Kaihatsu, Cray's rhythm guitarist, and brought out the best in the musical talents of the band. Robert's soulful vocals were flawless and he ripped through an awesome solo as Cousins backed him up with a tight walking bassline.

Cray and the band returned to the stage for a three-song encore set that included "Smoking Gun," a hit single from the Strong Persuader album, and "Nothin' But A Woman." The show ended with a traditional blues jam in which Cray and his band members each took short solo breaks before taking their final bows.

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