Museos por la paz: una contribución al recuerdo, la reconciliación, el arte y la paz

MUSEOS POR LA PAZ: UNA CONTRIBUCIÓN AL RECUERDO, LA RECONCILIACIÓN, EL ARTE Y LA PAZ Actas del V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz. Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005 BAKEAREN ALDEKO MUSEOAK: OROIMEN, ADISKIDETZE, ARTE ETA BAKEARENTZAKO EKARPEN BAT Bakearen aldeko Museoen Nazioarteko V. Kongresuko aktak.

Gernika-Lumo, 2005eko maiatzaren 1etik 7ra

MUSEUMS FOR PEACE: A CONTRIBUTION TO REMEMBRANCE, RECONCILIATION, ART AND PEACE 5th International Museums for peace Conference Papers.

Guernica-Luno, 1-7th May 2005

Indice

ÍNDICE • AURKIBIDEA • INDEX INTRODUCCIONES SARRERAK INTRODUCTIONS

MUSEOS POR LA PAZ: UNA CONTRIBUCIÓN AL RECUERDO, LA RECONCILIACIÓN, EL ARTE Y LA PAZ Actas del V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz. Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005 BAKEAREN ALDEKO MUSEOAK: OROIMEN, ADISKIDETZE, ARTE ETA BAKEARENTZAKO EKARPEN BAT Bakearen aldeko Museoen Nazioarteko V. Kongresuko aktak. Gernika-Lumo, 2005eko maiatzaren 1etik 7ra MUSEUMS FOR PEACE: A CONTRIBUTION TO REMEMBRANCE, RECONCILIATION, ART AND PEACE 5th International Museums for peace Conference Papers. Guernica-Luno, 1-7th May 2005 © Fundación Museo de la Paz de Gernika © Los autores © International Network of Museums for Peace www.museumsforpeace.org Edita: FUNDACIÓN MUSEO DE LA PAZ DE GERNIKA Plaza de los Fueros, 1 48300 Gernika-Lumo. Bizkaia (Euskadi) Tel + 946270213 Fax +946258608 E-mail: museoa@gernika-lumo.net www.museodelapaz.org www.peacemuseumguernica.org www.bakearenmuseoa.org www.museedelapaixguernica.org Coordinadora del congreso y de las actas: Iratxe Momoitio Astorkia Coordinador Internacional: Peter van den Dungen Diseño, maquetación e impresión: GRAFICAS AMOREBIETA ISBN: 84-933222-4-5 Agradecimientos: A todo el personal del Museo de la Paz de Gernika y a todos aquellos que han hecho posible (instituciones, empresas, particulares...) la celebración de este Congreso Internacional.

La responsabilidad de los contenidos de los artículos incumbe y recae exclusivamente en sus autores.

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! RAUL ONAINDIA - Gernika-Lumoko Udaletxeko Turismo Zinegotzia ! PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN - General Coordinator of the International Network of Museums for Peace ! IRATXE MOMOITIO - Coordinadora General del V Congreso Internacional de Museos de la Paz. Directora del Museo de la Paz de Gernika

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LA APORTACIÓN DEL ARTE A UNA CULTURA DE PAZ ARTEAREN EKARPENA BAKEAREN KULTURARI THE CONTRIBUTION OF ART TO A CULTURE OF PEACE

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! PERE RIBERA “El arte: vehículo para la paz” ! ALEX CARRASCOSA “Gestión simbólica de espacios de conflicto a través de la expresión plástica” ! WILLIAM KELLY “Art and its contribution to peace and reconciliation”; “Plaza of fire and light” ! JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ “Simbología de paz. Reflexiones teóricas” ! CLIVE BARRETT “Images and symbols of Peace” ! PETER NIAS “Do the arts really strive for peace?” ! CYNTHIA COHEN “The contributions of the arts to a culture of peace in the aftermath of violence” ! JOYCE APSEL “Creating spaces and dialogues for Peace: The Puffin Forum Alternatives to an Environment of Violence and War in the United States” ! KYOKO OKUMOTO “The role of Drama for Regional Reconciliation: Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica” proposed by Johan Galtung and Trascend-Japan” ! YASUO KAWABATA “Introduction of the activities in Japan to create a “Kern” for Peace with Emphasis on a Mixed Chorus Suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” and the High School Students’ Efforts to build a children statue for world Peace-Kyoto” ! RYOKO YAMAGUCHI “The case of Doshisha junior High School” ! CONCHA MARTÍNEZ “El museo, el barro y la tolerancia” ! ISHAQ ASHFAQ “ Creating Peace through Art & Sport” ! “DECLARACIÓN: La afirmación de Gernika sobre Arte y Paz” “Adierazpena: Artea eta Bakeari buruzko baieztapena Gernikan” “The Gernika Statement on Art and Peace” ! “THE CONTRIBUTION OF ART TO A CULTURE OF PEACE” CONCLUSIONS.

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MUSEOS DE LA PAZ, SEMILLAS DE RECONCILIACIÓN EN EL MUNDO BAKE MUSEOAK. MUNDUKO ADISKIDETZE HAZIAK PEACE MUSEUMS, SEEDS OF RECONCILIATION IN THE WORLD ! ! ! ! ! !

! ! ! ! !

CARLOS VILLAN “Propuestas para la paz” JOHAN GALTUNG “A peace Museum I would like to visit some day” Mª ANTONIETTA MALLEO “Museum, art and education to nonviolence” CARLOS MARTÍN BERISTAIN “Reconciliación: Desafíos y experiencias” MICHAEL M. GONDWE “The importance of remembrance to build Peace: a case study of Robben Island Museum in South Africa” IKURO ANZAI “Introduction of the Renewal Project of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, the A-bomb Day Memorial, Haiku meeting and the Japanese Constitution Article 9 message project with special emphasis on the role of Arts” CAROLYN RAPKIEVIAN “The National Museum of the American Indian: Cultural Reconciliation and the seeds of World Peace” ERESHNEE NAIDU “Healing the wounds of the past through memorialisation” CHIKARA TSUBOI “Liverpool and Hanaoka: Two museums of Reconciliation” JUAN GUTIERREZ “Gernika Gernikara. De otra manera” “MUSEOS DE LA PAZ, SEMILLAS DE RECONCILIACIÓN EN EL MUNDO. CONCLUSIONES”

LA IMPORTANCIA DE LA MEMORIA PARA LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE UN MUNDO EN PAZ OROITZAPENAREN GARRANTZIA BAKEAN DAGOEN MUNDUA ERAIKITZEKO THE IMPORTANCE OF MEMORY FOR BUILDING A WORLD IN PEACE ! CARMELO ANGULO “La importancia de la memoria para construir un mundo en paz” ! JEAN DE WANDELAER “Corazón, memoria y paz” ! GABRIELA CAUDURO “El movimiento de Derechos Humanos en Argentina en la construcción de la Paz” ! JOSEP FONTANA ”La necesidad de la memoria” ! RONALD CHIN-JUNG TSAO “A Balm for the wounds of History: Peace Museums and Human Rights Parks in Taiwan” ! CAROL RANK “Remembrance and Reconciliation: Public spaces, collective memory and the development of a municipal Peace Identity in Coventry, UK” ! JULIE HIGASHI “Picassos for Peace: The Sakima Art Museum in Okinawa” ! YUMIKO NOGAMI “How can we pass on the memory to the next generation: Remembering Hiroshima and Nagasaki”

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162 168 172 178 182 196

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! JAROMÍR HANÁK “Materializing the idea of the Monument to the victims of the battle of Austerlitz” ! TSUKASA YAJIMA “Peace Road: workshop for Peace and Human Rights” ! “THE IMPORTANCE OF MEMORY FOR BUILDING A WORLD IN PEACE” CONCLUSIONS.

LOS MUSEOS DE LA PAZ EN EL MUNDO BAKEAREN MUSEOAK MUNDUAN PEACE MUSEUMS IN THE WORLD ! IRATXE MOMOITIO “El Museo de la Paz de Gernika: Un museo para el recuerdo, un museo para el futuro”. “Gernika Peace Museum: A museum to remember the past, a museum for the future” ! KAZUYO YAMANE “Characteristics of Peace Museums in Japan” ! MARTI OLIVELLA “Castillo por la paz de Figueres: Proyecto de reconversión del Castillo de San Ferran de Figueres en Castillo por la Paz” ! ANATOLY I. IONESOV “International Museum of Peace and Solidarity, Samarkand: Towards a Culture of Peace through Citizen Diplomacy, Culture and Arts” ! SOTH PLAI NGARM “ Preventing Future Genocide: A vision for Peace Museum in Cambodia” ! SULTAM SOMJEE “Towards Community Peace and Justice Museums of Canada” ! GUNILA CEDRENIUS “Almost as long as the Pax Romana: A vision of the future Swedish Peace Museum at Uppsala Castle” ! PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN “Nobel Peace Center, Oslo” ! LUCETTA SANGUINETTI “Proposal of two new Peace museums in Italy.

Hypothesis of a Peace Museums National Network as a territorial aimed strategy. Research and theoretic thinking” ! NATALIE HEIDARIPOUR “The Herbert Museum and Art Gallery, Coventry” ! OLALEKAN AKINADE “National War Museum of Nigeria, reconciliation and the culture of peace” ! MARIA SANCHO “Not to forget” ! JOHAN GALTUNG “Developing a museum for Peace in Caen, Normandie, France” ! FOTOS / ARGAZKIAK / PHOTOS

OTROS - BESTE - OTHERS ! THOMAS LUTZ “The Art of Memory: Art and Pedagogy in Memorial Museums” ! TOMISLAV SOLA “Can theory of heritage help peace?” ! JORDI PADRÓ “Museo de la Paz de Gernika / Gernikako Bakearen Museoa.

Renunciar a olvidar, renunciar a la venganza” ! KARMELE BARANDIARAN “El Museo Zumalakarregi: un museo de guerra convertido en centro de referencia del País Vasco en el siglo XIX”

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

! ASHLEY WOODS “INSECURITY: Hiroshima, Chernobyl and after …” ! CHUCK OVERBY “I am Addicted to “Rules of War”. Help cure my illness.

Teach me your Article 9 “Rules of Law” ! XESÚS R. JARES “El papel de los museos de la paz en la difusión de la educación y la cultura de paz” ! AIPAZ “Asociación española de investigación para la Paz” ! WULFF E. BREBECK “What is IC MEMO?” ! JEAN MARC DE WANDELAER “Coalición Internacional de Sitios Históricos de conciencia” ! MARÍA OIANGUREN “Gernika Gogoratuz: Centro de investigación por la paz” ! JEREMY GILLEY “Peace one Day” ! LUDO DOCX “Iragana gogoan, oraina eta geroa eraikitzeko” ! FOTOS / ARGAZKIAK / PHOTOS

RED INTERNACIONAL DE MUSEOS POR LA PAZ BAKEAREN ALDEKO MUSEOEN NAZIOARTEKO SAREA INTERNATIONAL NETWORK OF MUSEUMS FOR PEACE

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PROGRAMA DEFINITIVO DEL CONGRESO KONGRESUKO BEHIN-BETIKO PROGRAMA FINAL PROGRAMME OF THE CONFERENCE

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CREDITOS KREDITUAK CREDITS

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FOTOS DEL CONGRESO KONGRESUKO ARGAZKIAK PHOTOS OF THE CONFERENCE

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LISTADO DE PARTICIPANTES PARTEHARTZAILEAK PARTICIPANTS

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INTRODUCCIONES SARRERAK INTRODUCTIONS

Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

RAUL ONAINDIA

INTRODUCCIONES • SARRERAK • INTRODUCTIONS ! RAUL ONAINDIA Gernika-Lumoko Udaletxeko Turismo Zinegotzia Lehenengo eta behin, Gernika-Lumoko alkatea gaur hona etorri ez izana zuritu nahi nuke.

Poztasun bat da guretzat zuek guztiok, munduko hainbat lekutatik etorri ondoren, hemen egotea gurekin.

Iaz Gernika-Lumok UNESCOren “Bakearen Hiria” saria lortu zuen.Gernika-Lumok urte asko daramatza bakearen alde lanean. 1987an Gernika Gogoratuz, Bakearen Aldeko Ikerketa Zentroa sortu zen Gernikan. Orain dela gutxi ospatu dituzte bere Nazioarteko XV. Jardunaldiak.

Gernika-Lumo bake hiri bat da eta horren adierazlea da ere, Alemaniarekin eginiko berradiskidetzearen aldeko lana.1998an Udalak, Gernikako Bakearen Museoa zabaldu zuen.

Gaur egun Euskadin eta Espainian jarraian martxan dagoen museo bakarra da hau.

Guretzako ohore haundi bat da 1937an desegin izan zen hiri baketsu honetan gaur zuek egotea. Ziur nago, egun hauetan zehan gure herria, gure kultura eta hemen bakearen aldeko lan guztia apreziatzeko aukera izango duzuela.

INTRODUCCIONES

PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN

! PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN General Coordinator of the International Network of Museums for Peace Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues and friends, On behalf of the International Network of Peace Museums it is my privilege and very pleasant task to extend a warm welcome to you all - and also to wish you an enjoyable, productive and inspiring conference.

When the first meeting of this kind was held in England in 1992, museums from 10 different countries were represented. Today, museums from nearly 30 different countries are gathering here. It is gratifying and encouraging to see how the peace museum idea has been spreading, and how the network of peace museums is now spanning the world. This is clearly shown by the fact that participants at this conference have come from countries as far apart as Argentina and Australia, Cambodia and Croatia, Sweden and South Africa. The Americas, Africa, Asia, Australasia, Europe and the Middle East are all represented with an institutional diversity that comprises peace museums, anti-war museums, human rights museums, and museums of historical memory. This diversity of museums and memorial sites may raise the question, 'what is a peace museum?', 'what defines a museum as a peace museum?'. And are we talking of museums of peace, or museums for peace? Is there a difference, and if so, is it significant?

This is not the time to engage in this discussion; suffice it to say that this is an ongoing debate, even in the ranks of the membership of the Network. Both the concepts of peace, and of museum, are not uncontested, and have been subject to new interpretations and definitions, resulting in more complex understandings of both 'peace' and 'museum'. When joined together in the expression 'peace museum', it is hardly surprising to find that the family of peace museums is a colourful one. No doubt also at this conference the debate will continue, just as the family of peace museums will continue to grow.

Since most participants here are involved for the first time in an International Conference of Peace Museums, it may be useful to say a few words about the origins and history of the International Network of Peace Museums. It was founded in 1992 during an international conference which brought together, for the first time, directors and staff of peace and antiwar museums and related institutions. The meeting was held in the University of Bradford (England), and was convened by the 'Give Peace a Chance' Trust, a small Quaker charity involved in peace education work. The aim of the network is to bring peace museums and related institutions from around the world, as well as interested individuals, in closer contact and to promote the exchange of information, materials, and exhibits; to jointly produce exhibitions; to disseminate knowhow, etc. The network also aims to promote the creation of new peace museums. Following the first meeting, three more conferences have been held. The second took place at the Austrian Study Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution - since the year 2000 also home of the European Museum for Peace - in the famous castle in the small Austrian town of Stadtschlaining in 1995. The third conference, co-organised by leading Japanese peace museums, was held in Osaka and Kyoto in 1998 under the title 'The Contribution of Museums to Peace Education'. It is a particular pleasure for me to express a warm welcome to the chief organiser of that conference, and director of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace at Ritsumeikan

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PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN

PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN

University, professor Ikuro Anzai. The fourth conference, entitled 'From War Remembrance to Peace Education', was held in Ostend (Flanders, Belgium) in 2003. Proceedings of the first and third conferences are available. Network members also stay in touch and exchange information through an occasional newsletter. So far, fifteen issues have been published; the most recent one appeared in October 2002. The newsletter is sent to some 125 peace museums and related institutions, as well as to individuals active in peace museums, and in peace education and peace culture. The Network was also responsible for the preparation of the first directory of peace museums entitled 'Peace Museums Worldwide'. This was published in 1995 by the Library of the United Nations in Geneva. A second, expanded edition appeared in 1998. It is hoped that a third edition can be published in the near future. In December 1998, the Network was approved as a NGO associated with te Department of Public Information (DPI) of the United Nations in New York. I am happy to acknowledge here the work and support of Joyce Apsel, who is among us, of New York University, and former director of the Anne Frank Centre in New York, for representing the Network at UN headquarters. Plans and ideas for the strengthening of the Network through professionalisation and institutionalisation will be discussed in the session dedicated to this subject later in the week.

will set in motion a process which is likely to perpetuate violence and war. Ideally, remembrance goes - and isn't this an appropriate image? - 'hand in hand' with reconciliation, which is to say, with peacemaking. For any one interested in the theory and practice of reconciliation and peacemaking, Gernika has for many years already been an important point of reference. Even before the Gernika Peace Museum was established, the Gernika Peace Research Foundation - Gernika Gogoratuz - was created in 1987 with a focus on conflict resolution, reconciliation, peacemaking. Of great significance is the fact that the centre was created by a unanimous decision of the Basque Parliament. The year of foundation, 1987, was also the 50th anniversary of the bombing of Gernika. It is surely no coincidence that these two institutions - peace museum and peace research centre - are close neighbours in the town since their work is fully complementary: research - education - training - outreach. In other words, between them, they address all the vital aspects which together comprise the building of a culture of peace and nonviolence. The message which goes forth from this town is one which should be heard everywhere, and most urgently, where human life and human dignity have been violently destroyed. It was only just and fair that last year Gernika was honoured with UNESCO's City of Peace Prize for the European region.

At this opening session of the conference it is necessary to express great gratitude to all those who have enabled us to come together here for the next several days. In the first place, all of us, but the International Network of Peace Museums in particular, owes a great debt of gratitude to Mrs. Iratxe Momoitio, the chief organiser of this 5th conference, and director of the Gernika Peace Museum. Without her vision and commitment over the past two years we would not be meeting here. She would be the first to acknowledge the wholehearted dedication and boundless energy of the Gernika Peace Museum staff, as well as of a team of volunteers, who have closely worked with her to make the conference happen. And last but not least, we should not forget the good people of Gernika and the municipal authorities, firstly, for their support of this conference and the welcome extended to its participants, and, secondly, and even more importantly, for having made their small town a pioneer in the development of a culture of peace and reconciliation.

Peace museums occupy a special place in the global movement to develop a culture of peace, in global efforts at peacebuilding. In the case of peace museums, 'peacebuilding' is not just metaphor but concrete reality. Peace museums are, in essence, buildings - physical spaces and rooms - dedicated to the pursuit of peace. They are the most visible and tangible representation of the idea of peace. The mere fact of their establishment, of their creation and existence, can be seen as an expression of confidence, of hope and belief that peace is possible. But, of course, equally important is what goes on inside peace museums, inside these peace buildings. This is where the metaphor takes over and where the building of peace involves programmes of education, training, awareness-raising of the visitor - so as to help her or him understand better the way the world functions, or doesn't function, and to help the visitor appreciate how a culture of peace and nonviolence can replace the present culture of war and violence, and to encourage the visitor to play his or her role in this vital task.

The world knows, sadly, all too many places that are associated with war, violent conflict, and acts of great inhumanity and suffering. And as we are well aware, such places are not limited to past history. Almost on a daily basis, we hear of new acts of cruelty of man against his or her fellow human beings. An entire category of museum is dedicated to the 'Remembrance of the Victims of Public Crime'; several of its member institutions are participating in this conference. The best among these museums see their task as consisting of much more than mere remembrance - important as 'not forgetting' is. As the Spanish-American philosopher Georges de Santayana so memorably said, 'Those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it'.

Peace museums are the most recent addition to the peace 'infrastructure' of our time.

Hardly any peace museums existed before the second half of the 20th century. Then, with the advent of the nuclear era following the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki - Gernikas writ large - the first peace museums arose. Today, it seems legitimate to speak of a worldwide peace museum movement - the drive to create peace museums in all parts of the world. This conference is prove of this.

Closely linked to remembrance - if we are concerned about building a culture of peace and nonviolence where human rights are respected - is reconciliation. Otherwise, remembrance is likely to result in revenge, retaliation, retribution - in other words, in feelings of hatred which

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INTRODUCCIONES

I mentioned a moment ago that hardly any peace museums existed during the first half of the last century. In fact, hardly ANY buildings specifically dedicated to peace existed during this time. In this connection, it is interesting to reflect for a moment on what happened exactly 100 years ago. At the beginning of the 20th century, the American tycoon of Scottish origin, Andrew Carnegie - in some respects, the Bill Gates of his time - donated 1.5 million for the construction of a temple of peace, where disputes between states could be, and hopefully

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN

INTRODUCCIONES

IRATXE MOMOITIO

would be, settled peacefully by means of arbitration. 100 Years ago, in 1905, a competition was opened for architects to submit plans for the construction of this unprecedented building.

Two years later the first stone was laid and in 1913 was opened what we know today as the Peace Palace in The Hague, the seat of the International Court of Justice, the chief legal arm of the United Nations. For most of the first half of the last century, the Peace Palace, together with the Nobel Institute in Oslo (which opened at the start of the same century), was about the only building specifically dedicated to peace. Today, the situation is much more encouraging, not least because of the existence of peace museums - as well as, of course, peace research centres, peace studies departments, NGOs dedicated to peace work, etc. We should also not forget the many international organisations working for peace, as well as government departments, municipal authorities, and other official and private bodies.

! IRATXE MOMOITIO Coordinadora General del V Congreso Internacional de Museos de la Paz. Directora del Museo de la Paz de Gernika.

It is time to conclude. Today is Labour Day - an annual celebration of work and workers.

We are all workers, modest as our efforts may be, in what is undoubtedly the most important labour of all, that of building a culture of peace and nonviolence. We must be patient and determined, and not give up hope or lose courage. No less a philosopher than Immanuel Kant proclaimed his belief in the possibility of establishing lasting peace - but he also warned that this was the most difficult task that humanity was faced with. This conference provides us with a great opportunity to share our hopes and experiences, and to renew our commitment to the great labour in front of us. Thank you very much.

Este Congreso que organiza la Fundación Museo de la Paz de Gernika y que yo he tenido el placer de coordinar, no hubiera sido posible sin el trabajo constante a lo largo de más de un año de todo el equipo de la Secretaría Técnica formada por Maite, Iranzu, Naiara, Javi y, sin, por supuesto, el apoyo constante y la ayuda del personal del Museo y del centro de Documentación formado por Olga, Ainara, Idoia, Alazne, Ana Tere, Leire, Andrea, Ibon, Marta y Olaia, así como de los voluntarios que nos están ayudando estos días. A todos ellos y a nuestros Patronos (Ayuntamiento de Gernika-Lumo, Diputación Foral de Bizkaia, Gobierno Vasco) y colaboradores, sponsors ESKERRIK ASKO / MUCHAS GRACIAS.

Estimados colegas , En primer lugar daros la más cariñosa bienvenida. ONGI ETORRIAK GERNIKARA / BIENVENIDOS A GERNIKA / WELCOME TO GERNIKA .

Es un honor para todos nosotros poder recibir a gente de tantos países del mundo unidos todos en este deseo de compartir experiencias, proyectos hablando de paz, de memoria, de arte, de reconciliación.

Por supuesto que debo agradecer enormemente el apoyo constante, las sugerencias tanto del coordinador del a red Internacional de Museos de la Paz, el Sr Peter van den Dungen, como el de todos los miembros de los diferentes comités (asesor, científico y de honor) que de una forma desinteresada han puesto su granito de arena. Más de año y medio intenso de trabajo, muchas ganas y un gran apoyo han hecho posible este sueño mío que se fue gestando antes del anterior congreso en Ostende y que se materializó proponiendo la candidatura de Gernika como lugar del V Congreso, una noche de mayo al anochecer en un hotel de Ostende. Todavía recuerdo como si fuera ayer el apoyo a nuestra candidatura (más tarde materializada oficialmente) recibido por muchos de vosotros Peter, Kazuyo, Chikara pero también las dudas que volaban en las mentes de todas estas personas de que un museo de la paz tan joven en años de vida y con personas tan jóvenes al frente, se pudiera hacer cargo de organizar y llevar a buen puerto la realización del V Congreso Internacional de Museos de la Paz. Este Congreso pretende ser un congreso que hable de paz, memoria, reconciliación, arte pero que sirva también para recordar, conocer, andar el camino de la paz, abordar el tema espinoso de la verdadera reconciliación. Es por ello que era muy importante para mí y para el Museo de la Paz de Gernika, que yo dirijo, el poder contar con la presencia de otras dos redes (a las que nuestro museo pertenece) como son El IC MEMO o Comité Internacional de los museos de la memoria y el recuerdo de víctimas de crímenes públicos del ICOM (Consejo internacional de los Museos) y con la celebración del II ENCUENTRO INTERNACIONAL DE ARTE Y PAZ, así como con la presencia de miembros de los museos agrupados en SITES OF CONSCIENCE, y la del presidente de AIPAZ , Asociación española de investigación para la Paz. Estoy segura de que este primer contacto entre redes será muy fructífero e interesante para todos a corto y largo plazo.

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

IRATXE MOMOITIO

INTRODUCCIONES

IRATXE MOMOITIO

Finalizo los agradecimientos hacia todas las empresas, entidades y personas que de una manera u otra han hecho posible este sueño.

seremos obsequiados con una recepción oficial con el Alcalde de Bilbao, conoceremos la bellísima ciudad de San Sebastián...

Y vosotros pensareis, !el V Congreso Internacional en Euskadi, España y, nada más y nada menos que en Gernika! , el corazón de Euskadi, lugar simbólico para todos los vascos anteriormente y muy especialmente en la memoria del terrible bombardeo que ocurrió un 26 de abril de 1937 durante la Guerra Civil española , el cual es conocido mundialmente gracias al “Guernica” de Picasso. Pero hoy, 68 años y unos pocos días después no conoceréis una ciudad desolada por las bombas y el odio, sino una ciudad nueva, pacífica , que quiere trabajar y que lo hace , poco a poco, a favor de la recuperación de la memoria tapada u olvidada, a favor de la reconciliación y a favor de la paz, una paz que era necesaria aquel 26 de abril de 1937 y que también sigue siendo necesaria en este pueblo vasco hoy en día. Gernika ha sido recientemente reconocida como “Ciudad de la Paz” por la UNESCO título que nos honra, y en el que, junto a muchas otras entidades, el museo ha tenido mucho que ver.

En fin, os enseñaremos un pedacito de este tan bello pueblo vasco que es, por desgracia, tan poco conocido internacionalmente por su belleza, amabilidad, historia sino por su interminable conflicto vasco. Pero estamos seguros que tras este congreso vosotros haréis de perfectos embajadores de Euskadi en vuestros respectivos lugares de vida y en todo el mundo.

Ahora mismo y sin ánimo de cansaros en este largo pero interesantísimo día que tenemos por delante, quisiera pasar a resumiros brevemente como hemos preparado el transcurso de este congreso.

Queridos amigos todo está preparado para comenzar. Os recuerdo que el éxito de este congreso no sólo radica en nuestro trabajo sino también en vuestra participación, interés, puntualidad, participación y cordialidad. Todo el equipo de gente que estamos trabajando en ello estaremos atentos y dispuestos a ayudaros desde la Secretaría Técnica o cualquier punto de información de las sedes del congreso, en todo lo que podas necesitar. Tenéis a vuestra disposición un Ciber corner (en el horario detallado en el programa) del que podréis hacer uso para, estando lejos, sentiros cerca de vuestras familias o quehaceres laborales. Sentíos estos días como en casa. Eskerrik asko.

El Congreso se celebrará en 5 días y medio. A lo largo de estos días tendremos varias sesiones plenarias (especialmente hoy) que abordando los tres temas que abarca el lema del congreso nos acercarán un poco al trabajo que haremos posteriormente. Mañana será un día de trabajo tanto para la red Internacional de Museos que dispondrá de la mañana para tratar, resolver asuntos internos e importantes para su futuro, como para la celebración de la reunión anual del IC MEMO y la celebración de la reunión del grupo de Arte y Paz. La tarde nos servirá para hacer que cada Red (de museos de la paz, de la memoria y de arte y paz) se de a conocer entre ellos y todos. Este día muchos de nuestros colegas del IC MEMO deberán partir a sus lugares de trabajo, por lo que os animo a que aprovechéis a hablar con ellos antes de que partan a sus respectivos países. El miércoles es cuando nos dividiremos en tres grupos, según las preferencias o intereses de cada uno de los asistentes, para –con la ayuda de los excelentes ponentes con los que contamos– profundizar y conocer más del ARTE Y LA PAZ, de LOS MUSEOS DE LA PAZ COMO SEMILLAS DE RECONCILIACIÓN EN EL MUNDO y de la IMPORTANCIA DE LA MEMORIA PARA CONSTRUIR UN MUNDO EN PAZ. De este trabajo que realizaremos este día acabaremos sacando las conclusiones de todo lo oído y tratado y poniéndolas e común ante el plenario al día siguiente. El viernes, clausuraremos el congreso siendo Peter y yo los que hagamos una valoración y un resumen de lo realizado durante estos días. Finalmente contaremos con la presencia del Lehendakari o presidente del Gobierno Vasco que junto con el Diputado General de esta región llamada Bizkaia, y el alcalde de Gernika-Lumo, clausurarán este, espero, maravilloso congreso.

Como sabemos que el estar el día entero de reuniones cansa mucho y que siempre apetece conocer algo del lugar y país que se visita, salpicaremos a lo largo de las sesiones de trabajo actividades culturales y turísticas que nos llevarán a cenar en un Castillo, escuchar las dulces voces de un coro vasco, a saber que es la Txalaparta, que se come en un sidrería, que deporte es el llamado “Pelota vasca”, visitaremos la exposición “Arte Humanista: lugares simbólicos”... y nos acercaremos a maravillosos lugares como es la visita a los pueblos que forman la reserva de la Biosfera de Urdaibai, el últimamente tan famoso Bilbao y su estrella el Museo Guggenheim,

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

PERE RIBERA

! PERE RIBERA Artista “ EL ARTE: VEHÍCULO PARA LA PAZ” A lo largo de la historia de la humanidad, y la propia del arte, éste siempre ha desempeñado un papel, una función social, determinada casi siempre por las circunstancias económicas, sociales y religiosas.

EL ARTE: VEHICULO PARA LA PAZ

PERE RIBERA

Así pues, en este V Congreso Internacional de Museos de la Paz, y dentro del apartado de arte y paz, vamos a poder compartir ponencias donde el intercambio de experiencias, el contraste de planeamientos, estrategias de trabajo y sobre todo el conocimiento de qué, cómo y dónde se está trabajando por la paz, será la base de trabajo que ampliará al final de este congreso nuestros conocimientos y abrirá o ampliará el camino para que el arte siga aportando su grano de arena al camino que es la paz.

Con la ruptura que supuso, gracias a la llegada de la fotografía, con su función descriptivanarrativa de los hechos históricos y sus personajes, siempre desde el punto de vista visual, plástico y artístico, el arte empieza a plantearse cuestiones que además de responder a planteamientos estéticos, también incumben a compromisos éticos.

Es en este punto donde la preocupación del artista por su entorno, por su comunidad, su sociedad, le va haciendo tomar conciencia de u problemática, llevándole esto a una reflexión tanto del cómo y del porqué. Ante esta situación, que también hay que decir que siempre ha estado presente a lo largo de la historia del arte, los artistas comienzan a ver en su propia obra, en el arte, una posibilidad para el planteamiento, denuncia o toque de atención a la sociedad, sociedad de la cual ellos se nutren y forman parte a la vez.

Así, a partir de los años 40, surgen movimientos de artistas, que unidos por sus inquietudes y ganas de ayudar al trabajo que tanto necesita el desarrollo de la paz, deciden reunir sus esfuerzos, unificar criterios de trabajo, ampliar conocimientos, intercambiar experiencias y así van apareciendo los encuentros de artistas para la paz.

Fruto de aquellos primeros encuentros, hoy podemos ver y comprobar la aportación de aquellos artistas que motivados por la idea de trabajar por la paz, se adscriben a los movimientos de arte humanista o de acciones por la paz a través de medios artísticos o plásticos.

Así, vemos como bajo un soporte teórico, se reflexiona de cuales son los métodos idóneos o más eficaces para trabajar por la paz, y a la vez se realizan acciones artísticas con el fin de llamar la atención de la sociedad sobre hechos que no propician la paz, o peor crean violencia. El hecho de llamar la atención de la sociedad, supone plantear unas reflexiones que poco a poco van llevando a un cambio de actitudes hacia los aspectos más positivos de la paz.

Además, también existe otra vertiente muy importante para este movimiento artístico y es el de la educación para la paz a través de la plástica, del arte. De ahí, que muchos artistas planteen y promuevan talleres en escuelas, institutos y universidades, con el fin de propiciar una visión distinta, dinamizada por el soporte plástico, proponiendo trabajos que van a intentar desarrollar en los participantes, niños y adolescentes, valores que les acerquen a esos aspectos positivos de la paz. también, evidentemente, las demás acciones realizadas en los encuentros que se realizan de arte y paz, llevan implícito ese aspecto educativo, aunque en estas ocasiones, concretas, sean los adultos el objetivo de dichas acciones, añadiendo en estas ocasiones al aprendizaje de valores positivos, el “des-aprender” los valores negativos adquiridos a lo largo de la vida del adulto.

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ACTAS DE V CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE MUSEOS POR LA PAZ GERNIKA-LUMO 1-7 DE MAYO DE 2005

ALEX CARRASCOSA

! ALEX CARRASCOSA

Artista plástico y gráfico, tallerista e investigador sobre Arte y Paz y miembro de Gernika GoGoratuz.

“GESTIÓN SIMBÓLICA DE ESPACIOS DE CONFLICTO A TRAVÉS DE LA EXPRESIÓN PLÁSTICA.” Este breve ensayo (desarrollo de la ponencia de salida para el V Congreso Internacional de Museos de la Paz celebrado en Gernika-Lumo, 1-6 de mayo de 2005) se enmarca dentro de un trabajo más extenso cuya pretensión es tejer un tapiz abierto entre las tramas Arte y Paz. Provisionalmente trazo aquí dos entre las muchas hebras argumentativas, hebras que habrán de ser reforzadas: primero, una revisión iniciativa, conjetural desde parámetros conjuntivos, no disyuntivos de la cultura vasca; y segundo, una aportación complementaria, experimental en este caso, acerca de la gestión simbólica –a través el lenguaje plástico– de espacios genéricos de conflicto según una transición desde la intensión individual a la extensión colectiva y una metodología de detección (ver), discernimiento (juzgar), interacción (actuar) y sinergia (transformar).1

Primera parte: Claves estéticas no dualistas en cultura vasca.

Parto de mi contexto inmediato con una doble intención: rescatar primero las vetas de una cultura no dual entre el denso mare mágnum vasco, cuya aguda polarización política –y por extensión social, muchas veces por concreción (inter)personal de controversias abstractas– se ha justificado desde una interpretación parcial, cuando no interesada, de los referentes culturales: el tópico de dos fuerzas rivales midiéndose en paralelo –aizkolaris (hacheros), trontzalaris (serradores), remeros, pelotaris rojos y azules, segadores, bueyes y hombres arrastreros de piedras, incluso bertsolaris, cuya puesta en escena obedece –como apunta Fredi Paia2 – a un formato más deportivo que literario; o de frente –topeka (a testaradas entre carneros)–. Como si la cultura vasca predeterminara un escenario competitivo y en cierto modo violento por cuanto aparenta impetuosidad, brusquedad, intensidad o resistencia.

Precisamente aquí reside mi segundo propósito: demostrar que la cultura vasca se apoya más bien en principios no duales, neutralizar así los estereotipos y sobre todo, deslegitimar el recurso a estrategias polares, ofensivas o reactivas (no pocas veces violentas) en nuestro propio seno. Avanzo una primera conclusión: el dualismo no es en absoluto un invento vasco, aunque es innegable que se ha empapado intensamente en nuestro humus social.

GESTIÓN SIMBÓLICA DE ESPACIOS DE CONFLICTO A TRAVÉS DE LA EXPRESIÓN PLÁSTICA

ALEX CARRASCOSA

Fragmenta la realidad aparentemente inasible en sucesivas dicotomías3 porque supone se entiende mejor por separado.

Se obceca en la diferencia y descarta el todo común a todo. En vez de comprender el entorno en su globalidad, lo aborda angularmente (desde uno de sus ángulos) o parcialmente (desde una de sus partes). Crea pares duales por oposición y considera cada parte como una categoría autónoma e independiente –espíritu y materia, alma y cuerpo–. Pero, lejos de conformarse con anteponer las partes al todo, la lógica dualista establece disyuntivas entre las partes en oposición: elige o impone una y excluye la otra: Establece juicios (a su vez parciales o arbitrarios) de valor –yo/otro, propio/ajeno, bueno/malo, positivo/negativo– o categorías discriminatorias o subordinantes en función del género, edad, condición o clase, procedencia, raza, religión, etc.

Un problema es una situación compleja que exige una salida; en este caso, un conjunto de hechos o circunstancias –o circunstancia básica– que dificulta la consecución de la Paz4 . Mi hipótesis es que el dualismo (o su recurso) es en sí un obstáculo primigenio en el camino-Paz. Su abordamiento requiere una metodología prudencial; aun posicionados en la salida (fuera del problema), hay que desandar primero el laberinto; debemos adentrarnos de lleno en el embrollo para comprenderlo y entonces, sí, rebuscar la salida. Partiendo de que el problema es un obstáculo en el curso esperable de los acontecimientos, en este caso un desarreglo del funcionamiento de la maquinaria social que precisamente trata de programarse para la Paz, se deduce que la naturaleza de tal disfunción es contradictoria. La valoración de las partes sobre el todo plantea (a posteriori) o se sustenta (a priori) en una contradicción: Dos elementos que se afirman por oposición se necesitan mutuamente; la imposición de uno sobre el otro destruye a ambos. La luz blanca absoluta sería tan ciega como la oscuridad más abisal, no sólo no apreciaríamos matices; sencillamente no podríamos ver.

La suma de dos elementos considerados iguales da un conjunto: la suma simple es I + I = II valorando todavía la autonomía de cada elemento; y la suma compleja, cooperativa, previa a la disección que ahora tratamos de reparar sería algo así como I + I = (). representa la reciprocidad y una compleción sobre sí mismo o entero mayor a la suma de las partes. Dos elementos opuestos pueden compensarse mediante una alternancia de restas y sumas (I – I = Ø + I = I), pero su suma simple deviene resta, una compensación negativa, la anulación mutua (+I) + (-l) = Ø (cero, nada). Viene a cuento la aserción gandhiana “ojo por ojo y el mundo se quedará ciego”.

Dualismo como problema El dualismo toma un todo inmanente y decide arbitrariamente su composición. Considera que el universo está formado y mantenido por la concurrencia de dos principios unitarios y opuestos. Ambos fundamentos se afirman negándose mutuamente –el éter existe por contraste con la materia, el vacío en contraste con la masa, la luz en oposición a la sombra–. El problema o contradicción básica del dualismo consiste en prescindir del todo para quedarse con las partes:

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1

Ver, Juzgar, Actuar: En alusión a la metodología formulada en 1925 por Joseph Cardijn.

2

Diario BERRIA, 21 de octubre de 2005.

3 En sucesivas dicotomías, el todo es dividido en materia e inmateria y la inmateria en éter irracional y racional (mente).

La razón dicotómica esencial se diluye en el axioma einsteiniano “Materia igual a Energía superconcentrada y Energía igual a Materia superdiluida”, principio de relatividad que ayuda a explicar la interdualidad vacío-lleno en topografía y escultórica vascas así como las intuiciones mitológicas de energía Adur o Ahal (que analizaremos más adelante); de igual modo, la dicotomía que se aplica en segundo nivel al éter racional e irracional pierde sentido frente a la hipótesis Gaia (que veremos también después). No obstante, me interesa más la noción de relatividad* que una concepción monista de la realidad entendida única y exclusivamente como energía. *Relatividad tomada en sus dos acepciones fundamentales: 1) Cualidad de relativo: que guarda relación con alguien o con algo y que no es absoluto; 2) Teoría que se propone averiguar cómo se transforman las leyes (físicas) cuando se cambia de sistema de referencia (Fuente: RAE, 21ª edición, Madrid, 1999)– 4 [Para una aproximación al concepto Paz, ver segunda parte de este trabajo Gestión simbólica de espacios de conflicto: detección, transformación y consenso. Punto 1) Representación de la Guerra y la Paz]

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ACTAS DE V CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE MUSEOS POR LA PAZ GERNIKA-LUMO 1-7 DE MAYO DE 2005

ALEX CARRASCOSA

Es absurdo partir del todo aglutinante –PAN5– para ocuparse de sus partes diseccionadas: del pan no puede obtenerse harina, agua o sal. Analizado al revés, de poco valen las partes por separado: sólo con harina no puede hacerse pan; es más, debe haber una transformación de cada parte hacia estadios diferentes –la molienda del cereal–; incluso darse una interacción sinérgica –la mezcla de harina y agua– y las condiciones de ambiente (meteoros) y tiempo (cronos) para que la masa fermente y obtener así levadura madre; y un proceso final alterno de negación –disolución de la levadura en agua con sal– y afirmación –remezcla con harina y creación de otra masa–, de reposo y actividad – horneado–. Entonces el todo o pan holístico quedará constituido.

Esto no impide que otras entidades sumarias como Gaia, la Tierra comprendida como el mayor de los organismos vivos6, permiten ya un análisis holista, abordándola como sistema integral, ya un análisis reduccionista, como una colección de partes.

Asimismo, la valoración de una de las partes sobre las demás, por cuanto supone un agravamiento del problema, plantea (o se sustenta en) una contradicción proporcional: Sin empatía, sin ponerse en el lugar del otro, no hay mutualidad; sin mutualidad no hay equilibrio.

La fragmentación y el reparto desigual de los fragmentos y nuestra propia percepción fragmentada de la realidad –páramo de tierra cuarteada en que somos incapaces de discernir un camino liberador– genera lógicas subduales de competencia o adversidad: dos (o más, pero siempre en una lógica disyuntiva “o yo o cualquiera de los otros”) disputándose un objetivo indiferente –llamémosle puesto de trabajo–, o diferenciado –promoción, ascenso, victoria– que difícilmente será la panacea de su adjudicatario; de hecho, muchas veces, no hay mayor éxito que el fracaso porque es justo ahí donde aguarda la oportunidad de cambiar de rumbo.

La dicotomía o maniqueísmo7 es aparentemente dualógica8 por cuanto necesita de un Otro; pero su razón de ser es monológica por cuanto utiliza a ese Otro para imponerse sobre él o desterrarlo y terminar por erigirse como única referencia-realidad-verdad. La lógica maniqueísta legitima al Yo en la medida en que deslegitima al Otro. Parte de un esquema dual extremo –el par bien-mal– que inevitablemente se desliza hacia actitudes impositivas y

GESTIÓN SIMBÓLICA DE ESPACIOS DE CONFLICTO A TRAVÉS DE LA EXPRESIÓN PLÁSTICA

ALEX CARRASCOSA

excluyentes: Primero establece dos bandos Nosotros-Ellos9 y sitúa en el Nosotros la idea correcta y en el Ellos la incorrecta. Al Yo atribuye el bien y al Otro, el mal. Queda desplegado un escenario potencialmente armagedónico. Pero el problema radica no tanto en el Otro como en la relación del Yo con el Otro, es decir, cómo el Yo percibe al Otro. El Yo despierta su recelo al ver en el Otro un obstáculo o incluso amenaza cara a sus propósitos e imprime en el Otro objeto el quid motriz del Yo sujeto: el miedo. El Yo genera miedo en relación al Otro y justifica su aprensión culpando al Otro de ser precisamente causante directo de su miedo.

El segundo paso consiste en exacerbar el poder del Otro adverso. La expresión “hacerlo mal” se confunde con “hacer el mal” y el Yo termina por acusar al Otro de ser portador de todas las enfermedades. Activada la estrategia de deslegitimación se despliega la Cruzada.

El tercer paso, si es que la retórica de acoso y derribo ha dado resultado, es erigirse como verdad universal –válida para todo tiempo y lugar–.

Esta monología (que no dualogía puesto que conlleva implícita la exclusión del Otro) empieza por inventar un bando contrario –Ellos– por omisión de los que no son como nosotros. A Nosotros atribuye la opción correcta y a Ellos la incorrecta. Pero obvia, y es mucho obviar, que dentro del colectivo Ellos se aplica la misma lógica bipolar y acusatoria Nosotros-Ellos no ya de forma genérica sino extendida a facciones inmediatas cuando no propias.

Un tercer espacio que busque desmarcarse de las dos actitudes extremas no hace sino repetir la dicotomía mediante un Nosotros dialogantes – Ellos cerriles y complicar el escenario abriendo un triángulo de tres polos donde nadie aceptará a nadie. La solución en este caso sería más bien una vía no situada en un “medio” o “centro” virtuoso por incontaminado, sino en la mediación contaminada de los contrarios, en su asunción y supleción10.

La dicotomía intensible para el Yo y extensible para el Otro es una trampa para quien la aplica porque al revertir la realidad queda de facto excluido –autoexcluido–.

La exclusión sólo genera sufrimiento. […]

5 PAN entendido simultáneamente desde sus dos significados originales, el latino panis –porción de masa de harina, por lo común de trigo, y agua que se cuece en un horno y sirve de alimento y el griego !__-, prefijo que significa 'totalidad' (fuente: RAE). En suma, principio de totalidad simbolizado por el alimento básico.

6

[Ver Punto 4) Lur-Lurbira]

7 Maniqueo: se dice de quien sigue las doctrinas de Manes, pensador persa del siglo III, que admitía dos principios creadores, uno para el bien y otro para el mal; perteneciente o relativo al maniqueísmo; dicho del comportamiento: que manifiesta maniqueísmo. Maniqueísmo: tendencia a interpretar la realidad sobre la base de una valoración dicotómica (Fuente: RAE).

8 Entiendo aquí dualogía como lógica dual, que acepta un Otro; para Raimon Panikkar, la palabra derivada duálogo no significa dos monólogos, sino la confianza (sin condescendencia) al otro de ideas, pensamientos, intuiciones, experiencias, vidas que realmente se encuentran, aunque procedan de fuentes lejanas y puedan incluso chocar. La otra “parte” no es ni un muro ni una proyección de mí mismo. Es un verdadero “Yo” (un otro Yo), es decir, una fuente autónoma de autoconciencia que reacciona al mismo tiempo que yo en una relación mutua Yo-Tú y Tú-Yo. El duálogo consiste para Panikkar en una triple actitud (recíproca) de escucha, reflexión y contemplación activa. (Raimon Panikkar, El diálogo indispensable, Paz entre las religiones, Ed. Península, Barcelona, 2003. pp.51-52) Para Andrés Ortiz-Osés, la dualéctica es la implicación de contrarios o correlación. (Andrés Ortiz-Osés, La Diosa Madre, Interpretación desde la mitología vasca, Trotta, Madrid, 1996, p.135)

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El pensamiento dualista escinde la realidad en dos categorías contrapuestas –ser y no ser, éxito y fracaso, vida y muerte, iluminación e ignorancia, etc.–, y si bien establece este tipo de distinciones con la intención de elegir una sobre otra, tal disyuntiva, no obstante, resulta ilusoria porque, en el fondo, ambos extremos son interdependientes, de modo que cuando nos inclinamos hacia uno de los polos, al mismo tiempo, fortalecemos inadvertidamente el polo opuesto11.

9 Dependiendo del grado de satisfacción cohesiva el bando Nosotros tendrá distintas opciones: 1) mantenerse inalterado; 2) admitir en su seno enfrentamientos parciales y aislados Yo-Otro; 3) reducirse por progresivas exclusiones hasta un Yo-Otro definitivo del que resulte no ya una élite sino un único náufrago.

10 Andrés Ortiz-Osés / Franz Karl Mayr, El inconsciente colectivo vasco; Mitología cultural y arquetipos psicosociales, Ed. Txertoa, Donostia, 1982, p. 12 11 David Loy, No-Dualidad, Ed. Kairós, Barcelona, 2000, p. 32.

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ACTAS DE V CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE MUSEOS POR LA PAZ GERNIKA-LUMO 1-7 DE MAYO DE 2005

ALEX CARRASCOSA

Es evidente que la complejidad de la realidad (o del conjunto interactivo –abrumador para cualquier espectador– de todo cuanto la participa) ha condicionado dos estrategias simplificadoras de raciocinio o uso básico de la razón para conocerla y juzgarla: una abstracta, la síntesis o juntura de todas las partes hacia la unidad –‘todo es o se remite a una misma cosa’–; y otra concreta, la partición del todo a través de sucesivas dicotomías y descartes hacia la unicidad –calidad de único–. Las respectivas categorías cosmogónicas para la unión y la partición son el monismo y el dualismo o pluralismo. Según la lógica dualista, monismo se opondría a dualismo; no obstante ambas cosmovisiones convergen, aunque tampoco por aglutinación como propondría el monismo. El monismo rota en torno a un eje supremo, su posición es estática, no se desplaza desde el punto de referencia; el dualismo en cambio es dinámico, se separa del punto de partida trazando una circunlocución mediante discursos dicótomos que sucesivamente resuelve con una exclusión-opción y un nuevo dilema hasta topar con el núcleo indivisible, como si remara sólo de un lado. Sin embargo veremos a continuación que la realidad no es una ni es múltiple: es relación constitutiva entre todo12.

GESTIÓN SIMBÓLICA DE ESPACIOS DE CONFLICTO A TRAVÉS DE LA EXPRESIÓN PLÁSTICA

ALEX CARRASCOSA

quo. Me valgo precisamente del ideograma del PP para las elecciones autonómicas del 17 de abril de 2005, la madeja como problema y el hilo como solución15, para plantear algunas de las paradojas intrínsecas a un mensaje manifiestamente dual16 y a la propia imagen-metáfora, enmadejada de significados, de la madeja.

Madeja e Hilo Hacemos una incursión al hemiciclo político vasco. El hemiciclo es la mitad de un círculo, principio de defecto formal, truncado en los extremos; ilustra involuntariamente la falta de la mitad de camino hasta el encuentro total del ágora o hasta el consenso circular. Aunque el espectro político, al menos en la CAV13 y en lo que respecta a sus márgenes de maniobra, presenta más bien la forma de un triángulo escaleno entre: 1) Nacionalistas democristianos –PNV14– y socialdemócratas –EA– (co-soberanistas e independentistas respectivamente) más subfamilias de ambos en continua dicotomía; 2) Socialistas (PSE-PSOE) con tres facciones: un polo constituido por los redondistas o españolistas (de los que se desprendería de momento el único puente hacia el Partido Popular), una amplia mayoría centrista, los oficialistas (jacobinos y federalistas moderados) y otro polo vasquista (federalistas manifiestos); oficialistas y vasquistas serían partidarios, con matices, de reformas constitucionales; y 3) Izquierda independentista mayoritaria (Batasuna); más fuerzas intermedias en al menos dos de los brazos del triángulo: 1-3) Aralar (rama de la izquierda independentista escindida del partido oficial) y 2-1) Ezker Batua (comunistas y verdes federalistas), que contribuyen a tensar los brazos en vértices hacia un polígono estrellado e irregular–. El Partido Popular constituiría una isla. Sin embargo, todos, sin excepción, comparten un objetivo similar aunque encarado opuestamente: unos desmadejar; el otro, no enmadejar. Las fuerzas en triangulación buscarían resolver dialogadamente la contienda País Vasco – Estado español, mientras que el Partido Popular no reconocería el conflicto, que sería en todo caso activado por el propio diálogo al ponerse en liza el status

12 Raimon Panikkar, La intuición cosmoteándrica. Las tres dimensiones de la realidad. Ed Trotta, Madrid, 1999, p.13.

13 Comunidad Autónoma Vasca (también llamada País Vasco, Euskadi en euskara o Vascongadas en alusión a la nomenclatura regional durante la dictadura franquista). Aunque suelen mezclarse las denominaciones vascas Euskadi y Euskal Herria, se establece que la primera –ambigua o ambivalente– designa a la ya aludida CAV y la segunda, al conjunto de las siete provincias vascas: Álava, Bizkaia y Gipuzkoa de la CAV y Navarra (en territorio español) y Lapurdi (Labord), Baja Navarra y Zuberoa (Soule) (en territorio francés).

14 Aunque el PNV se define a sí mismo aconfesional, su nombre original en euskera (EAJ, Euzko Alderdi Jeltzalea) significa literalmente Partido Vasco adscrito al lema Jaungoikoa eta Lege Zarra (Señor de lo alto y Fuero o ley antigua).

La idea de un Señor de las alturas es manifiestamente patriarcal, y mayoritariamente, sus bases aceptan el cristianismo y sus ritos como convención religiosa y cultural.

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15 El eslogan del PP por la lehendakaritza o presidencia de la CAV era “Planes o… soluciones” en castellano y “Planak edo… soluzioak“ en euskera. En castellano, “o” no distingue conjunción de disyunción, lo mismo denota diferencia, separación o alternativa entre dos o más ideas, que denota equivalencia. En euskara hay una partícula para cada caso.

“La conjunción Ala implica una disyuntiva o alternancia excluyente. En cambio, la conjunción Edo no es de exclusión, sino de igualdad y extensión”; se remite a la raíz Eda en Hedatu –extender– (Joseba Zulaika, Tratado Estético-Ritual Vasco, Baroja, Donostia, 1987, pto. 6.154). De lo que se deduce que, queriendo excluir, el eslogan equipara o incluye. Este eslogan y las respectivas imágenes de la madeja y el hilo responden a las complicaciones en que –según el PP– se incurriría de transformarse el marco de relaciones entre Euskadi (se entiende las tres provincias que hoy por hoy conforman la CAV) y el Estado español sustentadas en el Estatuto de Gernika de 1979 y la Constitución española de 1978. “Planes” se refiere a las propuestas de los partidos en triangulación: 1) cuestionamiento del marco vigente, reforma (e incluso derogación) del Estatuto de Gernika y reconocimiento del derecho de autodeterminación que con objetivos matizados exigen las formaciones nacionalistas y EB (partido federal de ámbito estatal): libre asociación de la comunidad vasca al Estado, que conservaría alguna competencia (PNV), independentismo (EA e Izquierda Abertzale en conjunto) y federalismo de libre adhesión (EB); 2) actualización del Estatuto y mejora sustancial del autogobierno; reconocimiento del carácter “nacional” del País Vasco pero sin cuestionar el marco-eje troncal de pertenencia al Estado (PSE-PSOE). En oposición, el PP propone ceñirse al marco estatutario aprobado durante la transición. Asumida la España de las autonomías, se obvia la idiosincrasia nacional del país Vasco y se le otorga un estatus no inferior ni superior al resto de las comunidades.

El PP sería más bien monista (ni siquiera unicista por exclusión disyuntiva) por cuanto considera a España como Todo indivisible. (Información más detallada en sendos artículos publicados en el diario El Correo, 15-IV y 6-IV-2005) 16 Si bien la ideología o ideografía bipolar no es ni mucho menos exclusiva del PP; casi todas las formaciones utilizan o han utilizado alguna vez discursos bipolares obviando que el espectro vasco es más bien heptapolar, puesto que confluyen con opciones de representatividad hasta 7 partidos.

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a) Madeja política o hipótesis de la madeja como problema: Los nudos o encuentros de uno (o más) hilos en la madeja son obstáculos, apreturas u obstrucciones en tópicos y presupuestos cerrados que impiden el flujo dialógico17. En este caso, es irreal condicionar la salida a un solo hilo: siempre hay más de una solución –más hilos–; además, considerando que la madeja se compone de un único hilo cabría pensar que es el propio hilo el que está enmarañado, que el problema, lejos de ser ajeno, se sufre en el propio seno. Esta contradicción se resolvería imaginando un ovillo liado con muchas hebras: el desenlace político residiría en una progresiva desatadura de muchos pequeños nudos entre diferentes hilos parciales. b) En oposición a la madeja, el hilo o la monología lineal que simboliza necesita de la madeja para afirmarse, con lo que incurre en dos contradicciones. En primer lugar, como en un balancín, al inclinarnos sobre un polo ponemos en alto, más visible, el polo opuesto. En segundo lugar, la posibilidad de optar al menos entre dos puntos de vista: madeja e hilo pueden indicar fin y principio dependiendo del sentido de la lectura. c) Sería autista aferrarse a un sólo hilo. La madeja se complica con muchas maneras de pensar, tantos hilos como personas o más que personas porque, puntualiza lúcidamente el maestro Johan Galtung, las personas cambian de idea más de una vez a lo largo del día; ideas que no se traducen literalmente con las opciones políticas, que disienten incluso de la propia política como herramienta por considerarla apropiación del sufragio que, en vez de cuota de soberanía o depósito de confianza, pasa a ser patente de corso –política que es guerra continuada por otros medios dice Michel Foucault dando la vuelta al aforismo de Karl von Clausewitz en Vom Kriege–. d) Madeja social o madeja como solución: yuxtapuestas madeja e hilo, la imagen de la madeja resulta más inquietante y se revela acaso involuntariamente como una elocuente metáfora orográfica y sociológica del País Vasco, laberinto y rizoma de interconexiones reducidas muchas veces por salud mental a la bipolaridad, pero siempre más compleja, en realidad, como encuentro de una urdimbre de relaciones interpersonales y estímulos habituales e imprevisibles enmadejada con las múltiples dimensiones humanas, que Galtung llamaría líneas de quiebra acaso por ser objeto de polarización aunque están siempre mediadas en su seno: género, edad, identidad natural (por ascendencia o linaje), identidad adquirida (por sensibilidad u opción), lengua (vernácula y dialectos y hegemónica), clase, ideología, (a)confesión, lugar de residencia (costa o interior, rural o urbano, periferia o centro, márgenes –del Ibaizabal-Nervión–, mugas), lugar y sector de trabajo, etc. Urdimbre antigua que ahora se entrevera con nuevos hilos provenientes de otros Continentes –empezando por otras Europas– y Hemisferios –Sur y Oriente–. Madeja que lejos de ser negativa se revela en sí misma como solución circular, cíclica, en red de nudos y trenzas relacionales, mestiza, multipolar, multidireccional, multiinterseccional, una imagen certera de la diversidad. Es más, el País Vasco no garabatea sino una minúscula maraña en la entera madeja del Mundo:

17 Johan Galtung aclara que el prefijo dia- no se refiere al número dos, sino que significa “mediante” aunque también puede significar “apartar”, “separar”, en otras palabras, mediante la palabra, logos. El concepto está abierto a cualquier número de participantes. (Johan Galtung, Paz por medios pacíficos; Paz y conflicto, desarrollo y civilización, Gernika Gogoratuz / Bakeaz, Bizkaia, 2003, p.158.) Me quedo con la acepción “mediante” que favorece el flujo y ‘excluyo’ los otros significados excluyentes.

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Nosotros conocemos y entendemos a nuestra madre la Tierra y somos humildes en su presencia porque sabemos, y lo hemos sabido durante miles y miles de años, que sólo existimos gracias a su sustento. Conocemos y comprendemos a los seres humanos y a las demás criaturas de esta Tierra y sabemos que todos los seres vivos están relacionados; que toda la vida es un entramado. El daño causado a una parte del mundo perjudica a todo el mundo. Ésta es nuestra idea del mundo, el mapa sagrado que nos guía durante toda la vida18.

El mapa sagrado.

La mitología trata precisamente de coser o –en palabras de Andrés Ortiz Osés19– encajar todas las realidades, aun las inexplicables, remitiéndolas a un Uno-Todo. La mitología es religiosa (religadora) por cuanto co-implica en su relación/relato todas las realidades, (incluidas aquellas que connotan valores negativos) –bien y el mal, dragón y héroe, dios y diablo, vida y muerte– y porque integrándolas en el Uno-Todo, se las acepta, asume, redime y salva. Así la dualidad irreconciliable por excelencia ‘Vida-Muerte’ se resuelve con las nociones de alternancia (paso al otro lado) y regeneración (vuelta a este lado) y la sucesiva repetición del ciclo, que hoy intuimos acaso no sea círculo, sino una espiral (un círculo que convertimos en ciclo añadiéndole la dimensión tiempo), pero de muchos brazos –trascendiendo la visión monista única, finita, inmóvil y atemporal–, de la que apenas sabemos el principio y mucho menos el final, como el viaje inconmensurable de una galaxia. En todo caso, conservamos la noción de realidad como relación, acontecimiento y flujo.

Lur, lurbira (tierra) amalur (madre tierra)20

18 Discurso de William Means, indio lakota (sioux) y presidente del Consejo Internacional de Tratados Indios ante la Asamblea general de las Naciones Unidas, 10-XII-1992, Día de los Derechos Humanos. (La voz de los pueblos indígenas, José J. de Olañeta editor, Palma de Mallorca, 1995, p. 54) 19 Andrés Ortiz-Osés, La Diosa Madre, Interpretación desde la mitología vasca , Trotta, Madrid, 1996, pp. 118-121 20 Pintura realizada por los alumnos/as de 5º y 6º curso de Ed. Primaria (10-11 años) del Colegio Público Bekobenta (Markina-Xemein / Bizkaia) para el programa Learning Through Art (Aprendiendo a través del Arte) organizado por la Fundación Museo Guggenheim Bilbao, 2005.

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La abuela Tierra es la madre de las hermanas Sol y Luna21. Es, hacia arriba, una inmensa bóveda que cruzan alternativamente Sol y Luna a la luz de la vida desde el nacimiento hasta la puesta; y hacia abajo, un enorme cuenco donde viven la mayor parte de los númenes, almas y otros seres míticos; el submundo que, completando el ciclo regenerador, Sol y Luna respectivamente recorren entre el ocaso y el orto22. En medio queda el suelo que pisamos.

Puede imaginarse la tierra alfombrándolo todo y la roca asomando intrusa como un hueso entre la carne por erosión, forzándola desde fuera, o rasgadura, forzándola desde dentro; pero es la roca la que engendra el suelo después de un largo proceso. El clima variable, frío y cálido, y los meteoros –viento, agua, nieve, hielo y rayo– fragmentan la roca madre, espinazo de las montañas, en glera o cascajo. La glera es aún más vulnerable a la intemperie, a la fricción con otras piedras y al derrubio del agua; de esta interacción resultan las arcillas. En la arcilla queda retenida agua y ésta se enriquece de sales minerales, nutriente básico para las plantas primigenias o colonizadoras. Al morir éstas, sus restos en descomposición, fermentados de bacterias, constituyen el humus23. Nuevas plantas arraigan en la tierra abonada, entre ellas los árboles, suerte de ser orgánico que en vasco –zuhaitz, zugatx– lleva implícita la palabra piedra –haitz, atx–, acaso por su consistencia leñosa, apta para la construcción24 o la combustión (piedra que arde), o porque hayas y pinos negros parecen nacer, literalmente, de las rocas. A través de sus hojas los árboles absorben energía en forma de luz solar y la transforman en alimento y oxígeno. ‘Atmósfera’, cuyo significado original es ‘esfera de vapor’, se dice en vasco ‘Eguratsa’, el hálito de la leña o de la madera. La niebla parece (y en cierto modo es) vaho que espiran las hayas los días muy húmedos; entonces se difumina, como las ramas entre las nubes en condensación, la frontera entre tierra y cielo. Desde el espacio, no obstante, océano, tierra y atmósfera componen un todo unitario: un planeta vivo en el que seres vivos, aire, océanos y rocas, se combinan en un solo organismo25. James Lovelock llama a este superorganismo Gaia26.

Como matruskas que envuelven una serie de muñecas cada vez más pequeñas, la vida se inscribe en una sucesión de límites; el límite exterior lo constituye la atmósfera y hacia abajoadentro las entidades empequeñecen al tiempo que se intensifican según nos internamos en los ecosistemas, en plantas y animales, en las células y el ADN. El límite del planeta circunscribe un organismo vivo, Gaia, un sistema coligado constituido por todos los seres vivos y su entorno.

21 La cultura azteca muestra al respecto un ejemplo de dualidad excluyente: Huitzilopochtli (dios solar mezcla de Tonatiuh, el disco astral y Xiuhtecuhtli o Huehuetéotl, ancestral deidad del fuego y el calor) nace de su madre la Tierra, pero su nacimiento pasa por derrotar y decapitar a su hermana la Luna, Coyolxauhqui. Este mito guió la misión del pueblo azteca: conquistar a todos los pueblos que fueran iluminados por los rayos del sol. Unidad Didáctica Exposición “El Imperio Azteca”, Museo Guggenheim-Bilbao, 19 marzo–18 septiembre, 2005 22 Joxemiel Barandiaran, Diccionario de Mitología Vasca, Ed. Txertoa, Donostia, 2ª Edición, 2003, p. 127 23 Debo esta reflexión sobre la glera y otra posterior sobre el ‘achar’ [ver Punto 6) Biaizpe] a Enrique Ipas.

24 R. Mª de Azkue, Diccionario Vasco-Español-Francés, Euskaltzaindia, Bilbo, 1984, p.20/174

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Sobre la superficie de la Tierra no se dibuja una clara distinción entre materia viva e inerte, se trata en todo caso de una intensidad gradual desde las rocas y el aire hasta las células vivas. Un fenómeno de escala planetaria y existencia cosmológica (no antropológica). Gaia como la mayor expresión de vida es diferente de otros organismos vivos terrestres igual que las personas nos diferenciamos de nuestra propia población de células vivas. La hipótesis Gaia sostiene que la atmósfera, el clima y la corteza de la Tierra regulan su temperatura y distribuyen sus componentes químicos según las necesidades de la vida y por influjo de los seres vivos.

El aire no es sólo un entorno para la vida sino parte de la vida misma, algo no vivo, sino hecho por las cosas vivas para sostener el entorno elegido. Temperatura, oxidación, acidez, alteraciones en rocas y aguas permanecen constantes en todo tiempo y esta homeóstasis o autorregulación es a su vez mantenida por procesos de reacción operados automática e inconscientemente por la biota (conjunto de la fauna y flora). El concepto Gaia se asocia íntegramente a la noción de vida. La Tierra está viva por cuanto es un sistema autoorganizado y autorregulado27.

Leonardo Boff da aún más sentido a la teoría de Lovelock: El universo está constituido por una inmensa trama de relaciones de tal forma que cada uno vive por el otro, para el otro y con el otro (solidaridad); que el ser humano es un nudo de relaciones orientadas hacia todas las direcciones [ver Madeja]; y que la propia Tierra se revela como Realidad –divinidad si se quiere– panrelacional. Si todo es relación y nada existe fuera de la relación, entonces la ley más fundamental es la sinergia, la sintropía, la colaboración, la solidaridad cósmica y la comunión y fraternidad-sororidad universales. Darwin, con su ley de selección natural por medio del más fuerte, debe ser complementado por esta visión panecológica y sinérgica. La interretro-relación del ser más apto para interactuar con otros constituye la clave para comprender la supervivencia y la multiplicación de las especies y no simplemente la fuerza del individuo que se impone a los demás en razón de su propia fuerza28.

En Lurbira, la Tierra, se inscriben las fuerzas vitales ‘Indar’ o energía emergente –física– irradiadora y referencial de las convexidades (árbol, peñasco) y ‘Ahal’, energía potencial de los vanos y concavidades (horcada, puerta, cueva); concepto este último rescatado por Joseba Zulaika29 que Ortiz-Osés, a partir de Barandiaran, explicita en ‘Adur’, fuerza mágica inconsciente e impersonal –metafísica–, éter (re)ligador, integrador de todos los seres vivos e inertes o energía subyacente a todo30, noción vasca de biocampo31. Sin embargo, la fuerza Adur no se corresponde exclusivamente con la masa o con el espacio; lo habita todo: está en la roca que es energía superconcentrada –‘Adur’ también designa la fuerza prodigiosa que reside oculta en el interior de muchos objetos; energía que permanece latente (y latiente)–; y está 27 James Lovelock, op cit, pp 15-41 intercalando apuntes del mismo autor en AAVV, Gaia: Implicaciones de la nueva biología, Kairós, Barcelona, 1989, pp 81-88.

28 Leonardo Boff, Ecología: grito de la Tierra, grito de los Pobres, Trotta, Madrid, 2ª Edición, 1997, pp. 30-35 29 Joseba Zulaika, Tratado Estético-Ritual Vasco, Baroja, Donostia, 1987, pto. 6, pp.96-104

25 James Lovelock, The Ages of Gaia; A biography of our living Earth, Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 19

30 Andrés Ortiz-Osés / Franz Karl Mayr, El inconsciente colectivo vasco; Mitología cultural y arquetipos psicosociales, Ed. Txertoa, Donostia, 1982, p. 34; La Diosa Madre (pp. 44, 119)

26 En alusión a GAIA o GEA, diosa griega de la Tierra o Tierra personificada, madre y nodriza universal. Ella produce todas las cosas, las plantas, los animales, las personas; todo lo nutre y lo hace prosperar y todo vuelve a ella. Gea es, al mismo tiempo, cuna y tumba de los seres vivientes. Para los romanos esta diosa fue Telus, la Tierra misma, Mater, nodriza (y lecho de nacimiento y muerte)”. Fuente: J. C. Escobedo, Diccionario Enciclopédico de la Mitología, Ed. De Vecchi, Barcelona, 1992, pp. 205-208.

31 Biocampo se traduce como campo, fuerza o energía vital y vivificadora; no sólo se refiere al campo de energía humano sino también al de los animales, los vegetales y al de la propia Tierra. (Precisamente), la Tierra tiene una anatomía energética similar a la nuestra (humana), que influye sobre nuestro propio campo de energía. La Tierra y la biosfera en la que vivimos son un gigantesco organismo vivo con sus propias características metabólicas y energéticas. (William Collinge, Las energías sutiles, Integral, Barcelona, 1999, pp. 27, 30.)

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en el vacío que es materia superdiluida o energía que fluye inasible, etérea. Desde una cosmogonía cuyo pivote es la Diosa Mari urdidora de redes que relacionan todo(s) con todo, Adur remite a la visión mágica y caleidoscópica de un mundo interligado por un flujo32 que gobierna los nexos de las cosas, sus causas y efectos, al que hay que influenciar (conjurar) a través de acciones rituales mágicas33. Indar y Ahal-Adur conforman un par de fuerzas alternas que se corresponden con el Tao, si bien Adur como fuerza vital genesiaca o Ahal en cuanto energía germinadora –ale (grano, semilla); alor (campo sembrado)– son Tao o Principio en sí mismo:

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adolescencia–, los momentos en que se traspasa el umbral de la cueva hacia el futuro o de vuelta al pasado –avances en ritos de paso y retrocesos en la restauración de faltas–. Puesto que todas las puertas y pasajes permiten avanzar en direcciones opuestas surge la imagen del dios representado con dos caras39. No obstante, la representación bifronte es un intento dualista de superar la propia dualidad. Mari es más bien circular, acaso esférica, pues urde ciclos en todas las direcciones. Mari teje y encarna la madeja.

Biaizpe

XLII Al haber emitido el Principio su única virtud –la vida– ésta se puso a evolucionar según dos modalidades alternantes. Esta evolución produjo (o condensó) el aire intermedio o materia tenue. De la materia tenue, saliendo del yin (poder –ahal, adur–) y pasando al yang (acto –indar–), fueron engendrados todos los seres sensibles.

Mari La Diosa vasca Mari (numen de sexo femenino y jefe o señora de los demás genios) encarna la Madre-Tierra que es Naturaleza (superficie terrestre), Cielo e Inframundo. Se transfigura en minerales (rocas), vegetales (árboles) y animales; y cruza el cielo en forma de hoz de fuego (imagen metafórica del rayo), arco iris, nube blanca, luna o globo ígneo34. Desde el fondo de la gran vasija telúrica que es su morada, Mari fragua tempestades, vientos y tormentas para después lanzarlas a través de sus cuevas o simas. En el umbral de su antro ocupa (y dirige) el tiempo peinándose, devanando hilo y haciendo ovillos, desmadejando y enmadejando. Por cuanto carda, escarda los hilos y hebras del destino, rotura los surcos fértiles de la existencia35, Mari se asocia a la diosa Cardea36, númen de los goznes37, protectora de los umbrales, versión femenina de Jano, dios de las puertas (janua en latín) y de los pasadizos. La flor del cardo –Eguzki Lore o Flor del Sol en vasco–, atributo de Cardea (de Mari y las lamias o númenes subalternos para peinarse), se cuelga en la puerta de acceso a la casa para conjurar con sus espinas radiales la trompa picadora del mosquito o la lasca afilada del rayo. Mari ampara la complementación y compleción de opuestos para su fertilización, fecundación o regeneración.

Mari conjunta lo disjunto, es un numen bifronte38 que, como Jano, proteje los cambios –del oro al carbón o madera podrida y viceversa–, las transiciones –de la niñez a la madurez:

32 Traducido ‘Adur’ como flujo, se incorpora su significado en vizcaíno –baba–.

33 Andrés Ortiz-Osés, El inconsciente colectivo vasco (p. 34).

34 Joxemiel Barandiaran, op. cit., pp. 127-129 35 Andrés Ortiz-Osés, El inconsciente colectivo vasco (op. cit.) pp. 10, 225 36 Andrés Ortiz Osés, La Diosa Madre (op. cit.), p. 79 37 Una de las traducciones vascas para bisagra o gozne recogida por Azkue es ar-eme (literal, macho-hembra) –ensambladura, unión sintética de los opuestos ar –macho; raíz de hartu (tomar)– y eme –hembra; raíz de eman (dar).

Observamos que es la hembra la que da y el macho el que toma, contrariamente a la habitual connotación sexual del activo (hombre) y pasivo (mujer).

38 Andrés Ortiz Osés, La Diosa Madre (op. cit.), p. 79

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Los conceptos Janua (proviniente de la raíz indoeuropea ‘gen’ engendrar) y Jamba –laterales de puertas y ventanas que sostienen el dintel, metáfora popular de jambe, piernas que son pórtico del parto y de la cópula, división y unión necesarias para la vida– se encuentran en un lugar llamado Biaizpe: Junto al pueblo navarro de Irurtzun el río Larraun parte en dos grandes rocas el brazo que une los montes Larrazpil y Erga. Estas rocas –‘Dos Hermanas’– designan el lugar en castellano y así, atendiendo tan solo a lo aparente, al envoltorio, a la materia, se interpreta el topónimo original ‘Biaizpe’ como ‘Bi ahizpa’ (‘dos hermanas’) también en euskara.

Ahora bien, ¿son las rocas lo verdaderamente importante o la puerta que el río abrió a la montaña, el espacio transitable entre un valle y otro? –El euskara como herramienta del 39 Fuentes: Barandiarán, op. cit.; Andrés Ortiz-Osés / Franz Karl Mayr, op. cit. y J. C. Escobedo, op. cit.

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pensamiento vasco se ha atrofiado porque dejamos hace tiempo de pensar por nosotros mismos (Oteiza)40–. Matizada por escrito, la palabra ‘Bihaizpe’ –“bi haitz pe” (bajo las dos rocas)– aporta la clave: bajo las dos rocas hay paso41.

Se da una situación análoga con el topónimo Achar de Alano. En el Pirineo suroccidental, en tierras de Ansó, existe una hoya o valle suspendido custodiado por una muralla calcárea conocido por Alano. Este valle da asimismo nombre a varios de los picos de la sierra allá donde ésta es más visible, en su cara norte –Ralla de Alano, Muela de Alano, Achar de Alano, Agullas d’Alano, Rincón de Alano– y al entero flanco –los Alanos–. El lado sur queda protegido por el farallón de Peña Forca, montaña también llamada Achar de Forca. El hecho es que ‘achar’ no es otra cosa que un desgaste de Atxart, a su vez apócope de Atxarte, topónimo vasco común que significa entre peñas –Atx: peña, Arte: entre–. Como en Biaizpe, ‘achar’ no designa el pitón –en Alano– o la peña –en Forca–, sino el acceso natural de los rebaños por entre estos peñascos a los ricos pastos de altura. De igual modo, Forca es un topónimo que en fabla designa una horcada o paso –achar– con forma de horca. Aunque residualmente sigue llamándose Achar de Alano al colmillo que jalona el paso, como una imposición del nuevo topónimo precisado por los montañeros, casi siempre turistas, en perjuicio del viejo topónimo utilizado por los pastores, empieza a respetarse la denotación vernácula quedando claro que una cosa es el achar y otra, la punta, y así aparece en ediciones cartográficas nuevas: Achar es el paso que accede a la hoya de Alano y Punta de l’Achar, el pico que lo guarda.

El par Indar-Ahal coexiste en Biaizpe (o en el Achar) en forma de discontinuidad Lleno-Vacío: a la masa corresponde ‘Indar’ o plenitud material, centro referencial o indicativo –“bi ahizpa” o las dos rocas ‘hermanas’–, mientras que al hueco intermedio –el achar– corresponde Ahal, espacio potencial, vacío formal y centro virtual estético –‘bi haiz pe’ o el lugar bajo (se sobreentiende ‘entre’) las dos rocas–. Los escultores Jorge Oteiza y Eduardo Chillida, definieron el vacío mediante exclusiones o discontinuidades. Puede decirse que Oteiza buscó el vacío y Chillida se encontró con él; en todo caso, ambos dieron con el sentido original –del que la toponimia es vestigio– que el antiguo vasco tenía del espacio. Puerta en vasco no es lo que cierra el hueco, sino el mismo hueco42. Nos sirve la masa como referencia orientadora, contorno, delimitación, pero es el vacío lo verdaderamente servible43: Treinta rayos componen el cubo de la rueda pero es el agujero central lo que la hace útil; modela con arcilla una vasija: es el espacio interior lo que la hace útil; la casa es útil gracias a sus puertas y ventanas. Nos beneficiamos de la materia pero la utilidad reside en lo inmaterial. Vacío transitable y mediador.

El lugar que puede andarse y vivirse. Monolitos como fin estático y vacío como (inter)medio dinámico.

40 Jorge Oteiza, Quousque Tandem…!, Ensayo de Interpretación Estética del Alma Vasca, 5ª Edición, Pamiela, IruñaPamplona, 1994, nº 22 41 Alex Carrascosa, “Bihaizpe: Hutsa eta Adiskidetzea” (artículo publicado en el diario GARA, 13/05/04).

42 Comentario de Bernardo Estornés Lasa a Oteiza en QT (op.cit.) nº 172 (Breve diccionario crítico comparado del arte prehistórico y el arte contemporáneo, epígrafe “disciplina”).

43 Dedico estas reflexiones a Cynthia Cohen. Escribí estas líneas cuando aún no conocía el Tao y ella me facilitó el versículo XI con esta pregunta ¿es similar la sensibilidad vasca hacia el espacio negativo? Las nociones vascas de espacio como contorno negativo, definido por discontinuidad o transestatua [ver Hiperboloides, Construcciones Vacías y Desocupaciones de Oteiza] o espacio como entorno positivo transitable, definido por la continuidad fluvial (misma raíz de flujo) se corresponde íntegramente con el versículo XI del TAO.

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Para los griegos, Hermes –mensajero entre los dioses inmortales y los hombres mortales, intermediando el entendimiento y la comunicación entre ambos– personifica el camino o encrucijada a la que parece hacer referencia su nombre arcádico originario como dios de los “mojones de piedras” (herma: montón de piedras) que orientan el camino. Las estatuas de Hermes a la entrada de las casas griegas atestiguan que es un dios de las puertas y del portal, similar al dios romano Jano, también un dios mediador44.

La interdependencia ontológica y alternancia Bete-Huts, o alteridad creando lleno con vacío y viceversa en espacio topológico Biaizpe es manifiesto en la escultórica vasca: Estatua-energía (adur) o escultura-espacio intermatérico potencial (ahal) en Hiperboloides (1950): Definimos dos círculos –dos unidades masa– separados entre sí y trazamos una circunferencia que pasa por sus respectivos centros: en medio, recortado en la circunferencia, queda inscrita una hipérbola. Al revés, dibujamos un círculo al que recortamos dos semicírculos, o una manzana a la que damos cuatro mordiscos, dos por cada lado, que no llegan a tocarse y dejan el corazón; éste sugiere la prolongación virtual de los círculos o, traducido a tres dimensiones, de la manzana-esfera, más aún: comunica a la masa no sólo con el volumen sustraído, sino con el entero vacío circundante. El espacio desocupado (el contorno de manzana ausente) se configura como escultura-energía o transestatua, lugar abierto, potencial que obliga a una percepción activa, participativa del observador. El razonamiento de la expresión comienza haciendo expresarse por fuera a una forma elemental geométrica y termina vaciando a esa forma elemental por dentro. Oteiza sustituye la unidad-masa cerrada y tradicional del cilindro por la unidad-energía del cilindro abierto o hiperboloide; trabaja en estas unidades aligeradas, espacios entre esferas-materia convertidos en corazones-materia que sugieran esferas (u ovoides)-espacio. Juega con ellas, las superpone (Unidad triple y liviana, 1950) a modo de contenedores o dinamizadores de un espacio que recreamos en negativo en nuestra imaginación. El hiperboloide dibuja un paréntesis inverso, no una interrupción o discontinuidad –un corte, una foz– en el común razonamiento espacial. El paréntesis abarca todo, tanto como seamos capaces de experimentar la sensibilidad del vacío, más allá de la lógica táctil. Pero también confronta unidades livianas y abiertas (‘dos hermanas’, en este caso ‘madre e hija’, Tierra y Luna, 1955) para construir no por desocupación como en la manzana sino por fusión, la transestatua como tarte, bitarte (‘entre’ en vasco) o atxarte.

44 Franz Karl Mayr en Osés/Mayr, El Matriarcalismo vasco, Reinterpretación de la cultura vasca, Universidad de Deusto, 1980, p. 21

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Como en Biaizpe, la verdadera escultura se genera en el espacio entre las dos unidadesmateria: la Tierra y la Luna no son los monolitos, sino las esferas inmateriales que virtualmente contornean las sendas desocupaciones de las piedras orientadas hacia el vacío interno intermedio. Pero también y sobre todo la gran esfera como espacio circundante en todas las direcciones que insinúan los bordes de las piedras abiertos hacia afuera; espacio que nos incluye a nosotros haciéndonos partícipes.

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ritmo ‘desestabilizador’ (Herrena es ‘cojo’ en vasco). Entre los golpes acompasados de Ttakuna, Herrena puede pegar un golpe, dos, o ninguno y mantener el silencio. Ttakuna lleva un orden –se asocia inmediatamente a ‘Txukuna’ (en vasco, ordenado, pulcro, conveniente, correcto)– y Herrena o Urguna (cojo, renco, defectuoso, tarado) lo transgrede aprovechando los vacíos de Ttakuna. En la Txalaparta “Txukuna y Urguna” escenifican posturas contradictorias, pero nunca habría Txalaparta si faltara uno de los dos47.

Consejo al Espacio IV de Eduardo Chillida. Entre los opuestos absolutos Bete-Huts (llenovacío) media una transición progresiva (retomo este punto en el Círculo Cromático)45.

Txalaparta La Txalaparta ritualiza el par Bete-Huts traducido en golpe y discontinuidad –silencio o espacio liberado–. Originariamente se trata de un ritmo que dos personas ejecutan alternativamente. Por extensión se llama Txalaparta al soporte, dos tablones sobre los que los músicos percuten en vertical con sendos pares de palos. El modelo mecánico de ejecución de la energía Indar es Jo (pegar; tocar un instrumento; copular). Un objeto contenedor gobernado por Ahal es necesario para que el golpe Jo tenga lugar46. La Txalaparta convoca a la fiesta que celebra la culminación de un ‘Auzolan’ o trabajo cooperativo de la comunidad. Antiguamente, su sonido se oía en un radio de hasta 5 Km. Define, en todo caso, un contorno desde un centro irradiante Indar. En este sentido, Txalaparta es un todo al que se asocian el soporte sonoro –Ahal– y la acción sonante –Indar–. Es más, en el ritmo clásico cada músico (txalapartari) asume un rol: uno es “Ttakuna”; el otro “Herrena”. Mediante golpes dobles –“ttak-un”, “ttakun”– Ttakuna marca el ritmo binario y genera una estructura rítmica constante, pero entre golpes deja intervalos, vacíos o lapsos de tiempo que Herrena aprovecha para intercalar su

45 [Ver segunda parte de este trabajo Gestión simbólica de espacios de conflicto: detección, transformación y consenso.

Punto 2) Topografía de los espacios cotidianos de conflicto y Punto 4) Gestión simbólica de espacios de conflicto] 46 Joseba Zulaika, op. cit., pto. 6.3

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De hecho, sólo hay Txalaparta cuando Ttakuna y Herrena se compenetran y entrelazan.

El tiempo que marca Ttakuna lo continúa (a su manera) Herrena y lo reengancha Ttakuna con la misma cadencia. Así que, aunque Ttakuna lleva el compás, no basta con una base rítmica; sería como un armazón de pilares y vigas sin suelo, techo, paredes ni vanos. La Txalaparta se revela hoy, sin necesidad de ajustarse al convencionalismo o molde tópico de representar un solo papel, sea Ttakuna sea Herrena, como un espacio potencial (Ahal) no sólo para la alternancia sino para la alteridad. Seguirá siendo Txalaparta mientras haya al menos dos músicos comunicándose. Porque en definitiva se trata de comunicar (anunciar, convocar) comunicándose, resolviendo tensión con distensión, desenvolviendo el ritmo a fuerza de completar y complementar los espacios (oportunidades) mutuos entre golpe y golpe y terminando por evocar uno de los posibles orígenes de este ritual: la ‘zaldiparta’ o el galope del caballo.

Par móvil o estela caminando Hay representaciones más o menos literales de la Txalaparta –Mendiburu (1961), Ibarrola (1986-87), Gorriti, Santxotena–; en todas se insiste en los significantes o en la estructura superficial: perpendicularidad, golpe de los palos contra la tabla, mayor o menor continuidad, pulsiones y cadencias; no obstante, hay una escultura de Oteiza que en principio nada tiene que ver con este ritmo ritual o ritual rítmico, pero que ilustra con turbadora claridad algunos 47 Propuesta propia para los corredores y rampas de acceso al Salón Mendibarren (Berriatua, Bizkaia), proyecto dirigido por Kimetz E. Munitxa.

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de sus significados medulares: 1) alternancia e interdependencia de opuestos o inestables como premisa básica, imprescindible para la estabilidad; y 2) movimiento (las esculturas mencionadas son inmóviles). Se trata del Par espacial ingrávido o Par móvil (1956).

El propósito de Oteiza era desocupar la esfera, el sólido perfecto, y lo primero que hizo fue abrirla. Extrae sendos semicírculos de los discos-eje ortogonales horizontal (ecuador) y vertical (meridiano). En la recta diametral de cada semicírculo halla la proporción áurea (1+1 2+1 3+2 5+3 8+5 13+8 21…) e incide sendas muescas (si mide 3 en el 2, si mide 5 en el 3, si mide 13 en el 8). Luego ensambla las dos mitades de disco en perpendicular –el eje queda, según la proporción áurea, desplazado del centro (más o menos una sexta parte)–.

Finalmente echa la pieza a andar.

El Par móvil se apoya en el lado más corto del semicírculo vertical y en el lado más largo del horizontal. Al echar a rodar, la pieza pivota sobre el vértice del primer semicírculo y se desliza sobre el filo curvilíneo del segundo. Cuando termina de dibujar la curva y llega al vértice la pieza queda suspendida sobre dos puntos iguales (lo que da estabilidad al par no es la suma de iguales sino la suma de opuestos48) y cae. Entonces encuentra apoyo en la curva del primer semicírculo, rueda sobre éste, lo completa, se trunca, se suspende y reencuentra el punto de apoyo en el segundo semicírculo. Así alternativamente. Gracias al descentramiento-Herren, los dos semicírculos-Ttakun dibujan un camino que no es sino el balanceo de las dos mitades 48 Compensación: nos vale Ø como reposo y la alternancia de contrarios (I – I = Ø + I = I) como movimiento.

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del cuerpo en ritmo alterno generando una secuencia progresiva y lineal49, la propia Txalaparta en los golpes alternos del brazo derecho e izquierdo, movimiento que se contagia a todo el cuerpo hasta los pies en un círculo envolvente. Ttakuna en el rodaje sobre la curva regular y Herrena en el truncamiento, en la interrupción de la curva, una descompensación parcial que se corrige a sí misma, consecutivamente, creando un discurso global coherente y unitario: el sencillo y más prematuro ejercicio de caminar, no en vano se aprende antes a andar que a hablar.

Pero si ya el significante, el par semi-discoidal echado a andar, es inquietante, son aún más inquietantes y dramáticos los significados que el autor da a la pieza. En primer lugar la llama Estela caminando. Imaginemos que las dos enormes rocas de Biaizpe echaran a andar. La función de los monolitos –las “dos hermanas” de Biaizpe–, los cairns, hitos o mojones de piedras y las estelas es indicar el camino. Como los chorten himalayos o las chullpas andinas, las estelas todavía cumplen una doble función hermesiana: concentrar la sabiduría de los antepasados por cuanto son su memoria y señalar así la senda a seguir. Formalmente las estelas reivindican la figura (forma y persona) del difunto en su contorno discoidal, que imita la cabeza, y en los atributos allí inscritos. El disco se completa con un pie triangular, trapecial o rectangular que añade las ideas de cuerpo, de comunicación con la tierra y, en conjunto, de ‘ojo de llave’ a otra vida que no es sino la cara alterna de ésta. El Vía Crucis del pueblo navarro de Luzaide (Valcarlos) está compuesto de estelas. Por allí sube valle arriba, remontando el Pirineo transversal, el Camino de Santiago. Oteiza esculpió junto al Camino siete estelas no funerarias pero sí vigilantes. Entran desde el País Vasco del Norte. Algunas miran y una dice: “Ernatzen ari dira hillarriak Santiyoko bidean” (Están despertando –despabilando– las estelas en el Camino de Santiago). Y la palabra se vuelve acción: Yo, debo decir que no me canso, no debo cansarme. La fórmula para no cansarse es bien simple: elegir un ideal superior a las propias fuerzas e intereses personales. Es cuando el ideal le compromete a uno con los demás, con una comunidad, con un país. Y es este tipo de empresa, desorbitada, lo que distingue al conspirador del aventurero. Un aventurero se puede cansar y cambiar de aventura o dejarla. (...El conspirador) representa en su proceder el modelo auténtico para actuar en vasco: Pensamiento y Acción al mismo tiempo, en redondo y visual, en pequeñas circunferencias, en pequeñas y sucesivas operaciones enteras frente al estilo latino, verbal y rectilíneo50 .

Entonces, la estela inmueble estática, desgastada a la intemperie por el silencio, la inacción aparente del tiempo, la estela que señala el camino, se convierte en sí misma en camino, sale de la cuneta y entra en el flujo, fluye. Río transversal en Biaizpe, longitudinal entre Aduna y Benta-Haundi (Tolosa, Gipuzkoa): Esperaba colocar en ‘Bentaundi’ cristianamente, como una cruz en movimiento (se refiere al Par móvil), mi Estela memoria a Txabi Etxebarrieta, poeta ideólogo, entrañable compañero en nuestro Frente Cultural de Artistas Vascos, primer caído en 1968 en nuestra resistencia al franquismo, y sugería en reconciliación placa y una cruz 49 Si bien opongo la línea al círculo más de una vez a lo largo del documento, debo matizar que aquí me interesa la línea como movimiento, por cuanto significa avance y no el círculo por cuanto significa compleción en sí mismo y estancamiento; igualmente, planteo los lugares línea (negativa) como entorno estático por compensación permanente de dos fuerzas polares y círculo (positivo) como contorno dinámico de confluencia o expansión. En todo caso, volviendo a la noción de movimiento, insistiré sobre la idea ‘espiral’ por ser una forma que avanza y lo hace además cíclicamente, es decir, reúne las virtudes de la línea y del círculo.

50 Littera&Musika/1 OTEIZA Jorgeri, Arteola + Pamiela, 2004: Extracto de la entrevista que Juan Antonio García Marcos hizo a Jorge Oteiza el 26-IX-1974 para Radio Popular de Donostia (recogida en el libro Historia de una inquietud, Txertoa, 2003)

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donde fue muerto guardia civil José Pardines Arcay en Aduna51. Oteiza critica la falta de iniciativa oficial para llevar a cabo el proyecto: En ‘Bentaundi’, al borde de la carretera, el alcalde no tiene autoridad puesto que es propiedad particular, era propiedad de todos para morir, no tenemos valor para colocar las 2 estelas de paz y reconciliación. En consecuencia, unos días antes del 28/12/93, fecha para la cadena humana organizada por Asociación (todos divididos y atemorizados) de Paz y Reconciliación que unirá 10 kilómetros, 10 mil personas entre el guardia civil caído en Aduna y Etxebarrieta en ‘Bentaundi’ que no se atreven a mis 2 señales conmemorativas para esta reconciliación. He tenido que tomar decisión de comunicarme con la máxima autoridad de la Guardia Civil atentísimo y de acuerdo con las 2 cristianas señales que yo entendía tenían que ser colocadas para la cadena Paz y Reconciliación, para la que los organizadores aconsejaban valor civil y religioso, que había comprobado, a ellos también les faltaba. Escuchad ahora las palabras del Premio Nobel de Literatura 1963, el poeta griego Yorgos Seferis: O la vida significa coraje, O deja de ser vida52.

Segunda parte: Gestión simbólica de espacios de conflicto: detección, transformación y consenso. talleres.

Representación de la guerra y la paz Partiendo de un escenario integrado por al menos dos partes identificables, Guerra sería el intento –unilateral o bilateral (mutuo)– de imposición forzosa de una de las partes sobre la otra, intento activado por al menos una triple y sucesiva motivación: la no aceptación o deslegitimación (unilateral o recíproca) de una de las partes; la disputa aporética (apoyada en condiciones inviables para uno de los dos) del entero escenario que se considera propio de sólo una de estas partes –disputa que violenta a los dos agentes en pugna desde conductas disuasorias, de ofensa-defensa u ofensa mutua–; y gobierno unívoco del escenario. Por contra, Paz sería el intento –unilateral (resistencia no-violenta, no-cooperación en términos de subordinación o asimilación) o bilateral (cooperación en términos de reciprocidad y respectividad53) de conservación del escenario común.

Si pedimos a varias personas que nos dibujen la Guerra y la Paz en un mismo papel, posiblemente nos encontremos con que la mayoría yuxtapone dos mundos contrarios. Esta yuxtaposición de los conceptos Guerra y Paz no es del todo extraña, ambos conceptos están de hecho asociados al mismo campo epistemológico y semántico. Guerra y Paz se definen mutuamente por oposición54: Guerra es desavenencia y rompimiento de la paz entre dos o más actores; y Paz, la situación y relación mutua de quienes no están en guerra, tranquilidad y quietud en contraposición a la guerra o a la turbulencia o tratado o convenio concordado 51 El 7 de junio de 1968 el guardia civil José Pardines Arcay es muerto a tiros en la N-1 a la altura de Aduna cuando procedía a identificar a los militantes de ETA Txabi Etxebarrieta e Iñaki Sarasketa. 3 horas más tarde Txabi Etxebarrieta muere por disparos de otro agente en un control en el cruce de Benta-Haundi (Tolosa). Etxebarrieta fue, en el intervalo de tres horas, el primer etakide que mató y fue muerto.

52 Cartas abiertas de Jorge Oteiza a finales de 1993 en su Prólogo a la 5ª edición del Quousque Tandem 30 años después inutil ya en cultura vasca traicionada, (op. cit.)

53 Respeto recíproco y reciprocidad respectiva.

54 (Fuente: RAE)

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para poner fin a una guerra. Es más, atendiendo a la epistemología o razonamiento del conocimiento, o dicho de otro modo, tratando de indagar sobre qué base se asienta la formación de estas categorías cognitivas Guerra-Paz, podría decirse que la Guerra juega en casa. Y es que entre los significados de Guerra consta (seguramente por asociación) “oposición de una cosa con otra”. Es decir, que si la Paz es en sí avenencia o concordancia es un contrasentido situarla en desavenencia o inconcordancia con otro concepto. La dicotomía, como ya se veía en el primer capítulo, es sin proponérselo paradójica.

Guerra y Paz nos sirven como marco teórico, analítico, incluso de acción. No obstante deben advertirse inmediatamente al menos dos riesgos latentes en el binomio acrítico por habitual Guerra-Paz, dos riesgos en sendas dimensiones: una estructural, ad intra, epistemológica y otra ad extra, semántica o relacional: 1. Guerra y Paz son conceptos incompatibles. La Guerra, como el fuego, necesita de un combustible –dos adversarios– y un comburente –el espacio, paz-oxígeno, entre ambos– para conflagrar o arder, flagrar conjuntamente, propagar la llama. Pero la Paz no necesita un átomo de guerra: en negativo, la Paz se define por la ausencia de guerra (no-guerra) y positivamente, la Paz implica toda actitud y mecanismos que ilegitimen y reduzcan la guerra al absurdo55.

Nos vale el ejemplo de un bosque en verano. Paz negativa sería la ausencia fáctica –aunque no potencial– de incendios y Paz positiva la anulación –mediante actitudes (agua, humedad) y estrategias de prevención y cuidado (desbroces, cortafuegos, prohibición de tirar colillas, encender barbacoas)– de cualquier posibilidad o potencialidad de incendio.

2. (Actitudes de) Guerra y Paz están imbricadas en nuestra conducta cotidiana, pero no son, en ningún caso, realidades complementarias. Proponer Guerra-Paz como dos realidades alternativas una de la otra –yin-yang– puede llevar a justificar una en favor de la otra y viceversa.

La consideración de la violencia como un complemento de la paz o realidad connatural a ésta podría derivar en la legitimación la violencia como ingrediente imprescindible de pacificación.

Como tales, Guerra y Paz son fenómenos circulares, cerrados sobre sí mismos –urobóricos–, retroalimentados: la Guerra sólo genera guerra en la medida en que desencadena una ilógica56 de acción-reacción o alternancia viciada de réplicas y contrarréplicas que no buscan sino la aniquilación mutua. De igual modo, la Paz sólo engendra paz por cuanto los valores inherentes y al mismo tiempo consolidativos de una cultura de Paz suponen para el otro: respectividad entendida como respeto mutuo, alteridad o capacidad de ser Otro, más allá de la empatía, y cooperación o acción constructiva, sinérgica y constitutiva de las dos (o más) partes en un holos reconciliado y conciliador.

55 Ø) Paz negativa es la ausencia de cualquier tipo de violencia; 1) paz natural: cooperación entre las especies, ausencia de lucha; 2) paz positiva directa: bondad verbal y física, el bien para el cuerpo, la mente y el espíritu del Yo y del Otro; dirigida a todas las necesidades básicas, supervivencia, bienestar, libertad e identidad. El amor es el compendio de todo ello: unión de cuerpos, mentes y espíritus. 3) paz positiva estructural: sustituiría jerarquía por horizontalidad, represión por libertad, explotación por equidad y reforzaría su aplicación con activos estructurales sean diálogo en lugar de penetración (intromisión, coacción, dirección), integración en lugar de segmentación [v. 2ª Parte, Punto 4) Gestión simbólica de espacios de conflicto: Wiphala], participación en lugar de marginación. Favorecería estructuras horizontales.

4) La paz positiva cultural sustituiría la legitimación de la violencia por la legitimación de la paz. En el espacio interior del Yo, esto significa abrirse a diversas inclinaciones y aptitudes humanas, sin reprimirlas. (Johan Galtung, Paz por medios pacíficos; Paz y conflicto, desarrollo y civilización, Gernika Gogoratuz / Bakeaz, Bizkaia, 2003, p.58) 56 Ilógica porque no hay lógica o pensamiento sin existencia (vida) y la consecuencia inmediata –visible– y última –previsible– de la Guerra es la destrucción o no-existencia.

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Un todo fenomenológico compuesto de Guerra y Paz es lógica y semánticamente inviable porque no puede construirse con destrucción. No hay alternancia o interacción posible entre dos realidades que se anulan mutuamente, esencialmente contradictorias e imposibilitadas para compensarse. Mientras la Paz asegura la vida, la Guerra es biocida y en último término suicida. Volviendo sobre el Tao, Yin y Yang conforman un par de fuerzas generatrices o constructivas: la fuerza potencial (Adur) se conecta con la fuerza activa (Indar); el poder con el acto. La fuerza interruptora o destructiva Guerra se explicaría como una disfunción de momento parcial. Claro que, viendo la Tierra desde fuera, podría interpretarse el cúmulo de acciones constructivas y destructivas, directas e indirectas, naturales o humanas como una sucesión de fenómenos contrapesados sin fin aparente57, si bien, atendiendo al Tao, son más sincrónicos que alternantes. Sin embargo, también asaltan las dudas: aunque la traslación orbital de la Tierra es previsible, ¿son previsibles la traslación y curso humanos? Basta con echar un vistazo a los informes anuales del Worldwatch Institute: los datos negativos o relativos no compensan a los positivos; podría de hecho considerarse que los datos positivos no son sino parches y bálsamos sobre un mundo humana y naturalmente agredido. Y sólo hablamos de efectos irreversibles pretéritos, no cuestionamos la posible o potencial irreversibilidad de muchas acciones contemporáneas. Siguen sin someterse los conceptos ‘desarrollo’ y ‘sostenible’ a un filtro exhaustivo de calidad. Esto nos devuelve al problema inicial –básico, estructural, epistemológico– ahora enunciado con una pregunta ya respondida: ¿puede compensarse un daño irreversible? Tajantemente No. El dolor permanecerá. Podrá utilizarse morfina para disimular su morfos; pero bajo la superficie, permanecerá.

Retomamos el enunciado gráfico que abría este capítulo –Guerra y Paz yuxtapuestas– para desmontar algunos convencionalismos y destapar otras contradicciones (aparte de las ya introducidas) intrínsecas a este ideario-imaginario: Aun siendo situaciones opuestas, Guerra y Paz no son dos estaciones a término, sino el modo (actitud y medios) en que se gestiona un escenario de conflicto. En este sentido, consideradas Guerra y Paz actitudes, podríamos definir la Guerra como pulsión mortífera de una persona hacia su prójimo y la paz como pulsión vivificadora.

Guerra y Paz nunca llegan a completarse: hay –como en el Guernica de Picasso– brotes de paz en los resquicios de vida que escapan a la guerra; pero también ascuas de guerra en la paz casi siempre irresuelta o unilateral.

Como fenómenos parciales, Guerra y Paz conforman un todo conceptual ambiguo y confuso; lo que es Paz para unos, contenida bajo consignas de defensa exterior y seguridad interior, suele significar Guerra implícita o violencia estructural para otros.

57 Johan Galtung habla sobre el Yin y el Yang como dos opuestos mutuos en el sentido de complementariedad, de ser uno en el otro, no en el sentido –dicotómico o maniqueo– de triunfar uno sobre el otro. Uno equilibra al otro; no prevalece sobre el otro, proporciona un estado de equilibrio. Pero ese equilibrio no es estable: como dos ciclistas escapados que avanzan más relevándose –utilizo esta metáfora para explicitar la idea de Galtung–, el primero que iba rezagado continuará avanzando hasta adelantar al segundo que quedará atrás e irá avanzando progresivamente hasta superar de nuevo al primero y así sucesivamente. El resultado es un proceso ondulante con un equilibrio inestable entre los dos puntos de retorno –coincide con la descripción del Par Móvil de Oteiza [ver primera parte Claves estéticas no dualistas en cultura vasca. Punto 8) Par móvil o estela caminando]–. Al contrario que el proceso maniqueo lineal, este proceso yin/yang cíclico (o en espiral) no tiene un estado final, un triunfo del bien sobre el mal (o al revés). Galtung objeta a este proceso que impide la acción, dejando que el yin/yang siga su curso, mientras que el pensamiento simplista occidental o moderno (lineal finito) facilita la acción, interviniendo en la lucha bien/mal resolutivamente a favor (y por omisión en contra) de uno de los dos. A mi juicio el proceso cíclico no sólo no impide la acción sino que la preserva ininterrumpidamente. Por el contrario, la dicotomía monológica termina por interrumpir la acción al truncar el proceso alternante con un punto final, irreversible. (Fuente: Johan Galtung, op. cit. pp. 39-40)

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En todo caso, sean parciales o absolutas, Guerra y Paz no son dos compartimentos separados por una pared. Conceptualmente es ilógico yuxtaponer ambos paquetes conductuales en un mismo todo fenomenológico aunque actitudes violentas y pacíficas puedan concurrir y alternarse en un mismo espacio, y en dosis pequeñas, sin llegar a la esquizofrenia, en un mismo individuo o grupo. En todo caso, la violencia cotidiana obedece a una pérdida de razón mientras que actitudes pacíficas responden, más allá de la percepción razonada del prójimo, a su asunción razonable. Es decir, furia y afectuosidad no están promovidas por la misma pulsión. La violencia se origina en la carencia y la paz en la integridad. Incluso sumida en un entorno que genera permanente frustración, una persona tiene tres opciones inmediatas: agredir, abandonarse o sobreponerse y buscar una salida; las dos primeras son suicidas, la tercera es, en principio, constructiva; dependerá luego de su capacidad de mantener y retroalimentar su decisión.

Puede haber una predominancia de la violencia, una mayor intromisión de la Guerra en la vida cotidiana –Colombia, Liberia, Uganda, Palestina, Irak, Kurdistán, Chechenia, [...]– y una predominancia de la Paz en cuanto vida más o menos satisfecha y tranquila –las respectivas mayorías de muchos países de Europa–. Precisamente aquí, aunque sabemos por nuestros abuelos qué es la Guerra, no está tan claro si los nietos sabemos qué es la Paz: a) Gozamos de privilegios que son negados a la mayoría de los habitantes del planeta, nuestro nivel de consumo de recursos no es globalmente sostenible y nuestra paz y bienestar intramuros generan violencia y convocan éxodos extramuros58; b) Polinizamos un capitalismo ya del todo identificado con nuestra realidad cotidiana; Santiago López Petit lo llama fascismo postmoderno por cuanto se trata de una movilización total de nuestras vidas que aceptamos como obvia.

Guerra latente y paz contenida no están divididas por una línea, entre ambas discurre un cambio secuencial aunque interrumpido; gradual pero oscilatorio; y cíclico: un conflicto puede dibujar un círculo alterno de tregua o latencia y conflagración, pero la Guerra, el ejercicio deliberado de la violencia, nunca conduce a la Paz. Dibuja una espiral invertida, una caída en barrena.

Pero incluso permitiéndonos confrontar plásticamente Guerra y Paz como fenómenos absolutos –en sí mismos, atendiendo a su ilógica y lógica respectivas, lo son–, entre Guerra tópica y Paz utópica –tal como se ilustran sobre el papel– media algo más que una línea, acaso un espacio tan grande como el que la Guerra pueda abarcar; tanto como precise su deconstrucción o desarticulación analítica que desentrañe sus contradicciones y sinsentidos.

Es más, es la propia Paz la que se retrotrae a la Guerra interseccionándola para aprender permanentemente de la memoria.

Con todo, salir de la ilógica de Guerra implica plantarse, interrumpir, cortar en seco el círculo vicioso, no así la energía, que a fuerza de hacerlo girar terminaría quemándolo y que reconducimos ahora en espiras cada vez más abiertas. Por tanto, entre la Guerra y el nuevo proceso abierto, crítico y deconstructivo de la estructura generadora de Guerra, sí mediaría una frontera explícita, una línea, un corte, una interrupción o vacío que no tiene porque ser transversal; éste puede ser pequeño, parcial, una grieta, una reacción aislada, o varias reacciones dispersas. El hecho es que en algún lugar alguien reacciona a la violencia con noviolencia, el círculo se abre y expande su arco de energía transformada en positivo el doble 58 Sin ir más lejos, crisis de las pateras en el estrecho de Gibraltar y de las vallas que aíslan los enclaves españoles de Ceuta y Melilla de Marruecos y del entero continente africano.

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de su diámetro59. Son los brotes de paz que escapan a la guerra –el Ginkgo que sobrevivió a la bomba atómica sobre Hiroshima–. Hay fractura entre violencia y no-violencia; no así entre la deconstrucción de la Guerra y la construcción de la Paz que integran coherentemente un mismo plano.

Traducido a vectores, la Guerra se identificaría con los círculos concéntricos, punto de mira o alineación de fuerzas en torno a un centro o eje, y la Paz con la espiral, evolución curva de una línea que no se cierra sobre sí misma, sino que vive la vida de muchos círculos60. La espiral se compone de semicírculos alternos sobre un mismo eje. En progresión ascendente, el diámetro del semicírculo anterior equivale al radio del semicírculo posterior, es decir, que durante una semicircunferencia, círculo y espiral coinciden. Guerra y paz se encuentran, comparten conceptos, incluso objetivos, pero divergen en los medios, esto es, en sí mismas.

Topografía de los espacios cotidianos de conflicto: escenarios lineal-bipolar y circular-multipolar.

La historia repetida nos dibuja una secuencia que va de la violencia estructural o cultural o de una Paz a medias hacia una Guerra abierta que en algún punto no puede ser mantenida y se disemina en armisticios, paces contenidas o apaños comerciales. Y aunque el terco rumbo del barco sistémico se corrige, sirgado por el conjunto de los movimientos sociales, hacia la circunnavegación armónica de la Tierra, son y aún serán demasiados los conflictos, muchos de ellos violentos, algunos endémicos y otros recientemente inducidos, por resolver. No obstante, sin necesidad de ser violento, habrá conflicto cada vez que dos o más personas confluyamos en un mismo espacio y tengamos que confrontar y armonizar los intereses respectivos. Atendiendo a esta lógica, es un tópico limitar los escenarios de conflicto a una calle con dos salidas, una en cada sentido, y en el mejor de los casos, con bocacalles intermedias. Y aún condicionando el escenario a dos únicos extremos: Las soluciones más conciliadoras no son exclusivas de las opciones medias, que a su vez defienden intereses y sufren disensos.

Al cambiar de perspectiva, y esto es muy habitual en política, lo que aparentaba ser un escenario lineal y bipolar se abre longitudinalmente por el centro, se convierte en un círculo y lo que antes eran grises medios contiguos en la escala se sitúan en extremos opuestos. Un aro puede ser un círculo o una línea según lo miremos.

Comúnmente hablamos en blanco y negro, escala de grises susceptible de ser interpretada como secuencia hacia lo oscuro o lo claro y tal vez sea más propio hablar en color. Dado que sólo vemos a la luz, que los colores son luz refleja y se distribuyen a lo largo de la franja visible entre el ultravioleta y el infrarrojo, éstos últimos, ciegos para nosotros, representarían los extremos, y los colores visibles, desde el violeta hasta el rojo, el margen de maniobra61.

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La distribución espectral o lineal de los colores corresponde únicamente al fotón o índice de energía que irradia cada uno. En consecuencia, ateniéndonos a lo estrictamente visible por cuanto delimita nuestro plano, al menos gráfico, de acción, nos centraremos en los colores partiendo de su división tricromática; tres colores de luz determinados –rojo, verde y azul– a partir de los cuales podemos crear (casi) cualquier color. Estos tres colores –primarios aditivos62– se complementan con otros tres –amarillo, magenta y cian o primarios sustractivos63– resultantes de las mezclas respectivas del rojo, verde y azul tomados de dos en dos.

Si superponemos concéntrica pero alternativamente dos triángulos equiláteros, es decir, ensamblando los vértices de uno en los intervalos del otro, obtenemos una estrella regular de seis puntas, la conocida por estrella de David. Uniendo los vértices de la estrella se describe un círculo exterior y uniendo las intersecciones, un círculo interior. En cada vértice disponemos un color por este orden: amarillo – rojo – magenta – azul (índigo o añil) – cian – verde.

Culturalmente, el arco-iris es un símbolo significativo natural y sintético por cuanto compendia la realidad visible en siete colores y compone un todo armónico mediante la reunión de diferentes realidades o identidades. Sin embargo, en comparación con el círculo cromático, se concluye la aleatoriedad e incompleción de la franja irisada como estructura operativa puesto que alterna no todos los colores primarios (añil, cian, verde, amarillo, rojo) con algunos secundarios (violeta, naranja) y tampoco se cierra o completa formalmente sobre sí misma: dibuja un arco. Ni siquiera ilustra un hemiciclo; dispone los colores en franjas perimetrales o concéntricas, no radiales, lo que imposibilita un discurso cíclico o regenerativo.

En este contexto (y como veremos más adelante) ningún color tiene por qué condicionarse exclusivamente a su precedente o sucesor inmediatos; cualquiera puede saltar y entenderse con otro independientemente de su posición en la escala, incluso siendo extremos64.

En síntesis, la representación circular o cíclica corrige la miopía lineal y dilemática e invita a repensar el conflicto en positivo que no es sino la confluencia de actores distintos en un mismo escenario. El conflicto-problema es contradicción pero es también fuerza creativa y motriz65 que exige solución, el punto de inflexión en que canalizar la energía latente adúrica en energía activa o solutiva indárica. La concurrencia de intereses diversos –conflicto potencial– que pueden con-fluir (fluir unidos) hacia un fin común –conflicto disuelto–. Conflicto como conflujo. Trascendemos por tanto los escenarios bipolares o lineales. ¿Qué sucede si disponemos un escenario con tres o más vértices? De la línea pasamos al triángulo y a través de formas estrelladas o poligonales, mediando entre los vértices un vacío o una línea, nos aproximamos

59 [Ver siguiente punto]

62 Primarios aditivos: la estructura tricromática de la retina humana es la que hace posible la existencia de estos colores. Si dividimos el espectro en tres partes obtenemos tres fuentes de luz –roja, verde y azul–. Empezando por el negro (sin longitud de onda), los tres colores añaden longitudes de onda (color aditivo) hacia el blanco (suma absoluta –no parcial– de los tres o todas las longitudes de onda en proporciones iguales). (Bruce Fraser, Chris Murphy, Fred Bunting: Uso y administración del color, Anaya, Madrid, 2003, p. 45)

60 Se habla de ‘espiral de la violencia’ para describir una sucesión creciente de acontecimientos; la interpretación que en este caso se da a la espiral no es sólo narrativa –espiral de la Paz (acciones positivas con efecto multiplicador)– sino conceptual, forma ‘pacífica’ en cuanto dinámica, flexible, circular, abierta y multipolar (sobre todo si incorpora, como un triskel, más de dos brazos).

63 Primarios sustractivos: Cian, magenta y amarillo. El lugar de añadir longitud de onda al negro, actúan restando longitudes de onda a una fuente de luz blanca. Cian es un sustractivo de longitud de onda larga –rojo– en favor de onda más corta, quita rojo a la luz blanca. Magenta es un sustractivo de longitud de onda media –verde– y amarillo un sustractivo de azul. (Fraser, Murphy, Bunting, op. cit., p. 45-46)

61 Desde las frecuencias gamma –10-12metros– pasando por los rayos X –1 Nm. (nanómetro o mil millones de metro) o 10-9metros– hasta las regiones de radio –onda larga, más de 1 Km. de frecuencia–, nuestra vista sólo percibe la pequeña franja irisada que va de los 380 a los 700 Nm. que llamamos “espectro visible” o simplemente “luz”.

64 [Ver ilustraciones 13 y 14 –formas de consenso–] 65 (Johan Galtung, op. cit. p. 107)

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al círculo que llamaremos plaza –ágora–. Y si ampliamos el ángulo cenital muchos kilómetros hacia arriba, trascendiendo la visión local-plana a la visión global-volumétrica, tenemos, por ejemplo, un dodecaedro66, una esfera de doce pentágonos, de doce plazas con cinco vértices, veinte ideas, contiguas y antónimas, dependientes y autónomas al mismo tiempo, retícula que abarca el planeta entero.

GESTIÓN SIMBÓLICA DE ESPACIOS DE CONFLICTO A TRAVÉS DE LA EXPRESIÓN PLÁSTICA

ALEX CARRASCOSA

No caminamos una calle de dos únicos sentidos; confluimos más bien en plazas con tantos polos como personas o más aún, ideas. La plaza ilustra el espacio para la socialización, el conflicto que habremos de encaminar bien al antagonismo bien al co-protagonismo y el mestizaje o la creación de terceras y sucesivas identidades.

De la tierra de nadie a la tierra de todos.

A lo largo de este punto De la Tierra de Nadie a la Tierra de Todos recreamos el paso del espacio individual –casa– al interpersonal –calle– y al colectivo –plaza–; escenificamos además la gestión disyuntiva –tú o yo– y conjuntiva –tú y yo– de estos espacios comunes.

Empezamos por distribuirnos (de 15 a 20 personas) en torno a un gran pliego de papel67.

A todos se asigna un espacio igual dejando un hueco a ambos lados y enfrente. Cada participante habrá de llenar gradualmente su espacio dibujando o pintando formas aisladas, libres pero condicionadas al lenguaje abstracto y a los siete colores del espectro visible (arco-iris) más el no-color blanco para evitar fallos estructurales o desequilibrios de partida68. Estas formas han de relacionarse entre sí mediante imbricaciones más sólidas o densas en el centro de la imagen y más difusas o abiertas según nos aproximemos a los márgenes –virtuales, no establecidos gráficamente– del espacio asignado; no obstante, lo dibujado delimitará por omisión vacíos que podrán considerarse conscientemente, a modo de silencios o respiros, parte activa de la composición. Al conjunto de formas y vacíos interrelativos llamaremos microsistema. Cada microsistema es reflejo de la identidad individual. Observando el pliego en conjunto, los microsistemas se extienden en torno al papel en forma de galaxias acotadas y dispersas. El pliego entero es un mapamundi; cada microsistema un pueblo, una identidad, un idioma, un lenguaje; el espacio que media entre todos ellos, la ‘tierra de nadie’.

(Re)Creada la identidad individual, el objetivo ahora es (re)crear la identidad colectiva; volcar el concepto ‘tierra de nadie’ en ‘tierra de todos’ que no separa, sino que une, relaciona, emparenta mundos, culturas, pueblos o identidades. Para ello habremos de trascender los márgenes impuestos en la fase individual o pro-social hasta encontrarnos con nuestros

Hay infinitos polígonos regulares hasta el casi-círculo pero sólo cinco poliedros o sólidos regulares. De éstos –pirámide, cubo, octaedro, dodecaedro e icosaedro– el dodecaedro es el que más se aproxima a la esfera. La imagen ilustra un conjunto de fuerzas que, en red, se tensan y compensan entre sí y conforman un todo. Ilustramos por tanto el dodecaedro como retícula de 20 vértices-ideas en tensión distribuidos en 12 plazas o potenciales puntos de encuentro que se proyecta hacia la esfera (sin vértices ni aristas) sobre la formación progresiva de cúpolas-cópulas o metátesis de una formación de cúpulas, bóvedas mediante la progresiva unión –concordia– de polos en una plaza pentagonal y en el entero dodecaedro. Cada vértice apunta un microcosmos (resumen parcial-local del macrocosmo –más allá del dodecaedroplaneta–), una ideología concreta. Entre los vértices habrán de entablar, como encofrando una futura bóveda, la relación que les lleve a flexibilizar líneas o curvar aristas y distribuir sus respectivas tensiones concentradas a través de arcos-puentes distensores proyectados en todas las direcciones hacia una inter-idea o idea esférica, planetaria.

66 Imagen para el Cartel anunciador de las XV Jornadas Internacionales de Cultura y Paz de Gernika organizadas por Gernika Gogoratuz, Gernika-Lumo, 24 al 26 y 29 de Abril de 2005.

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67 Esta dinámica (junto a otras, bajo el epígrafe ‘Transformación de Conflictos a través de la Expresión Plástica’) viene siendo realizada desde hace cuatro años en y para los siguientes centros: Gaurgiro-Círculo de Actualidad de la Universidad de Deusto; Institutos de Secundaria de Gernika, Bilbao, Donostia, Gasteiz, Leioa; Centro social Topaleku (Bilbao) junto a ex-reclusos y agentes sociales y Emaús Fundación Social; XIV Jornadas Internacionales de Cultura y Paz organizadas por Gernika Gogoratuz; Diálogo “Los conflictos en la vida cotidiana” dirigido por Ponts de Mediació – Associaciò Internacional per a la Gestiò del Conflicte y el Fórum Universal de las Culturas, Barcelona 2004; Primer Encuentro de Jóvenes de las ciudades bombardeadas de Coventry, Dresden y Durango organizado por la asociación Durango Gogoan (abril 2005) y Proyecto Imagine Peace ’05-06 organizado por el Konfliktkultur de Viena con el apoyo del Grundtvig Learning Partnership (octubre 2005–enero 2006).

68 El descarte del figurativismo en favor de la abstracción responde a dos criterios: inventar un lenguaje propio, inédito, fuera de toda pretensión de copia, imitación o representación de la realidad dada; y evitar la inhibición ya sea indirecta por prejuicios asociados a las artes plásticas –genio creativo, virtuosismo técnico– pero sobre todo, directa por comparación –mejor o peor que– en un medio en que las diferencias de capacidad se perciben al momento. Asimismo, sólo se permite utilizar los siete colores del espectro luz –rojo, naranja, amarillo, verde, azul, añil y violeta– más el nocolor blanco, luz solar o unión de todos ellos. El no-color negro es sombra o ausencia de luz pero también superposición opaca, ciega, de todos los colores o concentración de toda la energía o fuerza en uno sólo. En este último sentido, su empleo, por aislado que sea, destaca e interfiere en el resto de los colores, robándoles la fuerza, atrayendo y concentrando la vista en discursos centrípetos o focales o amenazando a discursos contiguos y por extensión, a los más periféricos en discursos centrífugos o vectoriales. Estos focos, delimitaciones o líneas de energía concentrada operan además a costa del conjunto plural (de energía repartida), relegado a fondo o escenario pasivo cuando debiera ser discurso interactivo.

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compañeros/as de al lado, de enfrente y tratar de aprender y hablar su idioma. Es momento de visualizar el conflicto, detectar inmediatamente los disensos y las diferencias, confluir en la plaza. Aunque en teoría no puede intervenirse sobre lo ya pintado, que se respeten o no los microsistemas como áreas soberanas dependerá de cada persona y a veces nos tocará enfrentar recursos plásticos que traduzcan literalmente actitudes invasoras: conductas activas –frustrantes– de imposición, sometimiento, intimidación o cerco, coacción, indiferencia (despreocupada o voluntaria), choque o polarización; en consecuencia, conductas pasivas –frustradas– de aislamiento, inhibición, desentendimiento o conductas reactivas de contraofensiva, revancha; procedimientos resolutivos en negativo, demarcación o línea divisoria y abandono en el peor de los casos –frustración mutua, salimos peor de lo que estábamos–. Pero también encontraremos quien en vez de competir, rivalizar o disputar un mismo objetivo, trate de compartirlo y nos invite a desapegarnos de soluciones disyuntivas y atrevernos a soluciones conjuntivas. En ese caso habremos de acordar69 estrategias –se sobreentiende plásticas– de conciliación: interacción o acción recíproca; observación (por escucha activa) y paráfrasis; puentes, flujo e integración mutua; ensamblaje; cooperación; y sinergia –el efecto conjunto trasciende la suma de los efectos individuales–. Primero entre 2 o 3 personas, luego entre más gente, extendiéndonos por el área más próxima. A medida que los distintos microsistemas se van uniendo y articulando es posible que se creen bloques o ejes de afinidad. En este punto hay un grado de implicación similar al de un juego por equipos, lo que exigirá soluciones, no ya parciales, sino globales, de consenso. Se prestará entonces atención a posibles estrategias subrepticias, espontáneas o deliberadas, contra uno o varios individuos70. En ese caso, se buscará reconducir –previa toma de conciencia– la dinámica en positivo. Culminado el proceso integrador habremos creado la tierra de todos.

Básicamente, la mutua integración queda definida por: 1) suma simple de identidades –ensambladura (a+b=ab)–; y 2) suma sinérgica –mestizaje o creación de terceras identidades (a+b=c)–.

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Wiphala intercultural y mestizada.

La Wiphala es un ábaco de 7 x 7 cuadrículas habitualmente exhibido en los países andinos como estandarte o bandera de las naciones originarias del continente Awya-Yala (América), en que los colores del espectro-luz se disponen longitudinalmente o en franjas en torno a la diagonal central de 7 cuadrículas blancas, desde el amarillo en gradación hasta el verde (amarillo naranja rojo violeta azul verde). La dinámica descrita a continuación es una variante o aplicación de la anterior, sólo que si De la Tierra de Nadie a la Tierra de Todos llenábamos progresivamente un área vacía, ahora trabajamos sobre un espacio predeterminado y lleno.

Consiste inicialmente en una recreación ‘pictoricoreográfica’ del mestizaje a partir de la Wiphala71.

Habida cuenta que la Wiphala ilustra la organización social plural e igualitaria de los pueblos, la idea es ahondar en sus posibilidades intrínsecas de armonía. Para ello se divide el azul en celeste y añil y se sustituye el blanco. Luego se reorganizan las casillas de forma que la vecindad de cada color no se limite como barrios o ghettos a sus colores contiguos en la escala –multiculturalidad– sino a todos y cada uno de ellos horizontal y verticalmente –interculturalidad– y procurando que no coincida un mismo color en dos o más casillas seguidas, o más de dos en diagonal, a fin de no crear ritmos o líneas o ejes de fuerza. Finalmente, mezclamos cada color con todos alrededor, engendrando así nuevas identidades –mestizaje–.

Surge sin embargo una contradicción: el arco-iris dispone una secuencia de colores que van del rojo al violeta (por encima del infrarrojo y por debajo del ultravioleta o entre ambos) que, si tratáramos de aplicar en secuencia cíclica, quedaría interrumpido. El vacío entre violeta y rojo lo cubre un color común a ambos: el magenta o fucsia. Así que por motivos de coherencia cromática72, se sustituye la escala irisada por un círculo cromático de 6 polos, en referencia a los 3 colores materia primarios (amarillo, magenta y cian) y 3 secundarios o 3 mezclas de primarios por pares: rojo (amarillo + magenta), añil (magenta + cian) y verde (cian + amarillo) o viceversa, 3 colores luz primarios (rojo, añil y verde) y sus 3 mezclas derivadas.

71 Basada exclusivamente en la Wiphala se ha realizado esta dinámica en el Centro Social Topaleku (Bilbao) de diciembre (2004) a febrero (2005).

69 Previo a una acción plástica personal o colectiva, puede discutirse o negociarse verbalmente qué y cómo.

70 Acerca de la mezcla de color-materia (ver notas no 63 y 68): no pueden mezclarse más de dos colores, a fin de evitar saturarlos, confundir su identidad o acaparar fuerza hacia el no-color negro

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72 La propia inclusión de magenta obliga además a una reestructuración de los colores por categorías de mezclas pares: primarios (sin mezcla), secundarios (mezcla en igual proporción, al 100%, de dos primarios), terciarios (mezcla en proporciones desiguales 50%–100% de primarios), y así sucesivamente.

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En consecuencia, partimos de un escenario previamente articulado como un damero de 6 x 6 colores combinados de tal manera que todos se avecinan a todos horizontal y verticalmente y habiendo procurado que no coincida un mismo color en dos o más casillas seguidas, o más de dos en diagonal. Se trata de no propiciar agrupaciones de un mismo color (líneas o núcleos de fuerza). A este escenario potencial llamaremos ‘entorno intercultural’.

Los colores se disponen en círculos.

Alrededor de cada círculo de color se describe un segundo círculo vacío y un tercer círculo mayor, también vacío que entra en las casillas contiguas describiendo intersecciones. El primer círculo o núcleo de color determinado es la base desde la que cada participante pivotando habrá de crear, en su respectivo color y perimetralmente a lo largo del segundo círculo concéntrico, formas abstractas, inéditas como reflejo de un microcosmos individual (como en la dinámica nº1 pero radial o concéntricamente, creando mandalas73). El tercer círculo comprende los espacios comunes o áreas potenciales de conflicto:

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Exploramos entonces dos variables complejas de negociación, a través del color y de la forma: Color o Fondo: La primera variable toma como referencia obligada y se ajusta al marco del círculo cromático [ver ilustración 11] y su disposición natural y cíclica de los 6 colores básicos y prevé al menos hasta cuatro vías diferentes de consenso entre diferentes u opuestos.

Mezcla o suma de pares primarios en proporciones iguales –100% de magenta + 100% de amarillo darán rojo; 100% de amarillo y 100% de cian darán verde; 100% de cian y 100% de magenta darán añil o índigo–; Color natural intermedio, terciario por tercera mezcla de primarios, no por mezcla de tres primarios, o mezcla natural de dos colores contiguos –verde + amarillo: lima; amarillo + rojo: naranja; rojo + magenta: carmín; magenta + añil: violeta; añil + cian: azul; cian + verde: turquesa–. Al establecerse en el círculo primarios y secundarios alternativamente, como mediadores contaminados –rojo– o matrices comunes –amarillo–, el color intermedio –naranja–, que grada por igual hacia sus vecinos, equivale a una suma o proporción desigual de primarios –100% de amarillo + 50% de magenta–;

60 intersecciones, 20 por cada color. La Intersección (AÅøB) es el (inter)conjunto formado por los elementos que pertenecen a la vez a los dos conjuntos: En vez de estados absolutamente independientes que desconfíen unos de otros, Gandhi propone una federación de estados amigos interdependientes. La interdependencia es y debería ser el ideal del hombre en no menor medida que la Independencia. El hombre es un ser social. Sin interrelación con la sociedad jamás logrará su unidad con el universo ni suprimirá su egoísmo74. Es aquí, donde una vez desarrollado nuestro particular lenguaje (plástico), habremos de encontrar la forma de entendernos entre todos los participantes.

74 Richard Attenborough, Las palabras de Gandhi, Bruguera, Barcelona, 1983, p. 110.

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73 Mandala (en sánscrito) significa “círculo”, término indio que designa dibujos circulares cultuales o rituales. Se trata de un instrumento para la contemplación mediante el estrechamiento, en cierto modo circular, del campo visual psíquico en dirección al centro.

Su motivo fundamental es la idea de un centro de la personalidad, un lugar central en el interior del alma al que todo está referido, mediante el que todo está ordenado y que a la vez constituye una fuente de energía. La energía del centro se pone de manifiesto en la apremiante necesidad de llegar a ser lo que se es, de encontrar la propia identidad. Este centro es el sí-mismo. La periferia o el entorno contiene todo lo que pertenece al sí-mismo.

(Carl Gustav Jung, Los arquetipos y el inconsciente colectivo, Trotta, Madrid, 2002, pp.339-341)

Punto de encuentro de dos colores opuestos en la escala. Es por descendencia (como un hijo o un nieto) un color común a dos familias o linajes distintos. Según el círculo-ciclo cromático, verde y magenta se encuentran en sendos descendientes lejanos: el azul, que lleva parte del cian que compone al secundario verde y porción también del primario magenta; o el naranja, que lleva parte del amarillo que compone al verde y del magenta. Un recurso habitual en las dinámicas ha sido visualizar el proceso de confluencia genealógica, recrear la gradación conforme se va expandiendo el perímetro gráfico, del magenta hacia el azul –según este ejemplo–, pasando por el violeta y el añil, y del verde hacia el azul pasando por el turquesa y el cian.

Punto en común de dos colores extremos ¿Qué comparten colores como el rojo o el verde? Hallaríamos la solución en colores-luz: combinando una luz roja y una luz verde se consigue luz amarilla. El amarillo (luz) es rojo y verde al mismo tiempo; traducido a colormateria, rojo y verde tienen en común el amarillo por cuanto es uno de los dos primarios que constituye a ambos –rojo: amarillo + magenta; verde: amarillo + cian–. Es la solución ante opuestos irreconciliables, en este caso, dos secundarios o terciarios abocados a entenderse.

Analizan qué tienen en común y descubren en este caso que son hermanos, hijos de una misma madre, o primos carnales. Una solución cromática simbólica para la Irlanda verde católica y la Irlanda naranja protestante sería un amarillo mediado, no una franja blanca, una paz-nada como una hoja vacía o tierra de nadie, sino un espacio de transición en que naranja y verde amarilleen hasta encontrarse.

Aunque los colores primarios pueden ser alternativamente secundarios y viceversa según hablemos de haces de luz o materia opaca, al no poder compatibilizarse ambos ámbitos nos ceñimos exclusivamente a los colores pigmento o sustractivos: amarillo, magenta y cian sobre materia75, quedando los primarios luz –rojo, añil y verde– subordinados a éstos. En todo caso la disposición circular y/o cíclica y par de los colores, en alternancia sucesiva de tres primarios, 75 En los colores luz o aditivos (su mezcla deviene en blanco), la mezcla se produce a la inversa: entre sí los primarios –rojo, verde y azul– generan los secundarios –amarillo (rojo + verde), cian (verde + azul) y magenta (azul + rojo). Tomados rojo, verde y azul como focos o círculos de luz, la intersección por pares da los secundarios y la intersección o suma central de los tres es blanca.

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tres secundarios y seis terciarios condiciona una solución aparentemente desigual pero escrupulosamente ecuánime en los casos c) verde-magenta, amarillo-añil y rojo-cian y d) verderojo, verde-añil y rojo-añil. Por otra parte, la unión de estos colores-pigmento sustrae luz en progresión hacia el no-color negro76, de ahí que se evite la suma en mayor o menor proporción de los tres primarios al mismo tiempo y se limite a pares de primarios, esto es, tomados de dos en dos, con resultado de secundarios y terciarios no en función del grado de saturación o mezcla conjunta de los tres primarios, sino de la proporción de los dos primarios que intervienen en la mezcla.

menor incidencia del negro-sombra o del blanco-luz, sino por mayor o menor contagio de colores contiguos –amarillo que verdea o enrojece; magenta carminoso, más vivo, o violáceo, más oscuro–. Como en la primera dinámica De la Tierra de Nadie a la Tierra de Todos, estas formas serán más profusas cuanto más próximas a círculo-base de partida y más diseminadas según nos acerquemos al segundo perímetro o zona de intersección o encuentro potencial.

El dibujo se resolverá mediante procedimientos de repulsión grasa´agua (ceras y tintas al agua) a fin de facilitar el contraste dentro de un mismo color o gama.

Forma: La segunda variable, libre o no condicionada estructuralmente, consiste en un entendimiento formal, en paráfrasis mutuas, interpersonales, de los respectivos lenguajes gráficos [ver dinámica nº1]. En suma, negociación en fondo y forma.

Llegados al segundo perímetro cada participante habrá de poner en práctica, primero en parejas y luego en grupos mayores –cuatro personas en zonas medias e incluso seis o más en las esquinas– las dos variables de negociación, en el fondo –color– y en la forma: 31) Color: La plantilla biaxial [Ilustración 14] prefigura soluciones a todos los posibles encuentros entre colores, por lo que cada participante se limitará a consultar el mapa; no obstante, no basta con encajar el color medio o mediador entre los dos colores enfrentados. Todo encuentro es progresivo, implica un conocimiento mutuo –tal como observaremos en el mutuo acercamiento formal parafrástico–, por lo que graduaremos el color de los dos extremos hacia el color central: a) dos colores primarios concebirán un secundario; b) entre colores inmediatos (del amarillo al naranja) decantaremos minuciosamente la mezcla; c) si se trata de un color opuesto en el círculo recrearemos las transiciones irisadas hasta dar con él, por ejemplo, rojo y cian convergerán en el violeta a través de sus gradaciones respectivas: rojo!carmín!magenta!violeta añil!azul!cian; y d) si se encuentran dos colores extremos, un rojo y un verde, un verde y un añil o un añil y un rojo, cuya mezcla devendría en un color terciario por saturado, dado que la solución por confraternidad y por equilibrio reside en su primario común –podría recurrirse a un familiar lejano, como un tercero equidistante, neutro, un añil entre un rojo y un verde–, ambos extremos tendrán que despojarse de la diferencia que les separa y fusionarse. Pero, ¡ojo! En ningún caso se renuncia a la identidad propia: en el círculo y mandala base (1), en la transición-puente (2) y en el mestizaje o fusión (3) quedan indelebles tres niveles de identidad para un mismo individuo-color; tres caras que se multiplican según la relación va ampliándose en derredor. Se trata de hecho de experimentar una transformación cardinal, cuadrangular en principio, octogonal después, porque habrán de abordarse además entendimientos diagonales, encrucijadas entre cuatro actores.

El desarrollo de la Wiphala intercultural y mestizada consta por tanto de tres fases: Cada participante confecciona primero un círculo cromático a fin de (re)conocer los diferentes colores y su disposición; y después, una tabla cartesiana o biaxial de mediación que prevea los encuentros y pertinentes soluciones cromáticas de fondo a aplicar en los espacios comunes

A cada persona se asigna un color y se sitúa en su respectiva casilla. Desde ahí llenará perimetralmente el primer círculo concéntrico dibujando o pintando formas libres pero condicionadas al lenguaje abstracto y a la gama y/o tono –de claro a oscuro– del color correspondiente; precisamente, la claridad u oscuridad no se modula según una mayor o 76 [V. nota al pie nº 63]

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32) Formalmente el acercamiento consiste en aprender e interpretar el lenguaje plástico del vecino y conjugar el encuentro cromático con un ensamblaje formal. Ambos planos –colorfondo y forma-superficie– no tienen por qué trabajarse independientemente, al contrario, es conveniente entramarlos. Igual que cuando se aprende otro idioma, mutuamente, se trata de balbucir o hablar con fluidez pero con acento el lenguaje plástico adyacente –morfemas, elementos compuestos, incluso discursos– [ver dinámica nº1]. Sin renunciar a nuestro código o sistema de signos formal, recurriremos a estrategias de metamorfosis, hibridación, fusión, conglomeración, etc.

Una vez interconectados cardinalmente los 36 círculos, quedan por resolver en medio un total de 25 encrucijadas, 25 plazas vacías en cada una de las cuales confluyen en diagonal 4 actores. La solución cromática y formal a estos espacios será libre aunque sujeta a los condicionantes ya enunciados: encuentros sucesivos de color en los que de recurrirse a

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mezclas no intervengan más de dos primarios; y estrategias de forma ya sea hallando un mínimo denominador común, combinando eclécticamente determinados morfemas de cada lenguaje o sumando las partes y componiendo un todo sintético sin exclusiones.

Consiste en definitiva en un juego colectivo en que seis o múltiplos –hasta 30-36 participantes–, uno por cada color, nos situamos de pie o de cuclillas sobre el damero extendido sobre el suelo ocupando respectivamente una casilla-círculo o ventana perimetral desde la que pivotar, trabajando en un primer anillo concéntrico sólo en el color asignado y su gama, y en un segundo anillo concéntrico, recreando el encuentro mediante a mezcla de nuestro color con los colores circundantes sobre el dibujo y en la coreografía enredándonos entre nosotros77.

GESTIÓN SIMBÓLICA DE ESPACIOS DE CONFLICTO A TRAVÉS DE LA EXPRESIÓN PLÁSTICA

ALEX CARRASCOSA

Finalmente esta segunda dinámica ha experimentado una evolución coherente hacia una tercera dinámica complementaria: de la Wiphala–cuadrado igualitario que inscribe 36 mandalas se ha pasado a un único mandala–círculo o plaza que circunscribe de 6 a 12 identidades o colores que habrán de confluir en el centro mediante la aplicación progresiva y gradual de las cuatro estrategias de negociación78.

77 Concretamente esta dinámica ha sido llevada a cabo durante el año 2005 en el Centro social Topaleku (Bilbao, EneroFebrero de 2005) y durante el VI Encuentro sobre Mediación Escolar de Olot y las XV Jornadas Internacionales de Cultura y Paz organizadas por Gernika Gogoratuz (Abril de 2005).

78 Proyecto Imagine Peace (Viena, 2006).

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! WILLIAM KELLY Artist. Archive of Humanist Art “ART AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO PEACE AND RECONCILIATION” I am very proud and honoured to be here in Gernika and to be speaking to you.

My talk is in two parts and addresses similar issues from two perspectives. The first is the installation “Plaza of Fire and Light: Place of the Peacemakers” and the second the exhibition “Humanist Art/Symbolic Sites”.

The video, about 10 minutes long, speaks for itself. It is of the installation “Plaza of Fire and Light: Place of the Peacemakers”, created by me in collaboration with Ricardo Abaunza and Iratxe Momoitio, in association with Gernika Gogoratuz. It was a wonderful opportunity to create a work which reflects the aims of the commemoration of the bombing of Gernika, in addressing that tragic event in history but, importantly, as with the commemoration itself, it aims toward engaging community and making positive steps towards understanding and reconciliation.

And now we begin the second part: HUMANIST ART / SYMBOLIC SITES

“I think of art, at its most significant, as a Dew line, a Distant Early Warning System that can always be relied on to tell the old culture what is beginning to happen to it.”

Marshall McLuhan “If we continue on the path we are on it will take us to where we are going.”

Chinese Proverb We have before us not a landscape of the inevitable but a landscape of possibilities. These are complex, amazing and difficult times in the history of the world. Options are available.

History will tell whether we will have made the right choices. History will know whether we have been strong enough, brave enough. Our children will be the beneficiaries or, alternatively, bear the consequences of how we act now. Our children will know.

Having had a hugely optimistic start to the unfolding first twenty-four hours of the new millennium with celebrations of culture and humanity beamed worldwide on television, we were soon to find ourselves reeling at world events. Where is art in all this? Can it change the world?

Picasso reputedly said, “A painting will never stop a bullet” and I add a thought “but a painting can stop a bullet from being fired”. It certainly can help to change the world. Art can be like oxygen for the human spirit. It is axiomatic that the harder the task gets the deeper we breathe. This indeed is a time for deep breaths.

The exhibition Humanist Art: Symbolic Sites is a celebration of humanity and possibilities.

These are images of consequence; challenging, moving, questioning, affirming, by contemporary

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artists from around the world. Some have been imprisoned, exiled, vilified, attacked, and others have shared their path. Notwithstanding the darkness many have faced, their works speak of grace rather than bitterness, generosity rather than retribution. Some deal with immensely difficult subject matter yet through their chosen media these artists give us wonderful gifts of their insight, optimism, compassion, humanity and, like alchemists of old, transform their experiences in an absolutely magical way. Unequivocally, and with authority, each presents a moving statement of individual experiences and views which becomes cumulatively a visual testimony of the possible.

Today when we see and experience restrictions and pressures on free speech – even in some “democratic” countries - it points to the need for more fulsome participation by artists in the great dialogues and debates facing our world. It is for this reason that I have subtitled this exhibition “An Art Forum for the 21st Century”. It is art that is engaging in the cultural reckoning of areas, states, countries, continents and, at times, the globe. If, as artist Peter Schumann tells us, “Art is food”, then these works are indeed food for the conscience, the spirit and for thought.

This visual dialogue is not, therefore, limited to one locale but exists in various forms in virtually every land. In many cultures their present context is partly defined by events of past history and, as well, a commitment to more positive outcomes in their future. As a result, an entire country can be inextricably linked to the past – South Africa with apartheid or Northern Ireland with the Troubles. This is history which we can treat as a prison or as a promontory from which we can see the horizon and imagine possibilities that lay beyond. The transformation which I am interested in and which parallels the expression of much emerging art of such cultures is the more positive contemporary reality which now has us linking South Africa with “Truth and Reconciliation” and Northern Ireland with “The Agreement”. Positive. Promising. Full of potential. As Basque artist Alex Carrascosa has written we must move from “denunciation to annunciation”. From the negative to the positive. From the past to the future.

There are also individual cities, places where a single event of national or international significance has occurred. For our purposes, some of these too have become rallying points for the cause that was fostered by the initial action. Importantly each has accepted and continues to act on the responsibility that history has bestowed. Each has become symbolic in its own right and each – through incredibly difficult transitional periods – is making (or has made) a positive contribution. Each is part of living history and their reputations have grown relative to some of the greatest challenges of our time.

We celebrate the fact that at the “symbolic sites” to which this exhibition is traveling, and many other places, there has been a focus on the qualities of humanity that say living well together is not only desirable but achievable. We also celebrate those contemporary artists some of whom are in this exhibition whose contribution to such dialogues has been, in many cases, absolutely remarkable.

From ancient times to those relatively modern periods where were artists in the major events of the day? One would like to say all have been on the side of the “angels” but, in many instances, this is far from true. As well as creating some of the most moving and sensitive images possible, artists, in serving kings, princes, despots, robber barons, nazis, fascists, democratic governments and totalitarian regimes, also created some of the most lamentable,

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tragic and complicit imagery imaginable. There has also been the art of neglect or indifference.

Artist Raymond Watson has said “If art ignores those issues (equality, justice, human rights…) it is just as guilty as those who create violence”. The challenge of individual moral authority countering this has largely been left to artists in their studios to follow their own conscience.

It has been reported that amongst the earliest of these in the broadly “modern” era was in 1633 in the work of Jacques Callot where we witnessed a significant change. In his work neither side in the war was made heroic and death to all was seen as a tragedy. In his print series The Miseries and Disasters of War, small prints (only 3” x 7” each), hardly groundbreaking in form, but groundbreaking in content, he pictured suffering by those involved in conflict on both sides. These works, well traveled in their time, remain a major influence. More powerful than a triumphal arch for any despot, these humble prints were known to Francisco Goya who acknowledged their significance in the evolution of his remarkable and tragic series of prints The Disasters of War (1863). All life has value. All death is loss.

In the modern era working frequently outside of the patronage system, more artists addressed issues of concern to themselves about society, environment, spirit, war and peace. For many, war was seen as a wholly unacceptable method of conflict resolution. Dada artists took a principled and, for many, pacifist stance against war in the first quarter of the 20th Century.

Social realist artists responded to the poverty and conditions of the depression of the 1930’s while in Germany, Expressionists rejected the tenets of the Fuhrer’s “solutions” and his megalomania – most notably in print and poster form. Kathe Kolwitz stood out as one who remained in Germany and made significant work. In 1937 Picasso created the powerful “The Dream and Lie of Franco” reacting to the dictator’s control of Spain and then immediately after the bombing of a small, defenseless, Basque village that year, he drew on these themes to create his masterpiece “Guernica”. There were many others including Noel Counihan in Australia who, with Picasso, participated in the 1st World Peace Conference in Paris, Franz Masereel of Belgium, John Muafangejo of Namibia, Keith Haring of the USA and so many, many others deserving of mention.

In economics, when the market swings too far to the absurd and unsupportable, there is either a crash or a “market correction”. I like to think of what is happening in the world of art as a “cultural correction”. But, more than that, it is a change in sensibility on the part of a large number of artists. For us, beneficiaries of these earlier artists’ vision and wisdom, the future always a millennium, a century, a decade, year, month, day, hour, minute or second away, never arrives. That is the imperiousness of time. Yet, as inheritors of their work, knowledge, world view - we are now in their future and they in our present. And therein also lies the magic - that ideas of significance can be treasured and transmitted often through “humble” media such as drawings, prints and (more recently) photographs over decades and centuries.

The artists in this exhibition, all living and working at the turn of the present century, are but a small part of the ever growing number around the world who share in the ideals of many who preceded them. Some participated in person or through artwork in the 1st International Art and Peace Conference (Guernica, 2003) and contributed to the remarkable “Gernika Statement on Art and Peace”. And now, here in Gernika, in May 2005 we have the 5th International Peace Museum Conference highlighted “the contribution of art to peace”, and so it goes... And so it grows.

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ART AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO PEACE AND RECONCILIATION

WILLIAM KELLY

There is often a propensity for humanist artists to not only create works but to stand up for the principles they support. A large number of artists, including many in this exhibition, have operated outside of or in opposition to an existing, and frequently corrupt, authority. It is noteworthy that in virtually every instance positive change was created. Gunter Grass through his work and actions critical of aspects of German pre and post war culture, incurred strong invective in his native country. Vaclav Havel was targeted and imprisoned multiple times for his stand against the occupation of Czechoslovakia. Nick Ut, having taken one of the most significant photographs of the 20th Century, came under scrutiny of a paranoid White House.

As a young man, Lionel Davis was sentenced to years of incarceration in the infamous Robben Island Prison, in South Africa. Rita Duffy has come to the attention of some in factions for her humane stand regarding the issues surrounding the events of Northern Ireland. The biographies below indicate that there have been yet others in gaol for political activity who have since found art to be a constructive way of addressing their concerns and others included here who are in exile. There are others still, of Indigenous cultures, who have often been made to feel strangers in their own land yet they make amongst the most poetic works reflecting their deep seated links to their culture, spirituality and concern for environment. For each there is a story.

And, to the credit of all artists in this exhibition, each artwork is a testament.

They are part of a great continuum.

There is much work to do in unwinding the wrongs of history, unjust war, slavery, racism, conquest, partition, empire, sexism, xenophobia, et al. This is not an easy and it is not a painless task. There are those who believed they were doing right, those for whom right may not have mattered - only power and, in fact, there were those who thought they had divine right to act in the manner that they have. Lines were drawn through countries, new countries were created, old countries ceased to exist, languages were extinguished or there was an attempt to extinguish them, free speech was curtailed, cultural practice restricted. It is a tragic litany for which we continue to pay the price.

First it must be acknowledged that there have been wrongs. We then need to acknowledge our part in these wrongs and what is required to create a better balanced society and world.

Unlike the instantaneous destruction of the bombing raids that hit Gernika, Dresden, Phorzheim, Cologne, Baghdad, it is slow, constructive, thoughtful work. It will take a century or more of hard work – if, as I hope, we have a century. Our leaders keep making the same historical mistakes. To have knowledge means little if there is no wisdom. One significant difference between knowledge and wisdom is how one uses the past to construct the future. The future, as we know, is illusive. Made more illusive by our lack of wisdom and a series of ironies. One of the greatest ironies is that those who create war see peace as an extreme position. I am reminded of the words from Georgian poet Irakli Kakabadze’s poem Tears and Joy, “Why are we always aiming low?”.

The time has arrived for us to lift our vision. Be generous. Embrace and welcome any style, media, method or artform which addresses positively the human spirit and human condition.

This is the guide I used in organizing the collection of The Archive of Humanist Art (www.humanistart.com), the exhibition “Humanist Art/Symbolic Sites” and for my book which accompanies it, Art and Humanist Ideals: Contemporary Perspectives. Significant art informs, challenges, raises awareness “…can always be relied upon to tell the old culture what is beginning to happen to it”. Significant art is amongst our most meaningful forms of cultural reckoning and forms part of the ground on which our cultures are defined.

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

WILLIAM KELLY

ART AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO PEACE AND RECONCILIATION

WILLIAM KELLY

Each artwork is distinctive and carries an idea which can help us see better. But we must look; allow them individually and cumulatively to inform us. There is an apt admonition from James Agee’s writing “Who are you who will read these words and study these photographs and what will you do about it…?”

WELCOME TO THE PLAZA OF FIRE AND LIGHT Your extraordinary energy and the energy you bring from your continents, countries, cities, villages is now, from this moment, a part of Gernika.

You too, are now part of the great story of Gernika. Your presence here is an honour to the large community here who work for peace.

WELCOME. You are now in the Foru Plaza, ¨The Plaza of Fire and Light: Place of the Peacemakers¨.

In Gernika there is now a tradition of the ¨passing of the flame¨.

The survivors of the bombing – many who live here today – have graced this place by passing the flame of remembrance, reconciliation, peace and hope on to the people and children of Gernika and to those who come to stand in this place.

And now, you pass on the flames of peace from your places to the people of Gernika. And please know that when you leave, Gernika will always travel with you and when you leave, though you will go to the far corners of the world, you will always be part of Gernika.

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

! Javier Fernández Gernika Gogoratuz “SIMBOLOGÍA DE PAZ. REFLEXIONES TEÓRICAS” Introducción El Centro de Investigación por la Paz Gernika GoGoratuz se ha propuesto embarcarse en un proyecto de análisis y estudio de las diferentes percepciones o entendimientos de la Paz a través de los símbolos que la representan o la han representado en diferentes lugares y momentos.

Dicho estudio se pretende hacer en varias fases que abarcarán la teorización sobre las características de los Símbolos de Paz, la identificación de posibles símbolos de Paz en el contexto del Conflicto Vasco, y la creación de una base de datos de símbolos de Paz y su clasificación.

El papel de los símbolos en la sociedad, el aprendizaje que hacemos a través de ellos y la información que en ellos se concentra ha sido algo estudiado por muchos autores tales como Eco (1991), Cohen (1985), Geertz (1976), Pierce (1974), Zulaika (1992 y 1988).

Este documento hace referencia a la clasificación y características de los símbolos de Paz. Está es escrito desde la percepción de la Paz como un concepto que atañe a todos los acciones que llevamos a cabo y actitudes que tomamos.

Simbología de Paz. Reflexiones teóricas ¿Somos capaces de definir la Paz? En la Enciclopedia de Paz y Conflictos (López Martinez, 2004, p. 885) se describe el concepto de Paz como una “palabra relacionada con el bienestar de las personas...utilizada por la mayoría de las culturas para definir esta realidad y, en su caso, el deseo de que ésta se alcance”. El concepto de Paz “sirve para definir diversas situaciones en las que las personas gestionan sus conflictos de tal manera que se satisfacen al máximo posible sus necesidades.”

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

Y claro, ¿cuál es el problema que nos encontramos a la hora de definir un símbolo? Pues que los símbolos se pueden describir externamente, pero la idea que hay detrás de ellos depende de las diferentes sensibilidades de las personas, los que lo reciben e interpretan.

Esto es, como apunta Cohen (1985), un símbolo nos sirve para completar la definición de algo incompleto, para llenar, y esto lo añado yo, los agujeros dejados por nuestra mente a la hora de imaginar una idea, concepto o situación.

Si intentamos plasmar en palabras el concepto de Paz es posible que nos estemos quedando cortos, dejando incompleta la definición. Una definición que por otra parte si es incompleta ya no sirve puesto que debe tener en cuenta de alguna manera a todas las sensibilidades y diferencias con el fin de poder abogar la armonía.

Hipótesis II O no. ¿Qué pasa si el estado de Paz es un estado anhelado por la humanidad, que es inherente al ser humano, que es percibido en muchos momentos diferentes y que también se intenta alcanzar de diferentes maneras? El razonamiento es el mismo a partir de esta premisa. El ser humano intenta alcanzar un estado ‘de Paz’ que engloba una serie de sentimientos, estados personales, relaciones interpersonales, etc...que no alcanzamos a definir completamente. Una vez más la palabra y el concepto de PAZ se convierten en entes simbólicos.

Reflexión Por lo tanto lo primero que estamos necesitados de entender las diferentes características que la PAZ como símbolo. Definir la Paz en su globalidad puede ser muy complicado pero lo que es posible es el estudiarla a través de los diferentes símbolos que la representan.

En las cosmologías analizadas por Galtung (2003) es posible comprobar como dependiendo de las culturas y las religiones de cada una de ellas, las personas o las sociedades están formadas por estructuras más o menos verticales u horizontales. Donde la concepción del ser humano puede estar enmarcada en el respeto por todo ser vivo y no vivo o en un egocentrismo puro. Donde la percepción del tiempo individual y social puede ser finito o infinito.

Todo ello va a influir en el concepto de Paz, si es que dicho concepto existe como tal, de los diferentes pueblos.

Hipótesis I

Diferentes percepciones de un mismo concepto, rico, variado, abierto, dinámico y elemental.

Por eso hay que estudiarlo.

¿Qué pasa si la Paz, que estamos intentado definir es algo de por sí inexistente a nuestro alrededor, algo creado en nuestra imaginación como respuesta a una situación que no nos gusta?

Reflexiones y características de un símbolo de Paz

Quizás el concepto de Paz es en sí un concepto simbólico que no alcanzamos a definir porque supone cosas diferentes en contextos diferentes. Por eso nos empeñamos en asignarle figuras, símbolos, porque no somos capaces de abarcar en nuestras mentes el concepto entero. Lo único que somos capaces de abarcar son unas series de características muy generales, abiertas, que hacen referencia a las características más básicas de los hombres y las mujeres, y la naturaleza en general.

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“SIMBOLOGÍA DE PAZ. REFLEXIONES TEÓRICAS”

¿Debe un símbolo de Paz ser directo?

Galtung, una vez más, escribe que un museo por la Paz es aquel que nos muestra la Paz y nos educa en la manera como podemos llegar a ella, no es un museo “anti-guerra” sino un museo pro-Paz. Él utiliza el ejemplo de la salud y la enfermedad para ilustrar esta idea. Un museo de la salud puede estructurarse perfectamente en la educación hacia una vida sana, sin necesidad de enseñar imágenes de la enfermedad

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

¿Qué tiene esto que ver con los símbolos de Paz? Quizás un símbolo de Paz no tiene por qué ser un símbolo en contra de la a guerra en sí mismo, es decir que niegue la guerra, sino uno que simbolice la Paz en sí misma como concepto.

“SIMBOLOGÍA DE PAZ. REFLEXIONES TEÓRICAS”

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

De hecho ya todos entendemos que la Paz no proviene solamente de la ausencia de guerra o de violencia directa, sino que para llegar a ella es necesaria la abolición de otros tipos de violencia (o, añado yo, de una dinámica efectiva de abolición de la violencia.)

Por lo tanto parece ser que los símbolos se enmarcan en contextos ideológicos, ni siquiera comunitarios o nacionales, sino allá donde sean pensados y expresados. La identificación con un símbolo como tal vendrá dada por el contexto sociopolítico, histórico y cultural de una zona y las gentes que en ella viven, y que por lo tanto el símbolo estará más presente en zonas determinadas, pero eso no quita para que pueda ser extrapolado, transportado en la mente, como si ésta fuera una maleta y aplicado en otro contexto diferente en busca de unos objetivos similares.

Ahora bien, también es cierto que los símbolos en contra de la Guerra, aunque no hacen referencia a la “Paz positiva” de manera global, no sólo no la promueven, sino que además llegan a la sociedad de una manera directa, entendible, y son apoyados por la opinión pública.

Los símbolos anti-guerra pueden afirmar que la guerra no es el camino para transformar los conflictos de manera positiva y por lo tanto abogan por la investigación de otros tipos de soluciones para la transformación de los conflictos, lo cual nos lleva a la necesidad de ahondar en los caminos hacia la Paz.

Claro está que, sabiendo que los símbolos se nutren de la idea con la que son utilizados, la representación de un símbolo en concreto puede tener diferentes significados en dos lugares diferentes con lo cual el mismo símbolo podría considerarse diferente. Es decir la paloma puede ser utilizada como un símbolo de Paz en una serie de áreas, pero quizás el concepto de Paz sea diferente en dichos lugares. O la Cruz roja pueda representar un elemento neutral dentro de un conflicto o un estandarte cristiano.

En conclusión, aunque estos símbolos no hagan referencia directa a la Paz, sí que pueden promoverla.

La universalidad de los símbolos de Paz Símbolos locales pueden ser tan ‘de Paz’ como los globales. Los símbolos afectan a aquellos que los usan. Pueden ser dos, tres o más personas. Podríamos hablar de símbolos locales, grupales, comunitarios, sociales, estatales, continentales, globales...

Pero ¿dónde se enmarca un símbolo? ¿Se enmarca temporalmente? Probablemente sí puesto que los símbolos nacen y se desarroll y toman diferentes significados dependiendo del contexto en que se usen. Geertz (1976) hace referencia al uso de los símbolos como origen de su significado. ¿Se enmarcan geográficamente? Es muy probable que no puesto que los símbolos transcienden límites geográficos o políticos. Van más allá de montañas, fronteras o mares.

Viajan con la gente que los utiliza o se identifica con ellos, con la gente que los piensa.

La validez de los Símbolos de Paz Los símbolos adquieren su significado a través de aquellos que lo usan. Se alimenta de ellos; nace, crece y se transforma con ellos. El Símbolo de Paz representa una idea Chillida (Vélez de Mendizábal, 1988) habla del ‘aroma’ de su escultura, lo que hay por detrás, la idea, como elemento básico para la obra, por encima de la técnica. En el símbolo de Paz se podría considerar lo mismo, lo importante no es la imagen en si, el sonido, la obra, la fotografía, el lugar...sino el concepto que representa.

La idea que lo soporta le acredita o desacredita, pero no solo la idea sino su utilización también. El símbolo no se alimenta solo del que lo utiliza sino del que lo observa. Es como en la comunicación oral; lo que un individuo dice (quiere decir) puede ser diferente de lo que otro individuo percibe. Por lo tanto un símbolo de Paz puede ser ‘desacreditado’ por la utilización que se le dé o cómo se perciba dicha utilización y su contexto.

Los símbolos se alimentan de su entorno para adquirir significado y por lo tanto pueden ser considerados dinámicos.

La negación de los símbolos de Paz por partes involucradas en un conflicto Evidentemente un símbolo de Paz no tiene por qué ser aceptado por todas las partes involucradas en un conflicto (¿o quizás sí?) Habría que matizar que un Símbolo de Paz ha de ser aceptado por todas aquellas partes que pretenden una solución pacífica a un conflicto, no por aquellas que no quieren una solución pacífica.

En realidad La Paz en sí misma amenaza la supervivencia de uno o varios sectores de las diferentes sociedades. La industria de la guerra se alimenta del conflicto armado. De esta manera un símbolo de Paz no deja de ser amenazante para un sector de la sociedad.

Anti war symbol

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CND – Peace Symbol

Quizás un símbolo de Paz debe ser un ente aglutinante, y no disgregador, para todos aquellos que pretenden la salida pacífica a una situación determinada.

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

Un Símbolo de Paz no entra en matices sobre el concepto de Paz sino que lo representa de manera global. Un símbolo de Paz, y la Paz como símbolo debe representar una base para el mutuo entendimiento y no un arma arrojadiza.

Gandhi – Para muchos Símbolo de Paz Características hipotéticas de un Símbolo de Paz

“SIMBOLOGÍA DE PAZ. REFLEXIONES TEÓRICAS”

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

Fuentes de documentación propuestas: ! http://www.cnduk.org/INFORM~1/symbol.htm ! http://www.designboom.com/contemporary/peace.html

¿ Y dentro del Conflicto Vasco? ¿Qué opinas del abrazo de Zabalaga, del lazo azul o de las manos blancas, de Gernika y del Guernica de Picasso? ¿Pueden ser considerados símbolos de Paz?

Las definiciones tienden a ser cerradas y pueden no ser lo más conveniente en un área en la que se está investigando, puesto que está sujeta a cambio. Quizás es mejor hablar de hipótesis: Hipótesis sobre los símbolos de Paz: •Característica Hipotética #1: Es percibido como tal por una o más personas aunque otro grupo no lo entienda así. Reúne en torno a sí a aquellas personas que promueven el desarrollo de la sociedad pacífica a través de medios pacíficos.

•Característica Hipotética #2: Es abierto, no discriminatorio, y respetuoso con su entorno en el contexto concreto en el que se utiliza.

•Característica Hipotética #3: Representa parcial o globalmente el concepto de Paz, e invita a la reflexión sobre el mismo.

Análisis de diferentes símbolos. Juzguen ustedes.

Este ejercicio, después de sentar las hipótesis anteriores, pretended que el lector haga un esfuerzo de reflexión sobre unos símbolos concretos. Para ello será necesario, en algunos casos, el documentarse y conocer el contexto en el que son utilizados. ¿Qué opinas de la cruz y media luna Roja? ¿Es un símbolo de Paz? Comentario relativo a la Fuerza de un Símbolo

Fuentes de documentación propuestas: ! http://www.ifrc.org/sp/who/emblemqa.asp ! http://www.icrc.org/Web/spa/sitespa0.nsf/htmlall/emblem?OpenDocument

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A la vista de los símbolos nombrados anteriormente cabe hacer una reflexión relativa a la fuerza de cada uno de ellos. El hecho de que un símbolo sea de Paz o no, no hace referencia a la capacidad de ese símbolo de ser utilizado, o la cantidad de gente que lo reconoce como tal. Por ejemplo Gernika es más conocido por ser un símbolo de la identidad vasca o por ser un símbolo del horror de la guerra (a raíz del cuadro de Picasso) que por ser un símbolo de la Paz y la reconciliación.

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

Sería interesante el investigar qué hace que un símbolo tome fuerza o tenga un potencial importante. Intuitivamente parece que la capacidad de ser reconocido como tal en una sociedad en concreto, la cantidad de gente que lo utiliza normalmente y la velocidad de transmisión de la información pudieran ser factores importantes a la hora de determinar la fuerza y el potencial de un símbolo.

En el Anexo I se hace una reflexión en este sentido.

“SIMBOLOGÍA DE PAZ. REFLEXIONES TEÓRICAS”

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

En un principio nos vamos a centrar en la clasificación hecha por O'Neill (2002) por ser amplia en a la hora de abrirse a nuevos tipos de símbolos diferentes a los icónicos.

Símbolos de Mensaje (mensajes simbólicos): Se trata de un mensaje no lingüístico que tiene características de símbolo. Tiene tanto emisor voluntario como receptores. No todo mensaje lingüístico es simbólico. ¿Qué es lo que hace que un mensaje sea considerado simbólico?. El uso de metáforas, prototipos y metonimias.

¿Cómo pueden clasificarse los símbolos en la pretendida base de datos?

Se pueden hacer muchas clasificaciones diferentes de los símbolos dependiendo del criterio usado. Si quisiéramos podríamos dividirlos según la relación emisor-receptor (O'Neill, 2002), según el tema al que hacen referencia (Paz sería uno de ellos), según el tipo de ente simbólico del que se trata, etc...A modo de ejemplo:

Relación emisor - receptor

Símbolo de tipo Mensaje (metonimia, prototipo, metáfora) Símbolo de tipo focal(sin emisor) Símbolo de Valor (affect, polisemy)

Tema al que se hace relación

Paz Reconciliación Identidad Libertad Anti guerra Derechos Humanos

De qué tipo de ente se trata

Icono Persona Lugar Objeto Animal

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Cuando Nelson Mandela decidió invitar a su ‘carcelero’ a su ceremonia de nombramiento como presidente de Sudáfrica, la gran mayoría de la sociedad entendió el acto como un mensaje simbólico de reconciliación. Dicho acto, aunque sin precedente, no fue necesario explicarlo, puesto que aludía prototipos, metáforas y metonimias fácilmente entendibles por la sociedad en general.

El mensaje aludía a un prototipo de actitud de reconciliación, a una metáfora (Mandela y su carcelero representaban a la sociedad negra y blanca respectivamente) y a una metonimia (el aceptar a su carcelero cerca suyo representa solo parte del prototipo completo de reconciliación, ésta es la metonimia, pero una parte fácilmente reconocible).

Un mensaje simbólico contiene un mensaje que puede ser más ambiguo que un mensaje convencional y por lo que puede tener más capacidad de agrupar gente a su alrededor (alrededor de la idea ambigua que representa sin entrar en conflictos de matices.) Además se transmite con mayor emoción que un mensaje convencional (por ser único e irrepetible.)

O'Neill (2002) opina además que un mensaje no es simbólico si nace como imitación de otro mensaje simbólico anterior de la misma naturaleza.

Símbolo Focal: Se trata de un mensaje no lingüístico en el que el emisor no es consciente de su acto, pero que es percibido por el receptor como un mensaje simbólico y que crea un ‘punto focal’. El símbolo focal induce a los receptores a prever de qué manera va a terminar el ‘juego’ que ambos están jugando tras estimar una relación entre la acción (simbólica) y la dinámica del juego, y tras estimar como entiende el otro jugador la realización de dicha acción.

Por ejemplo, el manifestante chino que decidió ponerse delante de los tanques para no dejarles pasar. Cuando el tanque giró ese giro pudo interpretarse como la derrota del absolutismo frente a la voluntad popular. El estudiante seguramente hizo aquella acción de manera espontánea como consecuencia de su indignación, pero sin quererlo mandó un mensaje muy especial al resto de la humanidad.

Símbolos de Valor: Son símbolos que tienen una gran carga afectiva y polisémica. Afectiva desde el punto de vista de que la gente muestra una cercanía muy fuerte a lo que representa y polisémica en cuanto a que representa al mismo tiempo más de una cosa. Una bandera por ejemplo es un símbolo que aglutina a su alrededor a una serie de personas para los que dicho símbolo representa tanto un área geográfica, como un idioma, una forma de vivir, una cultura...

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Actas de V Congreso Internacional de Museos por la Paz Gernika-Lumo 1-7 de mayo de 2005

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

“SIMBOLOGÍA DE PAZ. REFLEXIONES TEÓRICAS”

JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ

¿Entran en esta clasificación los símbolos de tipo icónico, personas simbólicas, lugares simbólicos, actos simbólicos?

•CICR. (n.d.). Emblema de la cruz roja y de la media luna roja. Bajado a 30 de Agosto de 2005, desde http://www.icrc.org/Web/spa/sitespa0.nsf/htmlall/emblem?OpenDocument

Seguramente sí, pero haciendo algún matiz. Una característica de esta clasificación es que no es necesariamente excluyente, es decir, un lugar simbólico puede ser considerado un símbolo de valor, pero para llegar a ser considerado como tal, seguramente se han tenido que lanzar mensajes simbólicos desde él, haber constituido un símbolo focal de algún tipo, o contener otros tipos de símbolos de valor.

•Vélez de Mendizábal, J. M. (1988). Gure Aitaren Etxea - Chillida. Vitoria, País Vasco, España: Eusko Jaurlaritza - Gobierno Vasco.

Tomemos como ejemplo Gernika. Gernika es considerado por algunas personas como un lugar simbólico de Paz y Reconciliación, pero además es considerado como símbolo de identidad del pueblo vasco, y símbolo del horror de la guerra.

Esto es debido a la existencia de otros símbolos que residen o que hablan de Gernika, tales como el Roble de Gernika y el cuadro de Picasso. Un símbolo de valor y un mensaje simbólico que han hecho de Gernika símbolo de la identidad de un pueblo y del horror de la guerra. Más tarde, y aunque de manera menos universal, Gernika se está convirtiendo en un símbolo de Paz a través del trabajo de sus sobrevivientes, sus asociaciones y sus instituciones.

Conclusión La Paz puede ser entendida como un concepto simbólico y como tal susceptible de diferentes interpretaciones. Aun teniendo esto en cuenta, el esfuerzo por entender y clasificar los símbolos de Paz (y diferenciarlos de símbolos de identidad, de reconciliación, del horror, etc) nos lleva a determinar una serie de hipótesis sobre las características de los símbolos de Paz. Por otra la clasificación de los símbolos se puede hacer de muchas maneras diferentes, pero se ha elegido una clasificación lo más abierta posible, en base a la relación entre el mensaje, el emisor y el receptor. Dicha clasificación nos permitirá hacer futuras subdivisiones a medida que se vaya implementando una base de datos amplia y que englobe diferentes entendimientos de la Paz en diferentes contextos.

El verdadero trabajo empieza ahora. La investigación sobre los símbolos que vayamos recopilando hará que todas estas reflexiones vayan evolucionando y completándose.

Referencias •Zulaika, J. (1988). Violencia Vasca. Metáfora y Sacramento. Madrid: Editoria Nerea S.A..

•Geertz, C. (1976). Art as a Cultural System.

•Galtung, J. (2003). Paz por medios pacíficos. Paz y Conflicto, Desarrollo y Civilización.

Gernika, Basque Country, Spain: Bakeaz - Gernika GoGoratuz.

•López Martínez, M. (2004). Enciclopedia de Paz y Conflictos. Granada, España: EIRENE. •O'Neill, B. (2002). Honor, Symbols and War (4th ed.). United States: The University of Michigan Press.

•Eco, U. (1991). Tratado de Semiótica General. Barcelona: Lumen.

•Pierce, Charles S. (1974). La Ciencia Semiótica. Buenos Aires: Nueva Visión.

•Cohen, A. P. (1985). The Symbolic Construction of Community. Chichester, England: Ellis Horwood Publishers.

Anexo I Reflexiones sobre el Potencial de un símbolo Vamos a hacer una analogía con la fórmula físicas para realizar este ejercicio de reflexión.

Hace falta depurar y ahondar mucho en este modelo, pero es simplemente una idea.

S = distancia = alcance del símbolo = cantidad de gente que lo reconoce V = velocidad = velocidad con la que la cantidad de gente aumenta o disminuye A = aceleración = variación de la velocidad con el tiempo. Dependerá de factores de transmisión de la comunicación en cada sociedad, a razón de diferentes vías de comunicación (radio, televisión, periódicos, revistas, internet, teléfonos móviles...) y de la utilización que se haga de ellos.

•Zulaika, J. (1992). Caza, símbolo y eros. Madrid: Editoria Nerea S.A..

•Basta Ya. (n.d.). Basta Ya. Iniciativa Ciudadana. Bajado a 30de Agosto de 2005, desde http://www.bastaya.org/

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M = masa = masa (capacidad) simbólica del símbolo ( a determinar cómo calcularla, basándose en su poder metafórico, a su capacidad metonímica, polisémica, a la validez de su prototipo, en su capacidad afectiva...). Parece evidente que un trozo de papel de

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plata y una flor tienen una capacidad de ejercer como símbolos muy diferente porque la masa simbólica de la flor es mayor. Hay que definir que determina lo hace que la masa simbólica aumente o disminuya. O'Neill (2002) nos da una serie de pistas a este respecto.

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De todas formas la aceleración tampoco tiene por qué ser constante, podría ser exponencial…con lo que tiende a ser constante en un momento dado de su progresión y su la fuerza del símbolo puede tender a ser nula.

G = gravedad = Aceleración que una sociedad es capaz transmitir a un símbolo cuando es necesario utilizarlo La aceleración dependerá de la voluntad y recursos que tengan aquellos que quieren impulsar el símbolo. Por ejemplo la aceleración aumentará si se utilizan anuncios en radio y televisión, etc.

Un símbolo en un principio no es conocido por nadie (S=0) pero, debido a las características de la sociedad, se transmite a una velocidad V. Esta velocidad puede ser constante o variar con el tiempo de manera exponencial por ejemplo. En este caso existiría una aceleración: A = derivada (ex) La Fuerza de un símbolo F=mA Cuanta mayor masa simbólica (capacidad de ejercer como símbolo en una sociedad) y mayor aceleración se le imprima a su transmisión, mayor será la fuerza que adquiera el símbolo.

El potencial del símbolo en un momento dado sería: Ep = m g h Es decir el potencial es mayor cuanto mayor número de gente lo utiliza (o la cantidad de gente al que puede llegar), cuanto mayor es su carácter simbólico (masa simbólica) y cuanta mayor es la capacidad de puesta en uso de dicho símbolo.

La potencia de un Símbolo P=FV=mAV Pero si la velocidad de propagación es constante entonces el símbolo tendría una F = 0 y una potencia nula, con lo cual es símbolo sería nada potente. Lo cual no tiene nada de sentido. Una velocidad constante es muy difícil de conseguir puesto que de por sí existe una G (aceleración de la gravedad) que hace que el símbolo o el uso del símbolo se acelere. Si A es mayor o menor que G dependerá de si se hace un esfuerzo por ralentizar o acelerar su propagación.

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! CLIVE BARRETT The Peace Museum, Bradford, UK “IMAGES AND SYMBOLS OF PEACE”

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1. Exploration of terms: “Peace” and “Museum” In Britain and in most other countries there are more war museums and military museums than peace museums. A war museum contains weapons; a military museum tells stories of soldiers and battles. What does a peace museum contain? What stories does it tell?

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Each museum here would answer those questions differently. In the founding documents of our Bradford museum we said that we would “collect, conserve and display materials relating to peace, nonviolence and conflict resolution”. In order to satisfy national standards as a registered museum, we have had to follow strict rules about collecting, conserving and displaying those materials.

And as for defining peace, we divided up our approach to into nine categories: Images and symbols of peace; Nonviolence; Pacifism and war resistance; Peace movements; Disarmament; Diplomacy, international law and international organisations; Conflict resolution and prevention; Human rights; Ecology and peace.

Note that our very first category was “Images and Symbols of Peace”. Within this category we listed the types of material we would collect: “poems, quotations, photographs, paintings, sculpture, art … including images and symbols of peace from different cultures and expressions of hope for a peaceful future; reflections of peace from religious and philosophical perspectives in text, calligraphy and illustration…” and so on.

Images and symbols of peace are therefore at the very heart of our museum.

We try to focus on materials that are visual, rather than on text and archives. Out of 4000 items in our collection, over 3000 are peace posters from around the world. Within this extraordinarily rich collection, there are many images and symbols of peace [1]. I would like to share some of them, and some others, with you. I have grouped them together under several headings:

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Images of war Alternatives to weaponry Resistance to weaponry: the nuclear disarmament logo Images of remembrance Images from religious sources Other images

At the end I consider both how museums can best use such resources and also how the way we do use images of peace can affect the very nature of our museums.

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2. Images and symbols of peace, mainly from the Bradford collection

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2.1. Images of war Here in Gernika, we are aware of Picasso’s dramatic artwork representing a horrific act of war. [2] By stirring the conscience of the world, that picture has become an image for peace; at the UN in New York it was so powerful an image for peace that it had to be hidden when Colin Powell tried to justify US war against the people of Iraq. It was used on internet posters opposing that war [3, 4] The question may be asked, though, “When does an image of war become an image of peace?” For example, does an image of immense power [5] fill you with excitement or fear? Is this a triumph or a disaster? Governments often try to ignore the human cost of war. That was why one of the first peace museums of the 20th century, Ernst Friedrich’s museum in Berlin [6], was so brave to concentrate almost exclusively on photographs of the horrors of war [7]. Many peace museums built at war sites, in Europe or Japan, depict the horror of the violence in that place. In Bradford we tend to restrict our imagery of horror to that which is artistic and symbolic. A poster from the 1930s, for example [8], indicates a child casualty of war, with a quotation from the sayings of Jesus indicating that children are special and should not have to suffer in this way.

A1980s photomontage [9] aimed to show that British government attempts at civil defence against nuclear attack were futile and would have deadly consequences.

The very existence of weapons of war, even unused, can cause misery and death. One poster shows [10] that simply by selling arms to developing nations there is a human cost in the suffering of the poorest people on our planet.

2.2. Alternatives to weaponry

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The War Resisters International (WRI), originally called PACO, was formed in the Netherlands in 1921 with the members agreeing to the statement that “War is a crime against humanity: I therefore am determined not to support any kind of war, and to strive for the removal of all causes of war”. The symbol of the WRI [11] is of two hands breaking a rifle. It has been associated with conscientious objectors to military service across the world. This example is a wonderful hand carving, in wood, made by a Jehovah’s Witness, imprisoned in Greece for refusing conscription into the army. There are other variations, too [12]. I think an image [13] of rifles with the barrels entwined into a heart, a symbol of love, is of Japanese origin. It indicates how symbols can transcend language, and, indeed, become an international language themselves. It reminds me in principle [14] of the New York UN sculpture of a knotted gun, crafted in memory of John Lennon. If only we had the money I would love to purchase a tank to put outside our museum and commission a sculptor to tie a knot in its barrel!

The transforming of weapons is a common technique in peace imagery. I have already mentioned the arms trade. An image promoted by the Quakers [15], “The hungry need bread not bombs” is found on tea towels and even on

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carrier bags. As an alternative to weaponry [16], a 1930s poster proclaims that the pen is mightier than the sword.

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The Judaeo-Christian scriptures contain one of the classic texts of weapon transformation [17]. The books of both Isaiah and Micah contain a vision of beating swords into ploughs. The principle reminds me of a recent scheme in Mozambique to encourage people to hand in their weapons in exchange for farming equipment [18]. The weapons handed in were sculpted into a variety of extraordinary shapes, including a disco-dancer! (Sadly, we don’t have this particular sculpture in our collection, but a neighbouring museum, with which we work very closely, does have a chair made from the same materials.)

2.3. Resistance to weaponry: the Nuclear Disarmament logo

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[19] What we do have in our collection is a symbol that is known across the world. It seemsto have been adopted by every protest group and disaffected teenage graffiti artist on the planet. I have seen it in flowerbeds [20] (this one is in Crete); I have seen it made of corn [21]; I have seen its shape formed by crowds of thousands of people. Yet few know of its origins. In Bradford we have copies of the original drawings by the man who designed the symbol [22]. In 1957, an opponent of nuclear weapons, Gerald Holtom, made this drawing of the semaphore code letters N (^) and D (I), standing for Nuclear Disarmament.

On top of each other, they gave us the symbol first used by the British peace group, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament [23]. Holtom also made sketches of how he thought the symbol would look on protest demonstrations [24]: these pictures too we have in our collection.

2.4. Images of remembrance Ever since the pointless slaughter of millions of men in the trenches of Europe in the First World War, there have been annual ceremonies of remembrance in Britain. The symbol of remembrance has been the red poppy, the only colour to be seen in the grey and the mud of northern France and Belgium [25]. Yet these ceremonies of remembrance have often degenerated into pageants of the very nationalism and militarism that had caused the war. At times, the red poppy does not so much honour the dead as fuel the very emotions that promote war. Hence the question, “Is this peace?” [26] In 1933, the Co-operative Women’s Guild, whose members had lost husbands, fathers, brothers, sons in 1914-1918, introduced the white poppy for peace. This not only commemorates those who lost their lives in war, but stands for a commitment to work for peace and the prevention of future war.

War memorials and gravestones are also reminders of the losses of war, and may be used, like the red poppy, to stir up feelings of nationalism. Two images show that this need not always be the case. The neighbouring city to Bradford is Leeds. [27] The pacifist sculptor Eric Gill was commissioned to create a war memorial for the University of Leeds. He produced a frieze showing Jesus driving the money-changers out of the temple. His astonishingly brave message was

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that capitalism was the cause of war. It was not the message usually conveyed by war memorials. Even gravestones can provide an unexpected protest against war. [28] This gravestone was seen during the 4th International Conference of Peace Museums, on our excursion to the 1917 killing fields of Passchendaele.

[29] The unusual carving rightly, if surprisingly, states that this young man was “sacrificed to the fallacy that war can end war”.

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2.5. Images from religious sources Many images and symbols are ambiguous; they can have opposing meanings.

[30] What do you think when you see religious symbols, perhaps a cross, a crescent, the Star of David? To some people, these signify spiritual peace and right teaching for a better world. To other people, they are a threat, or signs of the cause of many of the world’s wars and much of the world’s suffering. And are there equally dangerous ‘religions’ for those of no religion? [31] Whether you regard religions as a curse or a blessing, you will have been influenced by images of peace that originate from religious texts. There were many primitive stories circulating in different cultures in the ancient Middle East about the creation of life out of water. One of the oldest of these stories is the Epic of Gilgamesh, in Mesopotamia (modern day Iraq). A version of that story can be found in the Hebrew scriptures, in the Book of Genesis - the story of Noah and the Flood. Noah, his family, and a host of animals took to their Ark to escape the violence of the flood [32]. They realise that the waters are falling and that a new start can be made to life on earth when their dove returns carrying an olive branch [33]. The dove and the olive branch become symbols of the new order of peace, as here, again, with Picasso [34]. (The dove is not the only creature used to represent peace: others are the butterfly, and, in some cultures, the nonviolent tortoise.) More than that, when Noah restarts his life, he is told

by God that a rainbow in the sky would signify the end of God’s anger, that there would be no more violence against the earth [35]. The rainbow becomes a symbol of the end of violence and the dawn of the age of peace. The dove, olive branch and rainbow become world-wide symbols of peace, reaching far beyond Judaeo-Christian cultures (even if some artists get rainbow colours the wrong way round!)

Not all adherents of a religion accept the way that their own religion can be abused and misused in the cause of war [36]. Here, a Christian cartoonist mocks Christians who accept nuclear weapons by portraying a Jesus figure carrying a missile instead of his cross. He shall “bear their iniquities”, that is, carry their sins.

Also in this section I would like to draw your attention to what I think may be the earliest artistic representation of conscientious objection to military service [37]. In the 4th century, St. Martin of Tours, who had been a soldier carrying out “police-work”, refused to go into battle. He turned down his pay, saying, “I am a soldier of Christ; it is not lawful for me to fight”. He even offered to go unarmed towards the enemy alone. The story is depicted in a 14th century fresco by Simone Martini in the Franciscan basilica at Assisi. If you can think of any older artwork depicting war-refusal, please let me know.

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2.6. Other images Other symbols of peace include a handshake of reconciliation or a pair of human hands [38], not clenched, but open. This example is on a quilt made for us by children from the Ukraine. A similar United Nations poster [39] incorporates an image of planet earth, this fragile planet on which we live and for which we are responsible. A whole variety of ecological or environmental images of flowers, creatures, signs of life and health, convey the same message. The point is that all things are related. It was that relatedness, that network of solidarity that led to women’s groups in the 1980s [40, 41] introducing the spider’s web, seen here on a poster for a women’s peace camp at a US nuclear weapons base at Greenham Common, as an image of connectedness and mutual strength.

A bridge is an effective symbol of reconciliation [42]. During the Cold War, Mothers for Peace from Bradford instituted a project to make a huge, beautiful peace quilt with sections embroidered by women from East and West. The quilt bridged the gulf between nations, particularly with the Soviet bloc countries. For example, the Russian woman who made the centre top right panel spoke of a “Flying ship to friendship! It means that we should use all opportunities to make friends, to live in peace and happiness. This magic kind of traffic!”

Some symbolism is beyond my understanding [43]. As well as the magnificent Mothers for Peace Quilt, another masterpiece of embroidery on display in the peace museum in Bradford is this marvellous banner by Lanark Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. (Lanark is the region around Edinburgh, in Scotland). Some of the symbolism you will recognise – the dove, for example – and possibly the angels of good overcoming evil, but other symbolism appears mythological. I don’t understand it, but I do think it is beautiful!

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How do we use these artistic images in museum outreach and peace education? Art has an ability to communicate that words can never match.

For many young people in particular, art and imagery can encourage imagination and enable even the least able school students to learn about peace. Symbols enable a person to represent a concept that can otherwise be too hard to put down on paper. My colleagues in the peace museum have encouraged children to produce their own artwork, with considerable success. There has been practical web-making [44] and designing [45]. You will recognise many of the symbols that I have introduced above [46, 47, 48, 49]. Bradford is

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a multi-racial, multi-cultural city [50], and many of the images produced by school students reflect their desire for peace between different races and religions.

One of the most unusual but powerful symbols of peace is a foot. It can be an image of suffering, as in this shoe from the remains of the World Trade Center [51]. It can be an emotional symbol of the Holocaust, as I experienced when seeing a pair of children’s shoes from Auschwitz displayed at Memorial, Caen (also in Osaka). Yet a foot can be an image of the walk, the journey to peace.

That passage from Isaiah about beating swords into ploughshares continues by saying “walk in the light” (and some use light, especially candles, as signs of peace; this candle has been lit from the World Peace Flame [52]). Nelson Mandela’s autobiography is entitled “Long Walk to Freedom” [53]. It can be important to understand peace as a journey more than as a destination. Peace is not a destination but a way of travelling; peace is a walk, and we must walk peacefully. A foot can be a symbol of peaceful living. A recent project involved school students designing a foot. You will that domestic violence is included: “Peace in the home” [54] and familiar symbols: rainbow and globe [55]. Some students included two messages: firstly, what the government should do for peace, and secondly, what they – the students – would do, from making peace posters [56] to writing to the Government [57].

There is a personal responsibility to peacemaking, and the imagery of peace can lead young people into taking responsibility for their own peacemaking. This is a new generation, growing into nonviolence, conflict resolution and conflict prevention. The art, the symbols, the imagery combined to make a difference to the behaviour of these young people. It led them to pledge themselves to taking their own action for peace, to recognising the personal responsibility they themselves had for creating peace in the world.

Such an education programme, based on the symbols and images of peace, affects the very nature and purpose of the peace museum. This is peace, the process of exploring peace. A peace museum is more than a warehouse, storing materials for their own sake. It uses the items in its collection, and especially the images and symbols, to change the lives of those with whom it is engaged.

A peace museum, therefore, does not merely contain symbols of peace, but by encouraging the promotion of peace, the museum itself becomes a symbol of peace. Borrowing a term from Christian theology, the museum becomes a “sacrament”. A sacrament is a sign that brings into effect the thing it is a sign of. A peace museum is an outward and visible sign of peace: it helps to create the very peace that it signifies.

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What about your museum? What symbols and images of peace do you display?

How do you use those images in your own education work? Is your museum a sign of peace, bringing into effect the very peace you signify? Is your museum a sacrament?

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I would like to end with an image that we in Bradford have adopted from the peace museum in Chicago [58]. It reads, simply, “Support the Peace Museum!”

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! PETER NIAS The Peace Museum, Bradford, UK “DO THE ARTS REALLY STRIVE FOR PEACE ?”

Summary Arts are used to promote pro-war cultures as well as pro-peace cultures. But which has had the greatest effect on the ordinary person? Also, what kind of art? – paintings, posters & poems, cartoons & graphic art & banners, films & photographs, monuments & sculptures, books & oral histories, drama & dance & music. This paper uses illustrated examples from each artistic method and compares their positive and negative messages as far as peace and war are concerned, including how they have been used and misused. It also questions how far images of violence can be used to promote a culture of peace. One conclusion is that more creative commissioning of artworks could help peace work.

Biography Peter Nias has been at The Peace Museum, Bradford, UK since 1999. He has an MA in Peace Studies from Bradford University, UK and is also an Honorary Visiting Research Fellow there. He was originally an urban planner and then ran his own social and economic research consultancy business, including doing market research both on many museums in the UK and for the wider UK peace movement. He spent 1992-96 in post-apartheid Namibia creating and running that country’s Mobile Museum and Education Service before being an economic researcher trainer, also in Namibia, from 1997-99.

Do the arts really strive for peace?

Introduction Not all artists - in any meaning of the term – want to promote peace. Some – many – do so. Others, however, seem to want to glorify war whether or not they are paid to do it. There may be others who may even want to promote war.

The arts are used to promote pro-war cultures as well as pro-peace cultures. But which has had the greatest effect on the ordinary person? I will come back to that later.

• What kind of art are we talking about?

• What kind of art are we talking about? There are: paintings, posters & poems, cartoons & graphic art & banners, films & photographs, monuments & sculptures, books & oral histories, drama & dance & music All these can be created by both adults and by children.

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I will use examples from each artistic method and compare their positive and negative messages as far as peace and war are concerned, including how they have been used and misused. I will also question how far images of violence can be used to promote a culture of peace.

Art competitions and productions are a good and often-used way of creating interest in peace work, especially amongst children and young people. For example, my museum has for the past four years held an annual ‘Conflict and Peace’ painting exhibition from teenagers in a local school. Although there is often quite a lot of violence portrayed in these, there are usually many perceptive illustrations of peace.

We also have the original and inspirational children’s drawings of their 6,000 footsteps and messages for peace which were used at The Hague 1999 conference. These examples, and more like them, are good and need to be continued and creatively expanded as a peace education tool.

First, however, the different types of art and how they have been used: Paintings & poems Ask anyone outside the peace movement if they’ve heard of a peace painting, they will probably say no. Instead, ask if they’ve heard of an anti-war painting and Picasso’s Guernica will doubtless head the list. Some may also say Goya’s 3rd May 1808. There is also the lesser known Kathe Kollwitz (who was a sculptor as well as a painter) .

A few may mention the UK war artists like Paul Nash. I don’t know about other countries, but the UK has a tradition of sending war artists, paid for by the government, to cover major conflicts. This may have started in older days when large battle scenes of land and sea were painted – some are still proudly displayed in the UK’s Houses of Parliament.. Since the First World War the UK war artists have mainly shown the desolate landscapes of war rather than glorifying it.

Poems : Wilfred Owen’s First World War probably stands alone in the UK as an anti-war poem.

Nothing before or since has such feeling and resonance: “My friend, you would not tell with such high zest To children ardent for some desperate glory The old Lie: Dulce et decorum est Pro patria mori”.

In contrast, Tennyson’s The Charge of the Light Brigade (in the Crimea war 1854) is probably paradoxically remembered as a war glorifying poem, whether or not he intended it as such.

Of the current UK poets perhaps only Benjamin Zephaniah starts to approach the dignity of Owen.

If one considers the Bible to be a poem, then there are many positive messages. Swords into Ploughshares is one very commonly used. But that long poem has not always been used as a positive message for a culture of peace.

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Cartoons & Graphic Art & Banners

Books & Oral histories

Graphic art through posters and cartoons has been well used by both the war and peace movements. First there was the propaganda in World War One to promote joining the military (Your Country needs You). Much later after World War Two there was the massive use of antinuclear and pro-peace posters.

If one calls the written word art, then we’ve seen the recent boom in books about war helping to fill many bookstores, certainly in UK. In contrast, during the 1980’s, there was a boom in peace books. So I guess it’s a reflection of the times as much as anything.

Most of peace art might well be in poster form. Indeed, the Bradford Peace Museum has almost half its collection in the form of posters and banners.

Cartoons have been used to portray a vital point, but very few become really memorable (perhaps Peter Kennard’s Haywain Cruise missile). They are more ‘of the moment’ rather than long lasting.

Films & Photographs There are likely, I would say, to be many more war films than ‘peace’ films. And the impact of the war films, of all types, is probably a pro-war or at least war and violence acceptance message to the general population. Whether war films are real or fiction, whether they portray the Romans and Greeks, or the middle ages, or colonization, or world wars, or Vietnam, and whether it is a war or supposedly anti-war message that they show, the net effect of them, combined with the so-called violent ‘action’ movies, is to equate war with excitement. In contrast, when did people in general get as ‘hyped –up’ as much after a peace movie? Possibly ‘Gandhi’?

I can’t think of any others.

However, photographs seem to be used very differently, with a much greater and sustained anti-war message. The moment frozen in time demands greater reflection from the viewer than does an action movie. Such famous photos include 5 year old Kim Phuc burnt by napalm in Vietnam – very much anti war ; Princess Diana walking through a minefield ; the soldier being killed in the Spanish Civil War 1936.

It doesn’t have to be books. Oral histories can keep alive the past – the Herero people in Namibia still have a warlike disposition. That same group also have gravestones of their leaders made in the shape of a rifle rather than a cross.

Drama & Dance & Music Drama and dance have been used in anti-war themes. However, music is the very powerful medium which seems to have portrayed the most war-like feelings, whether it be patriotic anthemns or marching music.

Conclusions I would say that the images of peace, or even anti-war images, have struggled to keep up with the greater impact of the images of war. Some of this is due to historical inertia, when the wars of the past have been recorded and replayed for our ‘entertainment’. However, some of the best anti-war images are still being neutralized. The copy of Picasso’s Guernica on display in the UN Building in New York was covered up in 2003 because it was visible behind US Secretary of State Powell when he announced the Iraq war. I don’t imagine that Pablo would have been too pleased.

As the peace movement, we are doing our collective best. One overall conclusion is that we need more creative commissioning of either positive or negative peace artworks to help inspire more peace work. However, to reach a wider and popular audience outside the peace movement is a very real challenge indeed.

Monuments & Sculptures Monuments to the war dead may be a memorial but how they are designed too often presents at best a mixed message and at worst a form of recruiting image for the military. The underlying message is: we remember those who died …..and we’re even more determined to fight, and suffer, again if needs be.

One of the best monuments I have seen is a bridge over a river (Jackfield, Telford, UK over the River Severn), built as a very practical World War One memorial. It includes a plaque to the fallen.

One of the worst sculptures I have seen is one of a mythical figure of Violence being ‘killed’ from Bradford’s Cartwright Hall Art Gallery. Made in the 1920’s, it reflected the feeling that violence could remove violence. And it is still on public display.

But not all is negative. The ‘Beloved’ statue outside Bradford University library sends a very positive message.

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! CYNTHIA COHEN Brandeis University “THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE ARTS TO A CULTURE OF PEACE IN THE AFTERMATH OF VIOLENCE” Abstract This paper suggests that distinctive features of aesthetic engagement make the arts wellsuited to nourish and capacities and mediate the learning that is required to build a culture of peace in the aftermath of violence. Because the arts 1) simultaneously engage sensuous and rational faculties; 2) engage people in forms that are bounded in time and space; and 3) themselves mediate tensions, such as those between tradition and innovation, they invite people into transactions characterized by reciprocity between perceiver and perceived. This reciprocity can enliven the imagination, nourish people’s capacities for receptivity and empathy, and stimulate learning. These resources can be marshaled in support of the educational tasks and challenges of reconciliation, such as acknowledging the humanity of the other, mourning losses, empathizing with suffering, addressing injustices, letting go of bitterness, and imagining a new future.

Author data Cynthia Cohen, Ph.D., is director of Coexistence Research and International Collaborations at the Slifka Program in Intercommunal Coexistence at Brandeis University, in Waltham, Massachusetts. She has just completed directing an international fellowship program entitled Recasting Reconciliation through Culture and the Arts. She holds a Ph.D. in Education from the University of New Hampshire, and a Masters in City Planning from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. She has directed a community-based oral history center, and now teaches about the contributions of the arts to coexistence and reconciliation.

Why, in rebuilding war-torn communities, should precious and scarce resources be invested in the arts and cultural programs?

In the aftermath of violent conflict, investing in artistic and cultural renewal is not likely to be at the top of the agendas of negotiators or administrators who plan for reconstruction. More likely, the arts will be seen as luxuries that must be sacrificed until basic needs for food, clothing, shelter and security are met. In addressing painful historical legacies, trials and tribunals are likely to claim far more resources than theater, poetry or exchange programs for artists.

However, recent studies in cognitive psychology suggest that rational deliberations alone are unlikely to be sufficient to rebuild inter-communal relations in the aftermath of ethnic violence.

After extensive empirical research, the psychologists William Longe and Peter Brecke (2003) conclude that, at least in the case of reconciliation following civil wars, an evolutionarily determined, emotionally driven pattern, not purposeful rationality, transforms aggression into empathy and desire for revenge into desire for affiliation (p. 28).

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If purposeful rationality is inadequate to the task of reconciliation, how should peacebuilding practitioners facilitate the kinds of understanding that will allow communities to rebuild relationships in the aftermath of ethnic violence? Years ago, the anthropologist, cybernetic theorist and family therapist Gregory Bateson (1972) proposed an answer to this question. In contrast to the goal-driven conscious decision-making needed for the survival of individuals, he asserted that the “knowledge” required for the survival of the group is held in the nonconscious realms of the human mind. This wisdom can be tapped through processes such as ritual and art (p. 147).

This paper explains why the arts and cultural work are critical to promoting a culture of peace in the aftermath of violent conflict. It lays out theoretical frameworks for reconciliation and for the nature of aesthetic engagement that explain why the arts and cultural work should be effective resources for peace-builders. Then it suggests how the arts and cultural work are being used to facilitate seven different educational tasks crucial to reconciliation, including assisting former adversaries to appreciate each other’s humanity, to empathize with each other’s suffering, to address injustice, and to imagine a new future.

The range of activities indicated by the phrase ‘the arts and cultural work’ is very broad.

The arts include both oral and written literary forms, narrative and poetry, fiction and non-fiction.

They include vocal and instrumental musical works, both composed and improvised, solo and ensemble. The domain of ‘the arts’ embraces drawing and painting, photography, movies and three-dimensional works as well as performative modes such as scripted and improvisational theater and dance. Cultural work cultivates and harvests the knowledge embedded within collective folk expressions like embroidery patterns, lullabies, and folk architecture. These collective expressive forms are densely packed with meaning, having been “polished” by centuries of transmission from one generation to the next.

The art forms we wish to consider as resources for coexistence and reconciliation, therefore, include both paintings to be viewed by solitary museum-goers and the participatory rituals of dance, drumming and masks; mass market movies and booklets of poems written by children in refugee camps; staged theatrical productions and improvised scenes acted out in a dialogue group. People engage in these forms as creators, performers, audience members, producers and critics. In some cases art and cultural projects focus on the process of creating, with minimal concern for the product. In other cases, it is the beauty and power of the produced works that make them effective resources for peace.

Engaging with the arts can generate, for both individuals and collectivities, for creators and spectators, special qualities of attention and response -- such as disinterestedness, committed participation, meta-cognitive alertness, receptivity, and blissful serenity. These qualities of attention and response afford unique opportunities for learning, empathy, reflexivity, creativity, innovation and experimentation. The engagement with a work of art or cultural form that gives rise to these special qualities of attention and response can best be understood within the framework of aesthetic experience.

What is unique about aesthetic experience that allows it to become such a fertile ground for learning and for creativity?

There are several factors, each of which has important implications for the educational work associated with coexistence and reconciliation.

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First, aesthetic experiences engage us on both sensory and cognitive levels. Rituals, for instance, involve people bodily in seeing colors and images, hearing sounds, tasting spices, feeling textures and temperatures – all within formal structures that are imbued with narrative references and cultural meanings. In the visual arts, symbols convey meaning on many levels simultaneously, in part through literal representation, but also through color, texture, shape and composition. Even forms such as abstract paintings and instrumental music link our senses with our rational faculties as we become aware of the ways in which we perceive. In other words, we see ourselves seeing, notice ourselves hearing, and become aware of ourselves as makers of meaning.

Human beings tend to find the inter-animation of our sensory and rational faculties especially enlivening, causing states of alertness and awareness that are infused with feeling. These qualities of presence can be harnessed to address some of the key educational tasks and challenges of coexistence and reconciliation. For instance, to understand meaningfully our own or another’s suffering requires knowledge that is both cognitive and heartfelt. We must be simultaneously engaged, but detached enough not to be overwhelmed by the intensity of our own responses. The arts can be crafted to invite just such responses: alert calmness, engaged detachment, and awareness that is laden with feeling. In addition, the arts can help us become critically aware of the symbolic structures through which we compose meaning. This level of meta-cognition is often necessary also in the processes of reconciliation, as former enemies reassess the symbols embedded within enmity discourses.

A second defining feature of aesthetic transactions is that they involve us with forms that are bounded in space and/or time. A framed picture, for instance, and a theatrical event with a clear beginning and end, each provides boundaries within which viewers can focus intensively. The formal qualities of works of art both invite us and support us to open ourselves to depths of feelings, in ways that are much more difficult in the unframed, on-going flow of life. The bounded quality and formal structures of artworks and ritual can provide support for survivors of violence to confront and work through painful history that might otherwise be too overwhelming to face.

In addition to simultaneously engaging us rationally and sensually with forms bounded in space and time, aesthetic forms acknowledge and mediate certain tensions – for instance between innovation and tradition. Human beings seem to appreciate both exemplary forms of a type or genre, and also a certain amount of innovation. Most works that engage us aesthetically follow the conventions of a genre or tradition, but with some new element, an original turn. In some cases, artists defy such conventions – but grasping their meaning nevertheless depends on awareness of rules even as they are broken. The degree to which innovation is embraced, or to which tradition is upheld, is one of the ways in which different cultural groups express their distinct aesthetics.

However, neither random idiosyncratic expression, with no reference to any tradition, nor completely uniform expression, with no room for interpretation or originality is likely to evoke the qualities of response known as aesthetic. Artists can work with the tension of innovation and tradition – as well as other tensions, such as randomness and rigidity, and the impulses of the individual and the imperatives of collectives -- to construct forms that enliven but do not overwhelm the perceptual capacities of their audiences. In contexts of oppression and violence, when people’s perceptual capacities may have been blunted, forms of expression that are in

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themselves enlivening can create conditions for learning and communication. In the aftermath of violence, when people face the challenge of reconstructing their lives and adapting to change, the arts can provide support by integrating new ideas into forms that are familiar, or by exemplifying how even innovative forms can express longstanding values.

So aesthetic experiences arise in the interface between human beings and expressive forms because of the simultaneous engagement of rational and sensual faculties; because of the intensity of engagement made possible by the bounded nature of formal structures; and because the forms themselves avoid certain extremes, such as utter disregard for, or utter allegiance to, conventions. Taken together, these defining features of aesthetic experience allow for a kind of reciprocity between the sensibilities of perceivers, on the one hand, and the objects of their perception. This reciprocity can most readily be understood as a midway point between two other kinds of transactions between perceivers and objects of perception: analysis and propaganda. In analysis, the perceiver "controls" the object by investigating it in relation to pre-existing categories, or by breaking it down to be examined. In propaganda, the expressive form has been designed to manipulate, seduce or coerce the perceiver. By contrast, in the case of aesthetic apprehension, the perceiver and perceived are equally weighted. Expressive forms are designed with perceivers’ sensibilities in mind; and the perceiver opens him- or herself to the resonances and reverberations evoked by the object or event. In other words, when a work of art works, as art, it is because the sensibilities of the viewer or listener are anticipated in the expression itself. It is this calibration of the form of expression with the sensibilities of the viewer that gives rise to the perception of beauty; and it is through beauty that a work of art issues its invitation.

It is by virtue of this reciprocity that aesthetic transactions are inherently other-regarding.

They involve an awareness of the other, a sensitivity akin to respect. This quality of aesthetic experience alone makes cultural work and the arts especially valuable in situations of enmity in when groups act with utter disregard for the well-being of each other. When individuals have been tortured, when homes and centers of community life have been destroyed by war, when the dignity of an ethnic group has been assaulted through longstanding oppression, the arts can remind people of what it is like to be acknowledged and respected, and, in time, to acknowledge and respect. As aesthetic engagement enlivens perceptive capacities, it can support people in confronting painful history, assist communities in grappling with change, and infuse the sensibilities of respect into relationships that have been defined by violence and oppression.

A Culture of Peace in the Aftermath of Violence: Educational and Psychological Perspectives Nourishing a culture of peace in the aftermath of violence generally requires the re-building of relationships. The precise activities that comprise this relationship-building work, and the order in which they are undertaken, must be developed in particular contexts, taking into account the nature of the preceding alienation or violence, the trajectory and stage of the conflict, the individuals and cultures to be brought into relationship, the leadership resources available, and the larger systems within which the conflict and peacebuilding processes are embedded.

Nevertheless, it is safe to assume that processes of coexistence and reconciliation almost always involve former adversaries in culturally-inflected versions of at least some of the following tasks, not necessarily undertaken in this order:

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•Appreciating each other’s humanity and respecting each other’s culture •Telling and listening to each other’s stories, and developing more complex narratives and more nuanced understandings of identity •Acknowledging harms, telling truths and mourning losses •Empathizing with each other’s suffering •Acknowledging and redressing injustices •Expressing remorse, repenting, apologizing; letting go of bitterness, forgiving •Imagining and substantiating a new future, including agreements about how future conflicts will be engaged constructively.

All of these processes involve learning about one’s own community and the other. They involve learning new skills and expanding the meaning of concepts, often “un-learning” what was formerly believed to be true. Taken together, they represent a daunting array of tasks and challenges, especially considering that they must be undertaken in ways that reach deeply into the person and broadly throughout society.

Furthermore, in many instances, widespread ethnic violence and long-standing oppressions can leave people and communities with insufficient capacities to undertake this work. People are likely to be disoriented and confused, often having lost loved ones, the places that sheltered them, and the webs of relationships that gave meaning, texture and ethical anchoring to their lives. People’s abilities both to listen and to express themselves so others can understand are often impaired. Along with bombed-out villages and desecrated shrines, capacities to discern when trust is warranted, to respond to problems creatively and to imagine a different future have often been destroyed. Those who have perpetrated abuses or are implicated in other’s suffering (even through omissions) may be straight-jacketed by inexpressible shame, fear and self-loathing.

Because of the distinct qualities of aesthetic engagement – namely the integration of the sensory and the rational, the engagement of audiences with forms that are bounded in space and time, and the reciprocity engendered between artwork and audience – the arts are uniquely well-suited to restore the capacities required for reconciliation and meet the educational challenges inherent in building a culture of peace. They invite people into modes of receptivity and expression that are themselves restorative. They enliven people’s sense of imagination, and restore the capacity to listen to, empathize with others, and to learn.

References and Resources • Bachelard, G. (1994). The poetics of space. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

• Bateson, G. (1972). Steps to an ecology of mind: collected essays in anthropology, psychiatry, evolution, and epistemology. San Francisco: Chandler Pub. Co. • Cohen, C. (1994). “Removing the Dust from our Hearts: a search for reconciliation in the narratives of Palestinian and Jewish women”. NWSA Journal, 6(2), 197-233.

• Cohen, C. (2003). “Engaging with the Arts to Promote Coexistence”. In A. Chayes & M. Minow (Eds.), Imagine Coexistence (pp. 267-293). San Francisco: Jossey Bass.

• Fox, J. (2003). Burundi Journal. Interplay online, Vol. XIII, 3. Retrieved April 16, 2004 from www.playbacknet.org/interplay/Previousissues/April%2003/Burundi%20journal.pdf • Fox, J. (1999). “A ritual for our time”. In J. Fox and H. Dauber, Eds. Gathering voices: essays on playback theatre. New Paltz, NY: Tusitala Pub.

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• International Coalition of Historic Site Museums of Conscience. 2003 Conference.

• The Pocantico Conference Center of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. Retrieved March 16, 2004 from http://www.sitesofconscience.org/documents/Pocantico2003.pdf.

• Jegede, D. (1993). “Art for life's sake: African art as a reflection of an Afrocentric cosmology”.

In K. Welsh-Asante (Ed.). The African aesthetic: Keeper of the traditions. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

• Khadduri, M. (1984). The Islamic conception of justice. Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press.

• Krondorfer, B. (1995). Remembrance and reconciliation : Encounters between young Jews and Germans. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.

• Laub, Dori (1992) “Bearing witness or the vicissitudes of listening”. In S. Felman, S., & D. Laub, (Eds.). Testimony: Crisis of witnessing in literature, psychoanalysis and history (pp.5792). New York, NY: Routledge.

• Legacy Project. Retrieved April 26, 20004 from http://www.legacy-project.org.

• Long, W. J., & Brecke, P. (2003). War and reconciliation: reason and emotion in conflict resolution. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

• Mack, J. (1990). “The enemy system”. In V. Volkan, D. Julius & J. Montville (Eds.). The psychodynamics of international relationships volume I: Concepts and theories (pp. 57-70).

Lexington, MA and Toronto: Lexington Books, D.C.Heath and Company.

• Montville, J. V. (1989). “Psychoanalytic enlightenment and the greening of diplomacy”. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 37(2).

• Muan, I. and D. Ly. (2000). The Legacy of Absence: A Cambodian Story. Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Reyum Publishing.

• Nussbaum, M. (1995). Poetic justice: The literary imagination and public life.

Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

• Nye, Naomi Shihab. (1995). “Lights in the Windows”. [Electronic version] The Alan Review 22(3), • Rich, A. C. (1993). What is found there: notebooks on poetry and politics. New York: Norton.

• Peace of Mind: Coexistence Through the Eyes of Palestinian and Israeli Teens (n.d.), Retrieved March 18, 2004, from http://www.sfjff.org/sfjff20/programs/24P.html • Scarry, E. (1985). The body in pain: the making and unmaking of the world. New York: Oxford Sonneborn, B. (Producer and Director). (2000). Regret to inform. [Motion picture]. San Francisco, CA: Sun Fountain Productions.

• The Spirit of Sangwe: Burundi's Largest-Ever Peace Festival (n.d.). Retrieved March 16, 2004, from http://www.sfcg.org/programmes/burundi/burundi_spirit.html • Volkan, V. (1990). “An overview of psychological concepts pertinent to interethnic and/or international relationships”. In V. Volkan, D. Julius & J. Montville (Eds.), The psychodynamics of international relationships volume I: Concepts and theories (pp. 31-46). Lexington, MA, and Toronto: Lexington Books, D. C. Heath and Company.

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! JOYCE APSEL General Studies Program, New York University. Director, RightsWorks International “CREATING SPACES AND DIALOGUES FOR PEACE: THE PUFFIN FORUM ALTERNATIVES TO AN ENVIRONMENT OF VIOLENCE AND WAR IN THE UNITED STATES” Joyce Apsel (M.A., Ph.D., University of Rochester, J.D. Rutgers School of Law, Newark) is a Master Teacher in Humanities who teaches Social Foundations and sophomore seminars on genocide, human rights and peace studies. Dr. Apsel is the Founder and Director of Rights Works International, a not-for-profit human rights education project. She is NGO/DPI representative to the United Nations for the International Network of Peace Museums and on the executive board of the Institute for the Study of Genocide. She served as President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars (2001-2003) and was former Director of Education for the Anne Frank Center USA. She is a juror for the Lemkin Award, a biennial, international award granted to the outstanding work on genocide; she is also on the board of H-Genocide.net and Remember Rwanda. She lectures and writes on issues of genocide, peace and human rights and is co-editor of Teaching about Genocide (3rd. ed. 2003). Her most recent publication “Moral Issues and Pedagogical Dilemmas of Teaching about Genocide” is scheduled to appear in the spring, 2005 issue of Human Rights Review. She is presently working on Teaching about Human Rights to be published by the American Sociological Association in 2005.

Throughout U.S. history, individuals and networks have developed to create cultures of peace in resistance to the prevailing environment of recurrent war and other forms of violence.

The creativity of these undertakings provides alternatives to create a better world through working toward realization of human rights locally, nationally and globally.1 Oftentimes, such projects and processes are ignored even by the local media and largely written out of history.

But, their impact is significant in providing members alternative communal networks and support in working toward ending violence and promoting cooperation and peace while reducing individual isolation and alienation. From the Curriculum of Hope for a Peaceful World2 to Pax Educare3, 1 Peace educator Betty Reardon in an essay on “Learning Our Way to a Human Future” in Learning Peace, eds. Betty Reardon and Eva Nordland (Albany: SUNY Press, 1994) captures this ideology of positive peace when discussing her involvement with project PEACE(Project on Ecological and Cooperative Education). “The project tried to focus on positive alternatives: not just on what it means to be against war, injustice, human rights violations and environmental deterioration, but what it is to be for peace, justice, the realization of human rights, and ecological balance. The task it assumes is to give concrete form to a peaceful, just society that respects human righs and protects the environment, and to educate people to achieve and maintain a global social order of such form.” (p. 24).

2 “The Curriculum of Hope for a Peaceful World” is a quarterly newsletter distributed to over 800 educators worldwide.

See http:///www.deltakappagamma.org/CT/chope.html . The Newsletter was founded by former elementary school teacher Jeanne Morascini in 1986 and is a standing committee of Alpha Kappa Gamma State Chapter of Kappa Gamma Delta, an international organization of educators.

3 See www.paxeducare.org. Peace educator Mary Lee Morrison founded paxeducare which provides a range of activities from educational materials to workshops to foster peace education.

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networks of small, political, cultural, social, religious and economic groupings primarily on the grass roots level continue to work toward a more just, peaceful society and world.

This paper will explore the work of The Puffin Foundation Ltd. with its two interactive cultural exhibition spaces, The Puffin Room in New York City and The Puffin Cultural Forum in Teaneck, New Jersey. Puffin seeks to provide an alternative forum for citizens and in particular artists and others whose work and voices are not heard or seen in the mainstream press and museums.

At a time of war and other violence in the United States and world-wide, the Puffin Foundation provides an environment to promote peace and social justice and to educate against war and other forms of violence.

Historical Context Today Black Panther Party member Stokely Carmichael noted “Violence is as American as cherry pie.” This comment outraged many U.S. citizens when it was stated in the 1960s and undoubtedly would still anger and be refuted by many citizens today. Denial both of the degree of violence within U.S. society and its links with the current U.S. wars on terrorism continues. The symbiotic relationship between escalating violence in U.S. culture and waging war abroad is largely ignored. The degree of domestic violence from high school shootings4 to youth suicide to large numbers of minorities and other individuals incarcerated in U.S. prisons continues to escalate.

The bombings of 9/11 have been used as an excuse to curb civil liberties in the United States and world-wide. U.S. citizens’ sense of vulnerability contributed to the 2004 re-election of President Bush and support for an all out war against terror. President George W. Bush continues a rhetoric and foreign policy of American exceptionalism and justifies waging war on Iraq as bringing the blanket of freedom and democracy to the oppressed. The politics of U.S. education historically largely ignores or denies space for teaching about human rights and social justice issues in the classroom5 and rarely fosters creative spaces for differences of opinion and dissent. In the present environment of good and evil empires and just/unjust war theory rationales, a series of networks and groups working toward cultures of peace in the United States continue to develop. This paper will look at one such movement, the Puffin Foundation Ltd., and discuss how it has provided important resources and space for individuals to express an alternative message of creativity and education including resistance to war and other forms of violence and promotion of social justice issues.

History and Goals of the Puffin Foundation The Puffin Foundation Ltd. was founded in 1983 by the Rosenstein Family who wanted to provide grants for artists and various art groups “who are often excluded from mainstream opportunities due to their race, gender, or social philosophy.”6 In the last decades, the 4 See Linda Rennie Forcey and Ian Murray Harris, Peacebuilding for Adolescents: Strategies for Educators and Community Leaders (New York: Peter Lang Publs., 1999) for essays that analyze ways to address violent events in schools from killings to fighting, harassment, weapons carrying and bullying and how to develop strategies for non-violent resolution and reduction of violence.

5 See Joyce Apsel, “The Challenges of Human Rights Education and the Impact on Children’s Rights,” in Children’s Human Rights: Progress and Challenges for Children Worldwide, eds., Mark Ensalaco and Linda C. Majka, (Oxford: Roman &Littlefield, 2005): 229-247.

6

http://www.puffinfoundation.org/grants/mission.html

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foundation’s small grants have fostered the work of “emerging artists in art, music theater, dance, photography, and literature whose works due to their genre and/or social philosophy might have difficulty being aired.”7 The purpose of “continuing the dialogue between art and the lives of ordinary people” is central to Puffin’s establishment and goals: “The Puffin, a species whose nesting sites were endangered by encroaching civilization, were encouraged to return to their native habitats through the constructive efforts of a concerned citizenry. We have adopted the name Puffin for our Foundation as a metaphor for how we perceive our mission, which is to ensure that the arts continue to grow and enrich our lives. In doing so we have joined with other concerned groups and individuals toward achieving that goal.”8 Education and Serving as a Resource for Public Schools The Puffin Cultural Forum located in the Foundation’s administrative offices in Teaneck, New Jersey, serves as a local resource for both the adult community of Northern Bergen County but also for the public schools offering a series of programs such as art exhibits and workshops, group tours and theater presentations “concerning important issues of our time.” “Our work takes place at the intersection of the arts and the struggle for human rights” through emphasizing the crucial role that “the arts play in shaping our consciousness, and the role of artists as agents of social change.9” The Puffin Cultural Forum brings “thoughtful, socially-relevant, and provocative art programming from art exhibitions to theater, author interviews, workshops, lectures and dialogue.”10 Hence, the Puffin Forum attempts to provide educational outreach to classrooms and schools in Northern New Jersey, especially Teaneck, New Jersey, as well as provide a community space for dialogue, debate, dissent as well as education.

Cooperation with other Networks, Foundations, and Organizations An important development of the Puffin Foundation that has emerged increasingly in the last decade is creating links and cooperation with a number of other organizations including museums, magazines, and other partners. For example, The Puffin Foundation is working with ALBA, the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives. ALBA contains documents from the approximate 3000 U.S. volunteers who went to Spain to fight against fascism from 1936-1939. The Puffin Foundation is fostering projects that will bring “the archival material about the Lincoln Brigade into public view through art and cultural and educational programs.”11 Another project is co-sponsored

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with the Museum of the City of New York on the New York City Coops (cooperative housing) Exhibit and Documentary. “The documentary will highlight the struggle of primarily immigrant working men and women, who in solidarity were able to build the first decent housing cooperatives for working men and women in the 1920’s and 1930’s.”12 These two projects represent initiatives by Puffin to raise awareness of the role of progressive activists and working class solidarity as part of U.S. history; two historic developments largely ignored and written out of history in the classroom and in public education.

In 2001, Puffin funded the Puffin/Nation Creative Citizen Award which is awarded to U.S. citizens annually who challenge the status quo “through distinctive, courageous, imaginative, socially responsible work of significance.13” The Prize is administered by the Nation Institute, an affiliate of the progressive magazine, The Nation, and the $100,000 Prize is funded by the Puffin Foundation. To date, The Creative Citizen Award has been given to Dolores Huerta, a political activist and union organizer of farm workers and to Robert Moses, an educator and founder of the Algebra Project which encourages ways to learn mathematics so that African American students can escape the “tracking system” in the United States. The 2003 recipient was David Protess who founded the Innocence Project which has been responsible for overturning the conviction of eight Illinois prisoners, four on death row. Protess is now working to set up a program to help “exonerated prisoners adjust to civilian life.14” Exhibits and Forums against the U.S. War in Iraq In November, 2004, The Puffin Room in New York City featured an exhibit called The Kingdom of Fear: Art and Propaganda of the American Empire. This artistic representation followed the revelations of torture and other abuses of Iraqi prisoners by U.S. military at the Abu Gharab prison. The art works of artists opposed to the war included depiction of a shrouded dark silhouette figure with hands spread out and white wire attached. The words 10,000 volts in your pocket, guilty or innocent were written under the drawing.

In December 2004, the Puffin Cultural Forum exhibited the Eyes Wide Open: Beyond Fear--Towards Hope. An Exhibition of the Iraq War in their small gallery in suburban Teaneck, New Jersey. Created by the American Friends Service Committee, Eyes Wide Open provides a “multimedia journey through the words, images, and sounds of the Iraq war. Visitors move through a vivid memorial to the war’s soldier and civilian victims, a searing expose of the statements told to the U.S. public to justify the war, a compelling outline of what the war is costing us at home, and finally to an interactive, easy way to contribute their voices to changing our country’s course toward peace.”15

7 http://www.puffinfoundation.org/grants/prospectiveapplicant.html The average grants are between $1,000-$2,500.

Several years ago, the author, in her capacity as Director of RightsWorks International received a small grant to help distribute books and other educational materials on human rights to elementary and secondary school students.

Along with the exhibit, a series of speakers throughout December included Kenneth Cain and Heidi Postlewait co-authors of Emergency Sex and other Desperate Measures: A True Story

8 The Foundation generally does not fund large documentary works, travel grants, continuing education or book writing.

Ibid. http://www.puffinfoundation.org/special/living.html

12 http://www.puffinfoundation.org/grants/special.html

9

13 Ibid.

http://www.puffinfoundation.org/grants/mission.html

10 http://www.puffinfoundation.org/forum/forumindex.html

14 http://www.puffinfoundation.org/special/creativecitizen.html

11 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

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from Hell on Earth revealing the dark side of United Nations Peacekeeping. A panel discussion on the The Human Costs of the War in Iraq included Erik Gustafson, Gulf War veteran and Executive Director of Education for Peace in Iraq; Irene Schneiweis, Program Coordinator of MADRE, working in Iraq with Iraqi women’s organizations; and Alex Ryabov, veteran Marine from March 2003 Iraq invasion and co-founder of Iraq Veterans Against the War. In another free, public event, composer and jazz musician David Amram and poet Frances Quinn lead a poetic, musical invesigation of the war in Iraq by performing anti-war poetry of Robert Bly, author of the new book The Insanity of Empire.

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peaceful change and social justice. The role of the artist and art in helping to express these goals is central to Puffin’s vision. From its recent support of a butterfly garden for a school in Hawthorne, New Jersey to anti-war exhibits and public forums, the Puffin Foundation is an example of how a small foundation sometimes on its own and at times working with other nonprofit organizations and community groups fosters cultures and communities of peace and human rights in a society dominated by war and violence.

The Puffin Cultural Forum concluded the series with two video presentations: Voices of Iraq (Magnolia Films, 2004). This documentary is based on the distribution of 150 video cameras to mothers, children, sheiks, even insurgent, across Iraq “to document their lives and hopes amidst the upheaval of a nation being born.”16 The Ground Truth: the Human Cost of War is a documentary examining the long term and often invisible effects the war is having on thousands of “nameless, undecorated Americans.”17 In March 2005, the Puffin Cultural Form organized a multi-media art exhibit called PatriART: Artists Defend Civil Liberties. Working with the American Civil Liberties Union-New Jersey the Puffin Forum issued a call to New Jersey Artists and filmmakers working in all media to submit work for the exhibit. PatriART has as its theme: “At no time in our nation’s history have our civil liberties been more imperiled.

Particularly in times of political reaction, artists are the conscience of the nation.

The works of PatriART will examine the post 9/11 assault on civil liberties by laws such as the PATRIOT Act and corollary immigration and Homeland Security legislation, and executive orders. We are calling upon New Jersey artists and filmmakers to answer the marketing of fear by the right-wing with their own visions of the human and civil rights that are at stake and what we are fighting to preserve for future generations.”18 Creating Spaces and Dialogues for Peace and Civil Liberties in Times of War Hundreds of thousands of Americans protested against the Iraqi War before President Bush’s final declaration. For the most part, their protests were ignored by both their Congress, the President and the local and national media. At a time when the popular culture is inundated with propaganda of violence and war and civil liberties are being undermined, The Puffin Foundation through its grants, exhibits, and public forums has created an environment for individuals who want to find common ground with others who oppose war and want to create avenues for

16 http:www.afsc.org/eyes/default.htm The Eyes Wide Open link includes an Iraq Peace Petition that demands ending the war in Iraq as well as comments made by vistors to the exhibits and upcoming dates and locations the exhibit will travel to throughout the United States such as the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis Tennessee, the National Cathedral in Washington D.C. and the Clinton Presidential Library in Little Rock, Arkansas.

17 http://www.puffin foundation.org/forum/calendar/dec.html 18 Ibid. The documentary is by Patricia Foulkrod and runs 30 minutes.

19 http://www.puffinfoundation.org/patriart.html

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! KYOKO OKUMOTO Secretary-general of TRANSCEND-Japan / Associate Professor at Osaka Jogakuin College, Japan “THE ROLE OF DRAMA FOR REGIONAL RECONCILIATION: “HO’O PONO PONO: PAX PACIFICA” PROPOSED BY JOHAN GALTUNG AND TRANSCEND-JAPAN” Key words: reconciliation / drama / TRANSCEND / Pax Pacifica Summary: The role of art for peace should be valued, and by examining Johan Galtung’s “PAX PACIFICA in Yokohama Harbor,” a drama for reconciliation in the Pacific, or more specifically, for East Asia, the importance of art for peace is discussed. In addition, peace museums in a wider definition should offer time and space for such projects. However, the delicate and complex issues involved in the project cannot be ignored, so improvement of the script (“Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica”) by TRANSCEND-Japan is now being experimented and how to do so is reported in the presentation.

Current Situations and Regional Reconciliation in North-East Asia, and the Power of Art In April this year, on weekends, people in China had so-called “anti-Japan demonstrations.”

Many of them turned out to be aggressive and many shops, restaurants, and also the Japanese embassy were attacked in big cities in China. There are many reasons for the movement, and much of it is (at least it seems to be) tacitly encouraged or controlled by the Chinese government for its political intentions. On the other hand, the Japanese government is also using this opportunity for its political intentions. Moreover, the Japanese government has displayed its arrogance toward China through the talks with Chinese politicians.

First of all, I believe that we cannot ignore the fact that there is still a huge gap between China and Japan about the recognitions of “history,” which is a major factor of the current tension. It includes the issue of history textbooks as many Chinese point out. This also applies to the relationship between the Korean peninsula and Japan. It is basically the same with Taiwan and other Asian countries too. This tragic situation requires true reconciliation in the region from many different aspects, and I believe that we also need to approach this issue from the point of view of art.

At the same time, it sometimes feels like nonsense to discuss these issues by perspectives of “stereotypes” such as “Chinese think in this way” or “Japanese have such a standpoint.”

There are different groups of people in China, in Japan, and in Korea, etc., and moreover,

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individuals have different opinions and approaches toward the issues of regional peace. However, in order to “resolve” the conflict, we must do something. How can we transcend such a dilemma?

This is what I am going to discuss in this presentation. Are there possibilities for art to play a role in regional reconciliation at all? In my presentation, the importance of the role of drama for peaceful reconciliation, along with that of peace museums, will be emphasized, but at the same time, the delicate and complex issues involved in the project are discussed.

TRANSCEND Directed by Johan Galtung, and His “Pax Pacifica” Johan Galtung, a director of TRANSCEND network, created the script of a play/drama for North-East Asia. The script is an “Epilogue” to one of his recent books Pax Pacifica. It emerged from his challenge of having a dialogue-based reconciliation play in a TRANSCEND workshop held in Yokohama three years ago. I do not intend to discuss all about its process of creation and the exact wordings, but shall summarize what it is about, and try to analyze it from my own perspective. Three of the members of TRANSCEND-Japan translated it into Japanese language, and also worked on the script in order to actually perform it on more coming occasions for the future-use in Japan, and named it “Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica,” with Dr. Galtung’s permission. I also make some suggestions later in the presentation to improve the script in order to make it more useful and effective.

What can art do to create peace? I was pondering such a question from the point of view of literature, when I first encountered TRANSCEND in 1998. TRANSCEND is an international NGO network which promotes conflict transformation by peaceful means (www.transcend.org).

The organization is directed by Johan Galtung who offers ideas without any compensation to people who desperately need to transform their conflict and to survive. One example of his proposals to the need is expressed in a form of collective recitation, “Pax Pacifica,” peace for the Pacific, or more specifically, for North-East Asia.

Hawaiian Form of Community Reconciliation Called Ho’o pono pono and “Pax Pacifica” Galtung was inspired by a Hawaiian form of reconciliation called “ho’o pono pono,” a Polynesian word meaning “setting right,” and created a play based on it. In his theory, reconciliation consists of both factors of closure and healing, and ho’o pono pono is a possible form of such creative reconciliation. “PAX PACIFICA in Yokohama Harbor” is written in the form of a recitation in which 13 actors basically read out their lines, and the audience listens to it. The “Wise Person” opens, directs and closes the whole process of the drama, and the other 12 actors categorized in 4 groups follow the process. The first group of three people are from Japan: a Japanese politician, a Japanese Zero Bomber, and a Japanese hibakusha woman. The next three are a US politician, a US Hiroshima Bomber, and a US Hawaiian. The third group is from the Korean peninsula: a Korean politician, a Korean “Comfort Woman”, and a Korean zainichi (Korean resident in Japan). The last group is from China and they are a Chinese politician, a Chinese Nanjing victim, and a Chinese Taiwanese.

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First, I shall introduce the script:

A Chronology for the play, and a Prologue to It, Both Produced by TRANSCEND-Japan

Prof. Johan Galtung: “PAX PACIFICA in Yokohama Harbor”

The members of TRANSCEND-Japan produced a simple “history map” or a chronology for the play for the audience. There exist different perspectives to a historical fact. This “map” is to share a “common” understanding of the complex histories of the North-East region of Asia, so that at least we can start from a certain common ground of understanding the fact. Here are the main points of the chronology.

Ho'o pono pono, setting right, is a Polynesian, and in this form Hawai'ian, approach to conflict transformation and reconciliation. Perpetrators, victims, some who are both, and some who are neither, sit around a table, chaired by a "Wise Person", and speak their mind.

There are five phases: [1] [2] [3] [4] [5]

establish the facts, what happened in the community of nations exploring why it happened, emphasising acts of commission sharing responsibility, also for acts of omission, apologising. a constructive, future-oriented program, based on [1], [2] & [3] declaring the conflict closed, symbolic burning of records.

The cast: 13 persons (national groups sit next to each other) Wise Person (WP) Japanese Politician Japanese Zero Bomber Japanese hibakusha, woman US Politician US Hiroshima Bomber US Hawai'ian Korean Politician Korean Comfort Woman Korean zainichi (Korean resident in Japan) Chinese Politician Chinese Nanjing victim Chinese Taiwanese The WP opens the ho'o pono pono with a statement of purpose. The ho'o pono pono then proceeds to phases [2], [3] and then [4]. Each participant has a statement in each phase; 1 + 36 all together. The following summarizes the statements to get the gist of what happened and could be done anywhere in the Hemisphere.

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In Order to Understand “Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica” <Chronology of the 15 Years War (1931~45)> 3 phases to understand “15 Years War” I: September, 1931 ~ July, 1937 II: July, 1937 ~ December, 1941 III: December, 1941 ~ September, 1945

The Manchurian Incident The China-Japan War The Asia-Pacific War

We also created and added a prologue to the main script, and the purposes of the prologue are to understand what Imperial Japan was, and its ambitions and achievements, and also to share the fact that the whole event began from 1889 when Meiji Constitution was created and its consequences continued until the end of the war and still continues to the present. Secondly, in order to create an atmosphere for reconciliation we provide, we try to use photographs of the memories of the past war and/or some kind of music to make people feel that they are here together for the same cause, reconciliation. For example, photographs can be a photograph of the remains of the building of the Imperial Japanese Government which used to stand in the center of Seoul. The building can be said to be a symbol of invasion. However, I believe Koreans are showing their resentment by setting the remains of the building in a small section of their Independence Hall, or, could it be a symbol of their “forgiveness”? Other examples could be a picture of Hiroshima Dome, or an illustration by painters, Iri and Toshi Maruki, in a picture book of Okinawa battles. Even though Okinawan people served Imperial Japan, they were often threatened by Japanese soldiers with their guns. They were the very victims of Imperial Japan.

Thirdly, the prologue tells the audience that the setting of the drama is as follows; players/actors sit in a circle with the Wise Person at the head, and as all the people present are getting ready to start the play, the music fades.

A Summary of Galtung’s Original “PAX PACIFICA in Yokohama Harbor” As mentioned before, in “Pax Pacifica” there are twelve “representatives,” and actors who play them are supposed to speak out from their own positions. There are three steps in the play. First, they speak out “what happened” from each point of view. This means that they explain their “act of commission” of their own and others’, and what kind of situation they were

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“forced” to be in during the Pacific War, 1931-1945. In so doing, many different perspectives appear and people understand the war was not just one event, but consisted of many facts for the many different parties involved. As Galtung illustrates, the Wise Person announces that actors are supposed to give a vivid testimony in the drama, all from their angles, proving again the truth of the well-known Kurosawa movie, Rashomon, how the same story has as many facets as it has humans living it, reflecting on it, and telling it.

In the second phase, they all have to realize what could have been done, even though they failed to do so. Galtung explains that we humans are not only what we do, and we are also what we do not do, what we fail to do, and what we should have done. He emphasizes that we all should have had more knowledge, more insight, we should have disobeyed orders at times, we should have resisted nonviolently, and we should have known how to do it. He calls it “act of omission.” In this step, people, then, reflect even deeper this time more on what they could have done but did not do, sharing the responsibility, apologizing. By realizing that they did not do enough especially before and during the war, they are led to apologize, and the whole process becomes a collective apology.

The third step in the process is to state what can be done in the future. All twelve actors in the script again suggest their ideas for the future from their own point of view. According to Galtung’s script, this is the last round. This step tries to tidy up the past through a reconciliation that heals the wounds and brings closure. Moreover, Galtung insists that real peace can only be found in togetherness, like in an East Asian Community (EAC) similar to the European Community (EC), today the European Union (EU), with an Organization for Security and Cooperation in Asia/Pacific (OSCAP), similar to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

Problems/Difficulties Found in the Japanese Cultural Context and the Solutions The whole process is full of insight, but in my understanding with the help of discussions with friends of TRANSCEND-Japan, there are some conflicts to be transformed when we practice this recitation. Because “Pax Pacifica” is based on “ho’o pono pono,” the Polynesian ceremonial process for reconciliation among community members, it requires from the very beginning a “spiritual” or ceremonial environment. When we tried to read out this script in workshops, some participants raised the point: “it is quite difficult for me to jump into this scenario.” For them whose daily life is filled with secular or irreligious matters, this kind of ceremonial approach gives them uncomfortable feelings simply because they are not used to it in their modern/postmodern everyday life. In order to solve the problem, TRANSCEND-Japan is now in the process of creating and adding another “act” to the drama. That will be before the first phase, where people see what happened during the time. This new act will hopefully provide the participants including actors and the audience an atmosphere where they can trust each other and believe that they have something in common so that they want to sit around the same table, and their common goal is to create a new and peaceful future for the region together.

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Another point that some workshop participants questioned about “Pax Pacifica” was that between the first step and the second step they felt that there was a huge gap of thought.

They stated that they cannot simply “believe” that people can jump from the first step to the second. In the first step, they are supposed to realize what they have done, or what the situations were to them. This, according to the participants, was easy to do. In the second step, however, all of a sudden they say that they “felt as if they were forced to apologize.” To admit “act of commission” was rather acceptable in the first phase, but to learn about “act of omission” demanded enormous self-exposure, and participants abruptly felt that it was too much to do, thinking “this never happens in reality!”

This point is related to the next conflict as well. Some people insisted that this “Pax Pacifica” violates individual human rights. By “labeling” or “stereotyping” each representative, and also, by leaving other possible parties out, they say that the script ignores individuality. This point makes sense, but from one perspective, when you strictly follow this line, you will eventually find yourself unable to say anything at all. In fact, you will never be allowed to “speak out” for somebody else, because you are not that person. If you would like to challenge to change society and the world, then what you might have to do is to systematically figure out what this world consists of. That is what Galtung’s “Pax Pacifica” intends to do, in order to grasp the structure of the conflict in the North-East Asia and the Pacific. However, as TRANSCEND-Japan friends say, it is also true that stereotyping is dangerous.

In order to solve the two conflicts above, TRANSCEND-Japan is now suggesting to create and add another “act” here again, between the first step of the process and the second. Our idea is to put as many “voices” as possible, of each representative in the play. For example, a hibakusha woman might state her deep and inner sentiments, which are conflicting in herself, like “I can understand that we should never have let the government lead us into that disastrous war. We did not do enough to resist Imperial Japan, so we need to apologize. However, deep in my heart, I hear a cry that I AM the victim of the whole event!” By showing each delicate conflicting “voice”, maybe we can reduce the level of negative tension that some participants had and felt during the workshops.

This solution which TRANSCEND-Japan attempts to develop indicates another important point. It is about possibilities of having a “dialogue” on stage among actors through the drama.

Actors as human beings have to perform the drama with their spirit and soul, so that the dialogue will eventually spread among the audience off the stage as well. In other words, when people see actors “read-out” the play, and having “dialogue” through their lines filled with honest inner voices, I am sure that this dramatic experience will also give the audience a chance or motivation that they need to further communicate with others on the topic outside the theatre space. The role of art, I believe, is about such power. When you know how to handle the power of art for peaceful directions, it would expand the network of dialogues and the communication line will connect more people more deeply. Art also requires people to be imaginative and creative, so that dialogues will be filled with understanding, cooperation, and furthermore, I strongly hope, reconciliation.

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“THE ROLE OF DRAMA FOR REGIONAL RECONCILIATION: “HO’O PONO PONO: PAX PACIFICA” PROPOSED BY JOHAN GALTUNG AND TRANSCEND-JAPAN”

The Meaning of “Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica”

Reference

Come to think of the fact that neither sincere apologies, nor any form of reconciliation has happened in North-East Asia yet, Japan, particularly, has to play leading but humble role in the process. The primary reason is that Japan is supposed to be one of the most victimizing parties in the Pacific and North-East Asia during the past tragedy. Although TRANSCEND insists of all the parties’ responsibilities of “act of commission” and “act of omission,” so that all the people who are involved in the tragedy are claimed to be somewhat responsible, nobody would disagree with the fact that Imperial Japan was the invader. In such a situation, TRANSCEND-Japan understands that Japan should be leading some kind of movement to make this reconciliation process happen. Therefore, TRANSCEND-Japan has received Galtung’s “Pax Pacifica,” translated it, edited it for readers in Japan to understand it more easily and comfortably, and titled it “Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica.” We are now using the script in different TRANSCEND workshops that we hold from time to time in Japan. Also, we are ready to improve it by the ideas and comments raised by workshop participants.

Johan Galtung, “Epilogue: PAX PACIFICA in Yokohama Harbor.” 2002.

KYOKO OKUMOTO

As I mentioned earlier, one thing I noticed about the Japanese government concerning the situation is its arrogance. The minister of Foreign Affairs (Machimura) was interviewed by Japanese media the other day, and he replied: “I am telling Chinese people that we should not look at the history in a narrow aspect. Our mutual history/relationship is not only about those 60 or more years around WWII, but we have been sharing a long history. I am trying to remind them of this fact.” This statement can be translated as follows: “Even though we ‘invaded your country’ or ‘did a little bit of harm to you,’ it is not the only thing which lies between us. We created more than that. Let’s not focus so much on the invasion, (and maybe forget it!?,) and construct a positive future together.” This should NOT be the lines/words from an invader, a victimizer. Only when victims send this kind message to the victimizers, can victimizers appreciate it and apologize once more again and again. You must be really sensitive about the order and be sure that perpetrators should wait until victims kindly forgive them, I believe. We need to do something about this confused situation sooner or later.

Finally, my proposal is to hold a session/sessions of “Pax Pacifica” at peace museums. In my understanding, peace museums should NOT be a dead space, but should be as alive and active as possible. In South Korea, there is an interesting movement mobilized by peace museum activists, such as Prof. Hongkoo Han. Even though they do not yet have a museum building in a physical sense, they go out in the street and perform or “exhibit” art of peace. As another example, the Japan-based NGO called PeaceBoat organizes cruises around the world and offers time and space to participants to discuss and think about peace issues as well as organizing other peace projects. In this wider sense of understanding what peace museums should be, the play “Ho’o pono pono: Pax Pacifica” could be performed in such “peace museums.” It is because, I believe, that they are sure to provide an atmosphere of sending out and receiving peace messages, so “dialogues” or communication among the drama itself, actors, and the audience (museum-goers) will be hopefully deepened.

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! YASUO KAWABATA President of “Friends of Peace” “THE ROLE OF DRAMA FOR REGIONAL RECONCILIATION: “HO’O PONO PONO: PAX PACIFICA” PROPOSED BY JOHAN GALTUNG AND TRANSCEND-JAPAN” Yasuo Kawabata is the president of “Friends of Peace”, a Japanese citizens’ volunteer group, which is working for peace hand in hand with the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University, and also the president of the Association for Building “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto”. He is a member of the Citizens’ Mixed Chorus Group for Peace Singing “Devil’s Gluttony”.

Abstract Activities of a Japanese citizen’s mixed chorus group for peace in Japan and China is briefly introduced. The chorus group devotedly sings a suite entitled “Devil’s Gluttony” composed on the basis of a famous historical novel authored by Seiichi Morimura which sharply accused Japanese Unit 731 of its inhumane conducts in China during Japan’s 15-Year War (1931-1945).

The chorus group performed in many different places in Japan and China, and contributed to create mutual understanding and solidarity for peace by giving deep impressions. This report also introduces activities of high school students in cooperation with the citizens in Kyoto to establish a Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto, which successfully built and unveiled the statue on the Children’s Day (5 May) of 2003 at the Kyoto Museum for World Peace.

1. The Activities of a Japanese Mixed Chorus Group for Peace Singing the Suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” 1.1 The root of “The Devil’s Gluttony” The suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” is based on the historical documentary novel of the same title authored by a well-known Japanese novelist Mr.Seiichi Morimura, who succeeded in sharply accusing Japanese military unit 731 stationed in China of its extraordinarily inhuman conducts for developing chemical and biological weapons to be used in so-called “15-Year War” which began in 1931 by the Manchurian Incident and ended in 1945 by Japan’s unconditional surrender.

The Unit 731 mainly stationed in the north-eastern part of mainland China, and even conducted cruel inhuman experiments using living human bodies of Chinese, Korean and Russian POWs. The Unit called those people who were sent to the human experiments “Marta” which means in Japanese “a log”. Morimura impressively revealed the inhumanity of the Unit 731’s conducts in his historical documentary work entitled “The Devil’s Gluttony”, which later became the base of a mixed chorus suite of the same title. Morimura wrote a long poem consisting of 17 chapters, which was later edited to a shorter poem consisting of 7 chapters by Mr.Shin-ichiro Ikebe, a Japanese distinguished composer, in cooperation with Kobe Municipal Center Chorus Group for mixed chorus suite. Ikebe gave a melody to the edited poem at the request of the Kobe Municipal Center Chorus Group, and was first performed in 1984. Since then, the suite

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was performed in many different parts of Japan and China, and has been contributing to create solidarity and mutual understanding for peace.

1.2 Moving Experiences in Japan and China Activities in Japan 1990 was the year commemorating the 40th anniversary of the establishment of the JapanChina Friendship Association, when “Concert throughout Japan” started. The concerts have been carried out 16 times as of 2005 in different places in Japan, which were conducted by Ikebe himself and were followed by a talk with Morimura. Audiences and singers are deeply moved by the well-sharpened poems and the abundantly imaginative melodies, and my will to participate in the chorus has always been stimulated.

Concert in Kyoto (July 1996) was attended by some 2,200 people, even more than the seating capacity of the concert hall. On the very day of the concert, there was a big assembly of mothers for peace and progress in Kyoto, but the both projects were very successful irrespective of my worry. One of the important reasons of the success of the Kyoto Concert was the creation of the citizens’ chorus group in prior to the concert, which was participated by, for example, an ex-soldier sent to China in wartime who now feels that he cannot die without singing the suite, although he cannot read score. Another participant of the chorus group was a man who had been asked by a war-displaced Japanese orphan brought up in China to make utmost efforts for the friendship between Chinese and Japanese people. Participation of these people with special sentiment contributed to deepen the attachment of the members of the chorus group to this peace-oriented musical performance. We experienced a number of moving episodes in the process of preparation of the concerts.

Activities in China – Concerts at Harbin and Shenyang It was in August 1998 when we visited China. The chorus group consisted of some 240 members including Morimura, Ikebe, chorus members and the supporters. The second visit is scheduled in coming August. Prior to the concert, the members visited the memorial museum in which testimonies of the survivors and a large quantity of ashes are exhibited. One of the female members lamented in front of the museum building and could never enter. These experiences renewed the members’ feeling toward the poem and the music. We were very much strained in front of the families of the victims of Japanese military unit 731, but it was only an unnecessary anxiety.surprise to At that time, people of Harbin were at the great difficulty due to the flood disaster, but the concert hall was almost packed to capacity. The music and the poem whose Chinese translation was shown on the screen moved the audience. Interpreter told us that a number of audience including a family member of a student now studying in Japan had conveyed their honest feeling of surprise to have found that there are such Japanese citizens who are sincerely facing to the past inhuman conducts done by the Japanese military forces. One of the family members of the victim responded to the Morimura’s speech by saying “Friendship between China and Japan is higher than Mt.Fuji and broader and longer than Changchiang River.” Another survivor handed to the leader of the chorus group a hanging scroll of his own calligraphy reading

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“Messengers for friendship are the light for peace.” We were much moved by their generosity, because they used the words in their speech “on behalf of all the victims”, and we again and again understood the significance of the suite “The Devil’s Gluttony.”

The following is one of the countless episodes we experienced during our stay in China.

At the Shenyang Airport, we discovered a banner reading “Hearty Welcome to the Chorus Group from Kyoto and the Supporters”, which was prepared by a Chinese student I know who is studying in Kyoto staying by chance at his home town with his family.

1.3 A “Kern”for Peace Was Built – Fruits of the Chorus “The Devil’s Gluttony” A Contribution to the Singing Voice Movement Advocating “Singing Voice Is Driving Force of Peace” Music itself has no political power, but a harmonious collaboration in the form of chorus to make up a musical performance in unison often creates a cooperative spirit, courage and will for life. Music has a power to appeal to the human spirit – Ikebe often says so.

In 1954, for example, when U.S. hydrogen bomb tests were conducted in Bikini Atolls with serious results of a Japanese fisherman’s death and the radioactive contamination of the Pacific Ocean, there took place a strong anti-nuclear movement in Japan and abroad, in which a famous song “Never Allow Atomic Bombs” was given birth and has been being widely sung to date by the citizens in peace movement.

In the postwar society in Japan, “Singing Voice Movement” was organized and has been making enormous efforts to express people’s desire for peace and to encourage citizen’s movements, but the chorus suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” is a very new one in that the music is strongly accusing the Japanese military force in China of its inhumanity. The music is an epochmaking one because it is trying to make a break-through in the Japanese people’s sentiment to sidestep the responsibility of that invasive war. I highly evaluate the insight shown by the Kobe Municipal Center Chorus Group who first tried to deepen citizen’s historical recognition through music, and also deeply thank to Morimura and Ikebe for their active cooperation. In recent years, another chorus suite about the Nanjing Massacre Incident in 1937 was composed, and the chorus group visited China several times with heart-felt welcome by the Chinese people.

When we were talking about a new chorus suite next to “The Devil’s Gluttony”, September 11 Incident occurred in the U.S. Morimura and Ikebe cooperated to make another chorus suite entitled “Criteria of Justice” which is proposing agenda to overcome present crises that confront humanity by making use of varieties of musical methods to clarify the image of the poem. Since the first performance in 2002, the suite has sometimes been performed in the concert with “The Devil’s Gluttony.” In the Kyoto Concert, we sung “Amazing Grace” in addition to those two chorus suites. Kyoto Singing Voice Association recently invited “Message for Peace” from 3,000 citizens, and spun those messages into more than 20 peace songs. In April, a big event was held in Kyoto to celebrate the success of this peace message project and to create a new wave of peace-oriented activities in the field of music.

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Hoping to Unite Two Streams of Chorus Movement in Japan There are two major streams of chorus movement in Japan, “Singing Voice Movement” and “Japan Chorus Association”. There are, of course, many chorus groups which belong neither.

These two organizations have been independently making efforts to promote culture of music in Japan. But, in the 13th Concert of “The Devil’s Gluttony”, a piece of music of the chorus suite was jointly performed by the members of “Singing Voice Movement” and “Japan Chorus Association”. It was the first time for the chorus group who won the Grand Prix in the contest organized by Japan Chorus Association jointly performed “The Devil’s Gluttony”, and it was also the first time for the members of “Singing Voice Movement” to perform the chorus under the baton of the conductor of “Japan Chorus Association”. I felt that it could be a magical power of the chorus suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” to create a cooperative opportunity between two streams.

Citizens Fascinated by the Mixed Chorus Suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” The exquisite combination of poems and melodies is the common element which moved audience everywhere. After the concert, we always had some citizens who wanted to participate in this peace-oriented chorus movement, and the number of members has been increasing with extended exchange of friendship.

It is often said that the author of a work is usually freed from the work, but in the case of “The Devil’s Gluttony”, situations are a bit different. Morimura and Ikebe seem to have been becoming more and more deeply involved in this chorus movement. Ikebe often said that he never loses interest in this chorus movement because he finds something new every time he conducts the chorus because he can have fresh and unexpected experiences about the emotional excitement of the audience and the singers.

We have had varieties of singers on the stage including a man older than 80 years old, junior and senior high school students, an elementary school pupil (although participated in part), a university student who once stood on the stage as a high school student, etc. Some senior high school students who took part in the chorus organized a special exhibition of the Unit 731. Ikebe and other members have been encouraged by the positive actions of the young people who came to the concerts. The chorus suite “The Devil’s Gluttony” seems to have a power to urge people to think what can be done by themselves for peace. I think that the Morimura’s historical document “The Devil’s Gluttony” obtained a new power by getting a musical expression. His document is very extensive and full of atrocious descriptions, not so easy to read through. But the poems written by the author himself and edited by joint efforts of the composer and the chorus members consist of refined and concentrated expressions about the historical inhumanity, leading people to think of their own resolution for future (Chapter 7) on the extended line of the recognition of inhumanity of Japanese military forces and repentance (Chapter 1-6). People are wrapped in a moving atmosphere created by a miracle power of musical art.

The composer Ikebe said that he is hoping to live in a world in which such music is not necessary, but there are so many grave situations against peace in the present world. I believe we must continue to sing for peace. I know that there is a voice in Japan that the chorus suite

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“The Demon’s Gluttony” should be performed next to the performance of Beethoven’s Symphony No.9 which is almost the established annual event in Japan participated by so many citizens’ chorus groups throughout the nation. The people who have been fascinated by this chorus suite “The Demon’s Gluttony” could be the promoter to disseminate the creative power of music for peace.

2. Activities for Building a “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto” 2.1 About the “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto” International movement to build children’s statues for peace started from a statue of a girl victimized by atomic bombing in Hiroshima. The model of the statue now standing in the Hiroshima Peace Park is Sadako Sasaki who was exposed to radiations on 6 August 1945.

The name Sadako is now widely known among the people on the globe like Anne Frank.

When a U.S. peace activist visited Hiroshima, she was shocked by a question of a Japanese junior high school student “Is there any peace statue like Sadako’s Statue?”. When the activist talked her experience to the primary school pupils when she came back to the States, children who know the sad story of Sadako initiated a movement to establish a statue. Five years later in 1993, they at last succeeded to build a Children’s Statue for World Peace. Next year, children who participated in the movement visited Japan, and talked about their dream to build such statues all around the world in the assembly of the Japanese senior high school students.

Japanese senior high school students then organized new movements to establish children’s statues in Japan. They learnt much about the experience of a movement which successfully established a peace monument named “Statue of a Long-sleeved Kimono Girl” on the roof garden of the Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum in 1996. The model of the statue is a girl who was victimized by the atomic bombing on Nagasaki on 9 August 1945, and the girl’s mother living in Kyoto Prefecture fervently wished to build a Jizo, a Buddhist guardian deity, for repose of the soul of her daughter. Her wish was realized by the joint efforts of the Japanese junior high school students in the local community. The statue of a long-sleeved kimono girl was made based on a picture painted by her mother.

The senior high school students’ movement resulted in the establishment of “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Tokyo” in May 2001, and “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Hiroshima” in August 2001. The movement in Kyoto started in the fall of 2001, and called to the citizens for designs of the statue and contributions. “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto” was finally completed in 2003, and the unveiling ceremony was conducted on the Children’s Day (5 May) of that year at the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University.

We made negotiations with the City Authorities asking them to offer us a appropriate site to establish the statue, but they refused our request on the ground that they cannot offer any public space to any specific private group. Then, the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University, offered us a space in the museum. Later, the Kyoto Center of Education and Culture offered us a space for eternal exhibition, and the original resin statue was decided to be set up in the Kyoto Museum for World Peace. Many specialists voluntarily cooperated with us in the process of manufacturing the statue, and we later knew that one of them had a policy to donate 40% of his income to the citizens’ organizations.

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We know that there are a number of artists who have will to cooperate with the movement against nuclear weapons.

2.2 Creative Activities of Children Many students of primary, junior high and senior high schools visit Kyoto Museum for World Peace every year. Some schools carry out earnest advance studies before the visit to the museum, and others promote ex post facto studies including an effort to express what they learnt at the museum by dramas. There are senior high schools in Kyoto which organize gatherings in which students make presentations about what they felt and thought in the museum. One of the junior high schools manufactured a very big replica of Picaso’s Gernika and hung it on the wall.

3. Conclusion The publication of the monthly photo journal, DAYS JAPAN, was commenced in April 2004 with its editor-in-chief, photographer Ryuichi Hirokawara. To initiate this publication, 144 people, including Professor Anzai, one of our primary donors, contributed 100,000 Japanese yen (about US$900) each. Today, the number of our contributors has increased to over 200.

Every issue features various social and political issues from around the world: • • • • • • • • • • •

War without great cause Hopeless Palestine The Korean Peninsula / Ceasefire line War against terrorism Okinawa under occupation / Military bases and Nuclear arms Koreans and other Asians living in Japan Year 2004 through photographs Contamination by drugs Human traffic in Japan AIDS Jews in the occupied territory

The cover of every issue includes the statements that express our goal: “ The day should come when human beings stop fighting” and “A photo may move a nation.”

In April 2005, the Kyoto Museum for World Peace at Ritsumeikan University was renewed, and a new exhibition space—an annex of Mugon-kan Museum in Nagano Prefecture—was opened to exhibit works by art students who died in battle. The Museum in this renewal appeals to its visitor in its motto: “peace is the condition, in which there is no violence, there is no war.”

It also states that, “Violence involves direct violence, structural violence, and cultural violence.

Cultural violence promotes direct and structural violence, and refers to a culture that justifies violence“. Many messages on peace are being expressed throughout the world. Among them, I was strongly moved by two.

One is a song about love entitled, “From the bottom of heart,” collaboratively composed by an Israeli singer of Israel and a Palestinian musician. The song was simultaneously broadcasted

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by the Israel Army Broadcast in Israel and by the Palestinian Radio Broadcast in Palestine. It was said that children in both countries sang the song together on that occasion.

The other is a story about Hon Song Tan, a Korean artist, who made woodblock prints and impressed many people around the world. He was arrested and thrown into prison according to the State Security Law in Korea. Amnesty International selected him as one of the “three suffering prisoners with world conscience” (in 1991). I saw his woodprints in Okinawa in March this year, and was strongly impressed.

I am encouraged by these expressions of peace.

Our actions, though seemingly small and insignificant, must become big like an international social forum. There are many obstacles, but I hope and believe in the wisdom of human beings.

THE DEVIL’S GLUTTONY (POEM) A Cantata From a poem by Morimura Sei-ichi Music composed by Ikebe Shin-ichiro Arranged by the Kobe Municipal Chorus Group (The poem refers repeatedly to “Martas.” These are the prisoners at Unit 731’ medical experiment camp. “Marta” is the Japanese word for log. The Japanese in Unit 731 dehumanized their victims, treating them as mere objects for their experiments, and identified them only as log #1, log #2, etc.)

1 Prologue The Heavy Chains of Unit 731 Twelve miles from Harbin, In the district of Heibo.

Hell on earth, twenty square miles fenced-off What happened in Unit 731?

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No one tried to answer, No one tried to speak.

3. What made you do it?

It’s too heavy a burden to die without speaking.

The Martas’ ghosts at your pillow every night.

You quit being human then.

Will you go to the grave so?

Not a human.

Surely you feel the need to speak, If there’s even a fragment of humanity left in you.

Twelve miles from Harbin, In the district of Heibo.

Hell on earth, twenty square miles fenced-off.

What happened in Unit 731?

Ask yourself, Japanese.

1.1 We Deliver Live Subjects 1. Take your pick, we’ve got them all.

Men, women, young and old.

Large, medium, small, thin, fat.

White, yellow, we’ve got them all.

Chinese, Russians, Mongolians, Koreans.

Take any subject for your experiments.

2. Welcome to Unit 731. How about some sicknesses?

Do any experiment you desire, We’ve got the full line of sicknesses.

Cholera, typhus, dysentery, plague.

Lockjaw, smallpox, syphilis.

Virus and Rickettsia.

Name your sickness, we’ve got it

1. Why did you stop?

Why did you stop being a human being?

Pity the Martas who were killed.

Pity the youth who were dissected alive.

Infinite possibilities, squashed in the bud.

Who killed the Martas?

Who chopped up the youth?

3. For the Martas who survived the sickness, A frostbite experiment.

Starvation, dehydration, electrical shock, burns-experiments.

Injection of air into veins, Reversal of the position of the stomach and intestine, Transfusions with horse blood and monkey blood, At Unit 731, any experiment you desire is possible.

2. Why didn’t you refuse?

Couldn’t you refuse their order of madness?

Strict orders from General IshiiTake the secret of Unit 731 to your death.

Heavy chains bind you, who held the bloody scalpel.

4. For the Martas, ravaged by frostbite, A poison gas experiment.

No wasted Martas at Unit 731.

Doctors who want to do something great.

Come to Unit 731.

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1.2 Red Chinese Shoes 1. If you see my daughter, tell her this: Your father cannot keep his promise, His promise to come home in the autumn, and Watch the moon with you.

2. If you meet my daughter, give her these shoes.

Your father can leave you nothing more.

Put them on, and walk, Walk as far you can.

3. Walking alone will be hard, For you who are only ten.

But your father cannot walk with you.

You who must walk alone so young, Wear these shoes, my only gift to you.

1.3 Rebellion The Martas rose up.

If you want to shoot us, then shoot!

We are not logs, release us!

Release us, or give us death.

Martas are guinea pigs!

Rather then live as guinea pigs, We would die as human beings.

The soldiers knew.

They knew they were unjust.

They heard, They heard the Martas’ pleas.

The Martas rose up, Rose up as human beings.

And then their wish was realized.

Death.

Rather than living as a Marta, Death as a person.

Pride, pride, In the leap to death.

1.4 A wake in the thirty-seventh year 1. I held the stop watch, In the glass chamber were the Martas,

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YASUO KAWABATA

Russian mother and a child.

Born and raised here, The girl is four, with dark brown hair.

She buried her face in her mother, Marta.

The child Marta raises her face, Those innocent eyes.

Narration: Poisonous gas will be sprayed into the chamber.

The seconds are counted down.

5,4,3,2,1 Spray!

2. I started using the stop watch.

The Russian mother Marta, Holds her child to her breast.

The cyanide gas hissed out.

Mother covered her child from the enveloping gas.

The mother Marta used her body as a shield.

The child Marta, covered by the gas.

Those eyes that knew nothing.

3. Why could you press the stop watch?

Why couldn’t you disobey?

Why didn’t you think of your wife and your child?

Why? Why were you able to open your eyes and watch them?

I killed the Russian mother and her child Martas.

Ohhh…

That moment, the child’s clear eyes.

I mourn, but my tears late.

Thirty-seven years later, I mourn, but my tears are too late.

1.5 Friends, Bring White Flowers Martas are people.

Each has his own country, His wife, his children.

Each is loved by someone.

As each loves his own country, We loved our country.

1. Live, brothers.

Live, until the moment you are killed.

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Even if we have no tomorrows, The next generation has its tomorrows.

Let’s believe that the sun will shine in, Even into this dark jail.

2. My wife and child.

Someday I want you to visit this land.

Then, there will be no horrid scars People will forget their old spites.

YASUO KAWABATA

“THE ROLE OF DRAMA FOR REGIONAL RECONCILIATION: “HO’O PONO PONO: PAX PACIFICA” PROPOSED BY JOHAN GALTUNG AND TRANSCEND-JAPAN”

YASUO KAWABATA

We must sing songs to remember Unit 731.

Only whispering is not enough.

We must not be covered by darkness.

Let’s tell it for all to hear, for we are human.

Let’s sing it for all to hear so that we won’t forget the crime.

For the future, For the future.

4. (Repetition of number 1.)

In the sky there will be the bright sun.

And on the earth, there will be a gathering of friends.

3. Friends, loved ones.

If you cannot find our graves, Just strew the earth with white flowers.

As proof that people have quit killing one another, Bury the earth in white flowers.

Make the Martas’ death a lesson of history.

Pledge to end war forever one another.

1.6 You Should Watch 1. You should watch.

Even if you want to turn away, you must not.

You should watch.

Let’s believe that men are wise and good.

We must not hand science to the Devil.

Let’s work together to preserve the wisdom of man, We must not be alone.

Let’s get together and work together.

2. You should listen.

Even if you want to cover your ears, you must not do so.

You should listen.

If you hide your wrong, Someday you will do wrong again.

Tragic memories will fade.

Let’s work together so as not to forget the lessons of history.

Let’s be a small stone.

Let’s form a great cairn pledging eternal peace.

3. Let’s sing songs.

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! RYOKO YAMAGUCHI Teacher of Doshisha Junior High School in Kyoto

PEACE EDUCATION IN JAPAN: THE CASE OF DOSHISHA JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL

RYOKO YAMAGUCHI

To move the body is very important to know oneself as a human being.

Talking with Mr. Sasaki more and folding paper cranes together

PEACE EDUCATION IN JAPAN: THE CASE OF DOSHISHA JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL YAMAGUCHI Ryoko is a teacher of Doshisha Junior High School in Kyoto, Japan and also the member of the Association for Building “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto”. She is a member of the Citizens’ Mixed Chorus Group for Peace Singing “Devil’s Gluttony”.

1 In English Class The students read these stories in class and learn the heart of peace and non-violent ways of thinking. Sadako’s story: Sadako is a symbol of the victims in Hiroshima. The story of Martin Luther King Jr. and his speech “I have a dream”. Every year, the third year students (age 15) learn and recite this speech. Allen Nelson’s booklet: “You Don’t Know War ~ It’s Because of Article 9~” Allen Nelson used to be a US Marine and experienced the Vietnam War at the age of 18. Through his experiences in the Vietnam War, he completely changed his way of thinking.

And now he is working for non-violence and peace. We made his lecture into this booklet and students read this in class. This booklet is used throughout Japan.

2 Promotion of Human Rights in Doshihsa Junior High School Once a year we have a special event to promote human rights.

We invited Mr. SASAKI Masahiro, Sadako’s brother on this day. Students listened to his performance of Sadako’s story and had time to talk about Sadako’s memories, Atomic bombs, the nuclear problem and the war in Iraq last November.

We had 9 courses for field work.

Visiting Ritsumeikan International Peace Museum and Korai Museum Visiting a handicapped people’s workshop Visiting Korea Town in Osaka Learning about the history of Korean People in Japan Listening to the lecture of Photographer Mr. Nakagawa, a graduate of Doshisha Junior High School, who is working to clear land mines in Cambodia Learning about the legal problems for foreigners in Kyoto , Japan Studying about Okinawa, which is greatly under US military control.

Dance Workshop

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! CONCHA MARTÍNEZ LATRE Museo de Zaragoza “EL MUSEO, EL BARRO Y LA TOLERANCIA.” RESUMEN Aparentemente un museo de bellas artes, o más en concreto de cerámica, no tendría una relación directa con el tema de la paz. Pero cualquier montaje museístico es idoneo para abordar el trabajo de temas educativos transversales como la tolerancia, el racismo, la xenofobia o la paz. Todo reside en los objetivos que enmarcan el diseño de las actividades y de los materiales didácticos que se proponen a los grupos de visitantes, así como en la metodología seguida durante su visita.

La sección de cerámica del Museo de Zaragoza intenta una aproximación a esos supuestos con la actividad que lleva a cabo desde 1991.

INTRODUCCIÓN El Museo de Zaragoza se creó en 1848, si bien su nacimiento es algo anterior; en concreto debe su origen a la formación en 1835 de la Comisión Artística de la Real Academia de Nobles y Bellas Artes de San Luis, encargada de acoger el patrimonio eclesiástico que la desamortización de Mendizábal desvinculó de la tutela de la iglesia.

Desde sus inicios, semejantes a los de tantos otros museos provinciales de nuestro país, fue acrecentando sus colecciones siguiendo el ritmo de la activación museológica sometida a los cambios en la acción patrimonializadora de la sociedad.

Se formó así un museo generalista con amplia diversidad en sus fondos: antigüedades, bellas artes, ciencias naturales, etnología y cerámica, principalmente.

La ubicación de las colecciones fue itinerante por diferentes edificios de la ciudad, hasta que con motivo del Primer Centenario de Los Sitios de Zaragoza, en 1908, se construyeron varios edificios de nueva planta en la Huerta de Santa Engracia, solar sin urbanizar que acogió todas las manifestaciones de la Exposición Hispano-Francesa. Uno de esos edificios tenía como objetivo albergar al museo.

“Los Sitios” de Zaragoza es el modo de nombrar un episodio bien significativo dentro de las guerras napoleónicas que tuvieron como escenario el territorio español en los primeros años del siglo XIX. En el caso de nuestra ciudad, Zaragoza, fue sometida a sendos asedios que dieron lugar a multitud de gestos y hechos cotidianos que daban fe de la resistencia de los habitantes frente a la ocupación extranjera. Todo lo que sucedió en aquellos asedios se recogió bajo el título de Los Sitios de Zaragoza, inspirando obras literarias, composiciones musicales y manifestaciones artísticas de todo tipo. Al cumplirse cien años de esa fecha, la ciudad optó1 por una conmemoración que subrayará una nueva relación de vecindad con el

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país francés. Fue una celebración festiva con una magna “exposición hispano-francesa” que organizó todo tipo de eventos en los que se apostaba por unas amistosas relaciones entre ambos lados de la frontera pirenaica.

Resulta bien interesante que la consolidación del Museo de Zaragoza tuviera como marco una actitud pacifista, avant la page. Si bien puede decirse que hubo una combinación de muchas otras razones, además de los sentimientos de reconciliación.

En las nuevas salas del museo se distribuyeron las colecciones de cerámica, tanto en las secciones de antigüedades, como en las de bellas artes. Su cronología abarcaba desde la prehistoria hasta la cerámica del siglo XX. En la década de los 80 del pasado siglo se decidió reconvertir una de las dos secciones que el museo tenía en el Parque Grande de Zaragoza. Se trataba de dos pequeñas edificaciones levantadas en 1956, siguiendo la estela de los museos escandinavos y centroeuropeos de orientación etnológica al aire libre. Las construcciones reproducían una casa pirenaica y una casa de la serranía de Albarracín, respectivamente. Fue esta última la que se remodeló, vaciándola de las colecciones de ciencias naturales, y adaptándola a exhibir las piezas cerámicas dispersas por las salas de bellas artes del museo de la Pza. de Los Sitios.

Cuando abrió sus puertas el nuevo Museo de Cerámica, el 18 de mayo de 1991, Día Internacional de los Museos, el montaje museístico había incorporado elementos valiosos para convertirlo en un eficaz recurso didáctico desde el que abordar temas como el etnocentrismo, la tolerancia, la interculturalidad o la xenofobia.

EL MUSEO DE CERÁMICA. El museo tiene tres plantas. La planta baja se dedica a dos visiones generales: Función y Evolución. La planta primera a las piezas provenientes de los tres alfares más representativos de Aragón dentro de la producción de cerámica decorada (Muel, Teruel y Villafeliche). Y la última planta recoge una muestra de alfarería popular elaborada por todo el territorio de la comunidad aragonesa.

El material didáctico que se trabaja en el museo con los grupos escolares de 4º y 5º de E.P. se diseñó con un claro objetivo de incidir en temas transversales, que las sucesivas leyes educativas de nuestro país subrayaban como fundamentales para la educación en valores de nuestros chicos y chicas.

UNIVERSALIDAD. En la recepción del grupo y ante la “vitrina función” se trabaja la importancia de un material que se extiende por todo nuestro planeta, con valor económico mínimo y unas virtudes plásticas que le posibilitan una diversidad funcional extraordinaria.

1 En realidad hubo una auténtica confrontación entre los sectores sociales más conservadores y los progresistas, encabezados estos últimos por el Presidente de la Cámara de Comercio de la ciudad Basilio Paraiso muy próximo al regeneracionismo de Joaquín Costa, pues junto a él había liderado la Unión Nacional en 1899. Triunfó la opción de los sectores más avanzados del comercio, la industria, la universidad y la prensa, y Paraiso fue el encargado de orientar la celebración al margen de recuerdos guerreros para subrayar los propósitos de paz y reconciliación; y también los deseos de buenas relaciones comerciales y culturales con la vecina República. La reivindicación del ferrocarril a Francia por el Somport (Canfranc) tuvo también su espacio en la conmemoración (Forcadell, C: 2004)

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Se reflexiona sobre estos temas, así como se repara en los elementos compartidos por culturas tan diversas y alejadas; se analizan piezas concretas y demuestran su nivel de comprensión por medio de un trabajo personal de observación y síntesis.

ETNOCENTRISMO. La “vitrina evolución”, también en la planta baja del edificio, está secuenciada en dos bloques. El primero recoge las piezas de alfares aragoneses desde la produción neolítica hasta la árabe. El otro bloque de la vitrina presenta cerámicas de Manises, Talavera, Puente del Arzobispo, Alcora, Buen Retiro y unas cuantas piezas de Francia e Inglaterra de los siglo XVIIIXIX. El primer bloque, el aragonés, muestra bien a las claras las sucesivas innovaciones tecnológicas que fueron perfeccionando la producción ceramista. Y, justamente, esas innovaciones fueron viniendo de fuera, principalmente de Oriente, del Próximo y del Medio Oriente. El efecto del torno, el molde, el vidriado se van observando sobre piezas singulares, que vuelven a llevarnos a una reflexión sobre el sentido del vector direccional de los cambios. Solemos pensar en una influencia cultural de los paises desarrollados, o del Norte, hacia los paises menos desarrollados,2 o del Sur. En muchas ocasiones es precisamente al contrario como la evolución cerámica demuestra.

También el segundo bloque colabora a esta idea con la presentación de pseudo porcelanas y la fijación obsesiva que hubo en las Cortes europeas por conseguir los secretos de esta técnica, desarrollada y perfeccionada en especial en el Extremo Oriente.

LA XENOFOBIA En la primera planta del museo, las cuatro vitrinas dedicadas a Muel exhiben la trayectoria seguida por este alfar desde el siglo XVI hasta el XIX. Se observan y analizan formas, decoraciones y colores. Y nos encontramos que entre las modas cambiantes unos colores aparecen y desaparecen. Pero en concreto, el reflejo metálico, o dorado, sólo se utiliza en el siglo XVI, después no retorna a la producción ceramista. El motivo es la expulsión de los moriscos en 1610, por el Decreto que firmó Felipe III obligando a la conversión al catolicismo o al abandono, en caso contrario, del territorio español.

Los alfareros de Muel eran fundamentalmente hispano-musulmanes, que no quisieron renunciar a sus creencias religiosas y pagaron con el destierro la xenofobia del monarca de entonces. Se llevaron con ellos la difícil técnica de esa cerámica que no pudo reproducirse nunca más en Muel.3

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Es un buen momento para comentar lo que se perdió en la sociedad aragonesa del siglo XVII. Además de ceramistas, se fueron alarifes, agricultores y otros expertos en conocimientos que marcaron profundas lagunas en determinados aspectos de la vida colectiva. De ahí es inmediato el paso a subrayar las ventajas de las mezclas culturales, de la interculturalidad, de los beneficios de los intercambios desde el mutuo respeto y reconocimiento de las diferencias.

EL PROGRESO. En la última planta, ante la variedad de tipología y utilidades de la alfarería popular, la propuesta les orienta hacia una comparación de usos, técnicas y materiales. Y la correspondiente reflexión crítica sobre las luces y sombras del progreso. Tratamos de reivindicar la sabiduría de sus abuelos y abuelas y de comprender el precio que pagamos ante los avances tecnológicos y científicos, presentados normalmente como conquistas libres de cualquier sospecha.

LA METODOLOGÍA. Toda la actividad procura ser coherente en cuanto a su desarrollo procedimental. Hay una combinación de trabajo individual y colectivo. También es necesario trabajar en grupo pequeño para resolver determinados apartados de la propuesta, y ese trabajo grupal sólo llega a buen puerto si hay una actitud de cooperación. Se evita cualquier matíz competitivo, al igual que se guardan unas reglas de participación elementales: pedir la voz, respetar la palabra del que habla, controlar que los movimientos del cuerpo no molesten a nadie, etc.

OTROS GRUPOS. Lo que aquí he expuesto es el desarrollo de la actividad basada en el cuaderno “La Arcilla”, destinado a esos cursos de primaria. Ni que decir tiene, que otros grupos precisan de otras metodologías. Pero los objetivos a transmitir permanecen invariables. Tanto grupos escolares más mayores, como grupos estrictamente de personas adultas, abandonan el Museo de Cerámica agradablemente sorprendidos de lo que han podido descubrir sobre la vida y la cultura por medio de unos simples objetos de barro.

BIBLIOGRAFÍA. Álvaro Zámora, Mª I. (1978): Cerámica aragonesa decorada, Pórtico, Zaragoza.

(1980): Alfarería popular aragonesa. Pórtico, Zaragoza.

Beltrán Lloris, M. (2000): Museo de Zaragoza. 150 años de historia 1848-1998. Diputación General de Aragón e Ibercaja, Zaragoza.

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2 La terminología aquí es bien delicada, y remite a modelos socio-políticos-culturales diferentes sobre las relaciones entre paises. que rebasan las pretensiones de esta comunicación.

Primer Mundo-Tercer Mundo; Norte-Sur; Paises desarrollados-Paises Subdesarrollados; Paises enriquecidos-Paises empobrecidos,... son modelizaciones que difieren en cuanto al análisis de las causas que provocan la injusticia y el desequilibrio en nuestro único mundo.

Forcadell Álvarez, C. et alii (2004): La Modernidad y la Exposición Hispano-Francesa de Zaragoza en 1908. Universidad de Zaragoza, Zaragoza.

3 Hay una re-fundación del alfar de Muel en la década de los 60 por parte de la Diputación Provincial de Zaragoza, que recoge la tradición histórica; pero hasta mediados de los 90 no consiguen re-producir la “loza dorada”.

Martínez Latre, C. (2003): “Cerámica” en M. Beltrán et alii, Guía del Museo de Zaragoza.

Diputación General de Aragón, Zaragoza. (pp. 403-27).

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ISHAQ ASHFAQ

! ISHAQ ASHFAQ ICAF (International Child Art Foundation) “CREATING PEACE THROUGH ART & SPORT” Since September 11, 2001, our world has become increasingly divided and broken, which has a profound impact on the young hearts and minds of the next generation. A unique contribution to peace and coexistence can be made by art because it is a language-independent medium, which can help develop bonds of trust and understanding between the children of the world. Sports are also powerful tool for building peace that can complement the arts.

This paper focuses on the art and sport based global initiative of the International Child Art Foundation (ICAF) and outlines ICAF’s Peace Through Art and Sport Methodology.®1 Focus on Children In the year 42 A.D., the Roman philosopher Seneca observed that world peace will be secured on a permanent basis when we start teaching our children to view the whole world as one: “Omnis orbs terrarumpatria mea est.” (The whole world is my own native land). Similarly, linking peace with children, Mahatma Gandhi counseled: “If we are to teach real peace in this world, and if we are to carry on a real war against war, we shall have to begin with the children.”

More recently, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) recognized that the instinctive capacity for creativity and imagination found in young people has often been denied or suppressed in their education: “The encouragement of creativity from an early age is one of the best guarantees of growth in a healthy environment of self-esteem and mutual respect – critical ingredients for building a culture of peace.”2 Art and Sport In ancient Greece, beauty and strength were considered qualities of the ideal man. Out of the stadia and the arenas, a new citizen arose who aspired to attain an all-around development of the body and mind. Pythagoras, an eminent mathematician and philosopher, was a boxing champion at Olympia. Plato, the philosopher, also took part in the Games. Believing in the

1 This paper borrows from an earlier paper published by the author: Ashfaq Ishaq, “Peace Through Art and Sport,” SchoolArts, Vol. 104, Number 3, November 2004.

2 The United Nations General Assembly proclaimed 2005 as the International Year of Sport and Physical Education (IYSPE 2005). Recognizing that a culture of peace can be promoted through sport, and that sports can boost economic activities, the UN launched its Sports for Development and Peace campaign, spearheaded by former president of Switzerland, Mr. Adolf Ogi, Under-Secretary-General on Sports for Development and Peace. See, http://www.un.org/themes/sport/intro.htm

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natural link between art and sport, Baron Pierre de Coubertin, father of modern day Olympics, sought to transform a simple athletic contest into an aesthetic-spiritual celebration.

The importance of linking art and sport has been emphasized by Nelson R. Mandela, Nobel Laureate and former president of South Africa: “Art and sport have the power to change the world, the power to inspire, the power to unite people in a way that little else can. Art and sport speak to people in a language they understand. Art and sport can create hope where there was once only despair. They are instruments for peace, even more powerful than governments.”

ICAF’s approach to creating peace embodies the dream of de Coubertin and the wisdom of Nelson Mandela. ICAF’s methodology was first employed in a successful peace-building program ICAF organized in 2002 for Greek- and Turkish-Cypriot youth.3 The methodology for the Cyprus Peace Through Art Program was developed in collaboration with the Center for the Study of Mind and Human Interaction at the University of Virginia. In 2004, the methodology was expanded by ICAF to include sport as a peace-building tool.

The Third Arts Olympiad (2005-2008) The global community faces challenges that require creative and sound leadership. Two natural ways in which children – our future leaders – gain and apply leadership skills is through artistic expression and athletic accomplishment. ICAF’s Third Arts Olympiad combines these two themes in order to encourage young artists to develop their physical abilities, and to inspire young athletes to express themselves through art. Through the participation of nearly three million children from over 100 countries, the Arts Olympiad develops the empathy and understanding invoked through art and the team spirit and discipline instilled through sport, to promote the Olympic ideals of mutual respect and tolerance. The children will carry these skills and values with them into adulthood, along with lifelong friendships across borders and cultures. Over time, the trust and understanding achieved through personal connections will bridge global communities.

The Arts Olympiad – ICAF’s flagship program – is the world’s largest and most prestigious arts initiative for children ages 8 to 12. This free global program commences with lesson plans that lead to painting and digital art competitions on the theme, My Favorite Sport. ICAF’s office in Washington, DC organizes the Arts Olympiad in the United States and Canada, while ICAF’s office in Munich organizes the Arts Olympiad in Germany and coordinates the program in the European Union. In other countries, national Arts Olympiads are organized by ministries of education, culture and sport (e.g., Costa Rica, Israel), cultural organizations (China, Italy),

3

For background on the Cyprus program, please visit www.icaf.org/programs/

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ISHAQ ASHFAQ

national museums (Cayman Islands, Papua New Guinea), national commissions for UNESCO (Croatia, Jamaica), children’s art organizations (India, New Zealand) or children’s television companies (Brazil).

Educational partners help promote ICAF’s programs and organize training workshops at ICAF events. These partners include Americans for the Arts; the American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance (AAHPERD); Child Welfare League of America (CWLA); Institute for Cultural Diplomacy (ICD); International Fund for the Promotion of Culture (IFPC); the National Art Education Association (NEA); and UNESCO.

“CREATING PEACE THROUGH ART & SPORT”

ISHAQ ASHFAQ

Conclusion Under the Third Arts Olympiad, national and regional festivals will be held in 2006, building a momentum for the World Children’s Festival to be held on the National Mall in Washington, DC in 2007.5 In a world beset by conflicts and divisions, it is no longer sufficient to promote peace by showcasing the horrors of war or the benefits of peaceful resolution to conflicts. It is essential that we create peace through global programs for children such as the Arts Olympiad.

Peace through Arts & Sport Methodology The Third Arts Olympiad is based on ICAF’s Peace Through Arts Sport Methodology. The methodology outlines a five-stage approach to create world peace. These stages are described below: a) Creativity and self-expression: Structured lesson plans for art teachers and physical education instructors, which provide a framework for art competitions on the theme My Favorite Sport. b) Self-esteem and confidence: Teachers involve students in judging artwork and arrange exhibitions at local events to showcase children’s creativity and boost their self-confidence. c) National peace-building: Finalists from different provinces (or states) come together at national festivals, where they apply their own creativity to build a vision of peace and coexistence. d) Regional peace-building: National finalists attend regional festivals, where they celebrate their national identities, alleviate tension through sport, discover their commonalities, develop regional pride and depict it in a collaborative work of art. e) Global peace-building: National finalists from around the world participate in the international festival, where they discover that the forces that unite are deeper than those that divide, initiate lifelong friendships, learn universal values, and receive global leadership training.4

4 ICAF’s ChildArt magazine also develops the creative skills necessary for global peace-building. Published ad-free since 1998, ChildArt is a unique quarterly that promotes children’s creative development and cross-cultural cooperation through the arts. You can subscribe online at www.ChildArtGallery.org 5 To receive updates on the festivals and ICAF’s programs, you can subscribe to Sketches, a free monthly newsletter, by visiting www.icaf.org.

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! “Declaración: La Afirmación de Gernika sobre Arte y Paz” “Adierazpena: Artea eta Bakeari buruzko baieztapena Gernikan” “The Gernika Statement on Art and Peace”

mundo. La responsabilidad y el honor de formar parte de este reto y contribuir a la celebración de la vida, la humanidad y la paz está aquí para todos nosotros.

Creyendo que es uno de los mayores objetivos de la creatividad humana el trabajar, dar forma al mundo de forma positiva, donde la paz siempre transforma la generosidad trasciende la crueldad del espíritu el aflore ante la incomprensión; nosotros, los artistas abajo firmantes y profesionales que nos hemos reunido en el 1º Encuentro Internacional sobre Arte y paz en la ciudad simbólica de Gernika y otros de nosotros que hemos firmado en apoyo a estos objetivos, creemos que es nuestra responsabilidad y un honor y un reto expresar nuestros recursos humanos – artísticos, intelectuales y espirituales de cara a ayudarnos a nosotros mismos y a los demás. Además, creemos que la expresión del arte, debería ayudar a que la humanidad consiga un mejor entendimiento de su propio potencial y por lo tanto a un desarrollo pacífico de la humanidad.

Gizakiaren helburu nagusienetariko bat, bere sormen ahalmenaren bitartez mundu positibo bat lortzearen sinismena lortzea dela pentsaturik, non bakea gerrari nagusitu ahal zaion, zintzotasuna izpirituaren krudelkeriari eta ulermena biolentziari; guk, behean sinatzen dugun artistok eta Artea eta Bakeari buruzko Nazioarteko 1go Topaketan, Gernika hiri artistiko – sinbolikoan bildu garenok eta helburu hauen alde sinatu dugunok, gure erantzunkizuna eta baliabide giza – artistiko, intelektual eta izpiritualak adieraztea ohore bat dela uste dugu bai geure buruarentzako baita ingurukoenentzako erronka ere. Gainera, artearen espresioak, ahal duen heinean behintzat, gizateriak, daukan ahalmenaren ulermen hobea lortzen lagundu eta hortaz, gizarte mundial hobea lortzeko balio izan beharko lukeela deritzogu.

Somos conscientes de que hay quienes dentro de nuestra profesión piensan que el arte y la vida son entidades independientes; a la vez que honramos y respetamos los puntos de vista de otros, nosotros sentimos completa y apasionadamente que la dirección significante para el Arte del Siglo XXI reflejará los ideales humanos que contribuirán de forma significativa a la reconciliación, paz y el entendimiento humano de todos los pueblos y culturas. Como tal, nosotros apoyamos los principios de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos.

Claramente entendemos que el arte es la expresión de ideas significativas conseguidas a través de las formas para una comprensión y unión mutua. Es la expresión de ideas significativas logradas a través de las formas.

El arte es una práctica que alcanza su máxima plenitud cuando ayuda al mejor entendimiento de la humanidad. Reconocemos que hay muchos niveles así como en todas las demás disciplinas, bien sean la ciencia, la medicina, las humanidades, la política. Siendo creadores en vez de destructores de cosas, entendemos que la paz no es una de las muchas opciones sino que la paz realmente es la única opción sostenible.

Creemos que el arte significativo debe hacer dos cosas por igual; expresar el reconocimiento de las posibilidades de la dimensión humana; y hacerlo en un lenguaje apropiado y visualmente llevar a una reflexión positiva hacia la paz.

Es importante decir que tal trabajo no está limitado a un medio particular o estilo. Tales ideas pueden realizarse en pintura, en grabados o expresiones tridimensionales así como en instalaciones, esculturas de sonido, trabajo basado en textos, arte teatral, imágenes informáticas, poesía y otros medios aún por descubrir por los artistas.

Nosotros creemos y apoyamos un arte con un expresión y un lenguaje global.

Reconocemos nuestra deuda con las miles de personas – artistas históricos y contemporáneosintelectuales y filósofos, poetas, dramaturgos, novelistas, cineastas, cuenta cuentos y humanistas además de los que trabajan por el entendimiento entre las personas en todo el

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!!!

Jakin badakigu gure lanbide barruan ere badaudela, artea eta bizitza aparteko gauzak direla pentsatzen dutenak; besteen ikuspuntuak ondratzen eta errespetatzen ditugun aldi berean, guk, erabat eta gartsuki sentitzen dugu, XXI. Mendeko Artearen norabideak, berradiskidetzeari, bakeari eta herri eta kultura guztien giza ulermenari era esanguratsu batean, laguntza emango dioten giza idealak zeintzu diren islatuko dituela. Hori dela eta, Giza Eskubideen Adierazpen Unibertsalaren printzipioen alde agertzen dira.

Argi eta garbi ikusten dugu, artea guretzat ez dela formak lortzeko hariketa soil bat; artea ez dela “neutrala”; ez dela ezarritakoa apurtzeko “mailua”; ez dela “ispilu” soil bat izan behar –bizirik gabeko objetu bat izatedun gizartea bakarrik islatu ahal duena, baizik eta formen bidez lortutako ideia esanguratsuen adierazpena dela.

Artea maila eta partaide asko dituen praktika bat da eta (disciplina guztietan bezala, bai zientzian, medikuntzan, gizatasunean, politikan,...) bere lorpenik garaiena pertsona edo gizarte moduan ulermen sakonagoa lortzen laguntzean gertatzen da, hots, gizateriak hoien probetxua jasotzen duenean.

Arteak, beharren, itxaropenen, errealitatearen eta giza nahiekin zerikusirik ez lukeela izan beharko esan dutenak ere badaude –“bataila” guztien “gainetik” egon beharko lukeela diotenak.

Kontrara, arteak aldi berean gauza bi egin beharko lituzkeela dakigu: alde batetik, gizakiak dituen dimentsioen aukerak onartu eta bestetik, hizkuntza egoki eta adierazgarri baten bitartez egin.

Garrantzitsua da esatea, lan hori ez dagoela medio edo era zehatz batetara mugatua. Ideia horiek margoaren bitartez egin daitezke, bai inprimatuta edo eskulturaren bidez bai instalazioetan, soinu eskulturetan, testuetan oinarritutako lanetan, antzerki lanetan, irudi informatikoetan, olerkietan, baita oraindik artistek aurkitu gabe dituzten beste zenbait medioten ere.

Lorpen horiek hiriko arteak eta mendebaldeko arteak formulaturiko hitzekin bakarrik ezin daitezkeela ulertu uste dugu. XXI. Mendeko arte adierazgarria ez da bakarrik etorriko, ezta ez du zigortua izateko beharrik ere, europear eta amerikar zentru kultural eta artistiko zorrotz horietatik. Lortutakoa, lehenengo munduko lana bere baitan hartzen duen moduan, indigen,

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arte independienteak, Ekialdeko zein Mendebaldeko beste arte batzuk, Hegoaldeko edota Iparraldeko hemisferioko kulturen moduan ere ulertu beharra dago.

Milaka pertsonarekin, -historikoak garaikideak diren artistekin daukagun zorra onartzen dugu, intelektualak eta filosofoak, olerkariak, dramagileak, elaberrigileak, zinegileak, kontu kontalariak eta humanistak. Hauetaz gain, munduko pertsona guztien ulermenerako lan egiten duten guztiekin. Erronka honetan parte hartzea errespontsabilitatea eta ohorea da baita bizi ospakizun honetan laguntzea ere, gizateria eta bakea hemen daude, guretzat, guztiontzat.

!!!

Believing that it is the highest goal of human creativity to work to shape the world in a positive way, where peace always ascends over war, generosity transcends meanness of spirit and understanding eclipses misunderstanding; we, the undersigned artists and related professionals who have gathered at the international Conference on Art and Peace in the symbolic city of Gernika, and those others of us who have signed in support of these aims, feel it is our responsibility and honour to express our human – artistic, intellectual and spiritual - resources to help ourselves and others. Further, we believe that the expression of art helps humankind achieve a better understanding of its potential and therefore contribute towards a peaceful development of humanity.

“Declaración: La Afirmación de Gernika sobre Arte y Paz”

We believe and support an art which expresses our cultural diversity.

We recognize our indebtedness to thousands of people –historical and contemporary- artists, philosophers, poets, playwrights, novelists, filmmakers, storytellers and workers for humanist principles and understanding between people worldwide. The responsibility and the honour to be part of this continuum, and the challenge to contribute to the celebration of life, humankind and to peace, is here for all of us.

Ricardo Abaunza (Basque Country) Alex Carrascosa (Basque Country) Maria Oianguren (Basque Country) Iratxe Momoitio (Basque Country) Benjamen McKeown ( Australia) Robert Godfrey (USA) Jan Jordaan (South Africa) Anita Glesta (USA) Pere Ribera ( Catalonia) Raymond Watson (Northern Ireland) Veronica Kelly (Australia) William Kelly (Australia)

We recognise that there are those in our professions and in society who feel art and life are independent entities and, while honouring and respecting the views of others, we ourselves feel fully and passionately that the significant direction for 21st Century art will reflect humanist ideals which will significantly contribute to reconciliation, peace and increased human understanding of all peoples and all cultures. We also express our support for the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We are clear in our understanding that art is the expression of significant ideas achieved through forms to be understood and embraced by all.

Art is a practice that achieves its best when it helps lead humanity to greater understanding.

We recognise that there are many levels, as there are in all other disciplines such as science, medicine, humanities, politics.… Being makers, constructors and builders –rather than destroyers of things - we realize that peace is not one of many options but that peace is truly the only sustaining option.

We know that significant art must equally do two things; express an acknowledgement of the possibilities of the human dimension; and do so in an appropriate and visual language that can take us into a positive reflection about peace.

It is important to state that such work need not be limited to a particular medium or style; that ideas can be realised in paint, print and 3 dimensional media as well as installations, sound sculptures, text based work, performance art, computer imagery, video, concrete poetry and other media including those yet to be explored by artists.

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“The Contribution of Art to a Culture of Peace” conclussions

“The Contribution of Art to a Culture of Peace” conclussions

medicine, humanities, politics,… being makers, constructors and builders –rather than destroyers of things- we realize that peace is not one of many options but, that peace is truly the only sustaining option.

The section on ART AND PEACE has had many active sessions and the report that follows, though possibly sounding a little lacking in passion, is the result of some exciting and interesting sessions with contributions from a large number of countries.

We know that significant art must equally do two things; express and acknowledgement of the possibilities of the human dimension; and do so in an appropriate and visual language that can take us into a positive reflection about peace.

This section has included the “2nd International Art and Peace Conference of Gernika”. The 1st Art and Peace Conference was held in 2003.

It is important to state that such work need not be limited to a particular medium or style; that ideas can be realised in paint, print and 3 dimensional media as well as installations, sound sculptures, text based work, performance art, computer imagery, video, concrete poetry and

As a part of the proceedings there was a very moving moment for me when the “GERNIKA STATEMENT ON ART AND PEACE” was read for the firs time in public.

other media including those yet to be explored by artists.

We believe and support an art which expresses our cultural diversity.

This statement –the first of its kind in this millennium- reads as follows: “The Gernika Statement on Art and Peace” Believing that it is the highest goal of human creativity to work to shape the world in a positive way, where peace always ascends over war, generosity transcends meanness of spirit and understanding eclipses misunderstanding; we, the undersigned artists and related professionals who have gathered at the international Conference on Art and Peace in the symbolic city of Gernika, and those others of us who have signed in support of these aims, feel it is our responsibility and honour to express our human –artistic, intellectual and spiritualresources to help ourselves and others. Further, we believe that the expression of art helps humankind achieve a better understanding of its potential and therefore contribute towards a peaceful development of humanity.

We recognise that there are those in our professions and in society who feel art and life are independent entities and, while honouring and respecting the views of others, we ourselves feel fully and passionately that the significant direction for the 21st Century Art will reflect humanist ideals which will significantly contribute to reconciliation, peace and increased human understanding of all peoples and all cultures. We also express our support to the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We are clear in our understanding that art is the expression of significant ideas achieved through forms to be understood and embraced by all.

Art is a practice that achieves its best when it helps lead humanity to greater understanding.

We recognise that there are many levels, as there are in all other disciplines such as science,

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We recognize our indebtedness to thousands of people –historical and contemporaryartists, philosophers, poets, play writers, novelists, filmmakers, storytellers and workers for humanist principles and understanding between people worldwide. The responsibility, and the honour to be part of this continuum and the challenge to contribute to the celebration of life, humankind and to peace is here for all of us.

It was written by those attending the 1st Gernika Art and Peace Conference.

The original drafters and “signatories” were Ricardo Abaunza (Basque Country) Alex Carrascosa (Basque Country) Maria Oianguren (Basque Country) Iratxe Momoitio (Basque Country) Benjamen McKeown ( Australia) Robert Godfrey (USA) Jan Jordaan (South Africa) Anita Glesta (USA) Pere Ribera ( Catalonia) Raymond Watson (Northern Ireland) Veronica Kelly (Australia) William Kelly (Australia) This statement will be published with the records of the Peace Museums Conference, copies in Basque, Spanish and English will be available tomorrow for the closing session AND it will

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be published on line in the new Gernika Art and Peace website currently being developed. Please

• As it was for this conference, the idea could be built upon that “art/culture” which is also a

put your names to this if you wish and pass the information on to others.

part of everyday life be highlighted in related conference activities.

Finally. The most frequently used words in the Art and peace section, in addition to “art” and

-It was further decided that there will be a “THIRD INTERNATIONAL GERNIKA CONFERENCE

“peace”, were “WORK” and “IMAGINE”.

ON ART AND PEACE” in 2007, the 70th Anniversary of the Bombing of Gernika.

Thank you. Muchas Gracias. Eskerrik asko.

Additional activities• Attendees were asked to support Gernika Gogoratuz’ research activity into “Symbols of Peace”. Javier Fernandez is currently coordinating research and gathering material for this project. Please forward information, images and reference material to him.

• It was acknowledged that, when working with communities, the process can share equal importance to the outcome, and it is likely that a very good process, led by a well informed practitioner, will create a good work of art and a context toward peace building.

• It was acknowledged that when working with communities, always, but especially within communities that have experienced trauma, respect for the subject and people involved is extremely important.

• Much art was shown, discussed and acknowledged. The contribution was seen to be real and significant. However…two questions were asked which were discussed generally and require further consideration by conference participants…

There is much art that does not work toward a peaceful end and for that that is, is it helping?

A big question is how can the contribution that art is making be quantified?

I’ll follow on with a few technical points that were raised.

• Whenever possible can institutions inform other peace museums of exhibitions, travelling exhibitions, activities that they may become part of?

• For future conferences, presenters should have a written text before presentation which, IF possible, could be translated into languages (of some attendees) who are not conversant with the official languages of the conference. This would be a help for those who have travelled far and for whom communication and understanding in the official languages is difficult.

• As it was for this Peace Museum’s Conference, it is suggested that art continue to include “the arts”, ie. A wide range of practitioners and media. This could be visual arts, performing arts, film, music …

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CARLOS VILLAN DURAN

CARLOS VILLAN DURAN

! CARLOS VILLAN DURAN Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos. (Ginebra)1 Miembro del Instituto Internacional de Derechos Humanos (Estrasburgo)

2.1. Establecimiento de una Comisión de la Verdad

“PROPUESTAS PARA LA PAZ”

La Comisión estará compuesta por un número reducido de expertos independientes en materia de derechos humanos. Estará auxiliada por especialistas en los distintos ámbitos de la ciencia (historiadores, documentalistas, archiveros, antropólogos forenses, arqueólogos, juristas, expertos en ADN, informáticos, médicos, psicólogos, sociólogos, geólogos, asistentes sociales). En sus trabajos participarán estrechamente las asociaciones para la recuperación de la memoria histórica.

SUMARIO Articularé mi presentación en torno a dos propuestas concretas que someteré a la consideración del V Congreso, la primera de ellas mirando hacia el futuro y la segunda reflexionando sobre nuestro pasado histórico: HACIA UNA DECLARACION UNIVERSAL SOBRE EL DERECHO HUMANO A LA PAZ. La comunidad internacional debe responder a la actual crisis internacional codificando definitivamente el derecho humano a la paz, del que son acreedores tanto los seres humanos como los pueblos, las organizaciones no gubernamentales, los Estados y la propia comunidad internacional. Es un derecho autónomo, con vocación universal y contenidos propios; incorpora una concepción positiva de la paz (ausencia de violencia estructural); tiene una doble naturaleza, individual y colectiva; y es un derecho de solidaridad y de síntesis, porque engloba a todos los demás derechos humanos –incluido el derecho al desarrollo- con los que es interdependiente.

En su vertiente de derecho individual implica, entre otros, el derecho a oponerse a toda guerra y a desobedecer órdenes injustas; el estatuto de objetor de conciencia; la prohibición de toda propaganda en favor de la guerra; el derecho a la paz civil; el derecho a oponerse a las violaciones sistemáticas de los derechos humanos; el derecho al desarme; y el derecho a un sistema eficaz de seguridad colectiva.

La técnica legislativa será la codificación de un proyecto de declaración sobre el derecho humano a la paz en Ginebra, sede de los órganos técnicos de las Naciones Unidas. A su término, una resolución de la Asamblea General incorporará como Anexo el texto final de declaración. Se garantiza una amplia participación de la sociedad civil (organizaciones no gubernamentales, expertos en derechos humanos y académicos) en todo el procedimiento.

2 LAS OBLIGACIONES DEL ESTADO ESPAÑOL EN MATERIA DE DESAPARICIONES El Estado español debiera adoptar las siguientes medidas urgentes para cumplir cabalmente con sus obligaciones internacionales en materia de desapariciones:

1 Las opiniones expresadas son de la exclusiva responsabilidad del autor, por lo que no comprometen las de la Organización

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La Comisión Interministerial para el estudio de la situación de las víctimas de la guerra civil y del franquismo (R.D. 1891/2004, de 10 de septiembre) debiera elevar al Parlamento un proyecto de ley por el que se cree una Comisión de la Verdad de carácter extrajudicial que esclarezca y recupere la memoria histórica de las víctimas de la guerra civil y del franquismo.

Con un amplio presupuesto aprobado por ley, la Comisión dispondrá de los medios necesarios para realizar una investigación profunda a nivel estatal que satisfaga la obligación del Estado de preservar del olvido la memoria colectiva de la guerra civil y la represión franquista, así como el derecho de las víctimas y sus familiares a conocer la verdad.

La Comisión deberá gozar de la colaboración de todas las instituciones públicas y privadas en el ejercicio de sus funciones. En particular, podrá acceder a todo archivo público o privado, civil o militar, y recibir el testimonio de toda persona o grupos de personas (asociaciones) que deseen entrevistarse con ella en cualquier punto de España.

Además de esclarecer la verdad, la Comisión concluirá su mandato (de al menos un año de duración) con la adopción de un informe público en el que se relaten sus hallazgos y conclusiones. También formulará recomendaciones que dirigirá a los poderes públicos en materia de reparación a las víctimas y sus allegados, satisfacción y garantías de no repetición.

Finalmente, la Comisión propondrá en su informe el establecimiento de un mecanismo independiente que evalúe periódicamente el cabal cumplimiento de sus propias recomendaciones.

En ese mecanismo deberán participar representantes de las asociaciones para la recuperación de la memoria histórica.

2.2 Creación de una Fiscalía sobre las desapariciones El DIDH impone al Estado la obligación de establecer una autoridad estatal competente e independiente, la cual procederá de inmediato a hacer una investigación exhaustiva e imparcial de toda denuncia o información que reciba sobre una desaparición forzada.

Esa autoridad competente será una Fiscalía sobre las desapariciones, que deberá disponer de las facultades y los recursos necesarios para llevar a cabo las investigaciones necesarias en el conjunto del territorio estatal. Tales investigaciones se realizarán de acuerdo a los “Principios relativos a una eficaz prevención e investigación de las ejecuciones extralegales, arbitrarias o sumarias”, recomendados a los Estados por el Consejo Económico y Social de las Naciones Unidas (resolución 1989/65, de 24 de mayo de 1989), así como “los principios

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internacionales en materia de investigaciones en caso de violación de los derechos humanos, torturas, búsqueda de personas desaparecidas, exámenes forenses e identificaciones” (Art. 12.5 del proyecto de instrumento normativo jurídicamente vinculante para la protección de todas las personas contra las desapariciones forzadas).

La Fiscalía ejercerá la acción penal en los casos en que los autores de los crímenes denunciados sean individualizados.

En todo caso, la Fiscalía instará de los tribunales de justicia la adopción de las medidas necesarias para que se proceda a la exhumación de fosas clandestinas o comunes que hayan sido señaladas por familiares o allegados, se identifiquen los restos mortales y se devuelvan a sus familiares.

En todo este proceso la Fiscalía deberá contar con la estrecha participación de los representantes de las asociaciones para la recuperación de la memoria histórica y de los expertos que éstas proporcionen.

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Cooperar con el Grupo de Trabajo de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos sobre Desapariciones Forzadas o Involuntarias, a fin de esclarecer los casos de desapariciones pendientes (docs.

E/CN.4/2003/70, párrafo 247, E/CN.4/2004/58, párrafos 261-267 y E/CN.4/2005/65, párrafos 293-297); Cooperar con la Comisión de Derechos Humanos y participar activamente en las reuniones consultivas convocadas por la Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, con miras a finalizar los “Principios y directrices básicos sobre el derecho de las víctimas de violaciones manifiestas de las normas internacionales de derechos humanos y de violaciones graves del derecho internacional humanitario a interponer recursos y obtener reparaciones” (resolución 2004/34 de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos y doc.

E/CN.4/2005/59, Anexo I); y Cooperar con la Comisión de Derechos Humanos y su Grupo de Trabajo encargado de elaborar un proyecto de instrumento normativo jurídicamente vinculante para la protección de todas las personas contra las desapariciones forzadas (resolución 2004/40 de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos y doc. E/CN.4/2004/WG.22/WP.2, de 13 de septiembre de 2004).

La Fiscalía se deberá asegurar la colaboración activa de todas las instituciones públicas, incluidas las autonómicas y locales, a fin de que no se obstaculicen las investigaciones. También tomará disposiciones para que todos los que participen en las investigaciones estén protegidos de todo acto de intimidación o represalia.

La Fiscalía velará por que las víctimas y sus familiares reciban las reparaciones a las que tienen derecho, incluida una “indemnización íntegra por los daños materiales y morales” (Art. 22.4 del proyecto de instrumento normativo jurídicamente vinculante para la protección de todas las personas contra las desapariciones forzadas).

2.3 Educación en derechos humanos Conforme al Programa mundial para la educación en derechos humanos, aprobado por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas el 10 de diciembre de 2004, el Estado español debiera introducir por ley la educación en derechos humanos en los planes de estudio de las enseñanzas primaria y secundaria. En colaboración con las Comunidades Autónomas, se desarrollarán programas paralelos de formación del profesorado en materia de derechos humanos.

Tanto los manuales de enseñanza de los derechos humanos y del DIH como los libros de texto de todos los niveles, deberán referirse a la memoria histórica de España durante la guerra civil y la represión franquista. Tales manuales deberán incorporar una exposición precisa de las violaciones de los derechos humanos y del DIH cometidas en el pasado.

2.4 Cooperación con las Naciones Unidas El Estado español debiera adoptar una política de cooperación leal y mucho más activa con las Naciones Unidas en materia de derechos humanos. En particular, tratándose de las desapariciones forzadas o involuntarias, el Estado debiera:

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! JOHAN GALTUNG Dr Hc mult, Professor of Peace Studies Founder & Co-Director TRANSCEND: A Peace and Development Network

â&#x20AC;&#x153;A PEACE MUSEUM I WOULD LIKE TO VISIT SOME DAYâ&#x20AC;?

There seem to be three major ideas inspiring peace museums.

The first is the simplest: the anti-war museum. The major exhibits would be the horrors of war, not only the callousness and brutality, but also the invisible, long-lasting effects. May be particularly frequently found in countries with a belligerent tradition--like Germany, Austria, Japan--and a people actually not so much against wars as against losing wars.

We would expect, however, such a museum to be balanced in the sense of not only exposing the wars hitting the country hosting the museum, but also the wars emanating from that country.

A museum in Hiroshima about the unspeakable horrors of the atom bomb on 6 August 1945 is in order; but one would also demand museums in Japan dedicated to the horrors visited on the countries attacked by Japan. In the same vein, we would expect a museum in Gernika precisely on Gernika; but also somewhere in Spain a museum dedicated to the 1925 bombing of Xauen in (then Spanish) Morocco - ordered by General Francisco Franco.

The second is more complicated: the negative peace museum. The typical exhibits would describe processes to eliminate causes of war and violence in general. They are many, some are controversial, but exist, like rules ad bello and in bellum, disarmament, diplomacy, negotiations, mediation, multilateral organizations, individual objectors, peace prize winners.

The third is strangely enough the most complicated: the positive peace museum. The typical exhibits would display humanity at its best, in love and friendship, harmony and cooperation, peace in general.

The sky is the limit. The horizon is endless, stretching all the way from micro inside and between persons, meso inside societies, macro between states, nations and indeed between states and nations, to mega, the same as macro but at the level of regions and civilizations.

To give more meaning to these perspectives, imagine our concern was health, not peace.

What would correspond to the tripartite division just made? The answers flow easily.

First, the anti-disease museum, showing how they work, maiming and killing their victims, carried by micro-organisms, pollutants, the stress of modernity, by violence and war.

Second, the museum for negative health, showing the health profession at work preventing and curing disease--and sometimes causing disease, not cure-from distant times in history up to the most advanced diagnosis-prognosis-therapy of today;

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And third, the positive health museum, showing humans at their healthiest, with "physical, mental and social well-being" to quote the WHO definition. We would see how the outer limits of body achievement in sports are pushed even further out, the enormous creativity of the human mind in arts and sciences when given appropriate conditions, and the kind of social relations that condition and are conditioned by the other two.

To be frank, I have seen museums dedicated to positive peace and to positive health as such nowhere. Why? Because it is obvious? The obvious can stand repetition and elaboration. That might stimulate imagination and drive the dialectic between the first and second aspect forward.

Because it is controversial? Then jump right into it.

Because people might demand too much? Let them do so.

Which one is the correct approach? All three of course. They presuppose each other, complement each other, and may push us all forward, upward, higher. They are three parts of one museum, almost Christian theology in its unity in trinity.

We could imagine them woven together as three buildings, three sections, three rooms, three walls, in one museum. Let people design their own track. But there could be a track from the first to the second to the third that makes good sense. But running backwards also makes sense, what to do, what to avoid.

The micro-meso-macro-mega distinction might be kept in all three parts. They are surprisingly similar because unresolved conflict is a theme running through all four, causing disasters, crying for a solution. That dark tunnel, the cry for light at the end, opening for stimulating landscapes of peace -.

After horrors and hard work, the Dream. Utopia. What, how? At the micro level: love-sexmarriage (in whatever order), and friendship, and just regular, ordinary decency among human beings. This section would focus on its beauty, not on how it may go wrong and possible remedies, that is for the other two. At the meso level a more horizontal society that combines diversity in gender, generations, profession and location with equality. Even if far from perfect the Nordic societies are not bad at that, but evil tongues whisper, or even say it loudly, that there is not much diversity left.

At the macro level, again far from perfect, the Nordic, EU and ASEAN communities of states are not bad at that, or one state as a community of nations that Spain is aiming at.

At the mega level: the UN trying to do the same for regions and civilizations, and then beyond, in blossoming dialogues.

There has to be something connecting the three buildings-sections-rooms-walls, at all four levels from micro to mega. And what could that thread be? A narrative, of course. We are

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not looking for the tragedy with a bad, gloomy ending, nor are we looking for the comedy for something entertaining. These are only elements in the narrative we are interested in. Our concern is with the horror of war and violence, with the hard work to get beyond it. But also with the dream of a world if not without at least with much less suffering due to war and violence.

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intertwine, there would be highly interactive opportunities for visitors to construct their own narratives into the future. Based on own experiences, for good and for bad, at any level.

As mentioned, I would like to visit that peace museum. And its health homologue. Why, what I know. But when, where, how?

We want narratives that in no way belittle the problems but at the same time empower is to transcend them.

Utopian? Certainly, and yet feasible. Take the European narrative that started with the blood of above 50 million in the Second world war, then ceasefire, and then a cooperative Europe accommodating the once arch enemy, Germany. And then stretch it further, invite people to paint with the dream colors what an ever better European Union could look like, with no democracy deficit, good at sharing its experiences with war, negative peace and above all positive peace with others.

And under that narrative: Israel/Palestine/Arab States, at war and occupation, rampant with direct and structural violence, countless efforts at mediation, negotiation, processes (and how they could be much improved), and then the jump to a dream, like a young Jordanian journalist once put it: "In the Middle East where I would like to live I would breakfast in Tiberias in northern Israel, lunch in Jericho in Palestine, and enjoy my night life in Aqaba, by the Read Sea in Jordan."

Spell out that Middle East Community in concrete, practical detail, with alternatives, using positive but also negative experiences of the other three.

Take narratives from the personal level. Take a marriage replete with verbal and physical abuse, explore healing efforts, by the partners, with or without outside help, describe the beauty of love as the union of body mind and the spirit, with a life long joint project weaving the partners together even after the children have left the nest to live their own narratives.

Take narratives at the social level. Take class from feudal Europe to social democracy and social capitalism and don't be afraid of displaying the major utopias in literature or reality. Nor afraid of shortcomings, the shadows in the story; nor afraid of reporting narratives that ended up as dystopias instead.

Take narratives at the world level, from war and massive exploitation to the many efforts to settle grievances to some of the more positive ideas behind the greed of Western imperial and post-imperial colonialism, capitalist and socialist, to the tragic absence of world utopias.

Like the Jesuit Holy Experiment in colonial Paraguay, how it inspired independent Paraguay into state ownership with user rights to land only for those who use it well, how a rich Paraguay became rich and added manufactures till England mobilized its neighbors in the devastating war of 1874. In what world would that not have happened?

And at the end of that walk, from horror via absence of horror through hard work to the delight of dreaming and seeing some dreams come true, letting the thread at the four levels

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! MARIA ANTONIETTA MALLEO University of Palermo / IFOR

“MUSEUM, ART AND EDUCATION TO NONVIOLENCE” Abstract History of art can be considered as the history of non-violent struggle of humanity, and the apparent “weakness” of art as a strong factor of capacity building and change toward culture of peace. The creation of an artwork can be thought as figure of a process of nonviolent conflict transformation, and a museum through the aesthetic experience can promote reconciliation in a journey from vision and compassion to action. The adoption of nonviolent and maieutic pedagogy (Dolci), of participatory design and curatorial modalities, the involvement of minorities and victims of violences in shared experiences of memories and imagination for the future can liberate also from the cultural violence. Possible strategies of museums of peace at the half of the UN “International Decade for a Culture of peace and Non-violence for the children of the world (2001-2010)”.

Maria Antonietta Malleo (1964) received her arts degree from University of Palermo, a PHD in Design, figurative and applied arts from Politecnico di Milano, and a specialization in History of modern art from University “La Sapienza” of Roma. She specialized also in Aesthetics, poetics and theory of criticism at Napoli. She is temporary chair of History of modern art at University of Palermo and independent curator for Department of Culture and the Civic Gallery of Modern Art of Palermo. Her field of research includes methodology, art criticism and museology, with studies and publications on visual culture, from baroque spatiality to contemporary art and cinema. She served as educator in AGESCI, the italian Scout association, and since 1991 is involved in active nonviolence as member of MIR, the italian branch of the International Fellowship of Reconciliation (IFOR). Currently she is representative of IFOR at UNESCO and is committed for the promotion of culture of peace through the involvement of artists and cultural organizations.

In an essay of 1969 Giulio Carlo Argan affirmed:

“Art is…one of the ways with which humanity made history. In every time and every place, with the evident clarity of its signs art meant an exorcism or a spell with which were repulsed…instincts threatening the succes of the difficoult feat of civilization; and, if certainly, in all his course, history of art is the history of the nonviolent acting, constructive and not destructive one, there have been moments, also very close to us, in which art committed itself in the open struggle against violence and the will of destruction. We don’t fight without the risk to die: those whom we call the great masters of art, and that in history of art rise to the heroic greatness, are the ones who played for highest stakes, and faced more closely and resolutely the final risk of the death of art” (La storia dell’arte).

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In this sense art is identified with nonviolence, that is assumed as the principle of civilization, according to the truth common to all human beings, that Gandhi called “old like the mountains”, as it would arised from the depth of the earth. According to Argan, we can consider art as crucial in the nonviolent strategy of construction of civilization, that is another way to say “culture of peace”, becouse it is “criticism, history and judgement, … moral choice”, “point of contest… not loved by the powers”, and “acting according to a project” that dies when violence prevails, and the artists as those who discuss the world, giving new interpretations for the future through memory and imagination.

I’m giving few examples of how art is in its final meaning freedom from violence: the cycle of Paolo Uccello on the Battle of S.Romano (1435-1440) (1), where the rigorous application of perspective rules in the scenes of war, rather then of unification and rationalization of space, has a deconstructive function that expresses in the unreality of nocturne the irrationality and the fictiousness of the death machine as in joust, the strenght of breaking, and the unnaturalness of violence in the deformed human figure. Botticelli Venus and Mars (1485-86, ca.) (2) where a sleeping Mars among the satyrs playings with weapons, figures of wish, is overcome from the strenght of the love of a prevailing Venus- tell us about the utopia of the civilization of humanitas, that triumphs over war.

The Giacomo Manzù Door of Peace and War (1965-69) (3) in the Rotterdam Cathedral of Saint Laurenz, celebrates in the heart of Europe destroyed by the Worl War II the elegy of death and the strenght of life: below the wrapped forms of despair and fratricide, and the cry of innocence; in the middle a lonely cloth that marks a caesura, a sense of emptying, the fall; in the top, in an ascensional dynamism, the naturalness of existence, the cloth of life and of victory, as in a resurrection.

1- Paolo Uccello, The battle of S. Romano, 1435-1440, Firenze, Galleria degli Uffizi

2- Sandro Botticelli, Venus and Mars,1485-86, oil on wood, London, National Gallery

3 - Giacomo Manzù, The Door of Peace and War,1965-69, bronze, Rotterdam, Cathedral of Saint Laurenz

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Therefore we could speak of weakness and power of art: weakness, considering its seeming irrelevance in the immediate determination of changes; power, considering the strenght of dream and utopia, in motivating processes of transformation through memory and imagination, in spite of, or as provided by their un-reality. So, through an artwork the pain of the history of Gernika was given by Picasso to the awareness of humankind to become strenght for the future; and also as a consequence and thanks to that strenght, without any intention of celebration but of proposition, we met in the conference now.

The creation of an artworks itself can be considered figure of the process of nonviolent transformation of a conflict: as, by definition, in the teory of nonviolence a conflict can be an occasion of transformation of opposed parts, also in the composition of a work, we find contrasting elements and the building of an agreement with the research of points of contact and the sacrifice of individualities in a new unity, revealing a harmony, new meanings and semantic values, and the discovering of a new truth. And when also Orson Welles said that “without conflict there is no creativity”, he seemed sustaining the positive value of a way that, through the contradictions, lead to the artistic research. For him that meant, also through the open struggle with commercial interests of the majors and the traditional forms of Hollywood industries, a constant work of sperimentation and of extraordinary renewal of the structures of cinema.

Also the nonviolent thought help us in understanding why arts must be considered a crucial element in the educative processes to reconciliation and in the pedagogy of a museum of peace. For Lanza del Vasto (1901-1981), philosopher of Nonviolence and founder of Community of Ark, “the integral formation of human person, without mutilations and disagreements” happens through aesthetic education; arts are “a voice of liberation for everybody, becouse rebuild the armony of ‘i’ ”, “the spiritual unity” and the totality of being, and are experience of the truth that we are “an i with others”, “an i who contains all”, everyone and everything, in a “return to the evidence” that is a journey from the outside to the inside of the truth. Therefore, when he says the members of Ark that “the fest unify you more then the work”, establishing to live in the life of community music, dance and visual arts during the holiday celebration, Lanza emphasizes the constructive and reconciliative value of the artistic action. Through art, infact, imagination -that “makes present a future aim” and a world “that is further the visibility”- “becames representation”, where the contents are experienced as a liberating and transforming practice (Ultimi dialoghi con Lanza del Vasto).

In the museum of peace and memory therefore not only needs to collect accounts and data to be remembered, but to try and they are understood through mediation of art, the intensity of the aesthetic experience, and of imagination as faculty of knowledge and transformation.

(And today technology and society of information are threatening imagination and memory, setting humanity in an alienating dimension of individual and community identities, in a new risk of death of art and of civilization. And even in the museums technologies and didactic tools –computers, audioguides, etc.- are favoured and preferred to the centrality of the aesthetic experience.)

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But what kind of a esthetic experience is possible in a museum of peace? That one of a journey from indifference to compassion, in a way that rehumanizes the conscience and recomposes the rifts of communities, of history, of ourselves through the meeting and the experience of life, pain, feelings, emotion of the other, both oppressed and oppressors. In Regarding the Pain of Others (2003) Susan Sontag wonders what is the meaning of those images. They can have different effects: indifference (for defence from pain or for overstimulation and visual 4- Francisco Goya, Tampoco,1810-1814, etching, from The saturation); frustration and passivity ( we are Disasters of War not able to overcome the evil of the world); attraction (that can turn pornography, like according to me in the film Passion of Mel Gibson, where there is an aesthetic exploitation of violence); but also sufference and compassion.

Therefore the issue is how to overcome impotence and passivity, using the ethic and moral strenght of the images of the “pain of others”, how to wonder about the reasons of that pain, in order to understand for instance, says Sontag, “that the wealthiness of some, may entail the indigence of others” and “what is our relationship with power”. So, how to transform the emotion and compassion, moving from vision to action and using that “initial spark” that painful and moving shots may give? It is not a case that today the live broadcasted images of war are “covered”: of the conflict in Iraq, for instance, we didn’t see cities, inhabitants, suffering of people, but only soldiers and tanks, like in a videogames of war that put us out of the emotion, participation and awareness, that is instead the result of the aesthetic experience. I’m giving three examples. In Tampoco, an etching of 1810-1814 from the Goya cycle of The Disasters of War (4), chosen also for the cover of Sontag’s book, the horror for the hanging is focused on the detail of clothes sliped on the body, revealing the impotence of victim, and on the obtuseness of the soldier, reteined into his indifference. Here the artist came in to redeem the brutality of event, arousing compassion for the victim, but also for the cruel humanity, will of redemption, and catharsis.

Also Ta’ziye (2003), the first action of the filmdirector Abbas Kiarostami, is an example of this “regarding the pain of others”, in a journey from indifference to compassion. The work relates to a traditional form of religious theatre of Islam, a rite of mourning and consolation through the redeeming sacrality of pain, similar to Via Crucis of Christianity. It tells the martyrdom of Hussein, nephew of Mohammed, during the siege of Karbala, sacred city for Islam, of children dying for hunger and thirst, singing and strewing flowers, among implorations of pity and horses gallop in the crowded circle closed by warriors. And while Hussein is fighting, Archangel Gabriel appears asking him to renounce to fight, accepting martyrdom for love of God: here too we face a pain without answer that is sublimed in compassion and nonviolence. In the Kiarostami version, an installation of cinema and theatre where public and his reaction are part of the fiction, the tale of pain lives again through the fiction in the middle of the stage, but is not limited to the theathre representation: at one side are showed on a big screen the faces of

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Iranian spectators, women and men, with their sentiments, emotions and tears, filmed during a record performance of the same show in Iran, while in front the western audience watch the action, too involved in pain and pity, united in finding a common humanity with the Islamic audience, even if in the diversity of reactions (5-6-7). The war in Iraq was just broken out when the show was presented in Italy, and after in New York, and in the so-called climate of “clash of civilizations” the awareness to live an extraordinary experience of unity with the MiddleEastern spectators growed in the audiences. For Kiarostami, infact, art is a way to change and transform reality together with the audience through imagination and fiction and in the equal relationship between the director and his public, originating a very interactive communication, where conflict is used in a creative way as part of an inclusive dynamic and an “uncompleted cinema… is finished by the creative spirit of audience”: “If art is able to change things and to propose new ideas, it happens only through the free creativity of…the audience…Art permits to not accept the imposed truths…Art gives to every artist and his spectator the possibility to perceive better the hidden truth behind the pain and passion that common human beings suffer every day”(Kiarostami).

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Third example, the installation Lines of violation.

Comfort women survivors (1998) (8), realized by Jonathan Sisson (IFOR representative at United Nations) and Andrew Ward, and supported by the Women Peacemakers Program (WPP) of IFOR in the framework of the campaign at the Geneva UN High Commission for Human Rights for the compensation of the women -from Japan, China, Taiwan, Indonesia, Korea, Burma, Pacific Islands- victims of sexual slavery by the Japanese military in the World War II. It is the result of a participative artistic project, with interviews to 52 survivors, at that time girls or jung married women with children, still waiting for a moral and material compensation. From 8- Jonathan Sisson, Andrew Ward, Lines of a curved plexiglass with the outstretched drawings of violation. Comfort women survivors,1998, the hands of women, and a central column of light, you installation can hear voices (that suggest their presence) telling their stories of violation, but also the experiences of women that are trying to rebuild their dignity. It is an interactive work of strong emotional resonance focused on the meaning of memory and story-telling as a liberating practice that made the victims participant capable to overcome the silence and the self-imposed taboo that render unable to change, transforming the trauma of violence in forgiveness and building of hope. Presented in 1999 to The Hague Appeal for Peace Conference, the artwork has travelled in Europe, Asia, Africa, USA, and showed at the museums of Manila, Cape Town and Durban during the World Conference against Racism, Philadelphia.

Among the examples of participatory art experiences, i like to mention also Spirit figures: passages of peace in the plaza of fire and light, the act of William Kelly that opened our conference. It started an empathic communication between we as participants and the inhabitans of Gernika, who were assisting beyond the delimited fence, and spontaneously took part in this performance conceived to receive and spread light and inspiration, creating moments of deep emotion.

5,6,7 - Abbas Kiarostami, Ta’ziye, 2003

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If in the ’70 Danilo Dolci suggested the educative places as the area where “to try out and check with care the nonviolent action in a still few explored sector”, today we can think museums of peace as the contexts where to adopt nonviolent pedagogic metodologies and cultural means, with curatorial practices based on a participatory and shared planning, Without the imposition and the transmission of models and elaborations and monodirectional ways that cause methodologic violence, cultural and technological oppression and not culture as a “practice of freedom”(Freire). A museum of peace designed as a creative and maieutic structure will born from the work of listening and expression of history, needs and interests of the involved communities, with their participation also in the architectural and display project, and curatorial dynamics mediated by creative nonviolent group in order to build knowledge, awareness, and the humanization of cultural processes. Operating also for the defence of identities, using specific traditional elements of forgiveness and reconciliation. In a social reconciliation through the inclusion of minorities and victims with the restitution of their inexpressed or violated

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energies and potentialities: not a museum for weak and oppressed, but with; giving the inexpressed or repressed victim the occasion to express his creativity, and where memory is act of transforming reflection, in a permanent liberation, as in Paulo Freire pedagogy. And using the ability to dream and imagine and the collective utopia as a process of construction of future (Galtung), according also to the very concept of “culture of aspiration” elaborated at UNESCO in the framework of promotion of cultural diversity, where capacity to aspire is “a pre-condition for other capacities” and “the key for the human susteinable development” through those “dimensions of energies, creativity and solidarity… the help human being to participate in designing their future” (Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, A conceptual platform).

At the half of the “Decade for a Culture of Peace and Nonviolence for the children of the world (2001-2010)” proclamed by the United Nations (9), besides, museums of peace can share a common strategy in order to achieve some goals:

9- Ileana Alparone, The war and the peace, 2003, pastel and china on paper (detail), a contribution to the UN “Decade for a Culture of Peace and Nonviolence for the Children of the World 2001-2010”

• A campaign against visual violence and visual education to violence, against his normalization and his aesthetic exploitation in mass media and in the production of cultural industry; and promotion of the very concept of “culture of peace” as “a set of values, attitudes, traditions and modes of behaviour and ways of life” (as in the UN resolution).

• Participation to the lobby for the introduction of teaching of nonviolence and human rights in the national curricula of the Member States of UN/UNESCO who proclaimed the Decade, with an international agreement at the end of 2010.

• Support to the creation of Nonviolent Peace Forces in conflict areas.

• Promotion of the 21 September as “International Day for Peace” under the auspices of UN/UNESCO, with related public events (concerts, films, readings, etc.) in museums of peace and museum, cultural, educative institutions and organizations linked in partnership, with the aim to spread these goals at a wider level, and with the involvement of artists, personalities of the world of culture, cinema, sport, education, sciences.

In the prefation of 1966 to Eros and Civilization Herbert Marcuse wished for the “diffusion of a not controlled and not manipulated knowledge, of awareness and expecially of the refusal to work for the production of material and intellectual tools that today are used against humankind”, in a sort of intellectual and cultural consciencius objection, and spoke about the aesthetic dimension as source of liberation from the repression of technology and the dehumanization of violence. A way to believe, as Dostoevskij said, that “the Beauty will save the world”.

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References Freire, P. (1971), La pedagogia degli oppressi. Mondadori, Milano.

Pagni, R. (1981), Ultimi dialoghi con Lanza del Vasto. Ed. Paoline, Roma.

Lanza del Vasto (1988), Principi e precetti del ritorno all’evidenza.

Gribaudo,Torino. Or. ed. (1944), Principes et preceptes du retour à l’évidence.

Ed. Denoël, Paris.

Dolci, D. (1988), Dal trasmettere del virus del dominio al comunicare della struttura creativa.

Ed. Sonda, Milano.

Mangano, A. (1992), Danilo Dolci educatore. Ed. Cultura della pace, S. Domenico di Fiesole (Fi).

Argan,G.C. (1993), “La storia dell’arte”, in Storia dell’arte come storia della città, Editori Riuniti, Roma, pp. 19-81.

Kiarostami, A.(1995), Un film, cent rêves, in J. M.Frodon, M.Nicolas, S.Toubiana, Le Cinéma vers son deuxième siecle. Paris Le Monde éditions.

United Nations, Resolution adopyed by the General Assembly A/53/243, Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace, (6 October 1999); and Resolution adopyed by the General Assembly 57/6, International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World, 2001-2010, (27 November 2002).

Orson Welles en el pais di Don Quijote. A film of Carlos Rodriguez, Production Canal + España, 2000.

Marcuse, H.(1966), Eros and Civilization. A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud.

The Beacon Press. It. ed. (2001), Eros e civiltà. Einaudi, Torino.

UNESCO (2002),Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity.A conceptual platform, UNESCO, Paris.

Marshall, L., People watching, “The Guardian”, (July 14, 2003).

S.Sontag, (2003), Davanti al dolore degli altri. Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, Milano. Or. ed., (2003) Regarding the Pain of Others.

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para un cambio de las relaciones de poder. Pero también es cierto que, la búsqueda de salidas políticas no se elimina los conflictos y que lo que debería cambiar es la forma en que “las partes” persiguen sus objetivos incompatibles, eliminando las condiciones de marginación, violencia y exclusión de una gran parte de la población.

Algunos sentidos de la reconciliación

En los últimos años ha habido un debate creciente sobre el papel de la memoria en los procesos de (re)conciliación1 en situaciones posconflicto o después de dictaduras militares en diferentes partes del mundo. La mayor parte de las veces el contenido de este concepto hace referencia a cuestiones genéricas como rescatar la posibilidad de convivir entre grupos enfrentados, reconstruir el tejido social y organizativo fracturado como consecuencia de la represión y la guerra, o el establecimiento de un nuevo consenso social después de enfrentamientos armados o de regímenes basados en la represión política (Martín Beristain, 2005a).

Sin embargo, el concepto de reconciliación también tiene muchos detractores debido a las connotaciones religiosas o naif respecto a procesos históricos complejos y contradictorios.

Es una palabra grande, aparentemente unívoca y que no cuestiona las relaciones de poder, para procesos que tienen muchos matices y están sometidos a todas las contradicciones sociales. Hay que tener en cuenta que en muchos países o por parte de diferentes grupos, la noción de reconciliación ha sido simplemente rechazada, como por ejemplo en Kosovo o Rwanda después del genocidio.

Según Bloomfield (2003), habría que tener en cuenta dos perspectivas al hablar de la búsqueda de salidas en transiciones políticas: la de las estructuras y la de los procedimientos.

La primera hace referencia a las causas de los conflictos, la segunda a las relaciones de cooperación entre las partes (ya sea entre los partidos políticos como respecto a la población).

En ese sentido, mientras el compromiso democrático debería orientarse a buscar soluciones a las causas del conflicto (lo que está en juego), la reconciliación se dirigiría a las relaciones entre los que tienen que implementar las soluciones (en las diferentes relaciones entre Estado, políticos y población).

También plantea que la reconciliación, como recuperación de relaciones sociales fracturadas, necesita abordar los aspectos de justicia económica y compartir el poder político, dado que ambas cosas están relacionadas entre sí.

Pero la reconciliación de una sociedad enfrentada y que ha vivido graves fracturas sociales o políticas no excluye el conflicto. En muchos lugares, tras la finalización de un conflicto armado o una dictadura, los conflictos del pasado no han desaparecido. Sencillamente, han tomado una nueva forma. En algunos casos, el conflicto afecta a casi exactamente los mismos temas que en el pasado, como la propiedad de la tierra, la marginación de amplias capas de la población o la cuestión nacional.

Esto puede verse como un fracaso de muchos de los procesos de transición política o acuerdos de paz posconflicto, cuando no han abordado las reformas estructurales necesarias

1 Hablamos de (re)conciliación, para señalar que en ocasiones se trata de reconstruir relaciones que se rompieron a causa de la guerra o la violencia política, pero en muchas otras de construir nuevos espacios y relaciones que anteriormente tampoco existían. En este sentido deben entenderse las posteriores referencias al término reconciliación. Un resumen de las diferentes acepciones y significados del término puede verse en la nota

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• Reconciliación como construcción de la comunidad, de relaciones vecinales, familiares, etc. desintegradas a causa del dolor, los recelos y el miedo.

• Reconciliación como la construcción de una ideología no racista, ni excluyente. Como un nuevo consenso social de respeto a los derechos humanos que se expresa en cambios políticos.

• Reconciliación como promoción de entendimiento inter-cultural. Entre culturas cuya convivencia se ha visto deteriorada, promoviendo la comprensión mutua, respeto y posibilidades de desarrollo.

• La reconciliación como conversión moral. De cambio personal, aceptación del otro y reconocimiento de los propios errores, delitos, etc.

• La reconciliación como restitución de la integridad a las víctimas y un camino de reconstrucción psicosocial con sus experiencias de sufrimiento y resistencia.

• Reconciliación como hacer cuentas con el pasado por parte de los víctimarios y responsables de las atrocidades.

• La reconciliación vista como un restablecimiento de la relación víctima-victimario (modificado de Van der Merwe, 1998) La memoria colectiva Hace unos años, en un encuentro en Madrid, Darío Fo, escritor y dramaturgo premio Nóbel de Literatura, decía que una de las grandes bazas del Poder en estas última décadas ha sido convertir la historia en algo aburrido, en un armario lleno de polvo por el que nadie se interesa.

Sin embargo la memoria no mira solo a la reconstrucción del pasado, es también un instrumento para transformar el presente, para recuperar parte de la continuidad de las vidas. Tite Mugrefya, un psicoterapeuta ruandés que trabaja con los sobrevivientes del genocidio tutsi de 1994, decía recientemente que utilizaban un rescate de la memoria que les ayude a tener una imagen positiva de sí mismos, a encontrar sus raíces y no ver su identidad ligada al desprecio y la destrucción. Tienen que recuperar su propia historia para encontrar sentido de nuevo a tener hijos, reaprender a jugar y a vivir.

Pero los intentos de apoyar estos procesos de memoria colectiva tienen que tener en cuenta que las memorias de los hechos traumáticos evocan emociones intensas en quienes dan sus testimonios o se encuentran más unidos a las víctimas. Sin embargo, incluso los supervivientes pueden desear olvidar, tanto como contar cuanto sufrieron. Los hechos traumáticos tienden a evitarse o inhibirse, ya sea por el carácter amenazante y doloroso del recuerdo, por la estigmatización y el rechazo que pueden provocar, o como una forma de proteger a los próximos.

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Hay una memoria de los hechos, del dolor, pero también una memoria de la solidaridad.

Para los familiares puede ser importante recoger las memorias positivas de las víctimas, recuerdos agradables, logros, afectos, que hagan más llevadera la pérdida y ayuden a recobrar la confianza en sí mismos.

Tras la finalización de conflictos armados o dictaduras, muchas sociedades se han planteado la necesidad de conocer el pasado, para dar voz a las víctimas cuya experiencia había sido silenciada o manipulada y para que la sociedad entera, una buena parte de la cual había vivido al margen de esas atrocidades, reconociera lo que había sucedido.

Sin embargo, la experiencia indica que es la amnesia la que hace que la historia se repita y que se repita como pesadilla. La buena memoria permite aprender del pasado, porque el único sentido que tiene la recuperación del pasado es que sirva para la transformación de la vida presente (Galeano, 1996).

Sin embargo, la lucha por la verdad no es un camino fácil, está sometido a todas las contradicciones sociales. Según John Berger, la historia infunde esperanza a los desesperados y explotados que luchan por la justicia. En el mundo de los relativamente ricos, sin embargo, el olvido, se ha convertido en la única e insaciable demanda de la historia. ¿Qué piensan las víctimas y sobrevivientes?

En los contextos de guerra y represión política, las poblaciones victimizadas no han tenido la oportunidad de señalar a los culpables, obtener un reconocimiento social de los hechos y de su sufrimiento, ni una reparación social basada en la justicia. Además, frecuentemente la memoria está atada por el miedo, la desvalorización social o incluso la criminalización de las poblaciones afectadas. Todo ello conlleva efectos muy negativos en la identidad individual y social de los afectados, así como efectos sociales más amplios derivados de la impunidad.

El primer obstáculo para la reconciliación es que la gente no puede reconciliarse con sus experiencias si no puede compartirlas con otros y darles una dimensión social, con lo que no puede hacerlas parte de su vida. La gente que ha perdido a sus familiares quiere y necesita saber qué pasó con ellos, y dónde están sus cuerpos. En caso contrario se les obliga a un duro proceso de duelo y a quedar excluidos de nuevos proyectos personales y colectivos.

En el caso de Guatemala, para las víctimas y familiares que se acercaron a dar su testimonio al proyecto REMHI, y posteriormente a la CEH, una de las principales motivaciones era el conocimiento de la verdad. Mucha gente se acercó para contar su propia historia que no había sido antes escuchada y para decir: créame. Esa demanda implícita de dignificación está muy ligada al reconocimiento de la injusticia de los hechos y a la reivindicación de las víctimas y los familiares como personas cuya dignidad trató de ser arrebatada (ODHAG, 1998).

A pesar de confrontarse de nuevo con el dolor, dado que convocar el recuerdo y revelar hechos traumáticos es una experiencia dura, también saben que aquello a lo que están sometidos en sus vidas es intolerable. Para mucha gente el sólo hecho de darle nombre a lo intolerable constituye en sí mismo una esperanza, ya que cuando se dice que algo es intolerable, resulta inevitable la acción. Romper el silencio de los hechos, hablar de la experiencia, por amarga o dolorosa que sea, es descubrir la esperanza de que esas palabras quizás sean oídas y luego, una vez oídas, juzgados los hechos (Berger, 1986).

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En los testimonios recogidos por el proyecto REMHI, junto con la tristeza y el miedo, uno de los efectos que más aparecía entre las víctimas era el sentimiento de injusticia: nos hicieron más que a los animales. Las demandas más frecuentes recogidas en los testimonios fueron el conocimiento de la verdad, el respeto a los derechos humanos y la lucha contra la impunidad.

También aparecieron otras demandas de reparación como el resarcimiento y las exhumaciones para reconstruir los lazos con el pasado y los que murieron2. Todo eso implica que para mejorar la situación de las víctimas y, dado el impacto de la violencia el propio clima social del país, se necesita asumir la verdad, luchar contra la impunidad y apoyar a los sobrevivientes.

Recientemente en un taller con un grupo de familiares de personas desaparecidas en Medellín, compartieron una historia que les había golpeado muy duro en las últimas semanas.

Era un programa en la televisión en el cual había habido una consulta de psicología sobre qué hacer frente a determinadas situaciones y una de las preguntas que le había hecho la entrevistadora a la psicóloga era qué recomendaba para el duelo de los familiares de los desaparecidos. Ella dijo que tomaran algo que para ellos y ellas fuera importante, algo de su familiar, un recuerdo, una carta, una ropa, que lo pusieran en un cofre y lo enterraran, e hicieran un rito. Eso que puede ser útil en algunos casos para facilitar el proceso de duelo, fue vivido por los familiares como un nuevo golpe, porque era como si ellos lo mataran, era perder toda su esperanza, era dejar su lucha.

No se puede entender nada del duelo de la desaparición forzada si no se tiene en cuenta una visión más social. Lo que necesitan los familiares de los desaparecidos para poder hacer ese proceso es saber, es la verdad. Como los jóvenes de la Asociación Pro-búsqueda3 en El Salvador en un taller sobre el reencuentro de los jóvenes desaparecidos que habían vivido diez o quince años sin saber nada de su infancia cuando se planteó un ejercicio sobre los valores más importantes para ellos: la primera respuesta, antes que la amistad, fue la sinceridad.

La memoria y el reconocimiento social pueden ayudar a las víctimas del horror a reconstruir su vida y a promover cambios sociales, como muestra el testimonio de Diana Ortiz, una monja estadounidense que trabajaba en Guatemala y que fue secuestrada, violada y torturada en 1990 por agentes del ejército bajo la dirección de “Alejandro” un oficial estadounidense, y que declaró hace unos años ante la Comisión de DDHH del Congreso de los Estados Unidos, donde pidió la desclasificación de documentos de la CIA sobre la implicación de EEUU en Guatemala: “Alejandro me recordó que mis torturadores habían grabado en vídeo algunas de las partes de mi tortura que más me avergonzaron. Dijo que esas imágenes serían entregadas a la prensa si yo no perdonaba a mis torturadores. Logré saltar del vehículo y salir corriendo. Llevo nueve años luchando por dejar de correr”.

La memoria retorcida Sin embargo, hay muchos ejemplos en la historia de tendencias a reconstruir la memoria de una manera distorsionada, incluso responsabilizando a las víctimas. Por ejemplo, según

2 Entre la gente que se encontraba más golpeada por la tristeza por las pérdidas y el miedo, las demanda de verdad y justicia fue la más importante. Entre quienes expresaron más la injusticia y cólera por lo sucedido, las demandas más frecuentes tenían que ver con la reparación (ODHAG, 1998).

3 La Asociación Probúsqueda impulsada por el sacerdote Jon Cortina, está formada por familiares cuyos hijos fueron desaparecidos, dados en adopción de forma fraudulenta o separados de sus familias en operativos durante la guerra en El Salvador, y que ha promovido investigaciones sobre el destino de los niños y niñas -ya jóvenes- y procesos de reencuentro con las familias de origen y de acogida.

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algunas encuestas, la mayoría de la población alemana de más de 40 años cree que los judíos fueron en parte responsables del Holocausto (Daniel, 1992). Otra tendencia común puede ser el silencio (Sichrowsky, 1987). En Alemania, después de la guerra, la actitud dominante fue el no hablar sobre ella o el no aceptar ser juzgado por su pasado de participación con el nazismo. En el periodo posterior a la dictadura salazarista en Portugal y la dictadura franquista en el Estado español, la reacción fue similar, mostrándose un silencio general sobre la participación activa en el régimen anterior.

Frecuentemente las versiones oficiales plantean que es necesario "pasar la página de la historia para reconstruir la sociedad". De esta manera, se trata de reconstruir sobre el olvido forzado, como si ese hecho no tuviera ya consecuencias importantes en el propio proceso de reconstrucción. Sin embargo, detrés de la llamada al olvido hay en realidad un intento de los responsables de plantear su propia versión de los hechos, donde predomina la evitación del recuerdo o su recuerdo convencionalizado, cumpliendo, de esta manera, la función de mantener una imagen coherente de sí mismos. Como en el caso de la guerra sucia en España (BVE, GAL...) para los responsables políticos la memoria convencionalizada de la violencia tiene una función defensiva pero no explica los hechos (“eran tiempos duros”).

Algunas de esas distorsiones se inician de manera deliberada, como los intentos de reescribir la historia por parte de regímenes totalitarios o dictaduras. Otras veces pueden resultar de esfuerzos por esconder episodios considerados vergonzosos. Por último, otros pueden ser cambios bienintencionados para proporcionar un relato verdadero de hechos pasados.

Estos procesos de distorsión de la memoria incluyen múltiples mecanismos para convencionalizar el recuerdo como culpar al otro, manipular las asociaciones de los hechos, responsabilizar a las circunstancias, etc.

Estrategias y mecanismos de distorsión de la memoria colectiva • Omisión selectiva: Thomas Jefferson que escribió “todos los hombres son creados iguales” en la Declaración de Independencia era dueño de muchos esclavos.

• Manipular las asociaciones de los hechos: los EEUU4 tienden a ver el bombardeo de Hiroshima y Nagashaki como un acto de respuesta al bombardeo de Pearl Harbour.

• Exageración y embellecimiento: mientras el Ejército Rojo llevó un gran peso del triunfo aliado en la segunda guerra mundial, el desembarco de Normandía ha sido el hecho magnificado.

• Culpar al enemigo: el bombardeo alemán de Freiburg (y de Gernika) fue realizado por la Lufthwafe, pero se culpó de ello al ejército francés (y al republicano, en el otro caso).

• Responsabilizar a las circunstancias: atribuir la desaparición de las poblaciones indígenas de las Américas, durante la conquista española y portuguesa, a las enfermedades.

• Enfatizar un hecho causal sobre los demás: las Cruzadas fueron un “intento noble de garantizar los derechos de los peregrinos”, obviando el fanatismo religioso y la conquista de territorios.

4 Mucho más recientemente, la invasión de Somalia (1992) tendió a plantearse como una respuesta humanitaria al problema del hambre, y la guerra y bloqueo económico de Irak (1993-...) como una ayuda al pueblo iraquí para librarse de un dictador, escondiendo en ambos casos los intereses económicos y geoestratégicos de EEUU.

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• Etiquetaje social: la guerra de Portugal contra Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissao, no fue una guerra colonial, sino la guerra de ultramar. Este etiquetaje social tiene efectos ideológicos y de justificación.

• Identificarse con los vencedores: en Italia, existe un chiste muy popular que dice que cuando Mussolini se vió obligado a dimitir, los italianos fueron a la cama siendo fascistas y, al día siguiente, se despertaron antifascistas. (Braumeister & Hastings, 1998 y Marqués, Páez & Serra, 1998) Memoria y elementos simbólicos Los actos simbólicos y rituales pueden ayudar a recordar un hecho traumático relevante o mantener un recuerdo positivo de las víctimas, convirtiéndose así en un punto focal que ayude en el proceso de duelo. Tales símbolos son más efectivos cuando responden al sentir de los sobrevivientes y son culturalmente relevantes. Pueden incluso tener un beneficio más extenso, como iconos que mantengan para la sociedad las lecciones del pasado como parte de la memoria colectiva.

Pero como dice Eduardo Galeano, hablando de la lógica y las formas en que se simbolizan hechos históricos, hay tantos monumentos que faltan como monumentos que sobran. La reparación es una forma de reconocimiento, aunque a veces se usa como una forma de legitimación del Estado.

El papel preventivo de la memoria Según Pennebaker, Páez & Rimé (1996) para promover que la memoria colectiva cumpla este papel: Los hechos deben ser recordados de forma compartida y expresados en rituales y monumentos. Pero recordar hechos negativos siempre es doloroso y conmemoraciones idealizadas pueden ser muy distantes de la dura realidad vivida por los afectados.

Debe insertarse en el pasado y futuro del grupo. Deben recordarse los hechos, pero, evitar que se reactiven las emociones de odio y agresión al enemigo o de lo contrario la memoria de victimización refuerza la necesidad de venganza. En la medida de lo posible proponer objetivos comunes para “ellos” y “nosotros”.

Explicar y aclarar lo ocurrido dentro de lo posible. Debe conseguirse un acuerdo sobre los hechos básicos, aunque haya diferentes significados. Una definición y cuantificación clara de las victimas permite evitar tanto la amplificación simbólica, como el negacionismo o relativismo.

Extraer lecciones y conclusiones para el presente.

Darle un sentido y reconstruir lo ocurrido haciendo hincapié en los aspectos positivos para la identidad social. Esto no debe llevar a negar los aspectos negativos de la conducta del grupo.

Evitar la fijación en el pasado, la repetición obsesiva y la estigmatización de los sobrevivientes como víctimas. Evitar una cultura de la victimización, que transforme a las victimas en mártires justificatorios de acciones violentas posteriores. Evitar recordar nuestras víctimas y mártires y obviar los daños producidos por ”nosotros”.

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Más allá de la reconstrucción de los hechos, la memoria constituye un juicio moral que descalifica éticamente a los perpetradores. Esta descalificación de hechos debe ser individualizada y evitar atribuir culpas colectivas, por ejemplo a toda una nación, grupo étnico o político, la responsabilidad de lo ocurrido.

También los ideales, los derechos y aspiraciones de aquellos que fueron víctimas pueden ser reconocidos a través de formas de recuerdo como calles, lugares públicos, etc. En cambio la amnesia es funcional para quienes tienen responsabilidades en la violencia. La amnesia es enemiga de la reconciliación porque: a) niega a las víctimas el reconocimiento público de su sufrimiento. b) incita a los perpetradores a negar los hechos y sus responsabilidades. c) priva a las futuras generaciones de la oportunidad de comprender y aprender del pasado. La existencia de parques, conmemoraciones o monumentos no asegura que éstos cumplan una función social o que sirvan de formas de recuerdo efectivo. Para ello se necesita que respondan a las demandas de las víctimas y organizaciones sociales proporcionando espacios de participación, y puedan cumplir así un rol respecto al duelo o la memoria. En la experiencia de América Latina se han dado situaciones e impactos diferentes de las formas simbólicas de la memoria.

Chile o Argentina se han llevado a cabo numerosos memoriales o monumentos, algunos impulsados por los gobiernos nacionales o locales, otros muchos llevados a cabo directamente por agrupaciones de víctimas o movimientos de derechos humanos. En cambio en El Salvador, el Parque Monumento inaugurado diez años después de la publicación del informe de la Comisión de la Verdad ha sido una iniciativa de la sociedad civil y no ha contado con ningún apoyo gubernamental, que ha mostrado una falta de interés y desprecio por la memoria de las víctimas. Tampoco en Guatemala las autoridades han facilitado la realización de memoriales.

Sin embargo existen muchas iniciativas locales como el museo de Rabinal llevado a cabo por la propia comunidad, y la Iglesia forró con los nombres de las víctimas y comunidades recogidas en el informe REMHI la fachada de la Catedral de Guatemala (Martín Beristain, 2005b).

Las formas rituales o ceremonias específicas pueden tener un valor simbólico poderoso de cara a la recuperación, especialmente porque refuerzan una identidad positiva, desarrollan lazos sociales y solidaridad, pero también pueden generar un aumento de la afectividad negativa en algunos momentos, especialmente cuando los sobrevivientes no puedan tomar una cierta distancia de los hechos. Como señala Brandom Hamber, el proceso de recuperación no ocurre a través del “objeto” sino del proceso que se produce a través del objeto (como en un ritual en el caso de una exhumación). Por eso la participación de la gente afectada en el proceso es importante como elemento reparador.

Por último las formas de reconocimiento de la responsabilidad por parte de las autoridades pueden ayudar constituir hechos históricos relevantes que ayuden al proceso de reconciliación.

Pero al aceptar la reparación o las muestras de arrepentimiento los sobrevivientes pueden sentir ambivalencia: en cierto sentido significa dejar ir a sus seres queridos (Hamber, 2003).

Las peticiones de perdón públicas y genuinas pueden tener un impacto significativo, pero si los actos no se relacionan con la verdad y la justicia pueden ser vistos como una estrategia del gobierno para cerrar el pasado demasiado prematuramente y manipular a los sobrevivientes.

Además tienen que cumplir una serie de condiciones para tener un impacto positivo, tales como: a) ser sinceras y acompañarse de gestos demostrativos. b) ser total y aceptando la responsabilidad. c) evitar la justificación de las acciones (o no acciones). d) expresar la voluntad de cambio en términos concretos.

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Referencias Berger J. (1986). Y nuestros rostros, mi vida, breves como fotos. Madrid: Hermann Blume.

Bloomfield, D. (2003). “Reconciliation: an Introduction” en D. Bloomfield, T. Barnes y L. Huyse (eds.) Reconciliation after violent conflict. Stockholm: International IDEA. Braumester, R.F. y Hastings, S. (1997). “Distorsiones de la memoria colectiva: de cómo los grupos se adulan y engañan a sí mismos” en D. Páez, J. Valencia , J. Pennebaker, B. Rimé, B. & D. Jodelet (Eds) Memoria Colectiva de Procesos Culturales y Politicos. Lejona: Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea.

Daniel, J. (1992). “Acerca del pesimismo”. El Pais, 1 febrero, pág. 11.

Galeano, E. (1996): “La memoria subversiva” en Tiempo: reencuentro y esperanza (no.96).

Guatemala: ODHAG. Hamber, B. (2003) “Healing” en D. Bloomfield, T. Barnes y L. Huyse (eds.) Reconciliation after violent conflict. Stockholm: International IDEA. Marqués, J, Páez, D. y Serra, A.F. (1997): “Procesos de memoria colectiva asociados a experiencias traumáticas de guerra: reparto social, clima emocional y la transmisión de la información transgeneracional en el caso de la guerra colonial portuguesa” en D. Páez, J. Valencia , J. Pennebaker, B. Rimé, B. y D. Jodelet (Eds) Memoria Colectiva de Procesos Culturales y Politicos. Lejona: Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea.

Martín Beristain, C.(2005ª) “Reconciliación luego de conflictos violentos” en Verdad, justicia y reparación. Desafíos para la democracia y la convivencia social. IDEA-IIDH: Costa Rica.

Martín Beristain, C.(2005b). “Reconciliación y Democratización en América Latina: un análisis regional” en Verdad, justicia y reparación. Desafíos para la democracia y la convivencia social.

IDEA-IIDH: Costa Rica.

ODHAG, Oficina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado de Guatemala: Informe Proyecto InterDiocesano de Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (1998): Guatemala: Nunca Más. Vol. I, II y III. Impactos de la Violencia. Tibás, Costa Rica: LIL/Arzobispado de Guatemala.

Páez, D., Valencia, J., Pennebaker, J., Rimé, B. & Jodelet, D. (Eds) (1997): Memoria Colectiva de Procesos Culturales y Politicos. Lejona: Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea.

Sichrowsky, P. (1987): Nacer culpable, nacer victima. Nota bibliografica. Memoria,3, 56-57.

Van der Merwe, H. (1998) Informe sobre el caso de Duduza. Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación y Reconciliación comunitaria. Unidad de Transición y Reconciliación del Centro para el Estudio de la Violencia y Reconciliación. Braamfontein.

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! MICHAEL M. GONDWE Museum Education Coordinator.

Malawi “THE IMPORTANCE OF REMEMBRANCE TO BUILD PEACE; A CASE STUDY OF ROBBEN ISLAND MUSEUM IN SOUTH AFRICA” Abstract

MICHAEL M. GONDWE

Mandela’s life a focus of the Robben Island Museum.

Indeed Robben Island Museum focused on Mandela’s life. From the word go, Robben Island Museum was officially opened with pomp by Mandela himself. When a visitor docked at the harbour, what did he see? A museum shop full of Mandela t-shirts, sweatshirts, literature, caps, mention them. Very few items had memories of other political prisoners printed on them. At the prison, the tour guide zoomed out Block B cell number 5.What did he do? He spent a long time speaking about where, how Mandela biography-Long Walk to Freedom – was found, nature of cell and encouraged tourists to take pictures.

In this essay, I will first explain the place of Mandela’s biography in making national history in post apartheid South Africa and to what extent Mandela’s life was focused by Robben Island Museum in its first two years of existence. I will then discuss how the apartheid regime regarded and perceived the political prisoners and what secrets these political prisoners had under the regime. Finally, I will explain what ‘Mandelaisation’ means to the world peace.

In the process, the museum was sold as where Mandela was incarcerated for 18 years.

The quarry where Mandela worked, rarely mentioning by name the other prisoners. Mandela’s story is isolated from the stories of many others. Thus the narrative perpetuated the one sided story of a Madiba who was a leader and unifier “whenever we had problems Mandela was there to help…” as asserted by Patrick Matanjana.The bad side of Madiba was excluded at Robben Island. For example, that tough period 1997-1980 that was with tension, distrust and fight was omitted. It was only the notions of saint like person that prevailed at Robben Island Museum.

As if this was not enough, the press to enhance the Island as a place where Mandela stayed and suffered was intensified. The press too occasionally mentioned the suffering of other political prisoners. Mandela’s life was really a focus of the Robben Island Museum.

The place of Mandela’s biography in the making of National Heritage in post Apartheid South Africa.

Images of political imprisonement developed in accounts of Apartheid State and prisoners.

Nelson Mandela’s biography has indeed played the Madiba ‘magic’. His biography has not just reached its zenith in South Africa but even beyond. It has been so contagious like bush fire. Not only to black and white South Africans but even to the whole world. The biography has been so prominent and influential. It is in fact monumentalised.

The accounts of apartheid on political imprisonment have been contradictory. At one stage political prisoners were called security prisoners. The regime believed and maintained that the prisons had convicts sentenced for offences against security. At other times, the very so-called security prisoners were called communists. But when the apartheid regime was grappling with the African National Congress (ANC) over negotiations, the National Party Government confessed that it had less than a thousand political prisoners while the ANC identified over three thousand political prisoners whose releases needed to be discussed. The 1966 Commissioner of Prisons Report also conceded that there might have been one political prisoner- the PAC leader Robert Sobukwe.The apartheid regime again grappled with improving its image with regard to political imprisonment. The picture given to the world was that conditions had improved in prisonsnewspapers were in prisons the apartheid government said. Such were images of political imprisonment developed in accounts of the apartheid state. The prisoners on the other hand had their own. Their narrative revealed levels of punishment and privation, violence meted out against inmates by warders, hard labour, poor food, clothing, medical treatment and beddings.

The prisoners’ accounts also included challenges to treatment; mutual support prisoners gave each other, experiences of other prisoners. To them they were opponents of apartheid.

Robben Island in South Africa is like a buzzword to the life history of Mr Nelson Mandela.

The whole world is keen to learn about Mandela’s life at Robben Island. The Robben Island Museum has a task to present this history to visitors.

One would say that South African history was prophesied in Mandela’s biography and that that prophecy has been fulfilled. To the masses in South Africa, the biography has been the central feature of resistance against apartheid.’ The Long Walk to Freedom’. Yes, for South Africa, to be free it has indeed taken over 300 years. In this way, the biography is perceived as symbolizing the nation’s past. The biography is an icon. In other words, to people in South Africa, their history against apartheid can best be understood in the context of Mandela’s biography. What is more, the biography has become a household treasure. It is also available in thousands in form of print, visual, electronic media and advertisements. The Madiba magic.

It has made the prominent part of the national heritage in post –apartheid South Africaeconomically, socially and politically.It is the biography that has been a scramble and signifying the ultimate triumph of destiny.

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The ‘hidden histories’ of political prisoner life were those about their political disagreements and tensions among themselves. Their internal structures, leadership, education, training, organisation of political meetings, reading banned books, and above all revival of illegal political organisations and assessment of the state behaviour change within prison conditions. Prisoners were careful to keep these as secrets because all these activities were illegal. The apartheid regime could not tolerate them.

“THE IMPORTANCE OF REMEMBRANCE TO BUILD PEACE; A CASE STUDY OF ROBBEN ISLAND MUSEUM IN SOUTH AFRICA”

MICHAEL M. GONDWE

2. Neel Solani, “The Mandela Myth,” Biennial Conference of the South African Historical Society, Not Telling: Secrecy, Lies and History, UWC, 11-14 July 1999.

3. Fran Buntman, “Politics and Secrets of Political Prisoner History,” Biennial Conference of the South African Historical Society, Not Telling: Secrecy, Lies, and History, UWC; 11-14 July 1999.

What mandelaisation of Robben Island means to world peace in the world “Mandelaisation” is the exclusive focus by tour guides and curators on Robben Island that obscures the price of other prisoners. Tour guides understate the suffering of most prisoners but Mandela. It is the conscious or unconscious ignoring, negation and obliteration of the story of political imprisonment on Robben Island with emphasis only on Mandela. For example, tour guides focus on hard labour and abuse through discussing Mandela’s years of labour at the lime quarry. Every dignatories must be photographed in Mandela’s cell in order to marvel at his lack of revenge. The rich history of political imprisonment is being displaced at the expense of one man-Mandela. There is little understanding of the collective life prisoners created and the reciprocal relations of support and inspiration that prisoners gave each other, including Nelson himself.

In other words, ‘Mandelaisation’ is the silencing of the historical record through the selective and impositions by tour guides practised at Robben Island to glorify Mandela’s name. Its always Mandela this, Mandela that. This perpetuates Mandela’s fame making him a hero and a very important person.

Notes 1. ’Madiba magic’ is the belief South Africans have in Mandela that things would really happen with him. It is as if he has a magic spell. Others even think he is their messiah.

2. Long Walk to Freedom’- an auto/biography which has been written in the first person in what is presented as Mandela’s own words. Readers experience an emotional closeness with the great leader.

3. Patrick Matajana (spent 20 years on Robben Island charged with sabotage) said ,”Whenever we had problems Mandela was there to help us always ready to do that kind of thing. Mind you he did not only help people from ANC but also from other political organisations” Bibliography 1. C.Rassol, “The Individual, Biography and Resistance in South African Public History,” South African and Contemporary History Seminar, UWC, 7 October, (1997) extracts.

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IKURO ANZAI

! IKURO ANZAI Director of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University

“INTRODUCTION OF THE RENEWAL PROJECT OF THE KYOTO MUSEUM FOR WORLD PEACE, THE A-BOMB DAY MEMORIAL HAIKU MEETING AND THE JAPANESE CONSTITUTION ARTICLE 9 MESSAGE PROJECT WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON THE ROLE OF ARTS”

IKURO ANZAI

The museum organized more than 50 special exhibitions about varieties of themes including posters, paintings and public entertainment.

In 2004, the museum was drastically renewed.

“INTRODUCTION OF THE RENEWAL PROJECT OF THE KYOTO MUSEUM FOR WORLD PEACE, THE A-BOMB DAY MEMORIAL HAIKU MEETING AND THE JAPANESE CONSTITUTION ARTICLE 9 MESSAGE PROJECT WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON THE ROLE OF ARTS” Ikuro Anzai is the director of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University, which is the first-built university-attached peace museum in the world and has been visited by some 450 thousands people since its establishment in 1992. He is also a member of the board of directors of the Peace Studies Association of Japan, and the coordinator of the Liaison Committee for Peace Studies of the Science Council of Japan, the official organ of the Japanese scientists in 7 different disciplines. He is the chairperson of the Organizing Committee for the A-bomb Day Memorial Haiku Meeting, and the representative of the Japanese Constitution Article 9 Message Project. He was one the organizers of the 3rd International Conference of Peace Museums held in 1998 at Osaka and Kyoto, Japan.

Abstract Firstly, a drastic renewal project of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University, is briefly introduced with emphasis on the reinforced role of art exhibitions. Secondly, recent activities of the Organizing Committee for the A-bomb Day Memorial Haiku Meeting which is supported by the Kyoto Museum for World Peace are introduced. Haiku is the shortest form of poem originated in Japan, and has been becoming popular throughout the world. More than 1,000 Japanese and English haiku for peace and nuclear disarmament are sent to this haiku meeting from more than 20 different countries. Lastly, activities of the Japanese Constitution Article 9 Message Project are introduced with some attractive responses from the citizens and Buddhist monks in the fields of music, painting and calligraphy.

There are 2 different ways for peace museums to appeal to the people the indispensability of peace. One is “rational ways”, and the other is “sensuous ways”. Exhibiting history of wars and efforts for peace-building is one of the former methods, and exhibiting arts for peace is one of the latter methods.

In this report, I would like to briefly introduce the recent drastic renewal project of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University with emphasis on the enhanced role of arts, and then explain art related activities of two movements, i.e., the A-bomb Day Memorial Haiku Meeting and the Japanese Constitution Article 9 Message Project..

1. Renewal Project of the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University The Kyoto Museum for World Peace was established in 1992 in Kyoto, an ancient capital of Japan, and has been visited by some 450,000 people including many young generations.

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1.1 Revision of the Permanent Exhibition Room on History of War and Peace Firstly, the permanent exhibition room (~850_) has been extended to display the history of wars and conflicts in the world from the Sino-Japanese War in 1894 to the most recent war on Iraq in 2003. The exhibition puts special stress on Japan's “15-year War"(1931-1945) referring to, not only the damage and after-effects experienced by the Japanese people including agonies of atomic bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 60 years ago, but also the aggressive conducts done by the Japanese military forces in Asia-Pacific regions. The museum newly added the exhibitions on recent conflicts after the Gulf War in 1991.

1.2 Creation of 5 Exhibition Rooms for Peace Building Secondly, the museum established 5 new exhibition rooms on the second floor.

Rooms 1-2 display how the citizens can contribute to peace building by introducing peaceoriented activities of a number of non-governmental organizations in Japan and abroad such as the World Court Project, Hague Appeal for Peace in 1999, Social Forum movement, and 12 national and international NGOs including YWCA, Peace Boat, Alter Trade Japan, Peace Brigade International, September 11th Families for Peaceful Tomorrows, Amnesty International, Japan Volunteer Center, KIKO Network (citizens’ network on climate change), Future Bank, Asia Women’s Center, and Participation and Solidarity-Korea.

Room 3 introduces peace-related activities of citizens of Kyoto including “Children’s Statue for World Peace-Kyoto” built by the joint efforts of high school students; calligraphies of peace messages written by distinguished Buddhist monks of well-known temples in Kyoto; original pictures for Japanese playing cards published by the Kyoto Association for Nuclear-free Government; Kyoto doll entitled “Roar of a Bomber”; a folding screen with a picture on silk entitled “Peace of a Children’s Nation”, etc. On the wall is a map of Kyoto on which a number of war-related/peace-related spots are shown with detailed information on the desk under it.

Kyoto is well-known as one of the most attractive sightseeing spots in Japan with more than 1600 Buddhism temples and 400 Shinto shrines, but, here in this exhibition room, visitors can find “another Kyoto” with many historical spots related to the past wars. Near the Kyoto Station, for example, there is now a locomotive museum, but in1945 there was a circular warehouse which was one of the targets of atomic bombing.

Room 4 is Mugonkan Kyoto Annex. Mugonkan meaning “Silence Museum” is the art museum in Ueda City, Nagano Prefecture, which exhibits paintings and mementos of the art students who were sent to the front and died during World War 2. Seiichiro Kuboshima, director of Mugonkan, cooperated with the Kyoto Museum for World Peace to create this moving art exhibition room. About 20 paintings are on the wall with a number of mementos in the display cases. Also on the wall are moving poems written by Kuboshima. At the innermost part of the room, there is a special exhibition corner for Itsuko Okabe, a well-known essayist living in Kyoto, who has authored many important essays regarding war and peace.

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Room 5 is a newly established “Mini Exhibition Room” for free use by citizens, in which “Exhibition of Yukio Karaki’s A-bomb Paintings” was first held at the beginning of the 60th anniversary of atomic bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Karaki experienced atomic bombing in Hiroshima on 6 August 1945, and later produced a series of paintings of the scenes he himself witnessed.

In addition, the museum newly set up a space for exhibiting peace-oriented arts and literatures in the lobby. The following is a tentative list of paintings on display: “Black Sun” painted by Jakuso Okuda, distinguished Japanese haiku writer, “Bombers” painted by Fumio Matsuyama, well-known Japanese cartoonist, “Good and Evil” painted by Kon Ono, talented painter who won international awards, “Holy Mother and Child” by unknown Polish painter who was once in a German concentration camp after the World War 2 (donated by a Belgian woman living in Japan whose elder sister, the model for “The Nun’s Story” starring Audrey Hepburn, was given this painting while she was working as a nurse in the concentration camp) , “Peace” painted by Mineko Ochiai, Japanese pastelist who also won international awards. There is a corner for two famous Japanese writers of juvenile stories for peace, Yuko Yamaguchi, author of “Angry Jizo (Guardian Deity of Children)” about atomic bombing on Hiroshima, and Toshiko Takagi, writer of “Glass Rabbit”, a moving story of a girl who lost her family in WW2.

1.3 Media Library for International Peace Thirdly, we freshly opened the Media Library for International Peace on the first floor which enables people to learn more about peace by making it easier to access to the materials such as books, magazines, videos, CD-ROMs, DVDs, microfilms, etc. Visitors can also make use of computers through which they can obtain useful information about the activities of other peace-related museums in Japan and abroad.

As the only university-attached peace museum in Japan, the Kyoto Museum for World Peace is going to strengthen its unique contribution to the development of peace education by offering people space and information that are useful for building peace.

2. A-bomb Day Memorial Haiku Meeting August 6 and 9 are the special days for Japanese people. A uranium bomb nicknamed “Little Boy” was dropped on the City of Hiroshima at 8:15a.m. on the 8th of August 1945. A 16kt classic nuclear weapon killed some 140,000 people within that year. A plutonium bomb nicknamed “Fat Man” was dropped on the City of Nagasaki at 11:02a.m. on the 9th of August 1945. A 21kt nuclear weapon killed some 70,000 people in the course of that year. After the termination of war, approximately 100,000 people were driven to death due to various late effects of ionizing radiations including leukemia and other types of cancers, and more than 250,000 survivors are still alive in physical, economic and social difficulties. Many events are organized around this season of the year all over the nation

Haiku is probably the shortest form of poem in the world, and very popularly liked by Japanese people. More than 10 million people occasionally write haiku about the beauties of nature and the niceties of humanity. Traditional haiku is a 17-syllabled verse with a seasonal word consisting of three lines of 5-7-5 syllable pattern, but there has been another traditional stream of free-style haiku which obliges no syllable pattern and seasonal word. Haiku has been becoming very popular throughout the world. The Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan

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IKURO ANZAI

University, has been supporting the A-bomb Day Memorial Haiku Meeting, and I am now the chairperson of the organizing committee.

This nation-wide haiku meeting was first organized some 40 years ago by a distinguished haiku writer Jakuso Okuda, and now the meeting invites peace-related haiku, not only from Japan, but also from the rest of the world. The Organizing Committee for the 2004 A-bomb Day Memorial Haiku Meeting received about 1000 haiku from 362 Japanese and 170 overseas entrants of 21 different countries. Good haiku are selected by the judges appointed by the Organizing Committee, and the writers of good Japanese haiku are awarded prizes such as Grand Prix, Kyoto Prefectural Governor's Award, Kyoto City Mayor's Award, awards presented by some haiku associations and newspaper companies. The writer of the best English haiku is awarded Grand Prix, and those of good English haiku are awarded the Peace Museum Award presented by the Kyoto Museum for World Peace. The following are the English haiku awarded last year.

• Grand Prix Peace prayer repeated the grandmother’s gnarled fingers trace a carved name Sharon Hammer Baker (U.S.A) • Peace Museum Award Peace rally a forgotten scar starts to itch Tom Painting (U.S.A) • A teardrop on the medal in the old wife’s hand Svetlana Stankovic (Serbia and Montenegro) • The outskirts of town on a rusty cannon pigeons cooing Tomislav Z.Vujcic (Serbia and Montenegro) The culture of Haiku is thought to be very much peculiar to Japan, but it is obtaining universality, and is attracting more and more fans throughout the world. It is a special charm for the lovers of haiku to have to compose a haiku by strictly abiding by traditional rules of syllable composition and seasonal phrase. The meeting for award-giving ceremony is usually held on the first Sunday of September at the Kyoto Museum for World Peace, in which survivors of atomic bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 and the Bikini hydrogen bomb test conducted by U.S. in 1954 are invited to make a speech on their tragic experiences. Every year the meeting adopts a declaration which states participants' resolution to contribute to peace building through the culture of haiku by appealing to the public the agony of wars and atomic bombing and the significance of peace. I would like to continue to make efforts to develop this unique event by inviting more people from Japan and abroad thereby culturally contributing to the world peace.

3. Japanese Constitution Article 9 Message Project Japan has a peace-oriented constitution widely known among the peace-loving people throughout the world. Its Article 9 is especially famous as a very progressive declaration for peace. Preamble of the Constitution of Japan declares, "We, the Japanese people, desire peace

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for all time and are deeply conscious of the high ideals controlling human relationship and we have determined to preserve our security and existence, trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world". Based on this spirit, Article 9 of the Constitution stipulates as follows: 1. Aspiring sincerely to an international peace baced on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the naion and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes.

2. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.

“INTRODUCTION OF THE RENEWAL PROJECT OF THE KYOTO MUSEUM FOR WORLD PEACE, THE A-BOMB DAY MEMORIAL HAIKU MEETING AND THE JAPANESE CONSTITUTION ARTICLE 9 MESSAGE PROJECT WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON THE ROLE OF ARTS”

IKURO ANZAI

Constitution”. A beautiful wood-block print of antiwar poem was also sent to us. All these messages are going to be published in the books in preparation, and some of them that are appropriate for exhibition will be introduced in the peace museum.

The Article 9 Message Project has been supported by some 200 distinguished people including Hitoshi Motoshima (former Mayor of the City of Nagasaki), Jakucho Setouchi (influential Buddhist monk known also as a novelist), Sennojo Shigeyama (famous Noh comedian), Miyoko Ienaga (the wife of late Saburo Ienaga who instituted suit against censorship of school textbooks, etc. We will continue to promote the movement to protect and develop the pacifism of Article 9 by combined efforts in the fields of both rational and sensuous ways for appealing people.

This progressive stipulation became well-known among the peace-loving people all over the world, and recently quoted in the first item of the final statement of the 1999 Hague Appeal for Peace entitled “Ten Fundamental Principles for a Just World Order”. It reads “Every Parliament should adopt a resolution prohibiting their government from going to war like the Japanese article number nine.”

But, there has been a deep-rooted political assertion in Japan that strongly demands amendment of Article 9. Japan was disarmed in 1945 after the unconditional surrender, but again possessed an armed unit named “self-defense forces” in 1954 in accordance with the U.S. strategy to make Japan a breakwater against communism. In 1957, the Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi even explained in the Diet that possessing nuclear weapons is not unconstitutional if those nuclear weapons are within the minimum limit of self-defense purpose. Nuclear weapons for self-defense! Since that time, a number of plans have been considered for the amendment of Article 9 by the political leaders of the dominant party in the Government, i.e. Liberal Democratic Party, and they are now preparing a draft of the amendment to be introduced to the Diet in the near future, in which the dispatch of the self-defense forces of Japan, which has the third greatest military budget in the world, to overseas countries even in international disputes is going to be legalized.

In 2004, nine distinguished Japanese intellectuals including Kenzaburo Ohe, a Nobel Prize Laureate, published apprehensive statements about the present situations regarding the amendment of Japanese Constitution, and declared the establishment of “Article 9 Association”.

I cooperated with Professor Minoru Suda and Mr.Tetsuo Shibano, a writer, to create a citizens' campaign for promoting pacifism of the Article 9.

We started the Article 9 Message Project, and appealed to the people throughout the nation to send us their messages in the forms of essay, painting, music, poem, haiku, senryu (witty 5-7-5 syllable verse which is different from haiku in that it does not refer to the season but comments people’s daily life and social affairs satirically), tanka (5-7-5-7-7 syllable verse, also a traditional Japanese poem), kyoka (witty tanka), illustration, picture letter, poster, calligraphy, handicraft, etc. In response to our appeal, many citizens sent us their messages stating their strong determination to defend the Article 9. Some Buddhist monks sent us attractive calligraphy of meaningful phrases in relation to peace. Some of the paintings sent us were exhibited in the Kyoto Museum for World Peace. A musician composed a song entitled “Article 9of the

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! CAROLYN RAPKIEVIAN The National Museum of the American Indian “THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN: CULTURAL RECONCILIATION AND THE SEEDS OF WORLD PEACE” “Let us bring our minds together to greet each other as human beings.” So begins the “preparation experience” at the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of the American Indian which opened on September 21, 2004 in Washington D.C. So too begins the process of cultural understanding, cultural respect, cultural reconciliation, and the seeds of world peace.

The Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian is an institution of living cultures dedicated to the preservation, study, and exhibition of the life, languages, literature, history, and arts of the Native Peoples of the Western Hemisphere. This intergenerational institution of living Native cultures and communities represents a meeting ground for dialog and a significant historical opportunity for Native and non-Native worlds to achieve a cultural understanding and reconciliation. This is based not only in recognition of the legitimate place of Native peoples in the histories of the Americas, but also in an appreciation on the part of both Native and nonNative people, that all of us share a common humanity that transcends ethnic and cultural differences at the same time that it recognizes and celebrates them.

The National Museum of the American Indian was established by congressional legislation in 1989. It is home to one of the finest and most comprehensive collections of Indian cultural materials in the world assembled over a 54 year period beginning in 1903 by George Gustav Heye who traveled throughout North and South America. Over 800,000 cultural materials are cared for at the museum’s Cultural Resources Center, accessible to the museum’s Native constituents as well as to others wishing to study the objects. The George Gustav Heye Center, an exhibition and educational facility of the National Museum of the American Indian, opened in 1994 and is located in lower Manhattan in New York City.

The National Museum of the American Indian opened this past fall on the National Mall in Washington D.C. with a gathering of an estimated 25,000 Native peoples – perhaps the largest gathering of indigenous peoples in the Americas in history.

Native communities, though devastated by colonial disease, violence, and cultural repression, assert that they are not, ultimately, the victims of that history – they retain a vigorous contemporary cultural presence in the Americas and a continuing self determination and definition. As noted by our Director, W. Richard West, Jr., a Southern Cheyenne Chief, an accomplished attorney, and former Chair of the American Association of Museums, rather than presenting Native peoples as victims, in the process perpetrating the disempowerment of Native peoples, the National Museum of the American Indian affirms, in its exhibitions and public programs, this cultural vitality and continuance - this profound “survivance”.

Long before and throughout all of the planning for all of the museum facilities, the National Museum of the American Indian held over 25 consultations with groups of Native people. These consultations forever shaped and directed the museum. We heard from Indian people about what the architecture should be like, what should and should not be exhibited, what should be taught, and how we should care for the collections.

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Former Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, Robert Adams reflected on the potential of the National Museum of the American Indian: [We] move decisively from the older image of the museum as a temple with its superior, self-governing priesthood to . . . a forum . . . committed not to the promulgation of received wisdom but to the encouragement of a multicultural dialogue.

This philosophy is in harmony with the new UNESCO International Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. According to the convention, communities must have a major role in defining their own intangible cultural heritage and how it is documented, preserved, recognized, presented, transmitted, and legally protected. There should be fully engaged, substantive dialog and partnership with people who hold the cultural heritage. Such partnerships entail shared authority for defining traditions, and shared curation for their representation.

Historically, the relationships between museums and Native peoples have not been relationships of collaboration. Many Native Americans understandably have a negative view of museums so we had great hurdles to overcome in creating the museum. We recognize that the intellectual and spiritual realities Native peoples bring to the table differ, often profoundly, from ways others may see the world. At the National Museum of the American Indian we do more than merely acknowledging the differences in cultural perspectives and realities between the Native and Western worlds. We confirm and validate those distinctions.

The Museum’s goal is to create a Native world on the National Mall and invite its visitors in. For some it will be an unfamiliar experience. The museum assists visitors in preparation for this by offering strong environmental and sensory cues, welcoming experiences, and an immersive orientation. Only after thus preparing, do visitors explore the museum galleries and other public program spaces.

The museum’s circular Lelawi Theater offers a dazzling multi-media experience designed to prepare visitors for the themes and messages they will encounter in the museum. The presentation, “Who We Are”, immerses viewers in the vibrancy and diversity of contemporary Native life and introduces from a Native perspective, the strength that different communities from across the Western Hemisphere derive from their connections to land, community, religion, self-government, and self-expression.

Consistent with the holistic nature of the Native views, the Museum considers the entirety of its ground and building on the National Mall in Washington D.C. to be the instrument of its interpretive programs. Native sensibilities are evident in the landscaping, the design of the building, and decoration of the interior spaces, and most particularly, the way in which programs are presented to the public. Elements of the natural world such as flowing water, natural light, plant life, and grandfather rocks are integrated with the built space inside and out. This results in a very different kind of museum experience than that to which most visitors are accustomed.

In our programs and exhibitions we present the insights, perspectives, and voices of Native people themselves. In doing so, we depart, as other museums have now, too, from the historically conventional approach of interpreting and representing Native cultures and communities from third-party viewpoints. Our director notes: We do so because we believe the cultural expertise of Native peoples is authentic, authoritative, and real concerning their cosmologies, philosophies, life and cultural experience, past and present. To the worthy contributions of archeology,

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anthropology, art history, and history, we wish to add, in a serious, rigorous, disciplined, and scholarly way, the voices of Native peoples themselves, always to the end of enriching and broadening the experience of every visitor to the Museum.

dialogue between Native Peoples and museums. Repatriation is essential to re-establish spiritual harmony I believe one of the greatest things we can do is teach our visitors respect for other cultures and we can do this by setting an example by our actions.

This same sense of Native authority is clearly present in the Museum’s three inaugural permanent exhibitions, “Our Universes: Traditional Knowledge Shapes Our Worlds,” “Our Peoples: Giving Voice to Our Histories” and “Our Lives: Contemporary Life and Identity,” which focuses specifically on the challenging issues of communal and individual cultural identity that confront contemporary Native communities in the changed cultural landscapes of the Americas in the 21st century.

It is my personal observation, in our work at the museum with Native communities, that it is not simply the product of the museum that has led to a new era of mutual respect. Philosophies and values that have shaped and defined the development and character of the National Museum of the American Indian have led to processes that in themselves have built new relationships of trust. The National Museum of the American Indian creates for the future, cultural relationships that are reconciled in ways that have proved elusive in the past.

The museums collaborated, in a thoroughly mutually participatory way, with 24 Native communities from throughout the Americas – seven from Latin America, one from the Caribbean, four from Canada, and 12 from the United States. In each case the NMAI followed a specific protocol which ensured that the community itself, selected objects from our collections and provided its own interpretation of them. This curatorial approach resulted in exhibition presentations that produced unique perspectives into the historical and contemporary life and cultural experience of the Native peoples of the Americas.

What are Native visitors saying about the museum? Some of the comments we have received include:

To communicate this collaborative approach to visitors, all labels and text panels are signed by the author. Many but not all are first-person quotes by Native community curators. By identifying the authors of the “words” in our museum, we enable the visitor to understand the complexity of multiple perspectives. First-person narratives convey the immediacy of Indigenous peoples’ experiences and provide visitors with a direct connection to Native people. Exhibit narratives call upon the authority of individual people’s life experiences and avoid the impression that knowledge is being imparted from an all-knowing singular authority.

“I think (we) are portrayed very well in this museum - it makes me proud of my heritage.”

“When going through the museum, I feel like a part of me is here.”

“The museum seems to say we are proud of who we are as Native people and at the same time we are progressing into the future what ever it may hold for us.”

What are visitor perceptions of our role as a museum of cultural reconciliation that contributes to a culture of world peace? Without explicit museum narratives about reconciliation and peace, visitors are responding in visitor comment books with messages such as:

First Nations museum is key in education for everybody - our goal for all to live together in peace.

As a result of our collaborations, objects are not displayed in ways which museum visitors have learned to expect - in chronological sequences or geographical groupings.

All people deserve to have their story told. I hope this museum helps to bring education and understanding to the masses.

Many narrative accounts are not chronological, which contrasts with traditional museum formats but is consistent with the characteristics of Native histories. As with Indigenous ways of teaching, stories presented by community members are personalized.

Everyone in the whole world should be able to live in peace and comfort. All countries should not make war.

According to scholar Claire Smith, visitors “have to work at understanding the exhibits— and perhaps this is the point. They have been given the power to determine what is important for themselves, and this will vary according to each individual, each having their own interpretation.

This is an Indigenous, not a Western, route to achieving knowledge.” Describing his visit to the museum, a non-Native man with his young son told us, “At first we did not understand the order of the museum and we were having a bad time. Then we realized the museum is like a walk in the woods and then it all made sense. You can choose where you want to go and what you want to learn.”

As part of the National Museum of the American Indian’s mission to serve its Native constituents, we have a pro-active position on repatriation. We are committed to returning human remains, funerary objects, communally owed Native property, ceremonial and religious objects, and objects transferred to or acquired illegally to Indian tribes or to individuals with tribal or cultural affiliation. Repatriation, as a national movement, is but one part of the renewed

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This museum really made me think.

To me this museum is a symbol of peace between nature and humankind.

This museum holds a great promise as a place of honor for the diversity of our nation. One day, perhaps we’ll TRULY be a great nation which honors ALL the diversity of this land.

I marvel at the quality of life exhibited throughout the American Indian museum. Hopefully this knowledge exhibited will help all people of all nations live in peace.

So we believe that the National Museum of the American Indian is a civic space for contemporary Native communities to engage in cultural dialog with human beings of the world.

Through dialog we hope to expand the cultural consciousness of our visitors, encouraging respect and understanding between Native and non-Native peoples. Validating Native cultural authority, shaping historical memory and national identity, we hope to lead citizens of the Americas down a path of reconciliation. And even, we hope, plant the seeds of world peace.

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! ERESHNEE NAIDU Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. South Africa “HEALING THE WOUNDS OF THE PAST THROUGH MEMORIALISATION”

ERESHNEE NAIDU

The following presentation will briefly discuss research that was conducted with communities at two different memorial sites, questioning the efficacy of these sites in building sustainable peace as well as propose a model that seeks to ensure that memorial sites in South Africa can achieve their full potential as mechanisms for peacebuilding and sustainable reconciliation.

Kliptown Ecomuseum Development

In a post conflict situation, the positive role of museums in portraying identity can help promote national unity, stability and reconciliation within a society. It can serve to identify the nation for others, and facilitate its establishment within the international community. In doing so, it assists in encouraging economic investment, foreign aid and tourism

The Kliptown Development is a multi-million Rand development that is sponsored mainly by the Johannesburg local and Gauteng provincial government. The development focuses on a tourism agenda and includes an ecomuseum as well as various other developments that promise various economic benefits for the community.

Background:

Research conducted with various segments of the community in Kliptown has shown that Kliptown is essentially a place of memory. It reflects the nostalgia of a community that longs for the days gone as it attempts to use the memories of the past to re-build the social fabric of a slowly fracturing community. As the birthplace of the Freedom Charter,1 Kliptown has historically been a place that housed diverse groups of people that lived beside each other celebrating both their unity and diversity. Not only was Kliptown amongst the first places to defy the various segregation policies imposed by the Apartheid state, but it was also the first town of the broader Soweto region.

Having emerged as the Cinderella of the political world, South Africa as a transient society is faced with various challenges regarding the re-telling and re-presentation of the collective histories and memories of its people. Since the advent of democracy in 1994, the South African state has implemented various mechanisms that aimed to re-write the narratives of the past; forge reconciliation amongst citizens that were racially, politically and economically divided; and build a sustainable peaceful society. The inception of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in 1996 was one of first mechanisms that aimed to fulfil some of these objectives. In its attempt at uncovering the truth around the gross human rights violations, injustices and human suffering, the TRC aimed at simultaneously re-creating and reconstituting a national narrative that saw a nation coming to terms with its past.

As part of its final report in 1998, the Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee (RRC) of the TRC recommended that reparations as legal and moral obligations to survivors of gross human rights violations was necessary to ‘restore human and civil dignity’ and enable victims to come to terms with the past. It was recommended that a reparations policy should be guided by the following principles: redress, restitution, rehabilitation, restoration of dignity and reassurance of non – repetition. In keeping with these principles, urgent interim reparations, individual reparations, symbolic reparations, community rehabilitation programmes and institutional reform were viewed as the most desirable forms of reparations. However, taking into account the complexity of the TRC process itself and the fact that “virtually every Black South African can be said to be a victim of human rights abuse” the RRC recommended that the various forms of reparations were not to be implemented in isolation of each other but complement each other so as to acknowledge both those victims that testified before the Commission as well as those who comprise the broader South African collective (TRC Report, 2003).

According to the TRC report, symbolic reparations refer to measures that facilitate the “communal process of remembering and commemorating the pain and victories of the past.”

Such measures, which are seen as mechanisms to restore the dignity of victims and survivors, include exhumations, tombstones, memorials and monuments and the renaming of streets and public facilities. In acknowledging the role of civil society in the process of reconciliation and healing, the RRC argued that reparations should be viewed as a “national project” that is a “multi – faceted process and can be approached from many sides by different people (TRC Report, 2003).

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While Kliptown was once the vibrant economic hub of Johannesburg, today its vibrancy is eclipsed by some of the more recent and popular urban developments within the surrounding urban areas. While remnants of the culture and community of the past remain ingrained in the memories of many, the communal sense of belonging is slowly beginning to fade. This is primarily due to two major reasons. During the implementation of the Group Areas Act, many Kliptonians were forced to re-locate to racially demarcated surrounding areas, such as Eldorado Park, Lenasia and Pimville. In addition, the early 1990’s saw an influx of informal settlers who had no emotional ties to the history of Kliptown and the Freedom Charter. From their arrival into Kliptown until today, these communities have remained outsiders. Many old Kliptonians allocate the blame for the increasing decay and general lack of community to the new Kliptonians.

This has also resulted in other divisions within the community and memory to the new Kliptonians.

These divisions within the community between the old Kliptonians and the new Kliptonians have resulted in growing sense of intolerance amongst members of the community particularly with regards to race and religion. Furthermore, given the development in the area that has largely been driven by the memorialisation of the Freedom Charter, there is increasing competition for perceived benefits of the development. Old Kliptonians are beginning to see the value of their narratives and memories of the past to ensure their access to the resources that the development has to offer.

1 The Freedom Charter was the document ratified at the Congress of the People, held at Kliptown, Soweto, in June 1955, by the various member bodies of the Congress Alliance. The policies set out in the Charter highlighted the ideals of a democratic South Africa and included a demand for a multi-racial, democratically elected government and equal opportunities for all.

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It is within this context of an ‘ideal past’; and present community divisions that have, arguably, been exacerbated to a large extent by the urban regeneration development, that the development has become a divisive factor instead of rekindling the peaceful, diverse community of days gone by.

Sharpeville Monument Even before 1960 Sharpeville had a history of its own. Initially people were removed from Top Location and placed here. The forced removals from towns and the 1984 boycotts also form part of the events of the history2 There was a law from the government that we shouldn’t be close to the towns… Top Location was said to be the black spot and people had to be settled somewhere [else]. The town council then, had this area here… [so they] felt that we needed to be brought here. Many people didn’t like it.3 The signing of the Constitution was done in Sharpeville4 Sharpeville was established as a township in the early 1940’s and today remains amongst one of the areas whose history continues to be an integral part of the South African political landscape and transition. Developed as a result of forced removals from an area called Top Location, Sharp Native Township which later became known as Sharpeville, developed as a result of Top Location’s close proximity to the white business and residential area of Vereeniging.

Most people who were moved to Sharpeville resented the unattractive, regulated life of the township which was both incongruent as well as incoherent to people who were used to the urban vibrancy of life in Top Location. However, as with most South African townships, Sharpeville over the years began to develop its own unique identity that was highlighted through its social, cultural, political and economic activities5. The turning point of Sharpeville’s political history and that of the rest of South Africa was a result of the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre in which 69 people6 were killed and approximately 300 people injured by police as they participated in a PAC - organised protest against the Apartheid Pass Law system. According to the TRC Report7 the Sharpeville Massacre marked a significant change in the nature of political conflict as the cycle of violence and counter violence, coupled with increasing human rights violations, escalated from that point onwards. The gross human rights violations and the excessive use of force by

2

Interview Mr. Nakana

3

Interview Mr. Leutsoa

4

Interview Mr. Kolisang

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Interviews Mr. Leutsoa and Mr. Mohapi

6 While these were the official figures that were released, there is still much controversy around the number of victims.

This was highlighted both in the focus groups as well as individual interviews.

7

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the police against peaceful protestors are further highlighted in the conclusions of the TRC report that states: The Commission finds the former state and the minister of police directly responsible for the commission of gross human rights violations in that excessive force was unnecessarily used to stop a gathering of unarmed people.

Apart from the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, Sharpeville, similar to most townships in the Vaal region during the 1980’s, experienced increased political violence. The event that was highlighted by both participants in the focus groups as well as interviewees was The Rand Boycott in 1984 that resulted in the deaths of many people as well as the loss of homes. This was exemplified by Mr. Leutsoa: We had a system in the township where the town council was in control. They called it the Urban Bantu Council. Many [councillors] were puppets… some of them died in the township and many of them ran away…It was terrible in 1984…many houses were burnt and many people were killed [along] with the councillors.8 In a symbolic recognition of the atrocities that occurred in Sharpeville during the Apartheid era, the South African Constitution was signed on 10 December 1996 at the George Thabe Stadium in Sharpeville. Furthermore, in recognition of all those people that were killed on 21 March 1960, the United Nations has adopted March 21 as the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and this day remains a national celebration of human rights in South Africa. It is within this context of political upheaval and change that the Sharpeville Monument today, has the potential to become a significant marker in recalling the memories of days gone by and the healing of a community that has experienced continued divisions and conflict.

Reconciliation There is no peace between the PAC and the ANC because the PAC had wished that this monument [would] be its monopoly. The PAC believes that the ANC did not have a part to play in all this.9 Well for [reconciliation] interaction is needed. We cannot wait for the 21st of March and then try and meet. [It] is like we are inventing a relationship that we don’t have during the greater part of our lives…Regular interaction and setting up a permanent programme for everybody can make sure that people reconcile.10 With regards to reconciliation, there was general agreement amongst focus group participants as well as individual interviewees that the Sharpeville memorial has been unsuccessful in

8

Interview Mr. Leutsoa

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Interview Mr. Mohapi

10 Interview Mr. Kantso

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reconciling the community. While both Mr. Kolisang and Mr. Nakana acknowledged that the aim of the site is to promote reconciliation and recognise those victims of the Sharpeville Massacre, they both highlighted that the site is still in its development phase and has therefore not been able to achieve its full potential as yet.

Despite these claims, focus group participants and other interviewees highlighted that the lack of reconciliation is a result of political clashes over the representation of the Massacre itself, where both the ANC and PAC claim ownership of the actual event. Mr. Kantso further highlighted this in his description of the separate commemoration ceremonies that the ANC along with government and the PAC host annually on the 21 March. According to participants in the youth focus group, the site has achieved a certain degree of reconciliation amongst families of the victims but as stated earlier, clashes still remain around the recognition of victims.

Youth participants also highlighted their concern around the political clashes over memory, acknowledging that they were uninterested in the political issue and that these issues needed to be resolved to refocus on new issues.

“HEALING THE WOUNDS OF THE PAST THROUGH MEMORIALISATION”

ERESHNEE NAIDU

To ensure that all groups, especially survivors of gross human rights violations, benefit from memorialisation projects, it is necessary that communities are skilled to be able to contribute significantly to memory and museum programmes. Additionally such projects should ensure that apart from the benefits of reconciliation and peacebuilding such projects should ensure that poor communities are able to economically gain from such endeavours so as to bridge some of the structural inequalities that remain barriers to the attainment of positive peace. The model outlined below has been piloted and developed by CSVR in an attempt to ensure that museums, monuments and memorials in post-conflict South Africa are able to achieve their full potential as a form of symbolic reparations.

In addition to the lack of political reconciliation, women in the focus group highlighted issues around survivor integration and reconciliation with the rest of the community. Survivors pointed out that when they were invited to participate in activities at the site, other community members questioned their “special” treatment. This ostracism coupled with the general lack of community understanding around issues of survivorhood has resulted in the further marginalisation of survivors.

Conclusions The two cases that I have highlighted indicate that while museums, monuments and heritage sites in South Africa do have the potential to foster reconciliation and build peace within communities, they have, inadvertently, become divisive mechanisms within the given communities.

While our research has shown that there are various factors that contribute to these negative effects, the key factors include: Negative Peace: While South Africa has achieved negative peace in that there is reduction of direct violence, there remains within the society various structural forms of violence which includes the vast economic inequalities. As the gap between rich and poor widens, poor communities view memorialisation initiatives as a means to improve the economic situations, hence the competition over limited resources and clashes over authentic memory claims.

Consultation: Consultation that is undertaken to collect narratives or understand the needs of the communities with regards to the memorialisation initiatives are often politically bias and restricted to specific groupings. This at the risk of marginalizing specific groupings such as survivors of gross human rights violations, excombatants, women and youth. The result within the community therefore, is often one that exacerbates political divisions, general lack of stakeholder ownership of the sites and underlying tensions within the community.

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! CHIKARA TSUBOI Sapporo Gakuin University “LIVERPOOL AND HANAOKA: TWO MUSEUMS OF RECONCILIATION” Introduction Reconciliation between the aggressor and the victim who existed in a same historical event is difficult to bring about. Also difficult is reconciliation between their respective descendants who, after the event, live in the same period of time. A first and basic step to reconciliation in such a case may be to share the facts of the historical event on both sides. And an even more challenging way will be to acknowledge the facts of the wrongdoings on the part of the aggressor and their descendants. That can be a prelude to a reconciliation that the victim and their descendants can accept. Such challenges are going on in the English city of Liverpool and in the Japanese town of HANAOKA, both of which are the very spots where the respective aggressions took place.

Liverpool, as one knows, was a centre port of the slave trade for about 400 years until the slave trade was prohibited in 1807, during which time slave ships from Liverpool made 5.000 Atlantic crossings. And, owing to it, the city became prosperous whereas a great number of African people then treated as slaves lost their dignity as human beings. To acknowledge this history, the Merseyside Maritime Museum of Liverpool opened a permanent gallery devoted to transatlantic slavery in 1994.

HANAOKA, a very small town in the northeast of Japan, was one of the places to which the Japanese Imperial Army of the war-time sent Chinese POWs and kidnapped civilians as slaveworkers for Japanese mine corporations. Owing to the sever labour forced to them, the slavesworkers tried to escape, but were caught soon and brutalised by the people of the town. In 1989, the survivors and the bereaved families formed HANAOKA Victims Liaison and started a lawsuit against Kajima Construction Company, one of the leading mine corporations at that time, demanding their official apology, their compensation, and their efforts to set up a museum which tells the facts of what had actually happened at HANAOKA. In 1990 an official apology was made by the company, and, as regards their compensation, a legal reconciliation was brought about in 2000. yet, the third demand has not been met so far. In 2002, a civilian group called HANAOKA PEACE MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION, of which most of the members are HANAOKA people, was formed with the first objective to set up a museum. The museum has not been built yet, but it’s on the way.

CHIKARA TSUBOI

unfortunate creatures was in the last state of dysentery, whose natural evacuations ran involuntarily from him amongst these yams, creating and effluvia too shocking for description.

On their being released from irons, their appearance was most distressing; scarcely one of them could stand on his legs, from cramp and evident starvation. The space allowed for the females, thirty-four in number, was even more contracted than that for the men, measuring only 9 feet 4 inches in length, 4 feet 8 inches main breadth, and 2 feet 7 inches in height, but not being confined in irons, and perhaps allowed during the day to come on deck, they did not present so distressing an appearance as the men” from Annual Register, 1788, quoted in The Survey of London: London in the Eighteenth Century by Sir Walter Besant, pp. 61-62.

I was in the Transatlantic Slavery Gallery twice. Each time I tried a walk-through experience in the recreated hold of a slave ship, remembering in mind the above mentioned note on the dehumanising treatment of the slaves on board ship. The Gallery provides 12 spoken accounts of the slave ship in the 18th century, which visitors can hear by the telephone devices.

The Transatlantic Slavery Gallery, the subtitle of which is “against human dignity”, is in the basement of the Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. The size of it is about 400 square metres, not large but compact. On the plaque of the entrance, there is a guide-words as follows: “In the four hundred years between 1500 and 1900, Europeans enslaved millions of Africans.

They shipped them across the Atlantic in conditions of great cruelty”. And, once you step in, you will soon realise that it takes quite a long time to get all exhibits through, not because they are displayed in the dim lighting, but because each of them tells you unescapable facts of the past, and speaks to you, implicitly, “How should you live up with these facts?”

The academically-examined artefacts and illustrations displayed are all well-organised to depict each of the themes such as The Origin of Transatlantic Slavery, The Growth of European Slaving and The European Traders, and The Scale of Transatlantic Slavery, and so on. And these exhibits create a good chance for visitors to face more facts behind the transatlantic slavery trade and to think about them. For instance, the fact that the African people, before they had been enslaved, lived their own way of life as farmers, merchants, priests, soldiers, goldsmiths, musicians, husbands and wives, fathers and mothers, and sons and daughters will make visitors think that the Africans’ right to live peacefully should not have been deprived of.

And the fact that the transatlantic slavery trade was a cause of the African Diaspora will certainly make them understand that is why the descendants of the Africans live together with them in many parts of the world including Liverpool.

1. Liverpool

Liverpool visitors, and white visitors in particular, might feel it painful to face such facts that, as Ramsey Muir points out in his A History of Liverpool (1907), “Beyond doubt it was the slave trade which raised Liverpool from a struggling port to one of the most richest and prosperous trading centres in the world”, and that, in the 18th century, a slave trader was elected as the mayor of the city and was respected as a pious Christian. These painful feelings might be amplified by the Slavery History Trail, a two hour guided walk organised by the Gallery, which takes in streets and buildings of Liverpool with connections to the slave trade. However, they must acknowledge that these are the facts they can not escape from.

“The state in which these unfortunate creatures was found is shocking to every principle of humanity. Seventeen men, shackled together in pairs, by the legs, and twenty boys, one on the other, in the main hold, a space measuring 18 feet in length, 7 feet 8 inches main breadth, and 1 foot 8 inches in height; and under them the yams for their support. One of these

The Transatlantic Slavery Gallery is a fruit of the combined efforts of Peter Moores, founder of the Peter Moores Foundation, and Anthony Tibbles, chief curator of Maritime History. Peter Moores approached Anthony Tibbles with the suggestion of creating a display about the slave trade and financed nearly £550,000 for it. And Anthony Tibbles directed practical matters such

The following is my research notes on the two museums: what are they like? and what is the difference between the two?

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as the academic examination of the history of the transatlantic slave trade, the collection of exhibits, the hearing of voices from the black community in Liverpool, and even the choice of the wordings on the plaques at the display rooms. Anthony Tibbles says in his paper: “I hope the gallery will continue to encourage debate and discussion and encourage others to take on similar challenges.” (Anthony Tibbles, Against Human Dignity: The development of the Transatlantic Slavery Gallery at Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool, in PROCEEDINGS of IV th International Congress of Maritime Museums, 1996) 2. HANAOKA “On the night of July 30 (1945), more than 800 Chinese slave workers in a small town in the northeast of Japan had escaped into the hills. The local militia, mostly farmers and shopkeepers armed with bamboo spears and clubs, helped the police to hunt them down.

Rabbit hunting they called it. The Chinese were marched into a yard in front of the village community hall and forced to sit on their knees, hands tied behind their backs, naked from the waist up, for three days and nights, without food or drink. It was the hottest time of the year.

Yachida later heard that some Chinese had tried to drink their own urine. About fifty men were tortured to death inside the hall. Some were suspended from the ceiling by their thumbs and beaten. Others had water forced down their throats, after which men would stamp on their stomachs. Schoolboys were told by their teachers to spit on the Chinks. And they were handed sticks to beat them with. In one village, not far from where Yachida saw the prisoners, teenage boys of the local youth association clubbed several Chinese to death.” from Ian Burma, The Wages of Guilt, pp. 275-276 This Japanese brutality had killed about 100 Chinese slave workers, and was later called the “HANAOKA Incident”. And it is indeed the HANAOKA Incident that pushed Yachida Tsuneo, who was only five years at the time of the Incident, and others in HANAOKA to start a movement to help the surviving victims and the bereaved families, with remorse and apologies. They have helped them to come to the memorial service held every year at HANAOKA and, helped them to go on to lawsuits for demanding official apologies and compensations from the mine companies at the time.

In 2002, they formed an NPO named HANAOKA Peace Memorial Association with the first aim of building a museum at HANAOKA. In the museum, if it was realised, they would display exhibits such as the history of the aggression caused by the people of HANAOKA, the history of the resistance of the Chinese slave workers, and the history of the forced labour as a whole implemented by the Japanese government and companies of the war-time. Also they would hope that the museum be a place to play a bridge-making role in communications between Chinese and Japanese living in the present time. “The HANAOKA Incident is not only a minus assets for us, but also an important starting point for our peace message”, says one of their NPO News (No. 6, 2005).

HANAOKA Peace Memorial Association started a fund-raising campaign with the target amount of money for 50,000,000 yen (equivalent to £250,000), and, as of November 2004, they collected 16,500,000 yen (equivalent to £82,500), far lower than the target. But, as the estate price is very low in HANAOKA, they were gifted with a chance to buy a good place for the museum with that amount of money. The size of the building is about 150 square metres, and the surrounding land space is about 1600 square metres, large enough to make a parking

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lot for visitors. The result was that they failed, because they were blown back by a latent resistance remaining in the hearts of the people of HANAOKA: “We acknowledge the fact of the history, but, why should we go far to show in public the shameful acts we committed in the past?”

Comparison Learning from the two cases of Liverpool and HANAOKA, one can safely say that it is not all too difficult to build a museum of reconciliation, or, at least a museum which plays a prelude to reconciliation, under some conditions; i.e., if there is the existence of an individual who has a heart and spirit, the energy and the dedication which propels other people, and if there is enough money to build a museum, and lastly, if there is a strong support from the local inhabitants.

In the case of Liverpool, all three requirements are met. There were two such individuals: Peter Moores and Anthony Tibbles. According to Anthony Tibbles’ paper (ditto), Peter Moores first motioned Anthony Tibbles by sending him the following words: During forty years of work and travel in Europe and America, it became increasingly clear to me that slavery was a taboo subject, both to white and to black people. Forty years ago, most Europeans had managed to suppress any acknowledgement of their connections with the slave trade. In the United States, where it was impossible to ignore the results of the slave trade, there was segregation, later bussing and recently something like integration, but never any mention of how black people came to be in America in the first place. We can come to terms with our past only by accepting it, and in order to be able to accept it we need knowledge of what actually happened. We need to make sense of our history.

It seemed to me that the taboo should be exorcised, and black friends agreed with me.

And then Anthony Tibbles who seconded the motion moved his fellow curators and academics to go for it. As regards the second requirement, Liverpool was lucky enough to have such a philanthropist as Peter Moores who offered as much as £550,000. And the city council as a representing body of the inhabitants of Liverpool supported the museum by passing a resolution which expressed its shame and remorse for the city’s role in the slave trade and made “an unreserved apology”. (from Liverpool City Council Resolution of 29 November 1999) In the case of HANAOKA, the first requirement is met. There are individuals such as Yachida Tsuneo, who is the instigator, and two local solicitors, a local council member, a local dentist, a local Buddhist monk, and so on. What is lacking in HANAOKA are the second and third requirements. In their fund-raising campaign they have not experienced to meet such philanthropists as Peter Moores so far. A very rare experience they have had is to meet a famous translator living in a different part of Japan who funded 500,000 yen (equivalent to £2,500) at a time. I wish a rich Japanese would come up to exorcise the taboo and offer financial aid for the museum. Lastly, as regards the third requirement, which is the most difficult to meet, there would be no other way but to continue to persuade the local people of HANAOKA with patience, and with a belief that, if their museum is realised, it can contribute to a reconciliation between Chinese and Japanese.

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! JUAN GUTIERREZ

“GERNIKA GERNIKARA. DE OTRA MANERA”

“GERNIKA GERNIKARA .DE OTRA MANERA”

JUAN GUTIERREZ

(“Guernica a Gernika”), exigiendo así que se traiga a Gernika y quede expuesto en Gernika el cuadro que pintó Picasso en Paris, viajó de allí por Escandinavia e Inglaterra y los Estados Unidos recogiendo dinero para ayudar a las víctimas republicanas, hasta que se refugió por voluntad de su autor durante 40 años de dictadura franquista en el Museo de Arte Moderna de NY (MoMA) y que ahora está en el Museo Reina Sofía, bien cerca de la estación de Atocha, lugar de otro atroz Guernica el 11 de Marzo del año pasado.

Este escrito propone cumplir la voluntad justa de los gernikeses y de su ayuntamiento trayendo el “Guernica” al joven Museo de la Paz de Gernika, pasando así de palabras a obras.

Es cosa seria que hay que pensar bien y esto es un primer intento.

Si de lo que se trata es de traer aquí el lienzo, quitándolo de otro lado, mal van las cosas.

Está bien atornillado a la pared en el Reina Sofía. Demasiada gente cada vez con más fuerza está convencida que ese es su sitio y ahí debe quedar. Eso es una realidad que cierra el camino a la exigencia de que el cuadro mismo venga a Gernika.

Aquí no se propone algo imposible de realizar.

La fuerza de paz del “Guernica”

“Guernica” cuadro abierto Picasso recordó - expresó en su “Guernica” el horror y la muerte de la guerra civil desatada por el fascismo y se centró para hacerlo en el bombardeo por la Legión Condor de la Alemania nazi de Gernika, villa vasca.

En el cuadro, sin embargo, no puso ni ningún rasgo ni contexto vasco, ni el Árbol de Gernika, ni una Ikurriña, ni dio nombre en euskera a su obra. Para pintarlo escogió un lienzo mural grande y ancho (7,80 x 3,50) , que dejó abierto y sin marco.. Contra su costumbre, dejó sin firma la pintura. Esa fue la forma de abrir en su obra una tragedia inhumana vasca expresando a través de ella un mensaje para el mundo y para siempre mientras exista en él el horror que denuncia. En el “Guernica” “no hay que poner más, sino quitar“ había escrito y pintó así a los gernikeses quitándoles particularidades, para que cobraran entera su esencia humana como vascos a lo grande, como seres humanos inocentes, desarmados. indefensos en tragedia por prepotencia inhumana. Ahí están en un sótano vivos y muertos, aterrados, agonizando, huyendo, buscándose, socorriéndose, llorándose por tanta vida rota y expresando en el caballo agonizante ese imperioso “No” al poder de muerte déspota desde arriba y a su guerra. Un “No” con poesía en gotas de esperanza escondida en el pajarillo casi perdido y en la florecilla que brota del cuenco de la mano del guerrero con la vida y la espada rotas.

Los gernikeses todos, los bombardeados aquel día, sus hijos y nietos, y los llegados de otras tierras, quieren mucho al cuadro, sienten que es en cierta manera suyo y quieren hacerlo aún más suyo. Tienen copias, muchas talladas en madera, en sus casas, en sus bares. El ayuntamiento les respalda y en una calle hay bien visible la gran reproducción mural del cuadro en azulejos, regalo de artesanos valencianos, con el rótulo añadido “Gernika Gernikara”,

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Otra cosa es si de lo que se trata es de traer por las buenas a Gernika y dar casa y respaldo en Gernika a la inmensa fuerza de rechazo a la guerra y de paz esperanzadora del Guernica.

Esa fuerza brotó en Gernika y fue recogida en la imagen del cuadro como recuerdo de muerte y repuesta de vida a la tragedia infligida el 26 de Abril de 1937. Fue algo iniciático porque ese día la tragedia no hizo más que empezar y desde entonces se repite sin cesar. Con aquel bombardeo entró la humanidad en una era marcada por una prepotencia inhumana que siembra de arriba abajo muertes aterradoras entre seres inocentes y desarmados para forzar así a la sumisión bajo el mando vencedor. Esa desgracia obra de sus máximos prepotentes, pero también redoblada por otros golpes de un terror que se asestan en nombre de los de abajo, ha causado y sigue causando por todo el mundo miles de Gernikas: Londres, Coventry, Rotterdam, Leningrado, Hamburgo, Dresden, Pforzheim, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, My Lai, Novi Sad, Santiago de Chile, Belgrado, NY s-11, Bagdag. Madrid 11-m, Londres 7-jul.

Como grito de paz contra guerras y violencias asesinas , “Guernica” no es un cuadro quieto, sino en ruta, el más viajero del mundo. Más de 30 viajes hizo ya el enorme lienzo entero arrollándose, desplegándose y resquebrajándose . Pero al no estar ya para esos trotes y quedar parado –primero en el MoMA a partir de 1958 y desde 1981 en el Reina Sofía- sigue su movimiento. Y es que, aunque esté fijado en el museo, su fuerza de paz no queda encerrada en él. Cada nueva y terrible Gernika llama al “Guernica” y hace que se desprenda del lienzo la imagen entera o un trozo de ella y en vuelo, como mariposa mensajera, vaya a posarse en el lugar desde el que absorbe en negro el nuevo horror de inhumanidad y con color esperanza humana. La fuerza de paz que levanta en quienes la contemplan brota así de cada lugar en que se posa recogiendo, abrazando y expresando su tragedia, haciendo admirar y compadecer lo humano, denunciando lo inhumano, llamando y animando a resistirse contra ello en nombre de la vida humana esperanzada. Así como respuesta a tanta muerte injusta, va sumando potencial de paz y vida

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De Gernika a otras nuevas Gernikas vuelan mariposas mensajeras cruzando los tiempos desde lo que ya ocurrió, ha vuelto a ocurrir o está ocurriendo, hasta el porvenir, para prevenir la nueva amenaza que se echa encima de otros lugares ya amenazados alarmando y defendiendo la vida al posar sobre ellos el recuerdo del horror. Vuelan también cruzando los espacios ligando lo humano que hay desde lugares del horror con horizontes que anuncian la celebración de la vida hacia los que les mueve la esperanza.

Esas son las rutas de paz por las que vuelan las imágenes del Guernica. Al desprenderse del lienzo son vascas. Según donde se posen y lo que absorban pasan a ser también vietnamitas, alicantinas, palestinas, irakies, kurdas, españolas, norteamericanas, chechenias, tibetanas, serbias, bosnias, egipcias, chiapanecas, mundiales.

11 Marzo 2004 Madrid

Manifestación en Fayetville contra Guerra Irak USA 2003 La mejor manera de realizar “Gernika Gernikara” que aquí se plantea no es traer el lienzo desde el Museo de Madrid, sino sus mariposas mensajeras ya en vuelo para que –mágicamente, con el don de la ubicuidad de las copias- también se posen, reposen y vuelen en el Museo de la Paz de Gernika donde, bien tratadas, cobren aún mayor fuerza sus mensajes de paz.

Descifrar la trayectoria de las imágenes Para entender eso hay que descifrar la trayectoria de las imágenes en sus rutas de paz, el campo de fuerzas a través del que vuelan, el arte con que lo hacen gracias a las manos que -tras Picasso- las reproducen, repintan y dan nuevas formas, las barreras y señuelos que

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influyen y marcan sus derroteros. extraviándolas a veces, haciendo incluso que se posen en sitios equivocados, sigan su vuelo encajonadas, pierdan su mensaje, o lo enriquezcan y hasta descubran nuevas tierras en que posarse para recoger otras tragedias desde siempre desatendidas.

Descifrar es admirar. Es admirable el arte con que se apañan y se las ingenian para sortear obstáculos y seguir su vuelo transformándose, cobrando nuevos colores y formas, Y descifrar es también darse cuenta de lo débiles que son las mariposas mensajeras y de lo necesitadas que están del apoyo orientador y protector que puede brindarles Gernika, como ningún otro lugar .

Descifrar es cosa de nunca acabar pero que puede empezarse en cualquier momento. Eso se intenta aquí mismo aunque en una primera exploración, guiada por un concepto de la paz, que no todos han de compartir. Sus resultados pueden ser sin duda cuestionados pero con toda su insuficiencia este primer intento muestra ya el gran potencial de paz que portan las imágenes del “Guernica”

“GERNIKA GERNIKARA .DE OTRA MANERA”

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Así, como obra de arte mundialmente reconocida, logró el “Guernica”, infiltrarse en España ya en los años 50, cuando aún era un coto cerrado, espacio de dominación del franquismo vencedor. Cruzó las fronteras traído casi siempre desde Francia como objeto de arte inocente burlando la torpe vigilancia de los censores y con la complicidad de un sector cada vez mayor de la sociedad, que lo colgó en las paredes de sus casas donde paso a ser símbolo compartido de identidad y compromiso democráticos, “sobre todo, símbolo de lucha y de rebeldía”, en palabras de Tapies.

La sociedad civil empeñada más y más por la causa democrática socava los fundamentos de la dictadura y su icono es el “Guernica”. A fines de los años sesenta fracasa un tanteo del régimen franquista tratando de que vuelva el cuadro a España como muestra de su apertura.

Para entonces las reproducciones del “Guernica” salen ya a espacios públicos son imparables cada vez más mordaces y demoledoras de la dictadura sobre todo las del “Equipo Crónica”.

Las barreras de la represión El primer factor que frena, incluso asfixia la expresión del horror es la misma prepotencia destructora que causa la tragedia entre inocentes, y que a la vez presiona para que ninguna imagen ni voz la muestre y denuncie. Hasta cuando ya entra en declive y se ve tan desbordada esta prepotencia dominadora que ya no puede seguir sembrando masivamente y abiertamente muerte, suele seguir haciéndolo en pequeñas dosis y furtivamente o forzando leyes de punto final para impedir que se haga público y evidente el gran horror con que se generó y sobre el que se asentó. E incluso, cuando la prepotencia ha decaído tanto que ya no puede cumplir una amenaza, aún le queda la larga sombra del miedo que su terror proyectó, que sigue atenazando años, decenios, generaciones las gargantas y los corazones.

En el interior de los afectados se ponen también en marcha mecanismos que ocultan y hasta ahogan el horror sufrido que humilla, deshonra, avergüenza, margina, excluye de los seres cercanos que acompañan nuestras vidas. Para no perder el entorno humano se escoge callar incluso ante uno mismo.

El arte expresa ya lo que la víctima aún tiene que callar Pero cuando el miedo atenaza a la misma víctima impidiendo que se manifieste la verdad del horror como grito de su garganta, gesto revelador en su rostro, puede que el artista ya sea capaz de gritar recogiendo ese horror en una obra de arte. Así hizo Picasso con el “Guernica”, una obra de arte contra la muerte del ser humano, pero también, dijo Picasso, “contra la muerte del arte” y su fuerte mensaje llegó en unos meses a todos los rincones del mundo. En contraste la voz de los bombardeados por Franco y Hitler el 26 de Abril de 1937 tuvo que estar callada durante más de 40 años, ha tardado casi 60 en ser oída, y aun ha llegado a pocos lugares del mundo.

Juegan en esto sin duda varios factores, pero indudablemente uno de ellos es el salvoconducto que tiene la obra de arte reconocida para cruzar fronteras – en un vuelo inocente-.

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“El Intruso” Equipo Crónica 1969 El copyright Un factor que lastra, desvía o incluso impide el vuelo es el “copyright” .al que está sometido el “Guernica” como casi todas las obras de Picasso. Quien adquiere ese copyright, puede hacer y exhibir reproducciones del ”Guernica” para servir a sus propósitos, - ateniéndose a ciertas condiciones fijadas, que debieran asegurar la calidad. Los sucesores de Picasso detentan y detentarán ese copyright hasta 70 años tras la muerte del autor, es decir hasta el 2052.

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Las mariposas pueden así comprarse como trofeos. Así lo hizo -por ejemplo- el ejército alemán exhibiendo en una campaña de publicidad 1990 el”Guernica”provisto de su copyright en varios de los semanarios alemanes de mayor tirada.

La indignación selectiva Otro factor que hace estragos en las mariposas es la “indignación selectiva”. Es la indignación que nos hace alzar el grito de alerta, condena y protesta ante la violencia que se descarga sobre nosotros y sobre lo que hacemos nuestro, pero desatiende y deja de lado, ignora, niega la tragedia que nosotros y los nuestros causamos a otros.

Así puede que una mariposa del “Guernica” acuda atraída por una injusticia trágica y al posarse para recogerla y expresarla, oculte otra tragedia dejando escondida la mano que la causó. Pero puede que también desde la tragedia así ocultada salga a su vez una invocación al “Guernica” para que otra mariposa la acoja y exprese. Son mariposas en vuelo con la imagen reveladora de un horror inhumano en un ala, pero con otro ala negra ocultadora. Pueden hasta dejar su ruta de paz chocando en su vuelo y volviéndose armas arrojadizas.

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La picota Hay mariposas del “Guernica” que al posarse en una nueva Gernika se clavan en ella, absorben en sus alas imágenes que no trajeron desde el origen de su vuelo, que Picasso dejó fuera, y cargadas con ellas, ya no pueden volar a ningún otro lado.

Como repuesta a la guerra de Irak está surgiendo un enjambre incesante de incontables mariposas, que hasta cambian el nombre ”Guernica” por “Iraknika”. Las más de las veces hacen de la imagen una picota en la que ponen entre las víctimas al agresor: banderas, escudos, tanques aviones, bombas, todo tipo de armas y rostros, incluso con cara de cerdo: los Estados Unidos. Queda así clavada la mariposa, atrapada como acusador, abogada del diablo, que rebaja lo humano en la víctima al absolutizar lo inhumano en el victimario. Ya no sirven para otra cosa.

Eso ocurre demasiada veces y es triste que en nombre del Guernica se enfrenten víctimas, en vez de unirse. . .

Hay, sin embargo artistas que saben forma y expresión a la mariposa mensajera para que vuele con las dos alas su ruta de paz del pasado al porvenir: Asi en los días siguientes a la tragedia del 11-S Adam Nieman confeccionó un cartel con la figura de la mujer con el niño muerto en sus brazos y el letrero “No servirá de nada bombardear a Afganistán” añadiendo un comentario “Funciona tan bien este fragmento del “Guernica” por su ambigüedad, ¿Es la mujer una americana víctima del 11-S o un afgahna víctima de la respuesta americana? A mi entender es ambas cosas, es alguien sufriendo que no puede consolarse con otras bombas.... todos entendemos su mirada –horror espanto y pena- de las semanas después del 11-S”.

Poster de “Not in our Name” 2004 Así se pierde el enfoque de Picasso que en 1958 escribió “Al mostrar la cara de la guerra nunca he pensado en un rasgo particular, sino sólo en su monstruosidad. Menos aún he pensado en el casco o en el uniforme de las tropas americanas o de ningún otro ejército. No tengo nada contra los americanos. Estoy del lado de los seres humanos, de todos.”

La pobreza inhumana Hoy empieza a anunciarse entre nosotros otro horror y terror, que yacía demasiado escondido. El de la miseria indigna, causada por el hombre al hombre: La recogen ya las voces de víctimas tan ilustres como las del 11-S en Nueva York. Así hace en un mensaje poético Patricio Graham, que aquel día perdió a su hermano en la Torre Norte: “Pero si somos honestos, alguna vez, con nuestra humanidad voraz del consumo y la muerte…

No nos hemos acaso acostumbrado a OTRAS BOMBAS Y ATENTADOS?

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¿Cuántas víctimas sangran cada día en nuestros países por los atentados de la injusticia?

Se llame como se llame: planes económicos, riquezas concentradas, pueblos negados, Occidente Omnipotente… ¡Basta de estar acostumbrados!

Que las bombas y el dolor nos despierten a todas y a todos!!

Es hora de volver a quedar perplejos y horrorizados…

Cuando te vemos, HUMANIDAD UNA, estallar en pedazos En las bombas y en las márgenes En las guerras y en las culturas despojadas En las Torres y en los jóvenes vacíos de esperanza En los Trenes y en las manos flacas de trabajadores sin pan para la casa E igual que las voces de victimas como Patricio Greham, se encuentran ya mariposas mensajeras del Guernica volando a posarse en los amplios territorios asolados por el hambre que el hombre causa al hombre. Así en NY un artista portorriqueño ha pintado un mural del Guernica contra la miseria abjecta.

James De la Vega ante su mural Guernica sobre la pobreza.

Color y esperanza Algo admirable de la trayectoria y el mensaje de las mariposas mensajeras del “Guernica” es el hecho de que en las más de ellas las figuras en blanco, gris y negro desprendidas del lienzo original, y recogidas por la mano que pinta la copia están combinadas por esa mano con otras figuras y con colores, incluso alegres y hasta con imágenes de vida en el gozo de la paz. Esos colores y contextos de vida aparecen con más frecuencia si la copia no recoge la imagen entera del cuadro y si ha sido pintada por muchach@s o niñ@s. ¿Cómo descifrar eso?

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La interpretación que aquí se aventura es que el “Guernica” no vuela de un horror inhumano a otro para constatar resignadamente la destructividad humana, El cuadro es un grito de condena y resistencia alentado por la esperanza de vida compartida en paz. En el lienzo mismo apenas se entreve esa esperanza, pero aflora en las mariposas mensajeras que en su ruta de paz aspiran a no terminar su trayectoria posándose en un horror más para mostrar una nueva mueca de la guerra, sino cogiendo en él energía para seguir su vuelo hacia un horizonte de paz.

Ese horizonte no está desligado de la realidad en que sucede el horror. Tiene su fuerza en la humanidad que impregna esa realidad. Debajo del rostro negro de la tragedia hay supervivencia, vida subyacente con color escondido que en el vuelo se trasluce más y más.

Debajo del horror de la muerte se descubre la alegría que habita en lo hondo de la vida en el ser humano.

Muchas manos de niño pintan la mariposa para que vuele alegre. Para el concurso de carteles anunciadores de las fiestas de Agosto de este año en la misma Gernika, una muchacha ha presentado un anuncio de colorines festivos en el que vuela el pajarillo de Guernica.

Aula Abierta Bariloche, Argentina Un gran muestrario de mariposas coloreadas por manos de niños ofrece el proyecto “Guernica Kids” iniciado en Kioto en 1995 y que entretanto se ha extendido a más de 30 países en cinco continentes. Consiste en reunir niños, p.e. de 9 años, con los que reflexionar sobre la guerra y la paz para que luego pinten juntos un lienzo del tamaño exacto del “Guernica”(3,5 x 7,80 m).

La trasmisión y transformación de la imagen del “Guernica” de generación en generación parece dar más y más fuerza a su mensaje de esperanza.

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por el mundo que las muestre exponiendo las trayectorias de sus vuelos tan distintos. Un archivo de mariposas en vuelo, sin alfiler que las clave ni jaula que las retenga, algo bien distinto de lo que es un museo tradicional: El soporte material de cada imagen pasa a ser algo secundario, lo original está de más, la imagen, su trayectoria de vuelo y su transformación son casi todo.

Esto podría parecer utópico, pero está inspirado y alentado por algo que se está haciendo ya real, el Museo del Duelo del 11-M en Madrid que recoge, conserva y descifra hasta una servilleta de papel, escrita, pisada y manchada por la cera de una vela, que un dia estuvo pegada a la pared de la Estación de Atoche o el Pozo, que la ciudadanía aquellos días transformó en santuario de duelo.

Bregenz Austria, obra del proyecto “Guernica Kids”.

La trasmisión del mensaje de “Guernica” por otra imagen Puede incluso que la mariposa mensajera para llevar su mensaje recogiendo un nuevo horror, manteniendo la vinculación con el Guernica. llegue a desprenderse por completo de la imagen para asumir otra.

El 16 de Marzo de 1968 durante la guerra de Vietnam la compañia “Charlie” de los EE.UU. atacó la aldea indefensa My Lai masacrando durante 4 horas y media 500 mujeres, ancianos y niños. Ronald Haeberle, un soldado, logró fotografiar en color el horror y sus fotos aparecen en Noviembre del 69 en “Life”. Un grupo de artistas “Coalición de Trabajadores del Arte”(AWC) compone un cartel con una de esas fotos mostrando la fosa llena de cadáveres con un letrero superpuesto “P: “¿Y también Bebés? R: También bebés” recogida en un interrogatorio hecho a un participante.

La Coalición de Trabajadores del Arte quiere establecer crear un vínculo entre este cartel y el “Guernica” y para ello contactan al MoMA proponiéndole que lo patrocine y distribuya Pero el MoMA acaba echándose atrás. Ante eso AWC decide hacer por su cuenta el vínculo y varios de su miembros se meten en el museo acompañados por fotógrafos y despliegan delante del cuadro una docena de carteles. Así manifiestan que “My Lai es Gernika”.

El Museo de la Paz de Gernika reuniendo las imágenes desprendidas y dispersas del “Guernica” A primera vista parece esa avalancha de imágenes sacadas del “Guernica” un inmenso caos sin sentido y lleno de basura. Sólo se empieza a entender su potencial de paz haciendo como aquí un intento de descifrar sus trayectorias, a dónde se dirigen y a qué pueden deberse sus cambios de forma y de color. Y esto no son más que unos primeros pasos vacilantes en una labor que puede desarrollar y consolidar el Museo de la Paz de Gernika.

Para eso basta con preparar en el Museo un sencillo lugar de encuentro en que volver a posarse y reposarse las mariposas, un “archivo abierto” de copias de esas imágenes esparcidas

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Ese archivo abierto ha de estar sostenido por un trabajo incesante de búsqueda de copias, muchas de ellas fugaces, anónimas, de estudio e investigación de su vuelo tratando de descifrar sus trayectorias a la luz de una concepción de la paz sostenida por un amplio consenso.

El Museo de la Paz de Gernika con su archivo abierto de copias del Guernica, además de reunirlas y descifrarlas, las conservará, protegerá y juntará sus mensajes.

Conservación de las imágenes del “Guernica” Al buscar en Google las figuras reproducidas del Guernica, aparecen más de 60.000 imágenes, muy repetidas, pero no son más que una pequeña parte de las mariposas mensajeras.

Generalmente están reproducidas por un artista de cierto prestigio y se encuentran en una página Web. Hay muchas más imágenes y de gran valor, sin embargo, que internet no recoge, porque están pintadas con rasgos toscos por una mano anónima. Y su vida es muy fugaz pasando pronto a ser consideradas mera basura. Al encontrarlas y recogerlas en el archivo abierto, se salva su mensaje.

En Abril de 1995 en la Audiencia Nacional tiene lugar un juicio acerca de las indemnizaciones que exigen recibir tras 14 años de espera los 20.000 envenenados por haber ingerido algún tóxico que parecía contener el aceite de colza. Unas docenas de personas varias de ellas en sillas de ruedas están plantadas todo el día frente al edificio para exigir justicia y muestran láminas de un plástico que se usa para envolturas mostrando la figura de la mujer con el niño muerto en brazos del “Guernica”.

La protección de las imágenes del “Guernica” En Gernika ya hay solera y tradición en el cuidado y protección de las imágenes del ”Guernica” en sus trayectorias.

Un magnate norteamericano, Nelson Rockefeller quiso comprar el “Guernica”. Picasso se negó a ello pero accedió a que hiciese fabricar un tapiz de lana del mismo tamaño que reconoció como copia auténtica. A la muerte de Nelson Rockefeller en 1985, su viuda lo donó a las Naciones Unidas y quedó instalado en la entrada a la sala de reuniones del Consejo de Seguridad, en la torre de NuevaYork. Justo en esa entrada se hacen las ruedas de prensa y precisamente ahí, el 5 de febrero 2003 se hizo una para que el secretario de estado de los Estados Unidos Colin Powell presentase sus pruebas, que resultaron ser falsas, de que Irak

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contaba con armas de destrucción masiva y exigiese una resolución del Consejo de Seguridad autorizando la guerra. Sin embargo, antes de hacerlo, taparon con un paño azul el ”Guernica” para que no apareciese en el transfondo.

hacerlo gracias al respaldo que en todo ello les ha aportado el Centro de Investigación por la Paz “Gernika Gogoratuz”. Hoy llegan a Gernika voces de paz desde los más afectados por los horrores de Dresde, Pforzheim, Colombia, Guatemala, 11-S en USA. y otros lugares del mundo.

Los supervivientes del bombardeo de Gernika levantaron inmediatamente la voz, haciendo el 8 de Febrero la siguiente declaración pública: “Los Miembros del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas han dispuesto que durante su ultimo encuentro el pasado 5 de Febrero se tape el tapiz con el “Guernica” de Picasso que está colgado en su edificio. Está allí precisamente para mostrar bien visible el horror de Gernika y para que así recuerden que su responsabilidad es impedir – en nombre de la humanidad que representan – que nunca más vuelva a producirse. Destapen el cuadro e impidan la guerra” .

El bosque, lugar para mariposas

El 13 de Febrero asistió Luis Iriondo superviviente del bombardeo de Gernika , al acto de conmemoración del bombardeo de Dresde, en la Frauenkirche. Allí insistió ante televisiones de 12 países “El Guernica es un grito contra la guerra, quítenle la mordaza que le han puesto” En 1990, nada más aparecer en dos grandes semanarios alemanes “Stern” y “Der Spiegel” una copia del “Guernica” en anuncios de propaganda del ejércíto alemán, se elevó desde Gernika una protesta que dirigí, como coordinador del “”Centro de Investigación por la Paz Gernika Gogoratuz”, a Stoltemberg, Ministro de Defensa Alemán. “....El Parlamento de Alemania ha adoptado por unanimidad una resolución con la siguiente frase ¨La destrucción de la villa vasca de Gernika fue causada por un bombardeo de aviones de la Legión Condor. Las víctimas de la población civil indefensa invitan a un gesto de paz” El ejército alemán debe encabezar con esta frase su anuncio. De no hacerlo, usa la imagen de un anuncio sin verdad, sin gusto y sin dignidad. Y el ejército alemán ha de mantener ante todo dignidad y mostrar respeto si quiere hacer propios los valores de la paz en vez de tratar de ostentarlos. En nombre de las victimas de Gernika exijo del ejército alemán que sólo en este contexto muestre el cuadro de Picasso...” Meses después quien protesta en una recepción que le dedica el Presidente de Alemania es un gran escritor alemán quien, rompiendo el protocolo, interrumpe la lectura de su novela “El rodaballo” y se dirige a su anfitrión exigiéndole que pida perdón en nombre de Alemania a Gernika por la afrenta de la exhibición del “Guernica”. Ante eso el Ministro de Defensa hizo una declaración comprometiéndose a que su ejército no volviese a anunciarse con el cuadro.

El Museo de la Paz de Gernika creando y actualizando un archivo abierto de la trayectoria de las copias del “Guernica”, mantendrá la vigilancia y cobrará la autoridad para proteger sus rutas de paz.

Juntar más que los mensajes de las imágenes Gernika es lugar muy especial en que reunir y acrecentar el potencial de paz que aportan las imágenes del Guernica, no sólo manteniéndolas y descifrándolas en un archivo abierto, sinó engarzándolas con la voz de los mismos supervivientes afectados por el bombardeo y sobre el trasfondo del compromiso de la ciudad por una paz reconciliadora.

Los propios supervivientes ya han engarzado sus voces con las imágenes del “Guernica” en su video “La huella humana”. Se han abierto además para compartir con otras víctimas su compromiso por una paz reconciliadora como respuesta al horror sufrido. Y han conseguido

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En el Museo de Paz de Gernika hay ya un lugar para ese archivo. El mayor espacio en su planta más alta está dedicado al “Guernica” en clave de los Derechos Humanos Lo ocupa una composición de la imagen en tres lonchas y un fondo. Es extraña y digna, elegante, translucida y coloreada en sus cuatro planos verticales, –que sólo casan y se superponen desde un punto de vista fijado de antemano en el suelo sobre el que el espectador ha de poner sus pies-. En 2 de las paredes del recinto están enumerados y en la tercera simbolizados los derechos humanos. El cuarto lado no está cerrado por una pared, sino que se abre a un “espacio orgánico que recuerda un bosque, que se vincula con el espíritu del lugar y que evoca la idea de vida, pues se trata de un bosque en continua transformación, movimiento y crecimiento.” según palabras del alcalde (06/02/02). Es el bosque que ahora se refiere al conflicto vasco, pero que puede también acoger al archivo abierto En él pueden proyectarse ante los visitantes las mariposas mensajeras del “Guernica”.

Museo de Gernika y Reina Sofía en clave de polaridad El Reina Sofía no está quieto y conoce la fuerza de paz del “Guernica” que en Febrero del 2003 hizo que se desprendiese su imagen, copiada sobre un lienzo por sus mismos restauradores en la plaza frente al museo para unirse a la población que inundaba las calles en protesta contra la guerra de Irak. Eso tiene consecuencias y una de ella es que precisamente en el Reina Sofía se esté preparando para Mayo del 2006 una exposición sobre el “Guernica” y la paz.

Al crear y consolidar su archivo abierto se dan las condiciones para que se establezca, en vez de una rivalidad por la posesión del lienzo, una polaridad entre el Museo dela Paz de Gernika y el Reina Sofía en el fomento del potencial de paz del “Guernica”. En tal sentido ambos museos no están quietos, sino contribuyen a entender y acrecentar ese potencial, el Reina Sofía a partir del lienzo original, el Museo de la Paz de Gernika desde la trayectoria de sus innumerables copias.

El archivo abierto y Succession Picasso Un archivo abierto comprometido por la paz que recoge hasta las mas fugaces imágenes del Guernica interesará y mucho a la Succession Picasso. No se trata sin embargo de algo que encaje en ninguno de los formatos que aplica para aprobar su uso.

Por su naturaleza lo que emprende el Museo va ser, más que un archivo deudor de los herederos de Picasso, un archivo en que puede invitárseles a colaborar para que como descendientes, no sólo velen por la calidad artística de las reproducciones, sino que contribuyan no a lastrar y poner cortapisas, sino a mantener y acrecentar el potencial de paz del “Guernica”.

Gernika es el lugar de la tragedia del “Guernica”, sus figuras son gernikeses. El lugar, las personas del cuadro y el Museo juntos respaldando el archivo abierto constituyen una gran alianza en cuyo nombre invitar amigablemente a la Succession Picasso a que sea y figure como su promotor.

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“Museos de la paz, semillas de reconciliación”. Conclusiones

“Museos de la paz, semillas de reconciliación”. Conclusiones

Lo expresado durante las dos sesiones se ha problematizado en torno a: • Quienes protagonizan la creación del museo, las víctimas u otros actores?.

En la sesión de la mañana ha presentado y moderado la mesa, Susana Harillo. Los ponentes han sido: • Antonietta Malleo: “Museo y educación para la no violencia” • Carlos Martín Beristain: “Memoria y reconciliación: mitos, desafíos y propuestas” • Mike Gondwe. “La importancia de la memoria en la construcción de la paz: estudio de

• Quieren o no las víctimas la reconciliación?.

• Es el pasado traumático el que define los términos “museo de paz” o “museo de memoria”.

• En que medida puede repercutir si las víctimas quieren castigo, y no solo reparación, en la creación del museo?.

• Son los creadores de las alternativas de paz, víctimas o no?.

un caso del Museo Robben Island de Sudáfrica”” • Ikuro Anzai. “Introducción al proyecto de renovación del Museo de la Paz Mundial de Kioto” En la sesión de la tarde, presentó y moderó también, Susana Harillo. Los ponentes han sido: • Carolyn Rapkievian. “El museo nacional de los indios americanos: reconciliación cultural y las semillas de la paz mundial” • Ereshnee Naidu. “Curando las heridas del pasado a través de la conmemoración” • Chikara Tsuboi. “Liverpool y Hanaoka: dos museos de la reconciliación” • Juan Gutierrez. “El museo semillero de reconciliación como recolector de la expresión de la memoria en el arte dispersa” Los temas tratados en las ponencias han expresado • Las situaciones de post conflicto.

• Los procesos de reconciliación y la importancia de la memoria colectiva.

•La fuerza del arte en la construcción de la paz. Tomando el ejemplo del Gernika de Picasso que fue una muestra que con el arte se pudo difundir desde una visión local a una visión global la tragedia del bombardeo, expresando un mensaje desgarrador que a su vez contiene un anhelo de paz.

En el debate originado en torno a las ponencias, se ha dicho: • Todo museo de la paz, es un museo de memoria, mira al futuro recordando.

• La memoria mira al pasado y aprende. Mira al pasado desde el presente.

• La reconciliación, es un horizonte compartido. Se puso énfasis a la cuestión del perdón, como necesario para poder comenzar el camino de la reconciliación.

• La paz, puede ser vista como una mirada al futuro en un horizonte posible, siendo los museos de la paz los promotores en esa construcción.

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“LA IMPORTANCIA DE LA MEMORIA PARA CONSTRUIR UN MUNDO EN PAZ”

! CARMELO ANGULO Embajador de España en Argentina

cúmulo de reacciones en un artículo titulado “Transmisión intergeneracional del trauma de la guerra” publicado en los Working Papers de Munduan y Guernika Gogoratuz 2. b) Los miedos de los afectados, la distorsión todavía viva del pasado y la sensación de fragilidad y amenaza que embarga a las nuevas autoridades democráticas -que apenas controlan el aparato del estado- tienden a complejizar esta fase. Como subraya Eduardo Galeano, “el poder identifica a la memoria con el desorden y a la justicia con la venganza.....

– pero añade- la experiencia dice todo lo contrario. Para que la historia no se repita, hay que recordarla; la impunidad, que premia el delito, estimula al delincuente. Y cuando el delincuente es el Estado, que viola, roba, tortura y mata sin rendir cuentas a nadie, se emite desde el poder una luz verde que autoriza a la sociedad entera a violar, robar, torturar y matar. Y la democracia paga, a la corta o la larga, las consecuencias” 3. Sobre esa base, existe una amplia gama de experiencias legales y plebiscitarias de leyes de punto final, caducidad, obediencia debida y amnistías genéricas y mecanismos de perdón, sobre las que hay un amplio debate y diferentes valoraciones.

“LA IMPORTANCIA DE LA MEMORIA PARA CONSTRUIR UN MUNDO EN PAZ” La recuperación, apropiación y visibilización de la memoria son fenómenos y procesos que afectan a muchos países o a comunidades concretas que estuvieron sometidas a guerras, conflictos raciales, vejaciones o persecuciones. Su duración y vigencia, que varía de una situación a otra, o que incluso puede convertirse en un fenómeno de permanencia histórica, suele darse de diferentes maneras y formas. A la luz de mi propia experiencia en tres países concretos (Colombia, Nicaragua y Argentina), más la propia de haber nacido en Euskadi, quisiera hacer un intento de sistematización aproximada de sus potenciales fases o etapas y de sus respectivos problemas: 1) Mi primera constatación es que es muy difícil que se produzca un proceso de apropiación de la memoria con sistemas políticos autoritarios o en el marco de democracias limitadas.

La apertura de procesos democráticos verdaderos, en donde la libertad de expresión es una realidad y en donde la justicia es transparente, facilitan en cambio el inicio de procesos de recuperación de la memoria y la posibilidad de que todos los actores afectados puedan presentar sus causas y reivindicaciones, bien como víctimas o bien como victimarios confesos.

El proceso de democratización suele venir acompañado de la creación de una institucionalidad capaz de abordar el pasado sin temor, es el caso de la CONADEP en Argentina. Desde estos instrumentos se inician esfuerzos, primero, de esclarecimiento (información documental, recogida de testimonios y valoración de la información) y, posteriormente, de canalización de las reclamaciones o demandas hacia diferentes sistemas de respuesta (denuncia judicial, localización e indemnización de victimas y familiares etc.).

Esta fase puede presentar simultánea o secuencialmente tres grandes dificultades: a) La liberación de la información abre o renueva profundas heridas. Por una parte se produce un efecto “post traumático” de ansiedad por recuperar la palabra y la posibilidad de denuncia, lo que se suma a la espera y el silencio forzado de épocas pasadas. En gran parte, el período de sanación psicológica requiere saber sobre el pasado, reabrir la historia y buscar a los desaparecidos, encontrar a los violadores de derechos humanos y comenzar la aplicación de justicia. Sin embargo, los miedos y las ocultaciones perduran más de lo que uno cree y cuesta una enormidad que todos los implicados y afectados contribuyan sistemáticamente al esclarecimiento, pues se sienten criminalizados. El Informe de la CONADEP de 20 de Septiembre de 1984, hablaba de ese “miedo sobrecogedor” de algunos y de la tendencia inconsciente de otros a justificar el horror de pasado con el argumento de que “por algo será” o habrá sido1. Gregorio Armañanzas describe perfectamente este

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c) Por fin, con diferentes planteamientos y velocidades, empieza a surgir y hacerse fuerte la sociedad civil a través de ONG, Fundaciones y Asociaciones de víctimas que se convierten en actores políticos con perfiles e ideologías diferentes, constituyéndose en una fuerza de presión que funciona con tiempos políticos diferentes a los del Estado y la Política.

2) En ese ambiente y con mayor o menor rapidez empieza el proceso de judicialización de responsabilidades que normalmente precisa de marcos legales claros, ya que los del pasado son inservibles. Ese proceso, suele requerir de fuerte apoyo social, de acuerdos políticos y parlamentarios sólidos y de consensos amplios, que permitan instalar leyes creíbles y reforzar y modernizar los mecanismos de investigación policial y judicial que tienen que hacer el trabajo. Puede ser un periodo muy duro, ya que se desarrolla, como explica Carlos Martín Beristain, en un marco de convivencia con los victimarios o frente a fuertes poderes fácticos adversos 4.

Existe ya una amplia experiencia y metodología de comisiones municipales y nacionales de investigación, tribunales especiales o sistemas de audiencias públicas. Una ayuda muy importante de los últimos años, particularmente en el último decenio, ha sido el avance del marco internacional que no sólo ha fortalecido la cooperación policial y judicial, sino que ha ratificado y ampliado el concepto de “delito de lesa humanidad” y “genocidio” y la imprescriptibilidad de los delitos de tortura, desaparición y ciertos tipos de violencia estatal.

1

Ver texto publicado en Eudeba, Buenos Aires, Pág. 9.

2 Ver “XII Jornadas Internacionales de Cultura y Paz de Gernika. Respaldo a Consensos”.

Bilbao, 2003, Págs. 37-45.

3 Ver “La mala memoria” de la serie “Memorias y Desmemorias”. Artículo publicado en Diario Pagina 12, 4-Abril-1997.

4 Idem “XII Jornadas....” El papel de la memoria colectiva en la reconstrucción de sociedades fracturadas por la violencia, pág.57.

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La universalización del delito y la cooperación, además, entre las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, han permitido ir creando un nuevo corpus de normas y modos de actuación, donde han sobresalido algunos jueces y fiscales que fueron creando no sólo jurisprudencia, sino también importante doctrina. El sistema internacional, todavía incipiente, puede y debe madurar mucho, no únicamente porque sea perfeccionable, sino porque mejora la seguridad colectiva y desincentiva opciones violentas y delictivas de discriminación, aniquilamiento y violencia física hacia el futuro. Conceptos un tanto trasnochados de soberanía, han planteado severas limitaciones a esta universalización del delito, con el pretexto de que sólo se puede juzgar afuera lo que primero se ha juzgado dentro, sabiendo que los sistemas de justicia interna no tienen a veces ni la fuerza moral ni la capacidad técnica para hacerlo. También es verdad que lo que en un momento político, como ocurrió en la época de Presidente Alfonsín en la Argentina de los años ochenta, y que era visto por algunos como inconcebible (condenar masivamente a los responsables de las Fuerzas Armadas opresoras), dos decenios después, parece mas factible y alcanzable.

3) Como un proceso paralelo, que a veces se superpone al anterior, y normalmente toma su tiempo, sobreviene la apropiación y la visualización de la memoria y la necesidad de recordar, explicar y conmemorar esos hechos que se pretende no se reproduzcan jamás y que se quiere transmitir a los supervivientes afectados si los hay, a sus familiares y a las generaciones futuras.

También hace su aparición en esta etapa lo que Vicente Palermo llama la “re-memorización” o el fenómeno por el que revaluamos a los derrotados del pasado y tendemos a convertirlos en héroes, aunque también pudieron haber contribuido a los declives que llevaron a la violencia; o el del olvido de las clases o grupos sociales que apoyaron silenciosamente en el pasado a los represores y que hoy quedan vagamente inmersos en la nueva historia oficial, ya que son “presente activo” con los que se dice hay que contar en la reconstrucción de países y comunidades 5.

La experiencia demuestra que esta escenificación y apropiación toma el tiempo que parece necesario para digerir las tensiones del alma, procesar los rencores, curar las heridas y dotar de una mínima objetividad a los relatos y argumentos. Tengo la impresión de que sí el proceso de esclarecimiento y el de judicialización siguen su curso, sí se obtiene un sostenido y amplio apoyo social y si la parte victimaria ha hecho su autocrítica, es posible avanzar hacia esquemas de representación constructivos. El problema, como señala el Informe del CELS de Argentina sobre Derechos Humanos del año 2004, es que a veces la dureza del debate hace que hablemos más de políticas de gobierno que de políticas de Estado, entendiendo por ello que aunque algunos gobiernos tomen la decisión de escenificar la memoria, lo que hace falta son políticas de Estado, entendidas como aquellas “sustentadas en una amplia legitimación social y con respaldo político (que) trasciendan las coyunturas y los gobiernos”6.

5 “Entre la guerra y el olvido: represión, guerra y democracia en la Argentina”.Trabajo incluido en el libro de varios autores La historia reciente. Argentina en democracia. Págs. 188 y 189.

6

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Sin embargo, aunque sé que el odio mata tanto como el olvido, creo que el sistema educativo y el debate político permanente y sosegado sobre los desatinos del pasado, son las únicas maneras de extraer las lecciones correctas, de promover modelos de convivencia pacífica y de instalar una nueva pedagogía y cultura “de” la paz y “para” la paz. Esa cultura es la que proyecta enseñanzas del pasado hacia un futuro diferente y puede constituirse en fuerte elemento de identidad y autoestima comunitario o nacional.

Los museos o centros de interpretación de ese pasado que no se quiere repetir, pero que sí se quiere recordar, son piezas clave en los procesos de reconciliación. A menudo tienen mayor calado e impacto que las políticas del recuerdo que pueden ser subjetivas, parciales o partidistas. Me gusta cómo el de Guernika abre la interpretación de nuestro conflicto interno vasco a todas las voces; orienta e informa, pero no condiciona; no pretende tanto definir, sino abrir el espacio a una cultura, a unos mecanismos mentales y a unos modos de vida en los que el conflicto violento no cabe y no debe repetirse.

4) Finalmente, la cooperación internacional para la recuperación de la memoria está dando pasos importantes, como lo vemos aquí en este Congreso. Desde mi punto de vista, un primer factor que ha influido ha sido el debate sobre la universalización de la justicia y de la lucha contra la impunidad. En opinión de Esperanza Orihuela, la lucha contra la impunidad o contra la elusión de la jurisdicción, está registrando en los últimos tiempos un notable avance de la mano del progresivo reconocimiento de los principios de la jurisdicción extraterritorial y la universalización del delito, lo que ha llevado a la ampliación de la cooperación internacional en materia judicial7. Lo mismo ha ocurrido con el avance en las ratificaciones del Convenio de las NN.UU de 1970, sobre la no aplicación de la prescripción a los crímenes de guerra y contra la Humanidad, que impide la amnistía cuando hay delitos de abuso de la autoridad del Estado, torturas sistemáticas, desapariciones o secuestros.

Ese ambiente de mayor interrelación entre jurisdicciones nacionales, sistemas judiciales internacionales y entidades de la sociedad civil defensoras de los DD.HH, ha tenido un efecto de liberación mental y de dignificación de la memoria y sus víctimas y ha posibilitado, gracias a la velocidad de la comunicación, el interés de los medios periodísticos e Internet, que diferentes actores sociales en todo el mundo sientan respaldo para iniciar o completar el proceso de recuperación de la memoria cerrada o, en particular, de la memoria abierta. Quiero también rescatar la iniciativa presentada por Argentina, hace sólo unas semanas ante la Comisión de Derechos Humanos de Ginebra, que ha pasado un tanto inadvertida, proponiendo establecer el “derecho a la verdad” como un nuevo derecho humano de carácter universal.

Otro factor positivo han sido los procesos de diálogo y consenso democrático que se han dado en algunos países para afrontar el tema de la memoria, como parte de los esfuerzos de reconciliación y reconstrucción democrática. Los casos de Sudáfrica, Chile, Guatemala,

7 Ver artículo “La cooperación internacional contra la impunidad y el ejercicio de la jurisdicción penal con carácter extraterritorial”. Cursos de Derecho Internacional y Relaciones internacionales de Vitoria-Gasteiz. Tecnos-UPV, 2000, Págs. 227-228.

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entre otros han sido paradigmáticos a la hora de encontrar apoyos sociales amplios para hacer frente a pasados dolorosos, hacer justicia y visualizar la memoria.

En definitiva, existe ya en el mundo abundante literatura, casuística y metodologías para la recuperación de la memoria y empiezan a darse importantes intercambios de ideas e instrumentos para abordarla. Desde la formación de jueces y especialistas forenses, hasta la generación de marcos legales, pasando por el intercambio de información y la constitución de redes especializadas. De todas formas, este proceso de cooperación tiene restricciones importantes derivadas de los diferentes contextos y circunstancias. Hay diversos enfoques en cuanto a la distancia temporal en la que puede ser visualizada la memoria, el contenido de la información y la documentación expuesta al público, así como la manera en que los acontecimientos que se recuerdan son transmitidos hacia las nuevas generaciones a través del proceso educativo. También se dan dificultades cuando dos países o comunidades tienen interpretaciones distantes o dispares entre si del fenómeno sujeto de la memoria.

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autocomplacencia”10. En todo caso, la recuperación de la memoria es una asignatura que pasa inadvertida para muchos ciudadanos de los países afectados y un tema sobre el que gobiernos, sociedad civil y cooperaciones externas pueden avanzar todavía mucho. Hace una semana, y a modo de ejemplo, me sorprendió una encuesta del diario Clarín de Buenos Aires en la que se mostraba que, junto a amplios sectores que tenían clara la historia, un 44% de los argentinos no sabían nada del juicio a las Juntas Militares, un 27,3% pensaban que el juicio benefició poco al país y un 31,8% que fue poco importante para ellos, incluso un 12,9% decían que fue nada importante 10bis.

El debate público en torno a la creación de un espacio para la memoria en la simbólica Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA) en Argentina, es el prototipo de lo que puede ocurrir cuando las fases que hemos descrito (sanación, esclarecimiento, justicia y consenso interpretativo) se encuentran abiertas. “El espacio para la memoria- dice el Informe del CELS del 2004-es un paso fundamental que plantea desafíos importantes para constituirse en políticas de Estado.

En primer lugar, los organismos gubernamentales deben abocarse para trabajar en la estabilidad y transparencia del proyecto. Esto incluye no sólo dotar a la iniciativa de una adecuada forma institucional, sino que los temas sustanciales como el relato y el mensaje que se transmita surjan de un profundo diálogo y una amplia participación en el proceso de toma de decisiones”8.

Este parece ser uno de los caminos adecuados en Argentina y en cualquier parte.

Un mundo en paz no sólo es un mundo sin guerras globales y sin pobreza ni desigualdad, sino también un mundo en que se puede aplicar la justicia universal a las violaciones sistemáticas de los DD.HH del pasado y del presente y, además, un mundo sin odios y con la memoria recuperada, es decir, un mundo en el que haya una relación objetiva entre lo que la gente escucha y lee de su pasado y lo que ha ocurrido en la realidad. “Cambiar el color moral de un acto (o de un evento histórico) sería violencia cultural” según Johan Galtung 9.

Mi conclusión final es, como apuntaba Kafka, que es mejor cualquier cosa que el silencio del olvido. Por ello es vital fortalecer la democracia y la ciudadanía para concretar sólidamente los procesos de reivindicación de la memoria, cuestión que cada vez tiene más anclajes en la emergente e imparable nueva legislación internacional. Sobre esa base, como dice Rosa Torán en un reciente artículo publicado en el diario El País sobre Mauthausen, en nuestros días “es más fácil actualizar el pasado para convertirlo en lección moral, sin

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8

Opus cit. Pág.40.

9

“Violencia Cultural”. Gernika Gogoratuz. Documento nº 14. Pág.8.

10/10bis Domingo 2 de Abril, pág.10.

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! JEAN MARC DE WANDELAER Servicio Paz y Justicia en Memoria Abierta, Argentina

“CORAZON, MEMORIA Y PAZ” Empezaré con un cuento. Se trata de un nene, Ivancito, que va al circo por primera vez, acompañado por su papa. Llegan los elefantes en la pista e Ivancito está muy impresionado por el tamaño y la fuerza de los elefantes. Al terminar la función, le pide a su papa ir a ver donde están los elefantes. Cuando los encuentran, Ivancito se da cuenta que los elefantes están atados con una cadena en una pata, y la cadena a un pequeño hierro en el suelo. Ivancito le pregunta entonces a su papa porque los elefantes no se escapan, porque con la fuerza que tienen, seria muy fácil arrancar el hierro. El papa no sabe responder y decide preguntarle al cuidador de los elefantes, quien solo puede explicar que desde que él trabaja en el circo, es así no mas, pero aconseja al papa de ir a hablar con el cuidador de los tigres, que hace mas tiempo que está en el circo... Ivancito y su papa van entonces a preguntar al cuidador de los tigres, que tampoco sabe porque los elefantes no se escapan, y a su vez aconseja hablar con el domador de osos, que seguramente sabrá el porque. Ivancito y su papa buscan al domador de osos y le preguntan. El domador contesta entonces que cuando los elefantes son pequeños, se les atan de la misma forma, e intentan una vez, dos veces, varias veces escapar pero no lo logran porque todavía no tienen tanta fuerza, y entonces dejan estos intentos para siempre, porque tienen mucha memoria y se acuerdan de que no pudieron escapar...

Pues el problema es de los elefantes, pero no sólo de los elefantes, es que no tienen una memoria crítica, cuestionadora. Esa memoria crítica es la que necesitamos para aprender del pasado. Y tal vez otra lección de este cuentito es que nosotros también tenemos ataduras, cadenas, de las cuales tenemos que librarnos para caminar libremente hacia la paz y la justicia.

Yo soy militante del Servicio Paz y Justicia, Serpaj, un organismo de defensa y promoción de los derechos humanos fundado por el Premio Nobel de la Paz Adolfo Pérez Esquivel en 1974.

El Serpaj forma parte de la acción coordinada de 7 organismos argentinos de derechos humanos llamada Memoria Abierta, que se creó en 1999. Su misión es preservar la memoria de lo sucedido durante el terrorismo de Estado y sus consecuencias en la sociedad argentina, para enriquecer la cultura democrática.

Los organismos de Derechos Humanos que conformamos Memoria Abierta (Asamblea Permanente por los Derechos Humanos, Buena Memoria, Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales, Familiares de Desaparecidos y Detenidos por Razones Políticas, Fundación Memoria Histórica y Social, Madres de Plaza de Mayo Línea Fundadora y Serpaj), tenemos la convicción de que la acción concertada fortalece nuestra presencia en la sociedad y nos hace más eficaces en la búsqueda de los objetivos que nos unen, que son:

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• Promover una conciencia social que valore el recuerdo activo.

• Elaborar una memoria social que incida en la cultura política argentina, contribuyendo a construir identidad y a consolidar la convivencia democrática.

• Prevenir toda forma de autoritarismo en las generaciones futuras.

• Construir un patrimonio que dé cuenta de lo ocurrido en el país durante el terrorismo de Estado y sobre las acciones posteriores en la búsqueda de verdad y justicia, para ser compartido con la sociedad.

Al estar aquí en este seminario de los Museos para la Paz, quiero decir también que Memoria Abierta trabaja para impulsar la creación de un Espacio, un Instituto, que se refiere a lo ocurrido durante el período de violencia política y terrorismo de Estado en la Argentina, entre 1976 y 1983. No nos gusta mucho la palabra “Museo”, por eso hablamos de un Espacio, de un Instituto como un lugar de aprendizaje democrático a partir de la reflexión sobre lo ocurrido en el pasado. Creo que tiene mucho que ver con las tareas de los museos para la paz.

El 24 de marzo de 2004 (el 24 de marzo es el aniversario del último golpe de Estado en la Argentina, en 1976), el presidente Kirchner decidió por decreto que la Escuela Mecánica de la Armada, ESMA, sea desalojada para conformar allá un espacio para la memoria y la promoción de los derechos humanos. La ESMA es un lugar emblemático da la represión, es un predio de 17 hectáreas, con más de 30 edificios, que sirvió como centro clandestino de detención, como campo de concentración y tortura en el cual se estima que entre 1976 y 1983, cuando terminó la dictadura militar, pasaron unas 5000 personas, la gran mayoría de ellas desaparecidas, muchas tiradas vivas de aviones militares en el Río de la Plata, tal como lo confesó el condenado marino argentina en Madrid, Adolfo Scilingo. Esta idea de crear algún tipo de museo la veníamos trabajando desde hace muchos años en el ámbito de los militantes de derechos humanos, y se hablaba de la ESMA, pero estabamos muy lejos de pensar que se desalojaría tan pronto... Ahora estamos todavía en los debates sobre qué hacer exactamente en la ESMA, existen varias propuestas circulando, tanto desde el Gobierno Nacional como desde los organismos de Derechos Humanos y otras organizaciones sociales, pero va a ser un proceso lento y gradual.

Antes de eso, en 1997, y por iniciativa de los organismos de Derechos Humanos, el Gobierno Autónomo de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires promulgó una ley asignando un predio en la costa de Río de la Plata para el emplazamiento de un monumento a las víctimas del Terrorismo de Estado y un grupo de esculturas, el lugar es conocido como el Parque de la Memoria (todavía en construcción). En virtud de dicha ley, se creó una “Comisión Pro Monumento” integrada por los organismos de Derechos Humanos, diputados de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, miembros del Poder Ejecutivo de la Ciudad y un representante de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, es decir una comisión mixta muy interesante y poco frecuente, ya que los organismos de Derechos Humanos suelen tener una actitud de reclamo frente al Estado. Esto me parece muy importante, en la medida en que los proyectos de recordar deberían tener una perspectiva interdisciplinaria, promover el consenso y la pluralidad, tener un efecto de demostración con una estrategia comunicacional adecuada, y también tener una perspectiva internacional.

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Como se pueden dar cuenta, desde hace algunos años, el tema de la Memoria en Argentina se ha desarrollado mucho. Museo de la Memoria, Asociación Buena Memoria, Fundación Memoria Histórica y Social, Instituto Espacio para la Memoria, Comisión Provincial de la Memoria, Encuentro por la Memoria, Memoria Abierta, numerosas Comisiones de la Memoria en Universidades, lugares de trabajo, barrios, Memoria Activa, Parque de la Memoria, Archivo Nacional de la Memoria,... son algunas de las instituciones y organizaciones argentinas que se han creado en los últimos años y reflejan la importancia de la Memoria para consolidar la construcción de una democracia donde impere la verdad y la justicia. Y justamente la paz no es otra cosa que un proceso de realización de la justicia en los distintos niveles de relación humana y nos acercamos a ella cuando los niveles de justicia son muy altos y los niveles de violencia directa muy reducidos, tal como lo define el cuáquero inglés Adam Curle.

En Argentina, durante el siglo pasado, los militares tomaron el poder por medio de golpes de Estado en 1930, 1943, 1955, 1962, 1966 y el último en 1976.

Las Fuerzas Armadas argentinas y latinoamericanas fueron entrenadas en el marco de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional, cuerpo de premisas teórica-ideológicas elaboradas por Estados Unidos, en el contexto de la Guerra Fría y los movimientos de liberación en los países el Sur. Su principal característica es la noción del “enemigo interno”. Es así que las Fuerzas Armadas reorientan su accionar hacia el propio territorio nacional. El énfasis del discurso está puesto en la “seguridad de la Nación” y el “modo de vida occidental y cristiano”, supuestamente amenazado por la “infiltración marxista” y el “accionar subversivo”. El objetivo que orienta el accionar de las Fuerzas Armadas es, en consecuencia, la represión de las actividades gremiales, sociales y políticas cuyos postulados conllevan propuestas de transformación social. La Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional fue el fundamento del Estado terrorista. Entre 1950 y 1975, mas de 600 oficiales de las Fuerzas Armadas argentinas participaron en los cursos especializados de lucha contrainsurgente dictados en la Escuela de las Américas de Fort Gulick, en la zona del canal de Panamá, dependiente del Comando Sur de las Fuerzas Armadas de Estados Unidos.

Entre otros, participó de estos cursos el general Roberto Viola, quien sería presidente de la República Argentina en 1981, y donde aprendió técnicas de represión de guerrillas que violaban las garantías jurídicas básicas contenidas en la Constitución Nacional y convenios y protocolos internacionales.

Especialmente en los años 70 y principios de los 80, la Argentina sufrió el terrorismo de Estado, con miles y miles de personas desaparecidas y asesinadas, la gran mayoría de ellos estudiantes y obreros que luchaban por un mundo mejor. El golpe de Estado que ocurrió el 24 de marzo de 1976 no fue uno más en la historia argentina, sino el más sangriento y tuvo como objetivo principal instaurar un sistema económico de concentración de la riqueza en pocas manos y sus efectos perduran hasta el día de hoy, con casi la mitad de la población por debajo de la línea de pobreza y una deuda externa impagable. Esa deuda ascendía a 7.800 millones de dólares en 1975. En 1983, el Gobierno del Presidente Alfonsín heredó un monto más que quintuplado: 45.000 millones de dólares. Hoy esa deuda asciende a alrededor de 145 mil millones de dólares.

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Al finalizar la dictadura militar, el 15 de diciembre de 1983, fue creada la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas –CONADEP- por un decreto del Poder Ejecutivo Nacional, apenas 5 días después de la asunción presidencial del Dr. Alfonsín, para “contribuir al esclarecimiento de los dolorosos hechos producidos en el país como consecuencia de la acción represiva desatada por el régimen militar instaurado en 1976, recibir las denuncias correspondientes sobre desapariciones y secuestros de personas ocurridos en ese período y producir un informe acerca de su trabajo”. La CONADEP fue presidida por el escritor Ernesto Sábato y el informe que redactó se titula “Nunca Más”. Poco mas de un año después, el 22 de abril de 1985 –hace 20 años- se inició el juicio a los 9 miembros de las juntas militares, que terminó condenando solamente a 5 de ellos.

Luego vinieron las leyes de Punto Final, Obediencia Debida y los Decretos de Indultos, para intentar instalar la impunidad.

Los organismos de Derechos Humanos, durante la dictadura militar, rompieron el muro del silencio y después promovieron una larga lucha contra la impunidad y el olvido, lucha que no ha terminado y que tiene la indispensable coherencia política entre el fin y los medios: Verdad y Justicia.

Hace 28 años, en abril de 1977, aparecieron públicamente las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, que siguen dando vueltas a la plaza cada jueves, hasta el día de hoy. En plena dictadura, madres de desaparecidos iniciaron una acción de desobediencia civil para denunciar el secuestro de sus hijos e hijas. La desobediencia civil es una forma de lucha de quienes buscan la paz con justicia, la usaron Gandhi, Martin Luther King, los insumisos aquí. Es una acción noviolenta, pública, consciente, política y contraria a una ley o a un programa de gobierno. Algunas de las fundadoras del movimiento de Madres fueron a su vez secuestradas y desaparecidas.

Siempre pidieron verdad y justicia, nunca venganza. En 1980, Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, presidente del Serpaj, recibió el Premio Nobel de la Paz por su lucha en defensa de los Derechos Humanos.

Casi nadie se enteró en Argentina...

Juntos con las Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, Familiares de Desaparecidos y otros organismos de Derechos Humanos, han mantenido una larga lucha para mantener viva la memoria de los desaparecidos y sobre todo para reclamar incesantemente verdad y justicia, tanto para los crímenes cometidos durante la dictadura como para las violaciones a los derechos humanos que se siguen cometiendo hoy, especialmente en relación con los derechos económicos y sociales. Han tenido bastante éxito, ya a partir de 1995, varios Tribunales empezaron a reconocer su competencia y adoptar medidas tendientes a establecer la verdad, esencial en el trabajo para la memoria. También estamos esperando que en las próximas semanas la Corte Suprema de Justicia declare la inconstitucionalidad de las leyes de impunidad; hay mas de un centenar de militares responsables de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos como secuestro, tortura y robo de bebés actualmente presos (aunque en muchos casos están detenidos en sus propios domicilios), Scilingo ha sido condenado aquí, hay juicios e instrucciones judiciales contra militares argentinos en Italia, Alemania, Francia, y por supuesto en Argentina.

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En fin, ésta lucha de los organismos de Derechos Humanos contra la impunidad está dando frutos importantes y demuestra que la memoria está estrechamente vinculada a la paz, siempre y cuando que la memoria sea crítica, es decir cuando la memoria no se limita a recordar hechos sino cuando se sabe por qué y para qué ocurrieron los hechos, y poder pensar entonces en como se deberían evitar. O sea, no hacer memoria para quedarse en el pasado sino para iluminar el presente y construir el futuro.

Sin embargo, no es cierto que sirva recordar para que no se vuelva a repetir. Decía que en Argentina surgieron muchas instituciones y organizaciones que trabajan el tema de la Memoria. Esto posiblemente se debe a que muchas de las condiciones que hicieron posible el terrorismo de estado siguen vigentes en el presente (violencia estructural). La memoria tiene entonces que servir para generar un sistema de valores que ayude a comprender acciones y actitudes, generar alertas frente a todas las formas de abuso estatal, de autoritarismo y de violaciones a los derechos humanos, económicos y sociales. También la memoria debe poder irritar, ser molesta, interpelar a la responsabilidad, estimular el compromiso con la democracia.

Y que molesta, molesta. Es obvio que el desalojo de la ESMA molesta a cierto sector de las Fuerzas Armadas, pero también a una pequeña parte de la sociedad civil. Más obvio todavía son los juicios actuales contra militares genocidas, que les molestan a ellos, y también a algunos sectores de la Iglesia. Para ilustrar que la memoria irrita, molesta, interpela y estimula el compromiso con la democracia, voy a mencionar un artículo que salió hace escasos días, el jueves 28 de abril en el diario Página/12. El título decía: “En Bragado todavía hay gente a la que le molesta que se haga memoria”. Bragado es un pueblo de la provincia de Buenos Aires. Seguía: “Destrozaron una muestra del artista Marcelo Brodsky, organizada por la Comisión Provincial por la Memoria. Estaba en una escuela que queda enfrente de una comisaría. No se llevaron nada de valor.”. Marcelo es miembro de la Asociación Buena Memoria, parte de Memoria Abierta. Su hermano estuvo en la ESMA, está desaparecido. Marcelo hizo un trabajo fotográfico sobre sus compañeros del Colegio Nacional Buenos Aires, del cual más de 100 alumnos o ex alumnos desaparecieron durante la dictadura. La Comisión Provincial de la Memoria es presidida por Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, y como parte del trabajo de recuperación de la memoria que realiza ésta Comisión está hacer circular por las escuelas de la provincia la muestra de Marcelo Brodsky. El artículo que menciono cita a Belén, de 15 años, que escribió esto apenas visitó la muestra: “La memoria no se borra por nada del mundo, ni por lo más trágico. ¿Saben por qué? Porque ella es nuestra fiel herramienta que nos pide valentía y justicia por las personas que en algún momento supieron tener memoria como nosotros”. El centenar de fotos que componen la muestra estaban tiradas en el piso, los marcos destrozados. Para los organizadores, y coincido, se trató de “un claro atentado contra la memoria, que es lo que tiene por objetivo la muestra”. Para la Comisión Provincial por la Memoria, “molesta especialmente que sea la escuela el ámbito donde se busque combatir el olvido”. Frente a la escuela de Bragado hay una comisaría. Cuando los docentes hicieron la denuncia, la policía ni siquiera se acercó...El comentario final de una de las docentes fue el siguiente: . “Cuando los chicos miran las fotos entienden que la memoria es una construcción que también tienen que hacer ellos, para que el pasado reciente no nos duela tanto.”

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A pesar de hechos así, hay que reconocer que la sociedad argentina acompañó a las víctimas del terrorismo de estado, a las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a la lucha contra la impunidad.

Ha habido homenajes a las víctimas en una amplísima gama de instituciones y lugares, que incluyeron los estadios de fútbol y hasta el Teatro Colón. Estos homenajes sirven no sólo para recordar las atrocidades cometidas por la dictadura, sino para recordar también la lucha de los compañeros desaparecidos, quienes eran, que querían. Mencionaba al diario Página 12, pues este diario ofrece gratuitamente a los familiares de desaparecidos espacios en sus páginas para publicar fotos de los desaparecidos, en la fecha de su desaparición, con algún texto, poema, reclamo. Hay días que salen 5 o más fotos, y es muy impactante...

Decía que la sociedad acompaña a las víctimas del terrorismo de estado porque cada vez que fue consultada mediante sondeos y encuestas, un porcentaje nunca menor al 60 por ciento se pronunció por el castigo a los responsables de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y en contra del olvido. Sin embargo, son muchísimos quiénes no se inmutan por las torturas cometidas hoy en cárceles y comisarías o quienes creen que es un exceso de garantismo reclamar el derecho a la defensa de los delincuentes comunes.

Pero acá está la coherencia ética y política de los organismos. Como dijo Gandhi, el árbol está en la semilla como el fin en los medios, es decir que si queremos paz con justicia, nuestros medios de lucha tienen que ser coherentes con el objetivo, y así es, tanto en los homenajes a las víctimas como en el accionar a través de la justicia como en las marchas y manifestaciones diversas. Tampoco es casualidad que los organismos de Derechos Humanos se encuentran siempre entre los convocantes a actos y manifestaciones contra la guerra en Irak, en las marchas acompañando a familiares de víctimas del “gatillo fácil” (el accionar represivo de la policía que suele disparar primero y preguntar después, son cientos las víctimas de balas policiales desde 1983) o acompañando también las protestas obreras, las fábricas recuperadas por sus obreros, etc. Las Madres han sido un ejemplo del compromiso con la justicia y la lucha, y muchas de las organizaciones sociales se inspiran de sus métodos de acción, como recientemente hemos visto a los familiares de las 193 víctimas fatales y cientos de heridos en un incendio en un local bailable de la ciudad de Buenos Aires el 30 de diciembre pasado, que llevaron una bandera con las fotos de los muertos, tal como lo hacen los organismos de Derechos Humanos con las banderas con cientos de fotos de desaparecidos.

El trabajo de recuperación de la memoria debe entonces estar acompañado por una lucha cotidiana contra las injusticias que se producen hoy. Cuando uno hace memoria en la Argentina, se hace obvio que la paz no es mera ausencia de guerra. En los años 70, no había guerra en Argentina, a pesar de que los militares y sus cómplices (de la Iglesia, del poder económico, de algunos sindicatos) hablaban de una “guerra contra el terrorismo, contra la subversión”.

Entender esto es muy importante para diferenciar este concepto negativo de la paz (ausencia de guerra, “pax romana”, utopía) del concepto de paz positiva: un proceso dinámico, participativo, que nos lleva a hacer aflorar, afrontar y resolver o regular los conflictos de una forma noviolenta. Decía Gandhi: “no hay camino hacia la paz, la paz es el camino”. Los organismos de Derechos Humanos luchan contra las injusticias. Desde el Nunca Más al Terrorismo de Estado,

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quieren avanzar hacia el Nunca Más al Terrorismo Económico, condición imperiosa para llegar a la paz positiva, la paz con justicia económica y social.

Ahora bien, y esto lo digo a título personal, aunque sé que muchos de mis compañeros del Serpaj están de acuerdo, el hacer memoria en la Argentina nos debería llevar a cuestionar duramente las Fuerzas Armadas, incluso pensar seriamente en plantear su abolición, que sería un paso grande en este camino hacia la paz. Las Fuerzas Armadas Argentinas no defendieron nunca al país y a su pueblo, más bien todo el contrario... Masacraron a los pueblos originarios, masacraron a obreros en la Patagonia, hicieron desaparecer a miles de personas, robaron bebés...La única guerra que llevaron a cabo, y que perdieron, fue durante la última dictadura, cuando, al mando del dictador Galtieri, reputado por tener una fuerte debilidad para el whisky, intentó recuperar las Islas Malvinas y confrontó con el Reino Unido de Margaret Tatcher. Cientos de jóvenes reclutas murieron...Pero bueno, es una opinión personal.

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actuales y determina la relación con el futuro. Recordar viene del latín “recordari”, derivado de “cor”, corazón, y como dijo el zorro al Principito (en el cuento de Saint Exupéry), “sólo con el corazón se puede ver bien”. Las queridas Madres de Plaza de Mayo siempre vieron con el corazón.

Para ir finalizando, quiero introducir otro ingrediente a la importancia de la memoria para la paz. Contaré otro cuentito: “Había un vez un rey en los desiertos de Africa. Se estaba muriendo, y convocó a sus tres hijos, para decirles que se tenían que repartir entre ellos tres los 17 camellos que poseía su padre el rey, indicando que al mayor le correspondía la mitad, al segundo un tercio y al menor una novena parte de los 17 camellos. Fallece el rey y los tres hijos piensen en como repartirse los 17 camellos respetando a la voluntad de su padre. No podían dividir 17 por 2, ni por 3, ni por 9. Empezaron a preguntarse si había sido un chiste de su padre, y de a poco a discutir fuertemente entre ellos. Finalmente, deciden ir a consultar un viejo sabio en las montañas. Cuando llegan, le platean su problema al sabio, quien les dice que solución no tiene, pero les ofrece llevarse a su propio camello. Con lo cual, los tres hermanos tenían 18 camellos. Y ahora si podían dividir por 2, por 3 y por 9. Nueve camellos para el mayor, 6 para el segundo y dos para el menor. O sea, 9 mas 6 mas 2, son 17 camellos....

El ingrediente es la imaginación. La lucha por la defensa de los Derechos Humanos, la lucha por la paz tiene que ser creativa. Algo que entendieron muy bien en la organización H.I.J.O.S., (Hijos por la Identidad y la Justicia, contra el Olvido y el Silencio), organización que nació hace justo 10 años e integrada por hijos de los desaparecidos. Para luchar contra el olvido, contra la impunidad, inventaron los “escraches”. Ante la falta de justicia por los crímenes que cometieron los militares durante la dictadura, militares que eran impunes y transitaban tranquilamente las calles, promocionaron la condena social, identificando domicilios de represores para protestar pacíficamente frente a estos, avisando a los vecinos que por la falta de justicia tenían que convivir con represores, cruzarselos en los negocios, en los ascensores.... Estos “escraches” fueron muy populares, y otras organizaciones sociales emplearon esa misma modalidad para hacer públicas sus denuncias.

Termino con algo que el Premio Nobel de la Paz Adolfo Pérez Esquivel suele mencionar a menudo, que un amigo africano le dijo “si no sabes a donde vas, regresa de donde venís”. Lo hacemos. Recordar es necesario, es un proceso de aprendizaje fundamental que tiene efectos

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! GABRIELA CAUDURO Universidad de Sarmiento “ EL MOVIMIENTO DE DERECHOS HUMANOS EN ARGENTINA EN LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA PAZ” Si indagamos en el pasado reciente de Argentina, diferentes memorias nos brindarán el testimonio acerca de un sujeto novedoso en la práctica social, el Movimiento de Derechos Humanos. Este movimiento se consolidó, a través de estrategias no violentas, como eje de oposición al poder del terrorismo de Estado en la década del setenta.

“Cuando no recordamos lo que nos pasa, nos puede suceder la misma cosa.

Son esas mismas cosas que nos marginan, nos matan la memoria, nos queman las ideas, nos quitan las palabras.

Si la historia la escriben los que ganan, eso quiere decir que hay otra historia: la verdadera historia, quien quiera oír que oiga.

Nos queman las palabras, nos silencian, y la voz de la gente se oirá siempre.

Inútil es matar, la muerte prueba que la vida existe”

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La memoria tiene un papel altamente significativo como mecanismo cultural y social para fortalecer el sentido de pertenencia de grupos oprimidos, silenciados o discriminados. La memoria, la conmemoración, el recuerdo se tornan cruciales cuando se vinculan a experiencias traumáticas colectivas de represión política y catástrofes sociales. La forma de definir lo que tuvo lugar en el pasado traumático, como también la de honrar a las víctimas e identificar a los responsables, constituyen pasos necesarios para ayudar a que los horrores del pasado no vuelvan a repetirse nunca mas2.

La memoria es entonces, la forma en que las personas construyen un sentido de la historia, y como ésta se enlaza con el presente. Esa interrogación sobre lo ocurrido es un proceso que se construye desde la subjetividad y a la vez socialmente. La memoria se produce en tanto haya sujetos que compartan una cultura y en tanto haya agentes sociales que intenten corporizar estos sentidos del pasado en productos culturales que funcionen como vehículos de memoria, tales como libros, monumentos, películas, museos.

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Es imposible encontrar una memoria social única que, en cualquier tiempo y lugar, nos brinde una misma interpretación del pasado. Existen momentos en los que el consenso es aparentemente mayor, donde se tiene una visión más hegemónica, es el relato de los vencedores, la “historia oficial”. Siempre habrá otras historias, otras memorias, otras interpretaciones de lo ocurrido, que desplieguen una visión diferente sobre los hechos del pasado y sobre lo que ellos representan para cada sector social. La memoria es entonces, un lugar de lucha política, es el espacio en el que se desarrolla el conflicto entre lo que se quiere olvidar, ocultar, como escamoteo de la realidad, y lo que pelea por salir a la luz, lo negado, lo silenciado, lo que se opone al olvido para no repetir. Sólo el recuerdo puede ir tejiendo una malla histórica con menos agujeros, que nos explique el presente con características de verosimilitud.

Sólo el reconocimiento de la verdad puede crear seres socialmente capaces de encontrar caminos, y de vencer obstáculos para la construcción de la paz y poder así ejercer una ciudadanía plena en un Estado de derecho.

El golpe militar instaurado el 24 de marzo de 1976 en Argentina, conocido también como “proceso de reorganización nacional”, cuyo principal fundamento fue el de la “guerra contra el enemigo interno o subversivo”, intentó “militarizar” la esfera política a fin de poder anular las posibilidades de cambio social. Clausuró la práctica política, prohibió la actividad de los partidos, reduciendo la actividad a algunas acciones reivindicativas del sindicalismo, despolitizando la actividad gremial y desatando una feroz represión que desarticuló y paralizó al conjunto de la sociedad. El objetivo del régimen militar no fue solo una reacción anti popular y una respuesta contrarrevolucionaria a la crisis sociopolítica de los años setenta, o una reacción defensiva de los sectores dominantes del capitalismo y de las Fuerzas Armadas, sino que también fue un intento fundacional de reorganizar al conjunto de sociedad, de formar un nuevo orden y recomponer las bases de un capitalismo nacional bajo las leyes del mercado internacional, de modo tal de eliminar el tipo de relación entre sociedad civil, sistema político y Estado, promoviendo un cambio en la subjetividad de la sociedad argentina 3.

Si el gobierno militar se propuso atomizar a la sociedad e impedir toda posibilidad de solidaridad, fueron los familiares de las víctimas del terrorismo de Estado quienes hicieron oír su voz señalando la condición de la detención-desaparición. Fue en la primer etapa del gobierno de facto, que estuvo signada por una fuerte represión, a la que la sociedad respondió con aislados intentos de resistencia. Es un período netamente defensivo, los sujetos sociales reclamaban por sus más esenciales Derechos Humanos, se trató de reconstruir los lazos de solidaridad y capacidad de asociación y superar el silencio.

Es en este contexto donde surge el Movimiento de Derechos Humanos en Argentina. Si bien tuvo sus orígenes en la década del treinta, con la Liga Argentina por los Derechos del Hombre, y a principios de la década del setenta ya se habían fundado organismos tales como Servicio Paz y Justicia, Asamblea Permanente por los Derechos Humanos, y Movimiento Ecuménico por los Derechos Humanos, el movimiento intensifica su labor durante la dictadura

Nebbia, Lito. “Quién quiera oir que oiga”. Canción.

2 Jelín, Elizabeth. Memorias en conflicto. Puentes Nro. 1. Comisión Provincial de la Memoria. La Plata 2000. pp 6 a 13.

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3 Sonderéguer María. Aparición con Vida. “Movimientos Sociales 2”, Elizabeth Jelín Compiladora. CEAL. Buenos Aires, 1985. pp 7 a 35

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y surgen los organismos de Derechos Humanos de afectados, Madres de Plaza de Mayo, Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, Familiares de Desaparecidos y Detenidos por Razones Políticas.

Ya en 1980 comienza su labor el Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales con un programa jurídico y de documentación que sirve para apoyar las denuncias.

El Movimiento de Derechos Humanos instaló su discurso con un reclamo fundamental por la vida, y rechazando radicalmente todo sistema antidemocrático y de dominación autoritaria.

Su práctica socio política se caracterizó por la no violencia y la resistencia, y generó un espacio de significación de la vida, un espacio donde ubicar los cuerpos que pretendieron ser negados, con la creación de la figura del detenido-desaparecido, desde el discurso y el accionar del poder. El movimiento se cimentó en valores y premisas como la verdad, la justicia, planteando una exigencia ética de fundamentos humanitarios. Abrió la posibilidad de recuperar la memoria de lucha popular de los años setenta, cuyos actores fueron las principales víctimas de la represión del terrorismo de Estado. Junto a la demanda por la vida, se valoró esas trayectorias y ese proyecto. La memoria popular tampoco olvidó el alto costo social del período represivo, memoria que transforma el argumento de “guerra contra la subversión” a fin de derrocar el gobierno constitucional en fuente de ilegitimidad. Precisamente una de las mayores dificultades que tuvieron los regímenes autoritarios fue la posibilidad de institucionalización, bajo la inspiración de la Doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional, que postula el argumento de la “guerra” y divide a la sociedad en “amigos” y “enemigos” como razón de su legitimidad es al mismo tiempo razón de su ilegitimidad.

Es en esta dinámica que los Derechos Humanos aparecen en escena tanto para el Estado que los violentó, como para quienes fueron reprimidos. Fue la defensa de los Derechos Humanos que puso en cuestionamiento la perversa lógica de dominación autoritaria del gobierno de facto en Argentina.

Los primeros años del movimiento, estuvieron signados por el silencio, el aislamiento y el terror. Luego como consecuencia del deterioro político interno del gobierno militar, las denuncias internacionales y el otorgamiento del Premio Nobel de la Paz, a Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Presidente del Servicio Paz y Justicia, se planteó la necesidad de obtener un consenso social lo más amplio posible, y generar un discurso de carácter ético y de principios en pro de la paz. En 1982 se realizó la “Marcha por la vida” con una amplia participación de organizaciones de la sociedad civil. Ya en 1983, durante la semana internacional del detenido-desaparecido, Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, iniciaba junto a cuatro integrantes del Servicio Paz y Justicia unas jornadas de ayuno y oración “por el derecho a la vida, al pan y a la libertad de nuestro pueblo”. Finalizando la dictadura la relación de fuerzas se había modificado, y los reclamos del Movimiento de Derechos Humanos lograba apelar al conjunto de la opinión pública.

Pudiendo definir al Movimiento de Derechos Humanos como una práctica no violenta de lucha por la plena vigencia de los Derechos Humanos, que promueve la construcción de la paz, en este sentido Adolfo Pérez Esquivel enfatizó a fines de la dictadura: “Después de esta experiencia, -insólita para nuestros países- de arrazamiento brutal de los Derechos Humanos, y a la vez de lucha del pueblo en torno a esos derechos, reviviendo su valor permanente, se impone la conciencia política de prolongar el principio de defensa de los Derechos Humanos como criterio orientador de la reconstrucción política y social de los países del cono sur, y fundamentalmente para un nuevo estado democrático. Es el único principio, a nuestro entender,

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que puede unificar y proyectar hacia delante al conjunto de las fuerzas sociales y políticas que se oponen al autoritarismo, y que propugnan la justicia y la reconciliación entre los hombres que nos den el tan ansiado fruto de la paz” 4.

A fines de 1983 llegaba la democracia. La transición en Argentina estuvo signada por tres momentos, muy claros de visualizar: La conformación, en 1984, de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) Esta comisión recibió denuncias sobre las desapariciones, debía remitirlas a la justicia y determinar el paradero de los niños sustraídos, se documentaron la desaparición de 8960 personas. Por otra parte Amnesty Internacional estimó que el número de víctimas superaba los 15.000 y otros organismos defensores de los Derechos Humanos, como Madres de Plaza de Mayo y Servicio Paz y Justicia han sostenido que las víctimas alcanzan a 30.000 personas. Esta comisión fue la que elaboró el informe “Nunca Más”5. El Juicio a las Juntas Militares. En 1985 se juzgó y condenó a los máximos responsables de las violaciones a los Derechos Humanos en Argentina, este fue el único juicio de esta naturaleza en América Latina.

Las Leyes de Impunidad. Las leyes de punto final en 1986, de obediencia debida en 1987, y el indulto en 1989 y 1990, fueron las que debilitaron la idea de justicia necesaria para la construcción democrática, habiendo quedado de este modo en libertad todos los responsables de la dictadura, con la idea de “reconciliación”.

En 1997, las Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo presentaron una causa en la que se exponía la existencia de un plan sistemático de apropiación de menores, basándose en la similitud de casos de restitución de identidades por parte de la organización y la existencia de un documento que hablaba específicamente de las instrucciones que se debían seguir con los hijos de desaparecidos. Siendo el robo de bebes un delito de acción continua, por él fueron encarceladas veinte personas entre ellos el dictador Videla y Massera, dos de los beneficiados por los indultos6.

De igual forma la lucha por Derechos Humanos aparece como una continuidad, y se han ido incorporando al Movimiento, nuevos sujetos colectivos como H.I.J.O.S. (Hijos por la Identidad y la Justicia, contra el Olvido y el Silencio), Asociación de Ex Detenidos-Desaparecidos por Razones Políticas, Herman@s, y otros. Es importante señalar que las nuevas organizaciones también siguieron la línea de la no violencia en su accionar utilizando estrategias como el “escrache”, en el caso de los H.I.J.O.S, quienes a través la ubicación del domicilio de un represor de la dictadura, y la realización de una movilización frente a la casa señalan a todos los vecinos la presencia del genocida, apuntando a su condena social.

Hoy Argentina, tiene un complejo y contradictorio cuadro en relación a la situación de los Derechos Humanos. La profunda crisis social que hoy vive el país, la ausencia de debates

4 Pérez Esquivel, Adolfo. “Los Derechos Humanos en la perspectiva de construcción de un nuevo orden democrático”.

Serie Análisis 1. Serpaj. Buenos Aires 1982.

5

Dossier Educación y Memoria. Puentes Nro. 2. Comisión Provincial por la Memoria. La Plata 2000.

6

Dossier Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo. Puentes Nro. 5. Comisión Provincial por la Memoria. La Plata 2001.

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sobre políticas públicas de inclusión social, se conjuga con las serias deficiencias y las prácticas autoritarias afianzadas en las policías y en la justicia penal. Durante 2003 y 2004 los Derechos Humanos han ocupado una parte importante de la escena pública, en gran medida por el impulso de las políticas de memoria y revisión judicial de los crímenes del terrorismo de Estado por parte del Gobierno Nacional. La recuperación de la ESMA (Escuela Superior de Mecánica de la Armada) -ex centro clandestino de detención durante la ultima dictadura argentina- como espacio para la memoria y la defensa de los Derechos Humanos donde se instalará el futuro Museo de la Memoria, concretada en un acto masivo, fue un hecho de enorme significación política y valor simbólico, al inscribir en el espacio publico aquellos valores y principios por los que el Movimiento de Derechos Humanos venía luchando7.

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Siendo una de las militancias más nobles de nuestra historia, el Nunca Más al terrorismo de Estado, a la perversamente violencia racional de los poderosos, sigue siendo una de las banderas, cada vez más masiva y de total actualidad.

La magnitud de este acontecimiento determinó también cuestionamientos a la política oficial que pretendieron abrir un debate sobre el significado y agenda de los Derechos Humanos, ya que no es posible aún relacionar la noción de Derechos Humanos con otros temas que ocupan el interés y la preocupación de vastos sectores sociales, tales como la pobreza y exclusión social, el desempleo y la seguridad ciudadana, como así el endurecimiento penal frente al delito, la criminalización de la protesta social, la militarización de los barrios populares, la violencia institucional.

La memoria de una sociedad inclusiva e igualitaria es un activo que no puede desdeñarse y que puede cumplir una función en el debate político a fin de poder construir una sociedad con valores democráticos y de justicia para la construcción de la paz.

Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, Línea Fundadora, definieron recientemente su tarea en el presente y futuro en un documento, allí señalaron: “ Sostenemos que la profunda inquietud por la angustiante situación social es parte de los objetivos de nuestra organización que, sin dejar lo específico como Madres de detenidos-desaparecidos, nos abrimos y sensibilizamos hacia las desigualdades, pobreza, exclusión y discriminación de todo tipo. Buscamos una construcción social mas justa. Como Organismo de Derechos Humanos decimos “No a la violencia”, pero también “No a la resignación”. Ayer, el dolor nos dio fuerzas para denunciar y luchar por el esclarecimiento de la siniestra política de desaparición. Nuestro dolor de hoy nos hace afirmar que no nos quedaremos en silencio en este difícil camino de impedir la impunidad y la represión salvaje que se ejerce sobre nuestro pueblo”8.

El Movimiento de Derechos Humanos se inscribe hoy como horizonte social de utopía, restaurando y resignificando los reclamos populares por la vigencia plena de todos los Derechos Humanos. El rechazo al terrorismo de Estado implica una búsqueda democrática aún imperfecta e insatisfactoria, pero en la que ya casi ningún argentin@ imagina hoy a la violencia como vía de cambio.

7 Abramovich, Victor. Un panorama general de los principales debates y problemas en torno a la vigencia de los Derechos Humanos en Argentina durante 2004. “Derechos Humanos en Argentina: Informe 2004”.

CELS/Página 12. Buenos Aires 2004. pp 5 a 17.

8 Dossier Madres de Plaza de Mayo. Puentes Nro 7. Comisión Provincial por la Memoria.

La Plata 2002.

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! JOSEP FONTANA Universidad Pompeu Fabra “LA NECESIDAD DE LA MEMORIA” La historia de un grupo humano es su memoria colectiva y cumple respecto de él la misma función que la memoria personal en un individuo: la de darle un sentido de identidad que lo hace ser él mismo y no otro. Sucede, sin embargo, que comprendemos mal la naturaleza de nuestra memoria y que estamos perdiendo el sentido de su valor y utilidad, con lo que corremos el riesgo de ver atrofiarse una de nuestras facultades intelectuales más potentes. El hombre moderno lo comenzó a hacer cuando inventó una imagen simplificada del mundo en que todo podía explicarse a partir de unas pocas leyes universales, en cuyo conocimiento consistía todo el saber necesario.

No pensaban de este modo los hombres de la edad media y del Renacimiento, para quienes la memoria era un instrumento activo de conocimiento. Y no se trata solamente, como se suele pensar, de la utilidad de las técnicas de memorización para suplir la escasez de fuentes de conocimiento escritas en la época anterior a la imprenta, sino que esta valoración respondía a un planteamiento mucho más rico y complejo. En el siglo XVII, en plena revolución científica, y cuando los libros eran ya abundantes, la memoria se consideraba como una herramienta para adquirir conocimiento y no sólo para conservarlo. Llevando a su culminación ideas que tenían raíces tan lejanas como las que Ramus convirtió en un método –de hecho parece que la misma palabra “método” ha nacido en relación con este desarrollo del arte de la memoria-, Francis Bacon y Descartes la usaban para crear nuevas formas de análisis de la realidad y Leibniz partió de esta misma tradición para desarrollar el cálculo infinitesimal1. Parte del problema de nuestra mala comprensión reside en el modo en que concebimos la memoria.

Nos hemos acostumbrado a considerarla como una película que recogió en su momento la imagen fiel de la realidad, pero que el paso del tiempo ha ido borrando progresivamente. Los recuerdos de los acontecimientos, parcialmente desgastados, se conservarían en algún rincón de ese inmenso depósito de experiencias que es nuestro cerebro, donde los iríamos a buscar cuando los necesitamos.

Pero nuestros recuerdos no son restos de una imagen, sino una cons-trucción que hacemos a partir de fragmentos de conocimiento que ya eran, en su origen, interpretacio-nes de la realidad y que, al volverlos a reunir, reinter-pretamos a la luz de nuevos puntos de vista. Daniel Schacter sostiene que tenemos más de un sistema de memoria y que diversas partes del cerebro han de interactuar para permitirnos codificar o recuperar un recuerdo. Alwyn Scott nos muestra la complejidad de eso en apariencia tan simple que es la evocación de un recuerdo: una imagen en una fotografía, nos dice, puede recordarnos a nuestra abuela y activará por ello los lóbulos ópticos; pero es probable que recuperemos al propio tiempo el recuerdo de su voz, que debe hallarse en los lóbulos temporales. Estas cosas se nos aparecerán ligadas a toda una serie de otros elementos: palabras que dijo, colores y olores diversos que

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relacionamos con ella. Como el recuerdo está imbuido de tonos emocionales, estos también serán activados, en lugares cuya ubicación en nuestro cerebro nos es desconocida. Y queda aún la tarea lingüística de ajustar este conjunto de imágenes a la palabra "abuela". El proceso es lo suficientemente complejo como para hacernos entender que la simple producción de un recuerdo puntual es un acto intelectual muy complejo2.

Quien más allá nos ha llevado en esta nueva concepción de la memoria es sin duda un gran neurobiólogo, el premio Nobel Gerald Edelman, quien nos advierte que “en los seres humanos coexisten la conciencia primaria y otra de grado superior, cada una de las cuales tiene una relación distinta con el tiempo. El sentido del tiempo pasado en la conciencia superior tiene que ver con ordenaciones previas de categorías en relación con un pasado inmediato manejado por la conciencia primaria. La conciencia superior no se basa en la experiencia del momento, como la primaria, sino en la capacidad de modelar el pasado y el futuro”3.

Estas ideas las ha desarrollado posteriormente en un libro sobre la formación de la conciencia donde señala que una de las funciones esenciales de la memoria es la de hacer “una forma de recategorización constructiva” mientras se produce una experiencia, que no es una mera reproducción de una secuencia anterior de acontecimientos, sino una estrategia para evaluar situaciones nuevas a las que ha de enfrentarse mediante la construcción de un “presente recordado”, que no es la evocación de un momento determinado del pasado, sino que implica la capacidad de poner en juego experiencias previas para diseñar un escenario contrafactual al cual puedan incorporarse los elementos nuevos que se nos presentan4.

Pienso que estas ideas acerca de la memoria humana valen también para comprender mejor la naturaleza y la función de nuestra memoria colectiva. Los historiadores –y uso esta palabra en un sentido amplio, sin limitarme a su acepción estrictamente académica, para referirme a cuantos trabajamos en la tarea de recuperar e interpretar el pasado- no nos limitamos a sacar a la luz acontecimientos que estaban enterradas bajo las ruinas del olvido, sino que usamos nuestra capacidad de formar “presentes recordados” para contribuir a la formación de la conciencia colectiva que corresponde a las necesidades del momento, no deduciendo lecciones inmediatas de situaciones del pasado que no han de repetirse, sino ayudando a crear escenarios contrafactuales en que sea posible encajar e interpretar los hechos nuevos que se nos presentan: escenarios en que el pasado se ilumina en el momento del reconocimiento, cuando, como decía Walter Benjamín, “se presenta de súbito al sujeto histórico en el momento del peligro”.

Hay, sin embargo, un problema fundamental que conviene plantear desde el comienzo: ¿quién es el sujeto de una memoria colectiva? Deberían serlo, lógicamente, los distintos integrantes del grupo que pretende representar, si no individualmente, por lo menos de forma lo suficientemente plural como para que resultase representativa. Lo que no suele suceder

2 Daniel L. Schacter, Searching for memory. The brain, the mind, and the past, Nueva York, Basic Books, 1996; Alwyn Scott, Stairway to the mind, Nueva York, Copernicus, 1995, p. 78.

3 Gerald Edelman "Memory and the individual soul. Against silly reductionism", en John Cornwell, ed., Nature's imagination.

The frontiers of scienti-fic vision, Oxford, University Pres, 1995, pp.200-206.

1 Sobre esto, Paolo Rossi, Clavis universalis. Arti menmoniche e logica combinatoria de Lullo a Leibniz, Milán, Riccardi, 1960; P.Rossi, ed., La memoria del sapere, Bari, Laterza, 1988; Mary Carrut-hers, The book of memory, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990, y en especial Frances A. Ya-tes, The art of memory, Londres, Pimlico, 1992 (edición original, 1966).

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4 Gerald M. Edelman y Giulio Tononi. El universo de la conciencia. Cómo la materia se convierte en imaginación, Barcelona, Crítica, 2002; de modo semejante Gilles Fauconnier y Mark Turner en The way we think. Conceptual bending and the mind’s hidden complexities, Nueva York, Basic Books, 2002, señalan la importancia de “la construcción de lo irreal”, del uso de escenarios contrafactuales, como son los de los “presentes recordados”.

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porque, desde el siglo XIX, los estados optaron por convertirse en inspiradores y vigilantes del relato histórico y se han dedicado desde entonces a elaborar e imponer el que conviene a sus pretensiones e intereses. Un género de relatos con los que se ha pretendido legitimar esa aberración que es el estado-nación, a costa de acallar y reprimir todo lo que no encajara en él.

Es el estado el que se ocupa del uso público de la historia, de eso que un historiador italiano ha definido como “todo lo que no entra directamente en la historia profesional, pero constituye la memoria pública (...); todo lo que crea el discurso histórico difuso, la visión de la historia, consciente o inconsciente, que es propia de todos los ciudadanos. Algo en que los historiadores desempeñan un papel, pero que es gestionado substancialmente por otros protagonistas, políticos y por los medios de comunicación de masas"5.

Los gobiernos se han ocupado siempre de controlar la producción historiográfica, nombrando cronistas e historiadores oficiales -Napoleón se encargaba incluso de fijar cómo habían de ser los cuadros que reproducían sus batallas- o estableciendo academias como la que Felipe V fundó en España en 1738 y que durante más de doscientos cincuenta años ha pretendido fijar la verdad histórica políticamente correcta, con escasa eficacia, todo hay que decirlo. Pero esta preocupación aumentó considerablemente en el siglo XIX con la formación de las nacionesestado modernas.

Comenzaron, como era de esperar, controlando estrechamente los contenidos que se transmitían en la enseñanza, con la doble función de legitimar el estado y de asentar la aceptación de los valores sociales establecidos. Ello ha llevado a una serie de "guerras de la historia", que fueron especialmente duras a partir de los años treinta del siglo pasado, cuando se quemaron libros de historia en la Alemania nazi o en la España franquista, y cuando se produjo la condena de los historiadores que se apartaban del dogma establecido en la Rusia de Stalin (un dogma, además, que cambiaba en la misma medida en que lo hacía la política del partido, de manera que lo que ayer era correcto, dejaba de serlo hoy, y los historiadores debían ir con cuidado para adaptarse rápidamente a las nuevas normas).

La guerra fría reforzó estos controles. En 1949 el presidente de la American Historical Association declaraba que los historiadores no se podían permitir el lujo de disentir y exhortaba a sus colegas a abandonar su tradicional pluralidad de objetivos y de valores y a aceptar “una amplia medida de regimentación, porque una guerra total, sea caliente o fría, moviliza a todo el mundo y llama a cada uno a asumir su parte. El historiador no está más libre de esta obligación que el físico”6.

Pero el fin de esta guerra no ha mejorado la situación. En 1990, el presidente Bush, padre, inició un plan para mejorar los niveles educativos de los estudiantes norteamericanos que incluía entre sus objetivos el de “conocer las diversas herencias culturales de esta nación”.

La comisión encargada de fijar unos objetivos nacionales en el terreno del conocimiento de la historia trató de combinar las diversas exigencias de multiculturalismo de las minorías para llegar a una visión histórica realmente global. Después de largas discusiones con una amplia

5 Gianpasquale Santomassimo, "Guerra e legitimazione storica", en Passato e presente,(Florencia) nº 54 (settembredicembre 2001), pp. 5-23 (citas de pp. 8-9) 6 Stephen F.Cohen, Rethinking the soviet experience. Politics and history since 1917, New York, Oxford Unviersity Press, 1985, p.13.

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participación de especialistas, los objetivos estaban preparados en el otoño de 1994, cuando fueron denunciados en el Wall Street Journal como una conspiración para inculcar una educación al estilo comunista o nazi. Les asustaba que un enfoque más abierto pudiese poner en peligro el consenso tradicional en torno a los valores sociales establecidos7. No sólo se trata de la escuela. Hay además una pedagogía de las denominaciones urbanas, de los monumentos y las celebraciones. Los nombres de las calles recuerdan batallas y héroes guerreros, los monumentos tienden a la exaltación patriótica, las celebraciones regulares refuerzan cada año la continuidad de estos valores. Es lo que el novelista norteamericano Don DeLillo describe en Underworld cuando el protagonista dice: “A mi me gustaba el modo que tenía la historia de no descontrolarse. Segregaban historia visible. La enjaulaban, la consolidaban y la recubrían de bronce, la exhibían cuidadosamente en su relicario en museos y plazas y parques conmemorativos”8.

Controlar el conocimiento histórico es importante porque éste cumple una función trascendental en nuestras vidas. “El conocimiento histórico –ha escrito Coetzee- es conocimiento acerca del pasado como fuerza que conforma el presente. En tanto que esta fuerza se deja sentir intangiblemente en nuestras vidas, el conocimiento histórico es parte del presente.

Nuestro ser histórico es parte de nuestro presente”9.

Nunca como en la actualidad ha resultado tan evidente la necesidad de combatir estas historias construidas desde el estado que apelan a la emotividad contra la razón. Para empezar, el plan mismo de sujetar la pluralidad de las culturas a rígidos marcos unitarios no puede seguirse manteniendo. Evgeni Primakov, que fue primer ministro de Rusia hace pocos años, ha escrito: “Si tomamos en cuenta que en el mundo actual hay ciento cincuenta estados en que conviven dos mil naciones y etnias diferentes, podemos llegar a la conclusión universal de que la solución consiste en garantizar el derecho de las minorías nacionales dentro de los estados multinacionales”10.

Los estados en que vivimos deberían abandonar su pretensión de justificarse sobre la base de un patriotismo basado en mitos fundacionales, construidos con frecuencia sobre un racismo identitario, para asumir que su legitimidad se basa en el contrato social con sus súbditos, lo que significa llevar el tema del terreno de la emotividad irracional al de la razón.

Estamos viendo en estos días las tensiones entre China y Japón por la versión de lo sucedido durante la Segunda guerra mundial que se difunde en los libros de texto japoneses. Lo que no se suele decir es que esta versión no ha surgido espontáneamente, sino que ha sido construida e impuesta por el gobierno. Cuando terminó la guerra se dejó que los maestros escogieran los libros de texto de historia que prefiriesen, con una amplia tolerancia. Preocupado al ver cuál era la selección que patrocinaba el Sindicato de profesores de Japón, el ministerio

7 Sobre esto, Gary B.Nash, Charlotte Crabtree and Rose E.Dunn, History on trial. Culture wars and the teaching of the past, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1997. Nash y Crabtree eran precisamente los principales responsables de los National Standards for United States History y de los National Standards for world history publicados en 1994 y denunciados por el Wall Street Journal.

8

Don DeLillo, Underworld, Londres, Picador, 1998, p. 86.

9

J.M. Coetzee: “What is a classic?”, en Stranger shores. Essays 1986-1999, Londres, Vintage, 2002, p. 15.

10 Evgeni Primakov, Russian crossroads, capítulo IX.

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de Educación decidió en 1955 intervenir directamente para censurar los textos, a lo que tuvo que renunciar momentáneamente ante la manifestación en contra de medio millón de maestros y estudiantes. Pero la tarea siguió, inspirada por sucesivos gobiernos que patrocinaban textos en que se decía que la invasión de China era una respuesta obligada a las provocaciones de los chinos y que la invasión de Asia había sido “una cruzada para liberar a los pueblos asiáticos del imperialismo occidental”, olvidándose de añadir que tal liberación se había hecho a costa de las vidas de 30 millones de asiáticos.

Un educador y autor de libros de texto, Ienaga Saburo, a quien el ministerio exigía en 1963 que hiciese 290 rectificaciones en su Nueva historia de Japón, protagonizó una serie de procesos contra el ministerio de Educación; pero los gobiernos de los años setenta reforzaron la presión. La lucha de Ienaga tenía el respaldo de una “Liga nacional de apoyo al proceso contra la selección de manuales escolares”; pero frente a esta se ha creado, entre otras, la “Sociedad japonesa para la reforma de los manuales escolares”, inspirada por el profesor Fujioka Nobukatsu, de la universidad de Tokio, que propone “inculcar un sentido de orgullo en la historia de nuestra nación” y eliminar las referencias a la culpabilidad japonesa por las atrocidades cometidas en la guerra, con argumentos como que las mujeres forzadas a servir de prostitutas para los soldados eran profesionales bien pagadas que habían optado libremente por este trabajo11. Resucitar a través de la revisión de la historia sentimientos primarios de patriotismo es algo que conviene a unos gobiernos interesados en que se olviden décadas de incompetencia y corrupción que condujeron a una grave crisis económica.

Hay más aspectos que considerar, sin embargo. Como he dicho antes, estas visiones construidas desde arriba tienen también un claro contenido social. Las historias nacionalestatales hablan sobre todo de reyes, ministros, generales..., de los estamentos dirigentes que se supone que son los actores fundamentales de la historia. En 1933 se publicó en Palencia un libro de texto titulado Mi primer libro de historia12, obra de Daniel G. Linacero, quien, en una introducción dirigida a los maestros atacaba los “libros históricos amañados con profusión de fechas, sucesos, batallas y crímenes; relatos de reinados vacíos de sentido histórico, todo bambolla y efectismo espectacular”. Y pedía, por el contrario, que no se olvidase “que la historia no la han hecho los personajes, sino el pueblo todo y principalmente el pueblo trabajador humilde y sufrido, que, solidario y altruista, ha ido empujando la vida hacia horizontes más nobles, más justos, más humanos”. El 8 de agosto de 1936, mientras pasaba sus vacaciones en Arévalo, los fascistas fueron a buscarle para darle muerte. Su partida de defunción dice, elocuentemente, que falleció “a consecuencia del Movimiento Nacional existente”. Su casa fue cerrada y saqueada. Tenía treinta y tres años y dejaba esposa y tres hijas de corta edad.

Lo que los que le mataron querían que se enseñase a los niños lo decía en sus primeras páginas el manual elemental de historia que publicó el Instituto de España en 1939: “La historia es como un cuento maravilloso, pero un cuento en que todo es verdad, en que son ciertos los hechos grandiosos, heroicos y emocionantes que refiere (...). Por la historia se sabe lo que

11 Claire Roulliere, La mémoire de la seconde guerre mondiale au Japon, París, L’Harmattan, 2004; John W. Dower, Embracing defeat. Japan in the wake of Wolrd War II, Nueva York, Norton, 1999, pp. 246-251; J. Bailey, Postwar Japan.

1945 to the present, Oxford, Blackwell, 1996, pp. 49, 81-82 y 155-160; Gavan McCormack, “Japan’s uncomfortable past”, en History today, nº 48 (1998), pp. 5-7.

12 Palencia, Imp. Y Lib. de Afrodisio Aguado, 1933.

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ha ocurrido en cada país y cómo fueron sus reyes, sus gobernantes y sus personajes más ilustres (...). Nos habla de todos aquellos que hicieron en su vida algo noble e importante. La historia hace relación de las guerras, de las hazañas extraordinarias, de las aventuras fantásticas, de los viajes y las exploraciones arriesgadas”13.

Ranahit Guha ha denunciado los vicios de una historiografía académica que parece tener como objeto legitimar retrospectivamente las construcciones estatales y la estructura del poder social de nuestro tiempo. Una historiografía que escoge como objetos dignos de estudio, como “hechos históricos”, los que se refieren a la vida del estado y elige como protagonistas, como decía el primer manual franquista, a ”los reyes, los gobernantes y los personajes ilustres”14.

Guha se plantea el problema de crear un tipo de escritura que permita escuchar, a la vez, las diversas voces de la historia y no sólo las de los dirigentes, que nos cuentan su proyecto y relegan todos los demás elementos a la mera instrumentalidad. Una escritura que debería romper la línea unitaria de la versión dominante, que es inherente a su propia estructura narrativa, formada en la historiografía posterior a la Ilustración, como en la novela, por un cierto orden de coherencia y linealidad que es el que dicta lo que hay que incluir en la historia y lo que se deja fuera de ella, y fija cómo hay que desarrollar la trama, con su fin eventual, y cómo la diversidad de caracteres y acontecimientos han de controlarse de acuerdo con la lógica de la acción principal.

Acabar con esta narratología tradicional es condición necesaria para construir una historia que recoja las voces de unos grupos subalternos que hasta ahora han quedado al margen de ella. El problema será, en todo, el de poner en orden la multitud de narraciones que se nos ofrecen con este método para conseguir algún tipo de síntesis. Lo cual nos llevaría a desagregar buena parte de los elementos de análisis de la sociedad que recibimos de la historiografía, que vienen dados en marcos nacionales, y a recomponer las piezas en nuevas agregaciones que respondan a las necesidades de nuestra investigación15.

Un método que respondiese a estos planteamientos nos obligaría a una investigación más compleja y a inventar un tipo de relato polifónico que, sin olvidar el hilo conductor del estado –porque, se quiera o no, el papel del poder no puede dejarse de lado- escogiese un número suficiente de las voces altas y bajas, grandes y pequeñas de la historia, para articularlas en un coro más significativo que las visiones tradicionales que nos hablan de los soberanos conquistadores, y se olvidan de los campesinos que pagaron con su esfuerzo el coste de los ejércitos que les permitieron ganar las batallas, o que las de un tipo de historia social que toma a los campesinos como protagonistas –lo cual implica un avance en el terreno de la representatividad, ya que son muchos más que los soberanos- pero no nos dice nada de quienes, haciendo las leyes y cobrando los impuestos, determinaron en buena medida sus vidas. La forma de relato que incluya a los unos y a los otros –y muchas otras veces más- en

13 Manual de la historia de España. Primer grado, Santander, 1939, pp. 7-8. He estudiado la obra de Linacero, y el contraste de su manual con el del Instituto de España, en Enseñar historia con una guerra civil por medio, Barcelonba, Crítica, 1999.

14 Ranahit Guha, Las voces de la historia y otros estudios subalternos, Barcelona, Crítica, 2002 (la edición original: “The small voice of history”, en Subaltern studies, VI, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 1-12).

15 Robert Gregg, Inside out, outside in. Essays in comparative history, Londres, Macmillan, 2000, pp. 25-26.

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pie de igualdad, sin instrumentalizarlas (sin contentarse con subordinar los campesinos, ni que sea como víctimas, a la historia de los reyes) está todavía por inventar, aunque tiene modelos narrativos interesantes en ciertas formas de novela coral16.

Un ejemplo puede ayudar a entender la caducidad de los viejos modelos de historia nacionalestatal. Nos encontramos hoy ante la demanda de estudiar la historia de Europa. Pero ¿cómo escribir acerca de un espacio que no cuenta con una historia común previa? La práctica usual suele ser la de considerar que su historia es la suma de las historias individuales de los estados que integran hoy el mapa del continente, lo cual es engañoso y la reduce a una genealogía de los estados actuales.

Esta falacia “estatista” obliga a los historiadores a trabajar a partir de los marcos políticos actuales, artificialmente proyectados hacia atrás, ignorando deliberadamente que las fronteras “étnicas” de nuestros días son el resultado de siglos de guerras, de migraciones forzadas, de expulsiones y de operaciones de limpieza y genocidio cultural, que se han agudizado sobre todo en el siglo XX. Valga, si no, el ejemplo de una Yugoslavia integrada y desintegrada en el transcurso de setenta y cinco años; hace apenas veinticinco años hubiéramos considerado lógico hablar de la Yugoslavia medieval; hoy esto carece de sentido. En estos marcos estatales la historia debe referirse sobre todo, por fuerza, a los reyes y los jefes de gobierno, dejando a un lado a la mayor parte de los habitantes del continente, los campesinos y las capas populares urbanas, que no suelen aparecer en sus relatos más que en momentos de crisis o de catástrofes.

La única historia de Europa legítima sería, por el contrario, la que nos hablase de cómo se establecieron las relaciones entre los habitantes de los diversos espacios del continente a lo largo del tiempo. Barry Cunliffe ha publicado una ambiciosa revisión de la historia antigua y medieval europea que sostiene que hay una Europa atlántica que va de Islandia a Gibraltar, pasando por Galicia, donde milenios de vida frente al océano habrían dado lugar a que “celtas, bretones y gallegos tuviesen una relación más estrecha con sus vecinos marítimos que con sus coterráneos ingleses, franceses o españoles”17. La existencia de un “mundo atlántico” todavía más extenso, que abarca las costas de Europa, de África y de América, aparece en un libro provocativo y ambicioso, y por ello mismo silenciado por la crítica académica, cuyo contenido aparece bien descrito por su subtítulo: “Marinos, esclavos y campesinos en la historia oculta del Atlántico”18. Algo semejante sucede en el Mediterráneo, donde Peregrin Horden y Nicholas Purcell han publicado el primer volumen de lo que pretende ser la historia de tres mil años de vida en común de europeos, asiáticos y africanos en torno al mar19.

Contra tantos estudios sobre los inexistentes estados europeos en las épocas medieval o moderna, apenas tenemos unos pocos que nos hablen de las migraciones, de las rutas de comercio que unían el Báltico con el mar Negro, de los caminos seguidos por los disidentes religiosos (que pueden explicar que los lolardos ingleses perseguidos se refugiasen en Bohemia

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e influyesen en los husitas checos), de fenómenos culturales tan trascendentes como los derivados de la dispersión de los sefardíes expulsados de la Península ibérica, de la convivencia de los pastores por encima de las fronteras políticas, de los recorridos de los buhoneros por todos los caminos del continente, de la comunidad de los hombres de mar y de tantas otras actividades y relaciones colectivas que establecieron lazos de unión y propiciaron aproximaciones culturales muchos siglos antes de que los gobernantes inventaran la unidad europea desde arriba.

Me parece, por ello, que hay una historia de Europa posible, entendiendo el término en el sentido de “historia de los europeos”, pero que, salvo por lo que se refiere al siglo XX, en que la trayectoria del continente toma una mayor dimensión estatal, porque está dominada por las dos guerras mundiales y sus secuelas, esta historia está todavía por escribir.

El tipo de reflexión que propongo para la historia de Europa debería servirnos para evitar que ésta se construya al modo excluyente de las viejas historias estatales. Y para hacernos meditar, de paso, acerca de los efectos nefastos que estas historias estatales han tenido.

Porque está claro que el resultado final de alimentar desde arriba prejuicios irracionales, sean étnicos, religiosos o patrióticos, ha sido con demasiada frecuencia el de conducir a choques y enfrentamientos. Quienes trabajamos en uno u otro terreno en la investigación del pasado estamos obligados a pensar en las responsabilidades de quienes alimentaron las pasiones que causaron millones de muertos en las guerras y genocidios que han caracterizado el siglo XX como el más brutal y sanguinario de la historia de la humanidad. Trabajar para reemplazar las convicciones prefabricadas, transmisoras de mitos y prejuicios, por el cultivo de una memoria activa, que capacite al conjunto de los ciudadanos para ver y entender por su cuenta, es posiblemente la mejor forma que tenemos para contribuir a que este nuevo siglo no repita la suma de atrocidades del pasado. Los malos augurios que nos ofrecen los primeros años del siglo XXI muestran que la tarea es necesaria y urgente.

Propongo que cambiemos la forma de entender el pasado para cambiar nuestra sociedad, porque ambas cosas están estrechamente asociadas. Lo supo ver en su tiempo Walter Benjamin, quien sostenía que enumerar “los acontecimientos sin distinguir los pequeños de los grandes”, tomando conciencia de que “no hay nada de todo lo que ha ocurrido que se haya perdido para la historia”, pertenece en realidad a “la humanidad redimida”: “lo cual quiere decir que sólo la humanidad redimida puede citar el pasado en cada uno de sus momentos”20.

Nuestro trabajo debería responder a la aspiración de recoger y elaborar los elementos que componen las memorias, y en especial las de los hombres y mujeres comunes a quienes se ha solido negar el derecho a la propia historia, para recomponerlos y devolvérselos con el fin de ayudarles a enfrentar el presente con una mirada más clara y para que conjuntamente podamos construir un futuro de paz asentada en la razón.

17 Barry W. Cunliffe, Facing the Ocean. The Atlantic world and its peoples, 8000 BC-AD 1500, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001.

16 Hay unos pocos ejemplos que exploran la realidad de otro modo, como el de Paul A. Cohen, quien en History in three keys. The Boxers as event, experience and myth (New York, Columbia University Press, 1997) explica un acontecimiento, la revuelta de los bóxers, como a hehco reconstruido por la investigación histórica, como experiencia vivida y como mito, o como el libro de Mack Walker The Salzburg transaction. Expulsion and redemption in eighteenth-century Germany (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1992), donde nos narra la expulsión del arzobispado de Salzburgo de 20.000 campesinos protestantes desde cinco perspectivas distintas.

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18 Peter Linebaugh y Marcus Rediker, La hidra de la revolución, Barcelona, Crítica, 2004.

19 Peregrine Horden y Nicholas Purceel, The corrupting sea. A study of Mediterranean history, Oxford, Blackwell, 2000; véase también John Wansbrough, Lingua franca in the Mediterranean, Richmond, Curzon Press, 1996.

20 Benjamin, “Tesis sobre filosofía de la historia”, 3.

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! RONALD CHIN-JUNG TSAO Chief Planner: Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park

“A BALM FOR THE WOUNDS OF HISTORY: PEACE MUSEUMS AND HUMAN RIGHTS PARKS IN TAIWAN” Abstract: Peace Museums and Human Rights Parks in Pacific Taiwan Ronald Tsao is proud to represent Taiwan. Mr. Tsao is President of Taiwan Art-In Design & Construction Co., Ltd. He has almost thirty years of design and real-estate planning experience, and, since 1997, has been involved with the 228 Memorial Museum and the Green Island Human Rights Park in various roles: as designer and planner, as curator, and as director. In this essay, Mr. Tsao wishes to place Taiwan’s most serious cases of governmental violence—the 228 Incident and the White Terror—in their historical and cultural contexts. He also contemplates Taiwan’s achievement in peace, multiculturalism, and respect for human rights.

The prospect of attending the Fifth Annual Peace Museum Conference in Gernika-Lumo inspires in me many feelings. Pride fills my breast at the opportunity to represent Taiwan, but there is also a special sense of historical connection. My birthplace is Keelung, Taiwan’s northernmost harbor. Looking out to sea, one sees standing proud in the mouth of the harbor Ho Ping Island, or Peace Island, the site where almost four hundred years ago, in 1626, the Spanish army began constructing castles, churches, and forts, turning Peace Island into a base for Spain’s trading activities in South East Asia. On the southwest of the island is San Salvador, Keelung’s first and only remaining castle.

Over the past decade, I have had the great honor of participating in the planning and design of memorials of government oppression and brutality in the post Second World War period.

With this paper, I hope to share with you, my fellow lovers of peace, Taiwan’s experience and achievement, as a part of our common effort to create a global culture of peace.

History The Japanese surrender on August 15th, 1945 brought different destinies to nations such as Korea and Taiwan that had been in the Japanese sphere of influence during the war. For Taiwan, the surrender meant out of the frying pan and into the fire, as Taiwan was immediately put, as according to the Cairo Declaration of 1943, under the control of Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang regime. Taiwan was now embroiled in the Chinese Civil War, which was raging between Chiang Kai-shek and communist forces under Mao Tse-tung.

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Chiang sent Chen Yi to set up a military administration on Taiwan in October, 1945, but after sixteen months of Chen Yi’s corrupt and incompetent governance, the people were fed up with repression and rampant inflation. On February 28, 1947, a minor dispute between a cigarette vendor and a government official escalated into civil disorder. The disorder was put down brutally by the army over the next four weeks. All the while, Chiang Kai-shek was still fighting on the mainland, with no time to worry about what Chen Yi was doing on Taiwan. Indeed, for Chiang Taiwan was merely a pawn, a haven to which he retreated after the last battle with the Communists, and a launching pad for the offensive he dreamed would return mainland China to his control.

One of Chiang Kai-shek’s first acts after he arrived battered and beaten in 1949 was to impose martial law. Taiwan has the dubious distinction of enjoying the world’s longest martial law, which lasted thirty-eight long years until 1987. The “White Terror” is a general term for the political oppression of the martial law years, but the most intense period of the terror began right in 1949, with the blood spilling until the following summer. This was Chiang’s mad effort to root out the communist spies he believed were thick in the underbrush. We can use phrases like “massive loss of life” to describe what happened in from 1947 to 1950, but the truth is we just don’t know exactly. Official figures are shocking, in the range of ten to thirty thousand.

1950 brought an end to the bloodshed but not to oppression. Democratic activists—nay, anyone who dared voice a dissenting opinion—were in grave danger of being paid a visit by the secret police, interrogated, tortured, and sentenced to life in political prison. A great many brave individuals had decades of their lives stolen by a government that could not tolerate criticism. Many perished in prison, but some lived to see the general amnesty granted in 1976, one year after Chiang Kai-shek’s death. From the late 1970s through the 1980s, the democracy movement gathered steam. This is not to say that there were not hitches along the way, but in the end democracy, human rights, and peace won out. From 1987 to 1996, obstacles to democracy were removed one by one, and in 1996 Taiwan held its first democratic presidential election, with a second in 2000 and a third this past March. Today’s Taiwan is a peace-loving and democratic nation that strives to uphold human rights, to respect “the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family.” Taiwan’s present political situation is complex to say the least; there are hundreds of missiles aimed at Taiwan along the southeastern Chinese coast, to back up China’s assertions of sovereignty over Taiwan with some fearsome muscle. Taiwan’s task in the years ahead is to act out of the basic ideal of pacifism no matter what we come up against.

Taiwan’s Peace-Related Buildings To keep peace and human rights alive in our thoughts, it is essential to remember how they have been compromised in the past. The lifting of martial law in 1987 made it possible to speak out and remember, to attend to wounds that had not fully healed, and to see that justice be done, both for the 228 Incident and for the long dark night of the White Terror.

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By 1986 many groups had formed demanding that the government address the 228 Incident.

Braving the threat posed by the Military Police, these groups held street demonstrations and memorial activities to advance their cause in a peaceful and loving manner. They demanded an investigation into what happened, an official apology, a 228 memorial day, monument and museum, as well as victim compensation. The fruits of their efforts were gathered on February 28th, 1995, when President Lee Tung-hui inaugurated the 228 Monument and gave a formal apology to the victims, their families, and society at large. In the same year, damage compensation legislation was passed. In 1997, the 50th anniversary of the 228 Incident, the Legislature declared February 28th as National Peace Memorial Day, and Taipei Mayor Chen Shuibian inaugurated the Taipei 228 Memorial Museum in 228 Park, one of the sites where the Incident took place. A local NGO—Taiwan Peace Foundation—was put in charge of the museum. The facility is designed for exhibition, education, collection, and research, and it serves as a space for activities and for the storage of historical materials.

The museum and monument are milestones, but regrettably they are still involved in political disputes over national and ethnic identity, ideology, and historical interpretation. These disputes were tangential to the museum’s true purpose and arose because the project was political football in struggles between the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party and the Kuomintang. A major test of the wisdom of the Taiwanese people will be to let peace museums stick to their original creative intentions and exercise their unique functions independently of successions in central or local government. Indeed, part of the mission of this museum is to transcend partisan strife and treat all sides sympathetically. Those who struggle for human rights and peace do not wish to pit the mainlanders against the native Taiwanese. The villains in this story were not the mainlanders, most of whom were ordinary citizens as peace-loving as their Taiwanese counterparts.

What better place to remember the White Terror than Green Island, which is to Taiwan what Robbin Island is to South Africa. Green Island lies thirty-three kilometers off the southeast coast of Taiwan. On the northeast corner of the island stands what was once a political prison. On December 10, 1999, Lee Tung-hui opened the first stage of the Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park and offered his apology to the victims of political oppression. On December 10, 2002, Lee was followed by Taiwan’s second democratically elected president, Chen Shuibian, who joined former inmates—the remaining few—in pushing open the gates of the prison, symbolizing the end of government injustice. The Memorial Park bears witness to the struggle for democracy and human rights, promotes human rights education, and raises awareness about the importance of ecological and cultural preservation. The island provides a rest stop for migrating birds and habitat for fish and shellfish. It is also an important site for the archeological study of Austronesian culture. Thus, the significance of the Memorial Park is not merely human rights; it extends outwards to include the peaceful coexistence of different cultures, as well as sustainable development and the vision of humanity and nature living in harmony.

The New Life Correction Center was the Green Island facility where political prisoners were incarcerated from 1951 to 1965. However, most of the buildings have disintegrated. There

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is more of interest at Oasis Villa, an enclosed prison where prisoners were kept from 1972 to 1987. Oasis Villa, an important part of the Memorial Park, is now open to the public. While Oasis Villa has all the charm of reinforced concrete, the future plan is to keep the atmosphere unchanged, so as to transport the visitor back in time. However, more modern facilities have been installed, namely a theater and an exhibition hall, to tell the many amazing stories that weave through the walls of Oasis Villa. One story, a testament to the tenacity and tenderness of the human spirit, is of the musical instruments—guitars and violins—that the prisoners on Green Island spent months if not years piecing together out of bits of junk. Thousands of visitors each day—three hundred and fifty thousand visitors annually—come to hear the stories that the Human Rights Memorial Park has to tell.

The right to tell such stories at all is a big improvement over the White Terror, but not all that could be done has been done. Despite the compensation that has been provided to victims of government oppression, there has been no official inquiry to seek the truth and see justice done.

Other countries have established Official Truth Commissions, but not Taiwan. Thus, there has been a call in recent years, in which the voices of the victims of 228 and the White Terror have joined, for the Legislature to set up a “Commission on Postwar Human Rights Abuses” that will broaden the public debate. This has not happened yet; for now, it is only NGOs, academics, and intellectuals who are leading the way.

But it’s not just researchers and peace activists who are involved but the people en masse.

Last year, on February 28, 2004, two million Taiwanese formed a line stretching five hundred kilometers all the way from Peace Island, Keelung Harbor down to the southernmost tip of Taiwan. We broke the world record for the longest human chain, declaring our collective resolution to safeguard our homeland using peaceful means, by “joining hands” instead of “using arms”.

Today Taiwan is a peaceful island laved by the waves of the Pacific Ocean and blessed with a multicultural society. Yet, it was not always this way. If we delve back into the earliest traces of human habitation, we find that the island’s earliest residents were Austronesian, whose descendents populated Easter Island and Madagascar and the vast waters in between. Strife was common among Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, as well as between the indigenous population and the Chinese settlers who began arriving four centuries ago from the Chinese mainland.

The conflict between the mainlanders who accompanied Chiang Kai-shek and the local people was just one more chapter in a sad history. However, we are now doing better. We have learned the virtues of pacifism and intercultural respect. Hakka, Hoklo, Han Chinese, the members of over ten officially recognized indigenous tribes, and residents and visitors from all over the world live together in harmony. Protestants, Catholics, Muslims, Buddhists, and Taoists respect one another and get along with the business of living. That’s the meaning of peace for me, and I hope that the 228 Memorial Museum and the Green Island Human Rights Park are contributing in some way to a better future. Lest we forget.

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Bird’s-eye view of the New Life Correction Center (1951-1965 camps)

Exhibition of the Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park (2002) Peace Island, Keelung Harbour, 2004 - 228 Hand-in-Hand Rally

Peace dialogue, 1998: Children’s poet and drawing (Taipei 228 Memorial Museum) Green Island: fish, shellfish and landscape Taipei 228 Memorial Museum (1997) 228 Monument (1995) Bird’s-eye view of the Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park

Green Island Human Rights Memorial Monument (1999) Exhibition of Taipei 228 Memorial Museum

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! CAROL RANK Centre for the Study of Forgiveness and Reconciliation Coventry University “REMEMBRANCE AND RECONCILIATION: PUBLIC SPACES, COLLECTIVE MEMORY, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MUNICIPAL PEACE IDENTITY IN COVENTRY, U.K” ABSTRACT The bombing of Coventry in World War II has shaped the collective memory of the city and led to subsequent efforts at reconciliation, beginning with initiatives from its Cathedral and expanding to projects and programmes established by the city council and local people. This paper gives the historical background on how Coventry became a ‘city of peace and reconciliation’ and explores ways in which public spaces and monuments have been used to reinforce the ‘peace identity’ of the city. The various ‘peace sites’ in the city are described, and the question is raised as to how such sites can have an impact on public consciousness. Coventry is a ‘city of peace’ on a symbolic level, but it could go further in terms of its policies and political support for peace. Nevertheless, Coventry, with its strong peace heritage, illustrates some of the ways that cities can help build a culture of peace.

Introduction

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work, organising joint British-German work projects, youth exchanges and many other peacerelated programmes.

In that same spirit of reconciliation, Coventry became twinned with other ‘martyred’ cities throughout the world, including Hiroshima, Stalingrad, Lidice and Caen. Over the years up until the mid 1980s, Coventry continued to establish links with cities around the world, with a total of twenty-six in all. Interestingly, these include both Belgrade and Sarajevo, cities on opposite sides of the violent conflict in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s.

Thus both Coventry cathedral and the city council have promoted and developed the ‘peace identity’ of the city. This identity was further enhanced with the establishment of the Centre for the Study of Forgiveness and Reconciliation at Coventry University in 2000.

Public spaces, memorials and monuments The cathedral ruins. The ruins of the bombed cathedral, which stand next to the new cathedral are in themselves a ‘peace site’. They are a reminder of the destruction of war, and are a place of pilgrimage visited by thousands of people every year. Inside the ruins there is a sacred space dedicated to peace – an altar with a charred cross. This cross is a replica of two beams found lying in a cruciform shape in the rubble on the morning after the bombing of the cathedral. On the wall behind the altar are the words ‘Father Forgive’, reflecting the words of Provost Howard. Every Friday at noon, a ‘Litany of Reconciliation’ is read out at the altar, reaffirming the mission for peace and reconciliation, and linking the cathedral with people at other reconciliation centres around the world who also recite the litany at the same time1.

Much has been written on the negative effects of viewing violence in various cultural forms, such as in films, on television and in video games, but there has been much less research on the positive effects of peace imagery. To what extent and in what ways can symbols of peace, as reflected for example in public spaces, memorials, and monuments, contribute to peace?

Moving beyond the symbolic, in what ways can cities promote peace, both through the use of public spaces and through particular policies and activities? These questions will be addressed by looking at the development of Coventry, U.K. as a ‘city of peace and reconciliation.’

The ruins are used for many different peace-related events, such as Holocaust Memorial Day commemorations, the launch of the annual ‘Peace Month,’ and events dedicated to reconciliation with Germany and Japan. Because the altar is a Christian religious site, events of a more secular nature are held not at the altar, but at another key ‘peace monument’ in the ruins, the sculpture “Reconciliation” by Josefina Vasconcellos. Originally entitled “Reunion” it depicts a man and a woman embracing each other, and has come to symbolize the reconciliation of all those divided by war. Identical versions of the sculpture have been placed in the Peace Garden at Hiroshima, a church in Berlin, and the gardens of Stormont, Northern Ireland, on behalf of the people of Coventry.

Historical background

Memorial to civilians killed in war

The massacre of civilians in the 1937 bombing of Guernica by Hitler’s Luftwaffe, with the agreement of Franco, shocked the world. So too did the German bombing of Coventry in 1940.

On the night of 14 November, German aeroplanes dropped over 4000 firebombs on the city, killing hundreds of people and destroying large parts of the city, including its medieval cathedral.

In the cathedral grounds beside the ruins there lies a large tombstone with the inscription: “Unknown Civilians Killed in War.” The original version of this stone was carried on a ‘Stonewalk’ in the U.S., during July and August 1999, from the Peace Abbey at Sherborn, Massachusetts, to Arlington National Cemetery in Washington D.C. Thousands of people were involved in pulling the stone on a cart through cities along the way, and paying tribute to the innocent victims of

The legacy of Coventry as a ‘city of peace and reconciliation’ began that year, when the Provost of the cathedral urged people not to seek revenge, but to forgive, not only the Germans, but all humanity for the scourge of war. Many people branded him a traitor, as he had issued his plea in the midst of war. After the war, he initiated reconciliation links with cities in Germany, starting with Dresden, where thousands had died in the firebombing of that city by the Allied forces. Successive provosts of the Cathedral have continued and expanded on that reconciliation

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1 Coventry Cathedral is linked with 150 reconciliation centres around the world, through a network called the Community of the Cross of Nails. This network takes its name from nails originally found in the cathedral ruins and formed into a cross, as a symbol of reconciliation. Replicas of these ‘crosses of nails have been given to all the Christian-based reconciliation centres, while centres representing other faith communities are given a miniature version of the sculpture ‘Reconciliation’ which is in the Cathedral ruins.

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war. The Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery is one of the country’s most sacred monuments. The aim of the Stonewalk project was to create an equally sacred monument at the same location – dedicated to the millions of civilian victims of war, half of whom have been children. The memorial stone looks not only to the tragic past, but also to the future, with hope for the abolition of war. The stone in Coventry lies in the shadows of the old cathedral and is often not noticed by visitors. Some people, however, leave flowers or messages, remembering the dead and reaffirming the need for peace.

The Future Monument In the cathedral grounds and at other sites in the city centre, there are numerous other peace monuments and spaces, including a ‘peace pole’; sculptures commemorating twin cities; and a ‘garden of international friendship’. One of the most interesting peace sites is in Millennium Place, in the heart of the city, and is called the Future Monument2. The Future Monument was designed by Jochen Gerz, a German artist who is known for his ‘anti-monuments.3’ As he has described, a monument usually commemorates something in the past, but this monument is about the future, which sounds like a contradiction in terms. Similar to some of his other public art projects in Germany and France, this monument was created through a process that involved the local community in its creation.

As part of the project, Coventry University art students and local groups assisted Gerz in carrying out a survey with one main question: “Who are the enemies of the past?” The theme of the monument was to be that ‘enemies of the past become the friends of the future’. The monument itself is a glass obelisk surrounded by plaques sunk into the surrounding floor, each of which celebrates a former enemy (as selected through the survey) having become a friend.

Another ring of smaller plaques around the obelisk represents the many different communities to be found in Coventry.

Thus there are many public spaces in Coventry that are symbolic of peace and they are a part of the city’s heritage and identity.

Collective memory and a peace identity in Coventry The city of Coventry takes pride in its peace heritage. At commemorative events and in the city’s publications, local people, including politicians, often note its history of promoting peace and reconciliation. This ‘peace identity’ seems to transcend party politics and is in fact seen by some as a ‘marketing strategy’ for the city. This peace identity became further established in 2003, when signs were placed at major routes entering the city, welcoming people to ‘Coventry, City of Peace and Reconciliation.’

2 Descriptions of these various peace sites have been compiled by the city council into a booklet called the Peace Trail, which leads visitors to each of them in the city centre.

3 In Harburg, Germany, for example, Jochen Gerz constructed a ‘Monument against Fascism’ which consisted of a forty-foot high lead column sunk into the ground and lowered down in stages until it disappeared in 1993. Local people were encouraged to write messages on the column, the idea being that in doing so ‘we commit ourselves to remain vigilant.’ Monuments are usually meant to last, but this one in fact disappeared. For further discussion of such monuments, see James E. Young, At Memory’s Edge: After-Images of the Holocaust in Contemporary Art and Architecture (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000).

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Another interesting development, which will further enhance the peace identity of the city, is the proposed creation of a ‘Peace and Reconciliation Gallery’ in a city centre museum located adjacent to Coventry Cathedral and Coventry University. It will tell the history of the bombing and subsequent initiatives for reconciliation with Germany and Japan, its links with cities around the world, and its ongoing activities related to peace. It will also present exhibitions on a range of peace-related themes and issues of a contemporary nature.

All of these aspects of Coventry’s culture – the telling of its narrative history, the use of public ‘peace spaces’, the naming of the city, and the creation of a peace and reconciliation gallery - contribute to Coventry’s peace identity, but operate mainly on a symbolic level. In what ways can or does the city promote peace more directly through its policies and activities?

From symbolism to action: municipal peace policies In the U.S. in the 1980s a movement emerged for ‘municipal peace diplomacy’ in which many cities took on what effectively was their own foreign policy. In Britain, municipal peace policies were put forward by local ‘peace and emergency planning units’ which refused to implement preparations for nuclear war and instead promoted peace education. Particularly effective was the ‘nuclear weapons-free local authorities’ movement, in which cities in Britain, the U.S., New Zealand, and other countries refused to have any dealings with nuclear weapons research, production, or transport.4 That network is still active today.

Although Coventry designates itself a ‘peace city’ it is not a member of the network of nuclear-weapons free cities. In fact, in terms of weaponry, Coventry was in the past a major centre for arms production, which made it a prime target for the bombing in the Second World War. Some industries in the city still have military-related contracts.

Another contradiction to the ‘peace identity’ of the city is that during the recent war on Iraq, the city council did not take a stand against the war, as did many local authorities in the U.S. This has led to some local peace activists in Coventry criticizing the city for what could be considered an empty claim to being a ‘city of peace and reconciliation.’

Nevertheless, the city can in fact point to a number of activities that have been ongoing for many years, which do promote peace. For example, a Lord Mayor’s Peace Committee campaigns on peace issues and sponsors events such as an annual Peace Lecture. There are also local peace and justice organisations, not associated with the city council, which are actively working for peace and justice, as there are in many cities.

The collective identity of Coventry as a peace city is one that is officially promoted and is reinforced in the many ways described above. However, it is difficult to judge the extent to which individuals and groups, the ‘general populace’, actually identify with this image. In a recent local election that ousted the ruling Labour group in favour of the Conservatives, the main issue seemed to be the need to repair roads. Subsequently city council funds for the proposed Peace and Reconciliation gallery were cut, and are now being raised privately. There is thus some

4 Bob Overy, “Municipal Peace Policies: Prospects for the Future,” in Carol Rank, ed., City of Peace: Bradford’s Story (Bradford, U.K.: Bradford Libraries, 1997).

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question as to the extent to which the city’s ‘peace identity’ is actually being imposed ‘from above.’ Nevertheless the widespread support and participation of local people peace activities, such as during Peace Month, indicates that a significant proportion of the population does in fact identify with the city’s peace tradition.

Coventry is an extremely diverse city in terms of the number of faiths and ethnic groups represented there. In terms of ‘identity’ people might identify more with their faith community, as Muslims, Hindus, or Sikhs, for example, than with the peace identity of the city per se.

Nevertheless, ‘identity’ is not a monolithic concept; people can have a multiplicity of facets to their identities, some of which may overlap.5 In Coventry there is an awareness of the need to be inclusive in terms of what ‘peace’ means, so that other ‘identities’ can be recognized.

One example of this is an annual ‘Multi-faith Peace Walk’ in which local people walk from one place of worship to another throughout the city, hosted by the different religious groups.

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The ‘peace identity’ of Coventry is supported by the local authority, is politically mainstream, and apparently not contentious.9 However Coventry’s peace identity is also counter-cultural in that it promotes peace and reconciliation in a world where the perpetuation of violent conflict is almost taken for granted as inevitable. Developing ‘cities of peace’ is one way of contributing to the creation of a peace culture, from the local to the global level.

Coventry can indeed lay claim to the naming of itself as a peace city, based on its history, its many symbolic public ‘peace spaces’ and some of its ongoing activities. It could go further, however, in terms of policies and political support for peace initiatives.

Public consciousness and the building of a peace culture In Britain, as in many if not most countries throughout the world, there are far more war monuments than peace monuments. There is what could be called an institutional and symbolic domination of war over peace.6 The ruins of Coventry cathedral could have been turned into a conventional war memorial that would have reinforced patriotism and nationalism through honouring the sacrifice of those who died. As such it would have been what Pierre Nora has called a ‘dominant’ form of remembrance, imposed by a national authority.7 Instead, the transformation of the ruins from a war memorial to a peace site was a locallybased phenomenon which evolved over time and became reinforced through the retelling of Coventry’s history, ongoing rituals such as the reading of the Litany of Reconciliation, and the many peace-related events held in the ruins. Developing peace sites and municipal peace identities can thus be seen as a form of cultural resistance – a way of counteracting the acceptance of war as a ‘legitimate’ form of ‘politics by other means’ as the well-known phrase from von Clauswitz describes it.8

5 For a discussion of identity in relation to memorials and monuments, see John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994).

6 This terminology is used by Richard Bennett in his article “Centers, Museums, and Public Memorials for Nonviolent Peacemaking in the U.S.: A Visitors Guide. Peacework, Issue 295, May 1999. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: American Friends Service Committee). See also J.R. Bennett, Peace Movement Directory: North American Organizations, Programs, Museums, and Memorials. (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Co., 2001).

7 Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History,” Les Lieux de Memoire Representations, vol. 26., cited in Catherine Moriarty, “Private Grief and Public Remembrance: British First World War Memorials,” in Martin Evans and Ken Lunn, eds., War and Memory in the Twentieth Century. (Oxford and New York: Berg, 1997).

8 A common translation of the quote is “War is merely the continuation of policy by other means.” Karl von Clauswitz, On War (1832).

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9 This is seen for example in the support given by the local press to peace-related events and activities and to Coventry as a ‘city of peace and reconciliation.’ It is also evidenced by the hundreds of individuals and groups who participate in peace activities during Peace Month in October/November, and at other times of the year.

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! JULIE HIGASHI Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto Japan

“RITSUMEIKAN UNIVERSITY, KYOTO JAPAN” This paper introduces the Sakima Art Museum in Okinawa. What makes the museum so significant and committed to the message of peace not only the architectural design, but also the director’s encounter with Toshi Maruki, known as one of the most leading oil painters and illustrators for children’s books, and Iri Maruki, who received training in suibokuga, or paintings in India ink. Together, they are known as the Picassos of Japan with their collaborative paintings of the “Hiroshima Panels.” Just as Picasso painted the civilian targeted air raid against the city of Gernika in his “Guernika,” the Marukis have always brought to the fore the stories of the local people whose existences were erased, their voices muted.

Under the blue sky, a tropical paradise consisting of an emerald green ocean, white sand beaches, and tropical fish that swim among the magnificent coral reefs stretches along the islands of Okinawa, or Ryukyu islands. At first glance, the landscape of the islands is that of a resort area located in the midst of a natural environment Yet upon closer observation, one cannot but be reminded of the fact that the island of Okinawa is still dominated by the presence of the United States military bases. In that respect, not much has changed since Okinawa was returned to Japan in 1972. As recent as September 2004, more than 30,000 protesters gathered at Futenma city. Joined by the mayor, Okinawans gathered in Ginowan city to rally against the presence of the military bases on their island after a Marine Corps helicopter crashed on the Okinawa International University and local police and officials alike were prohibited from entering the site even for investigation purposes. Following conventional wisdom, one would not choose to build an art museum next to a military base. However, this is exactly what Michio Sakima, director of the Sakima Art Museum, chose to do a decade ago.

Unlike peace museums that are built on sites that do not have much historical significance, the Sakima Art Museum stands on the very site that was once used as the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station, known as the Futenma base. Indeed, the base occupies forty percent of the entire city of Futenma. Furthermore, as of 2002, although Okinawa occupies only 0.6 percent of Japan’s total land space, 75 percent of the American military bases in Japan are concentrated in Okinawa. One can say that Okinawa exists in the middle of a large military base, and not vice versa.

Leading to the rooftop of the museum are stairs that end after six steps, after which is a landing, and then another twenty-three steps follow. These numbers have symbolic reference to the date, June 23rd. Yoshikazu Makishi, a local architect designed the stairway so that people might appreciate the beams of the setting sun which beams are designed to come straight through the square hole at the end of the stairway—but “straight” only on the special memorial day at seven o’clock in the evening on June 23rd. When I asked Mr. Sakima if this was true, he confessed that while the architect wanted to memorialize the day in his architectural design, it was by pure coincidence that the number of stairs turned out to be six, followed by twenty-

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three. The only request Mr. Sakima had made to the architect with regards to the design was that he did not want the museum to be of a traditional Okinawan architecture, characterized by a red-tiled roof, as it is the case with the Okinawa Prefectural Peace Memorial Museum. Mr. Sakima has told me that he was initially skeptical and anxious about the designing plan until he himself actually saw the sunset on June 23rd coming through the square whole at the end of the stairway.

On this day, sixty years ago in 1945, the Battle of Okinawa took place. While August 6th and 8th, dates that fall on school summer vacation holidays, are commemorated to mourn the lost lives in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the mainland after the two atomic bombs were dropped in the respective cities, June 23rd is officially designated as a prefectural Okinawan holiday, allowing peace memorial events to take place throughout the Okinawa islands.

From the rooftop of the museum, one can command a view of the surrounding air base.

One is reminded that preparation of war and war itself is not a thing of the past but of the present. The Futenma military base spreads on 1,188 acres of land and is surrounded by the growing urban city of Ginowan. It is said that the air base is leased from approximately 2,000 private landowners, including the Sakima family. When the end of the lease contract approached in 1992, the Sakimas decided not to extend the lease to the central government, which in turn leases the land to the United States. Instead, the family decided to build an art museum on their ancestor’s land.

In 1972, Okinawa was finally returned to Japan from the United States Occupation. At the same time, the price of land and leasing cost increased, allowing the family to receive extra income regularly. Influenced by his father who often took him to art museums, Mr. Sakima contemplated on how to make use of the money. He then decided to collect artwork. Starting from Japanese block prints of ukiyoe from the Edo period, and later expanding his collections to modern Japanese and non-Japanese artists, he continued to collect artwork long before he decided to build an art museum. With the strong support of local grassroots organizations, their land was partially returned. Consequently, despite its location, or perhaps because of it, the Sakima Art Museum in Okinawa has been a haven for visitors since 1994. The garden outside the museum building holds the family kikkoubaka, a large family tomb that can be found only in Okinawa and not in mainland Japan. The tomb is in traditional Okinawa style in the shape of a turtle back and womb, symbolizing life and death. There is serenity, and there is art on Sakimas’ land.

The three themes throughout the permanent exhibition at the Sakima Art Museum are centered on “life and death,” “suffering and salvation,” and “humanity and war.” The museum director had already collected many artworks during the decades prior to the opening of the museum, with a special interest in art works by the French religious artists, George Henri Rouault (1871 – 1958); paintings by the German Expressionist printmaker and sculptor, Kathe Kollwitz (1867 – 1945); and Makoto Ueno (1909 – 1980), known for his woodcut on “Nagasaki and A.” and “The Ruins,” both of which are currently exhibited at the National Gallery of Arts in Tokyo. The director founded the museum hoping it would become “a place for meditating,” away from the hustle and bustle of our daily lives, a place to contemplate and reflect upon the human disasters throughout the world. The paintings collected in the museum articulate in quiet whispers, such resounding statements that cannot be expressed by words alone. These are words that echo throughout the sad history of Okinawa.

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What makes the museum so significant and committed to the message of peace is_Mr. Sakima’s encounter with Toshi Maruki, known as one of the most leading oil painters and illustrators for children’s books, and Iri Maruki, who received training in suibokuga, or paintings in India ink. Together, they are known as the Picassos of Japan with their collaborative paintings of the “Hiroshima Panels.” Just as Picasso painted the civilian targeted air raid against the city of Gernika in his “Guernika,” the Marukis have always brought to the fore the stories of the local people whose existences were erased, their voices muted. Like Picasso, the Marukis painted the “Hiroshima Murals” of a city in total ruin at a time when even using the word “atomic bomb” and taking photographs of the destroyed city were forbidden. They painted, as they wanted to show the world what they themselves had seen in the city three days after the dropping of the bomb. Lest we forget, they painted.

Japanese culture is known to value and celebrate the seasonal changes in many ways. Yet, in the ancient Ryukyu Kingdom, or Okinawa Islands, winter never arrives. It is here where artists Iri and Toshi Maruki decided to work on panel paintings of the last and most brutal battle fought on Japanese soil during the Pacific Asian War: the Battle of Okinawa. The Marukis’ panel paintings have always dealt with human agonies, from the victims of Auschwitz, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Okinawa, and the Nanjing massacre to those of the Minamata disease caused by mercury poisoning. Their powerful paintings have traveled around the world, and are mostly collected in an art museum, which they themselves built in Saitama prefecture in the late 1960s.

Today, the Maruki Art Museum, like the Sakima Art Museum, has become a place for peace education. Their fifteen “Hiroshima Murals,” taking three decades to complete, depict the effects of the atomic bombing on Japanese, Koreans, and American prisoners of war who were in Hiroshima at the time of the bombing. The early panels first traveled throughout Europe in 1953 soon after the United States Occupation ended, and have since been viewed by ten million people around the world. John Dower, the 1999 Pulitzer Prize winning author of Embracing Defeat produced a documentary film, Hellfire: A Journey from Hiroshima, which depicted the Marukis working on the murals. The film was nominated for an academy award in 1988. Director of this film, John Junkerman, has recently completed another documentary, entitled Japan’s Peace Constitution, which premiered in April 2005 in Tokyo. The film is a collection of interviews of John Dower, Chalmers Johnson, Michel Kilo, Lebanese journalist Josef Samaha, Beate Sirota Gordon, Ban Zhongyi, Shin Heisoo, Hidaka Rokuro, and Korean historians Kang Man-Gil and Han Hong Koo. In the film, the Sakima Art Museum was chosen as the site for an interview with C. Douglas Lummis, author of Radical Democracy. During the interview, the mural of the Battle of Okinawa painted by Iri and Toshi Maruki can be seen in the background.

The paintings of Iri and Toshi Maruki resonate the traditional Japanese ink painting. As Dower writes in Japan in War and Peace, they show “anger, complexity, and humanism . . . unparalleled in the Japanese artistic tradition; indeed one is hard pressed to find counterparts in the nonJapanese traditions of high art.” Their paintings are distinctive and powerful, yet the Ministry of Education does not allow the image to be used in elementary social studies textbooks. It has been rejected as being too disturbing, depressing, and dark, while Toshi Maruki’s best selling children’s book, Hiroshima no Pika [Flash of Hiroshima] has been published in seven languages. Often times, their paintings are interpreted as reflecting a sense of propaganda or given a symbolic meaning as Picasso’s “Guernika.” However, first and foremost, no one can dispute the fact that their paintings are works by accomplished artists of black and white traditional suibokuga.

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At Sakima Art Museum, an entire room is occupied by the Marukis’ paintings, with the central piece of the “Map of the Battle of Okinawa” completed in 1984. While this large painting, 4 meters in height and 8.5 meters in width, is displayed for the public to see throughout the year, the other four parts that complete the “Map of the Battle of Okinawa” are rotated once a year.

One can see gruesome scenes from the killings committed by the Japanese military against the Kumejima islanders, the forced mass suicides that took place at Yomitan village, and the burning of the entire island by the Japanese troops against the Tokashiki Island residents who, too, were ordered to take their own lives before being captured by the approaching American soldiers. On the bottom left side of the painting, in the hands of the artists, is written: “mass suicide is massacre committed indirectly.”

For a long time, the Japanese history textbooks did not interpret the mass suicides as forced acts. Instead they were referred to as acts voluntarily committed by the residents of Okinawa who were willing to die for the country. The three times I have visited the museum since 2002 during the week of the Okinawa peace memorial holiday, two of the three-part paintings of the distressing history of Yomitan village were on display. They each symbolized life and death brought upon the residents who were hiding in the gama, or cave, when American soldiers landed on their island. The Japanese Imperial Army used these caves found only in the southern islands, as fortifications of defense and also as hiding places for the civilians. The paintings cover most of the wall space, one on each side, depicting the Chibirigama and Shimukugama caves in the same Yomitan village, respectively. According to the surviving witnesses, about 140 residents were hiding in the Chibirigama cave, when they heard that the enemy soldiers were arriving on April 1st, 1945. Told that they would be raped and killed in a brutal manner, and sixty percent of these civilians being under the age of eighteen, they committed mass suicide. However, separated by only a distance of 1 km eastward from the Chibirigama, around 1,000 residents who were hiding in the Shimukugama managed to survive.

They had followed the leadership of returning immigrants from Hawaii, who insisted that if they all surrendered and became prisoners of war, none of them would be killed. In the end, they all survived, albeit interned to tell their stories to later generations. The stories of the Yomitan village painted by the Marukis are well known and are narrated in the front pages of a history textbook, Ryuku Okinawashi (The history of the Ryukyu Okinawa) used in Okinawa today. The lessons we can draw from the story is that military forces cannot protect people, only people can protect people.

It was not until textbook writer and historian Saburo Ienaga who sued the central government for not allowing his textbook to tell the historical truth that the Japanese Army was finally recognized as being accountable for their gruesome actions during the war. Moreover, unlike some history textbooks used in the mainland, the Ryuku Okinawashii textbook does not fail to discuss the harsh treatment of other colonial territories by the Japanese Imperial government during the war. The legacy of the Ienaga trials comes alive in these paintings, and the voices of the local residents who wish to tell their stories are no longer muted. In this room, surrounded by the powerful murals of the Battle of Okinawa, concerts, and special lectures, oftentimes, an entire class of students is invited to sit in to learn about the mural paintings. Hence, the room itself becomes a gallery of events that are pertinent to the aforementioned three themes of the Sakima Art Museum.

People from the local community are also involved in the artistic activities that take place at the Sakima Art Museum. In 1996, for example, students of the nearby Okinawa Prefectural

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Kaiho High School, Department of Art, initiated an art project called “Voices of Stone.” In this project, students wrote numbers on a small stone until they reached the number of 236,095.

This is the number of lost lives which includes Americans, Chinese, Taiwanese, Koreans, and Japanese whose names were inscribed on the granite Peace Cornerstones erected at the Peace Memorial Park as of 1996. The neatly piled stones became a temporary monument that summer, and the project movement spread to other schools in other prefectures. In the end, more than six hundred people were involved in this project, including non-students and tourists from abroad that just happened to visit the Sakima Art Museum when the project was being carried out. The project was completed on June 23rd on Peace Memorial Day, when a prayer siren wails throughout the island for a minute, and people offer a minute of prayer to comfort the souls that perished in the war. Today, the “Voices of Stone” can still be found scattered in the front garden of the Sakima Art Museum.

According to the newest edition of the Peace and War Museum Guidebook published by the History Educationalist of Japan Conference in 2004, there are currently 134 peace and war museums listed in Japan. Most of them are administered by public funding. Some funded by the central government, others prefectural, and yet others by municipal and towns halls.

In other words, a completely privately operated peace art museum such as the Sakima Art Museum in Okinawa is rarely found. Additionally, despite the fact that Okinawa is the poorest prefecture in the country, it has the largest number of peace and war museums in the country, in fact, 23 museums, second to Kyoto Prefecture where 10 museums are listed. Contrary to common belief, there are only six peace and war museums in Hiroshima and seven in Nagasaki Prefecture.

Mr. Sakima, who went to college in Tokyo, recalls that whenever he recounted the historical experience of war in Okinawa, his friends would remind him of the war damages caused by air raids in the mainland. Chided for placing emphasis on the Okinawa war experience, he had remained unsure of how to refute his friends. This all changed when he encountered the paintings of Iri and Toshi Maruki. A picture is worth a thousand words, and their paintings expressed exactly what he wanted to say. Unlike in the mainland Japan, in Okinawa, it was a war fought on land, ocean, and air. Moreover, what distinguishes the Battle of Okinawa from other battles fought on land during the Pacific War such as the Battle of Iwojima, is the fact that Okinawan civilians were mobilized to participate and assist the Imperial Japanese Army. Males aged fifteen

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to sixty and females aged seventeen to forty were ordered to join the National Patriotic Combat Units. Young students enrolled in schools were mobilized to act as messengers and nurses, and more than half of the students never returned. An all-out war, using mostly suicide kamikaze missions symbolically demonstrates the tragic history of the Battle of Okinawa.

As philosopher Walter Benjamin wrote in one of his last essays, The Concept of History, “It is more arduous to honor the memory of the nameless than that of the renowned. Historical construction is devoted to the memory of the nameless.” Benjamin’s words venerate those who are caught in the crossfire on both sides of the battlefront. The voices of Okinawan civilians who were caught between the Japanese Imperial Army and the American military forces, too, have been kept out of sight from history textbooks until the 1980s. If we listen carefully, the powerful paintings of Iri and Toshi Maruki bring back to life the once muted voices of the nameless. At the Sakima Art Museum, art and architecture call for peace.

Works Cited Toshiaki Arashiro, ed. Ryukyu Okinawa shi [The history of Ryukyu Okinawa, a high school textbook] (Naha-shi, Okinawa: Rekishi Kyoiku Kenkyukai 2001).

Walter Benjamin, Selected Writings. Vol. 4, 1938 – 1940. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press, 2003). Edited by Michael W. Jennings.

John Dower, “Japanese Artists and the Atomic Bomb,” Japan in War and Peace (New York: New Press, 1993).

History Educationalist of Japan Conference, Peace and War Museum Guidebook (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 2004).

Iri and Toshi Markuki, The Hiroshima Panels: Joint Works of Iri and Toshi Maruki Saitama: Maruki Gallery for the Hiroshima Panels Foundation, 1983).

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! YUMIKO NOGAMI “HOW CAN WE PASS ON THE MEMORY TO THE NEXT GENERATION? REMEMBERING HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI” Abstract As the memory of Hiroshima and Nagasaki is fading away, people are struggling how we can pass on the experience to the next generation. While it seems the memory of hatred is much easier to pass on, it is more important for the world to remember the memory of peace and reconciliation.

Hiroshima and Nagasaki is a controversial issue especially in the United States and Asian countries because of the history of World War II. However, the memory of those two cities, civilian holocaust by nuclear weapons, should not be forgotten and buried in history. We remember not for retaliation but for not repeating it again. This experience should be taught in schools and in peace museums not only in Japan but also in other countries especially in nuclear states.

Peace Memorial Museums in Hiroshima and Nagasaki are vital for the preservation of the memory of what happened and for Nuclear Disarmament Education - but that these themes should also be central issues for the world's peace museums, and, beyond, for schools and other educational institutions everywhere. The paper explores how Hiroshima and Nagasaki can be taught at schools by using visual images especially videos/films. And the appropriate contents of the video for high school level students will also be discussed.

It has been 60 years since atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The survivors have been the centre of the peace movement and anti-nuclear activities in Hiroshima.

However their average age is 731 and how the experience of the atomic bomb can be conveyed to the next generation has been repeatedly discussed for the last few decades. This must be an urgent issue not only for Hiroshima but also for other memorial places such as here in Guernica, Pearl Harbour, Nanjing and many others, where survivors with direct experience are disappearing.

I would like to explore what role education and peace museums can play in passing on the memory to the next generation.

Why is the message from Hiroshima and Nagasaki important?

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was the original point for the war in Iraq and possible nuclear development is causing troubles for North Korea and Iran. Nuclear proliferation is a serious issue which all the nations have to tackle urgently. However, no cities on earth except Hiroshima and Nagasaki have experienced an attack with nuclear weapons so far, and one could say the fact of the unimaginable damage to those cities and their people prevented any further use of nuclear weapons in the world since 1945. When people forget about Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it could happen again. People and nations must be constantly reminded what primitive nuclear weapons, compared to the current ones, did to human beings and must continue to question why humanity still needs to hold on to them.

Also, nuclear weaponry is unique in that the effect of the bomb does not end at the moment when it is used; radiation stays for so many years and the genetic effect lasts for generations.

There are no such weapons like nuclear weapons in this sense. The message of the survivors in Hiroshima and Nagasaki who witnessed the horror should be heard because their testimony does not blame others but is a warning for the future. The entire world has to think about the meaning of holding nuclear weapons on our planet. It is not a matter for one nation but it matters for the entire world.

Peace/ Atomic Bomb Education It is natural to think that much is taught about the experience of the atomic bomb in Japanese schools but this is not the case. If you live in Hiroshima or Nagasaki, there are still survivors around and one can read news related to the atomic bomb almost every day in the local newspaper. But once you are away from those places, it is rare to hear about it. There is a huge memorial ceremony every year in Hiroshima on August 6th and the city is surrounded by the sacred atmosphere for the entire day. However, that day is only one of the normal days in Tokyo and people do not pay much attention. For the pupils who live outside Hiroshima and Nagasaki, school education is an important resource for learning about the atomic bomb, but it is hugely dependent on how enthusiastic the teacher is. Even in Hiroshima, not all the teachers are enthusiastic about teaching about the atomic bomb, and one reason for it is due to the new generation of teachers. In Japan, peace education means atomic bomb education and it started out from the teachers who survived the atomic bomb. When those teachers were still at school teaching, they tried very hard to explain what it was like to live through the nuclear horror, but those teachers are now all gone from school. Almost all the teachers now teaching at school are of the post-war generations who have no experience of war nor of the atomic bomb. There are several other reasons that make it difficult to conduct peace/atomic bomb education as well.

In the case of Hiroshima, there are four main obstacles to peace education.

Passage of time

Since their development 60 years ago, nuclear weapons have always been the key to international politics. Whether Iraq possesses any Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) or not

One cannot deny that 60 years is a long time and people do forget even if the event was very tragic and has historical meaning. People do not talk about the huge tsunami anymore which occurred just a half year ago. It seems that in so far as one is not affected directly, people tend to forget easily.

1

At school, there were many teachers who were survivors themselves and they were very keen on teaching students about the horror of nuclear weapons and the importance of peace.

Asahi Newspaper, http://www.asahi.com/information/release/TKY200505170144.html

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But now, almost all teachers have not experienced a war and this is said to be one of the reasons that peace education is taught much less enthusiastically.

Organizational problems Confrontation between the Teacher’s Union and the Board of Education is a serious problem for conducting peace education at schools. The Teacher’s Union is seen as “left” wing by the government and the public in general. Actually this is a very complicated issue and I won’t go too far into it here, but this confrontation even caused the suicide of the school principal of a high school in Hiroshima. Some teachers are against flag-hoisting and singing the national anthem because they were used during the Japanese atrocities in Asia during the war, but the government wants to make them do it. The principal was caught between the teachers and the Board of Education.

Control over teachers on what they can teach in the class is getting more strict; 71% of the public school teachers in Hiroshima feel peace education has declined especially after the teaching guideline was revised by the Ministry of Education in 19982. If governmental organizations such as the Board of Education are not supporting the policy, it is very difficult for teachers to promote peace education in the class.

Description in the history textbooks This may be related to the previous one, but the discussion of the atomic bomb in history textbooks has been reduced over the years. The controversial history textbook for junior high school from the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, which was approved by the Ministry of Education, has only one line of description for Hiroshima and a half line for Nagasaki.

There is even no mention of the number who had died by the bombs3.

Pedagogy It is said that some pupils in Hiroshima have “peace education allergy”. Starting from primary school, children in Hiroshima usually learn about the atomic bomb. When the summer comes, they do similar things every year such as watching films, making paper cranes or hearing survivors’ testimonies. If you learn something for the first time, it is very impressive, but if you keep learning about the same thing for over 10 years, many students are de-sensitized about the issue and they get tired of it. Teachers are already busy enough and it is the reality that they do not have time to provide some new peace program every year. Also, education style is traditionally quite passive in Japan. But only hearing survivors’ testimony is not enough. Pupils need something hopeful at the end so that it makes them feel motivated to work towards world peace.

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What should be done?

I would suggest a new method of teaching especially for the secondary school level.

Teachers should teach not only the facts about what had happened in Hiroshima and Nagasaki but also teach nuclear issues in a wider context. To be more precise, pupils have not been taught issues such as why some countries still have nuclear weapons in the first place, and why there is more proliferation or what percentage of national budgets is for military spending and so on. Pupils are just taught that nuclear weapons are an absolute evil. This is not bad.

But if one is not trained to think why she/he thinks so, they will not be able to understand the real danger of nuclear weapons. Secondary school students are old enough to understand the complexity of the issue and build up their own ideas. It is important to provide students with various perspectives on the issue and train students to think analytically and critically.

Although what happened in Hiroshima and Nagasaki is a long time ago and people may wonder why we have to care about nuclear weapons after the Cold War has ended, there are still nuclear issues and actually it is getting more serious than before. So by combining the experience of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the current situation of the nuclear issue, pupils will be able to link themselves with the events of 60 years ago and now.

And it is a must to leave some “hope” at the end. It is not rare at all that students feel powerless and helpless when they are faced with the reality of the nuclear issue but even if it is something small, there is always something that they can try and put into action. That’s very important.

Role of Peace Museums Finally I would like to suggest what the Peace Memorial Museum in Hiroshima can do to educate young people.

As I mentioned earlier, it is getting difficult to do peace education at schools in Hiroshima, and this is a serious problem: if one talks about peace, she/he is seen as “left”. There is an urgent need to improve this situation but to use the existence of Peace Memorial Museum is a prompt solution. That is because educating people about the horror of nuclear weapons is a crucial purpose of the museum. There is an educational department within the museum which take care of the pupils who come from other parts of Japan on school excursions or simply answer questions from people. But that is not enough. When you click on some websites for the Holocaust Museums in the world, you find that they have “Holocaust Educators”. I think there should be an expert in atomic bomb education also in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. And those experts in atomic bomb education can provide schools with nuclear disarmament education and they can also have workshops for teachers on how this issue can be addressed to pupils. There are volunteers in the museum who guide visitors and answer questions but we need educational professionals especially after all the survivors disappear.

It would be desirable for the museum to provide such an opportunity to train atomic bomb educators as well as carry out new projects.

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2

Hiroshima Institute for Peace Education, http://www1.ocn.ne.jp/~hipe/research/

3

Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, http://www.tsukurukai.com/

The reality of Hiroshima and Nagasaki is not understood well, not only in Japan but in other countries. It would be great if peace museums in the world could have some displays about Hiroshima and Nagasaki, because that is so important for humanity.

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! JAROMÍR HANÁK Muzeum Brnenska. Czech Republic ”MATERIALIZING THE IDEA OF THE MONUMENT TO THE VICTIMS OF THE BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ” When shortly after four o’clock in the afternoon on Monday the 2nd of December 1805, the sun was setting over the country east of the Moravian major city of Brno, which had been turned into a battleground early in the morning that day, the victor of the battle fought between French, Austrians and Russians near Slavkov /Austerlitz Napoleon the first had already been thinking about his proclamation that he would end in the famous words: “Soldiers! I am satisfied with you!...You needn't say anything but I took part in the Battle of Austerlitz, and their answer will be: This is a hero!“.

A cult of victory was born here.

Of course the battlefield was not just the scene of the victors’ heroism and the terrain where the immortal fame of the defeated heroes had just originated; some 15 thousand of- them had died during the short winter day, most of them Russians. The city of Brno where the peace negotiations were initially held, was stricken with a fast spreading epidemic of the typhoid-fever which afflicted the troops and the civilians alike.

As the time passed and the deepest wounds at least were partially healed, the situation here was still somewhat different , compared to other battlefields, where the locals have celebrated the bravery of their campaigners up to the present, no matter whether they were victorious or ended-up defeated. There is some difference between Austerlitz and, say „Leipzig´s Battle of the Nations“ or the heroic Russian Borodino. Moravians, the local people whose fields had been trampled-down and villages plundered and burnt, did not belong to any of the warring parties. Although their fathers, sons and brothers had also died at Austerlitz, they had notfought to distinguish themselves as the victorious defenders of their homeland. Undoubtedly they held in esteem the Monarch of the empire whose part their country had been, still the awakening emancipation of their awareness of their country’s history as well as the half-forgotten legacy of their language, culture and national pride led them in a different direction, to finally reach the very threshold of the national independence a hundred years later.

In spite of that the Moravians had been, as mentioned before, directly involved in the conflict of war, not merely its onlookers. This is also reflected in one of the inscriptions on the shields held by the four shieldbearers at the Cairn of Peace. Now I would like to tell you the short story of the Monument. Its brief outline may give us an indirect and modest answer to the question of purpose and message of the war memorials within the integrating Europe. The main purpose of the plentiful monuments and memorials built from antiquity until now has been to represent might and glory, and many of them have been meant to make the orientation in history “easier“ /in quotation marks/; often they reflect the seeking and finding of an identity at the state or national level. In the story of the initiation and purpose of the Cairn of Peace, however, it was

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not the governments, politicians, soldiers or the Church or perhaps an institutionalized ideology of any kind who played the leading. The initiative was taken by the common people. The people who felt respect for human sacrifice as part of their own human identity, whichever warring party the dead had fought for.

Several decades after the Battle of Austerlitz, the Brno priest and secondary-school teacher, Father Alois Slovák (1859 – 1930) took down the following words in his diary: ‘I know a graveyard four hours' walk long and two hours' walk wide. A vast grave-yard where thousands of dead lie at rest. Nobody bedecks their graves with flowers or lights them-up, nobody prays-on-them...

They are forlorn graves of the dead on the Pratzen battlefield!’ Shortly afterwards this man started to work for the creation of a dignified place of rest with no more „forlorn graves“ of the battle victims - at first with his students and those who listened to his Sunday sermons, later with his friends and acquaintances mostly from the villages on the former battleground.

Who were those „friends and acquaintances“? Simply, they were people like you and I. Priests, teachers, clerks, peasants, craftsmen. Let us look at the faces of some of them: Franti_ek Proskowetz, director of a sugar refinery, Clemens Janetschek, priest, Antonín Haas, forester, Julius Jandík, shoemaker, Emerich Valní_ek, shopkeeper, Ignác Kon_el, teacher, Tomá_ Bene_, peasant, Ludvík B_lohoubek, publican – they were about thirty to forty at the beginning (and no women – it is the 1890’s).

For the first time they, the people of “all social standings“ as they wrote, met at the pub called na “Bednárn_” (At the Cooper’s) in the village of Sokolnice in November 1899. It was there and later at the local school where they would meet the most often, and start to work for the fulfilment of their big dream: building a monument to honour the victims of the Battle of Austerlitz, and at the same time a dignified place of rest for them. What was the intended symbolism of the monument clearly follows from one of the first declarations by the „Committee for the Establishment of a Dignified Ossuary on the Abandoned Battlefield of Austerlitz“: „/…/ we do not want to build a monument celebrating a victory, or perhaps a monument to commemorate our (that is Austrian meant) defeat - the single goal we pursue is that humanity and respect for the dead eventually celebrate their victory on the abandoned Battlefield of Austerlitz.“ It was not that difficult to win over a few friends and students for the idea, and even win a broader circle of supporters. A more difficult task was to raise the funds needed to realise the idea. The Sokolnice enthusiasts hoped to obtain a major part of the necessary amount – roughly estimated to be 100,000 crowns – from the governments of France, Austria and Russia, the states whose armies had fought the legendary battle near Austerlitz at the end of 1805. And they hoped to receive the funding in time for the monument to be completed by the 100th anniversary of the battle in 1905. This necessitated an enormous effort, as documented by the archival materials, though unfortunately scarce. And in the end things turned-out differently and it took much longer time to achieve the original goal than they had envisaged and hoped for.

In contrast to the later development the beginning was a real success: in 1901 the Sokolnice citizens turned to the governments of the countries involved with a request for contributions for the construction and no later than in four years‘ time (sic!) the Committee received 13 150

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roubles in their account, which was almost half the sum needed, from the Russian Ministry of War. Bearing in mind that this happened without much reminding and bureaucratic delays, it was a really gratifying result - particularly if we take into account that the Austrian government and Archduke Friedrich who adopted the role of the protector of the memorial, made a contribution of 2000 crowns another few years later, and later still he contributed a rounded sum of 500 crowns, which amounted to approximately one twentieth of the Russian share.

And what about the French? For several years the inheritors of the Austerlitz victors repeatedly assured the Sokolnice committee about their support. In August 1906, five years after the French embassy in Prague had been approached for contribution for the first time, the deputation of the Committee (quote): „was assured that the Commandant Girodou had intervened in Paris on that matter for three times already , and he would request an-early and definitive decision from his government...“ Indeed, the Committee eventually received a contribution of about one tenth of the total cost of the construction from the French Government and the Council of the City of Paris - at the time when the construction work had long been in progress.

The Sokolnice quixotic enthusiasts did not of course count on the funds from the governments, politicians or institutions only. They gave their own savings in the ‘memorial cashbox’, however their greatest success was the fund-raising among the people from the surrounding villages and towns, at the charity concerts and theatre performances and on similar occasions: in small amounts they finally collected an amazing 30 000 crowns – nearly one third of the total sum needed! The picture you are looking at represents the initial idea of the Monument’s structure as originally seen by its initiators. Its sale yielded a relatively large sum.

It was none the easier to reach a consensus on the design and the designer of the monument.

Should they advertise a public competition for the design? Or perhaps just approach some of the well-known architects?

There were numerous questions difficult to answer and lack of clarity on a number of points, and only one unquestionable certainty: the only appropriate place for the monument was at the top of Pratzen Hill. It was there where the Battle of Austerlitz was decided, it was there and in the surrounding area where the fighting was the fiercest [fiésist] and took its heaviest toll.

In the process of seeking the best way to select the author of the design the opinion finally prevailed that some of the renowned authors should be approached. In January 1905 two of the best-reputed architects received „a petition kindly requesting the granting of the wish“ from the Sokolnice Committee: The leading figure of the contemporary Austrian architecture, Professor of the Vienna College of Technology Otto Wagner (1841 –1918) and the Prague architect Josef Fanta (1856 –1954), an author whose principal and best-known work – the Railway station of Franz Joseph the first in Prague (later known as Wilson’s, today the Main Railway Station) – was then, in 1905, nearly finished. Today, it is known to everyone arriving in Prague by train.

It is hard to tell why only the two architects were approached, the records have offered no indication of the reason, the only thing certain is the reputation both of them enjoyed as „men of undisputed eminence and great spirit“.

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In early 1905 Slovák hoped , to receive the designs „perhaps in the month of June“ of the same year (sic!). Indeed it appeared in the beginning that things would go well, including the realisation of the plans. Both the architects promptly sent their answers. Wagner refused to participate in the project, saying that (quote) „his idea to proceed from the Empire style would not find favour with the other members of the jury“ (and his judgement was absolutely correct).

However, he promised to be on the jury and recommended that several leading representatives of Viennese Art Nouveau, among others Gustav Klimt, should also be called in as jury members.

Josef Fanta, however, fell silent after his initial prompt answer and, after receiving several reminders, finally submitted his designs as late as the spring 1906. They were six altogether, all of them in Art Nouveau style. The expert jury selected the one epitomizing the effort (essential idea) of the Committee by its very name: „Cairn of Peace".

In the long months to follow, however - obviously not due to lack of activity on the part of the Committee whose chairman Father Slovák kept tirelessly sending out tens of letters, petitions, requests and reminders to all quarters – things hardly moved forward. The 100th anniversary of the battle had passed (without any activities worthy of mention), the same as the year 1906 and the following years without any noticeable progress reached. Fanta himself visited Sokolnice and the site chosen for the Monument more than four years later after his design was chosen, in the summer of 1909. Maybe it was also Slovák’s almost desperate entreaties that finally persuaded him to arrive, such as the one from May 1909, ending in the words: ‘Our celebrated Architect and Master, please do not abandon us, without you we will be completely lost!’ or another Slovák’s appeal or rather an emphatic reminder sent to him: „Our cause brooks no further delay. We gave a pledge to the Russian government /…/ to definitely start on the construction of the Monument before the end of this year." This commitment was impossible to meet.

At the end of 1909 Fanta at least provided the construction plans to the Committee. This allowed the tired „Sokolnice folks“ to draw a breath and recover their strength and trust in final success. In January 1910 a building company was selected, in the spring the constructionsite was marked-out – and in June 1910 the construction work was eventually started. After more than ten years the dream eventually began to materialize ...

There started to rise a construction of a cairn with its base designed as a rough square, a twenty-six-metre-high spheric pyramid crowned with a sacral sculpture embodying its idea and completing its architecture. The ramps in the base corners underline the fact that the structure rises from the ground covering the remains of the dead. Sculptures of eagles were designed to be placed in the monument's corners, but those were later replaced with figures of hero soldiers - shield-bearers who guard the monument – wholly in harmony with the monument’s idea of a symbol of tolerance. Three of the shield-bearers personify the warring parties: France, Austria and Russia. The fourth of them wields a shield with an inscription MORAVIA, the land devastated by the fighting armies.

The spirit of the sacred place and the crucial theme of the monument are expressed, apart from the numerous biblical quotations and the central attribute of personified Christian love, the symbol of Christ’ sacrifice – the pelican feeding its young with its blood – by the words of the Old Testament Prophet Isaiah ‘Interfecti mei resurgent - My Dead shall rise again’ engraved over the Chapel's entrance.

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At both sides of the chapel entry are elliptical granite [grenit] slabs mounted, with the same text carved in Czech, French and German, devoted to the memory of the Austrian, Russian and French dead; the Russian inscription commemorates the sacrifice of Russian soldiers only, as the Russian government stipulated when providing its contribution for the monument’s construction...

The central spiritual space of the Memorial is the chapel located along the axis of the Cairn.

Underneath the Chapel was built a crypt – an ossuary, as a central commemorative space designed for the depositing of the remains of the dead, thus fulfilling the original intent of the project. Here the remains of dead found in the surroundings still continue to be deposited, usually within the Annual Commemoration Act, though not quite as Father Slovák and his friends had originally intended - they planned to have exhumed remains from all over the battlefield collected here. (The idea was wholly unrealistic – not even the twenty mass graves uncovered until today have yet been fully examined.)

The Monument was finished in 1912. Only the sculpture of a mourning mother and a bride to frame the Chapel entry was missing to make the structure complete and was only installed several months later. The official opening of the Monument was planned for early August 1914.

In June of the same year the Sokolnice Committee had drawn up a programme for the festive opening, drafted a list of official guests and written invitations. The opening programme included the „consecration of the Chapel and the whole Monument following Roman-Catholic and Russian ceremonies“, which matter to be honest had been subject to long discussions and even disputes between the Committee and the Brno bishopric during the preceding years.

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obviously just the kind of memorials like the one I talked about, it is the „signs of the memory“ that do not serve a single particularist „cult“, that do have a place within the society based on pluralism of views, which the integrated Europe wants to be and should be.

In conclusion, lyrics of a song from the region around Brno whose folklore was given a new inspiration by the events of the Battle of Austerlitz, says: „there was a war, there was a shambles, and rivers of blood knee-deep ran through Moravia“. The same as this folk song, the war memorials should honour not only the glory won by some or heroism shown by others. The soil of all the battlegrounds in the world is actually soaked with blood, in contrast to the other graveyards. And it does not matter whether it is the blood of the victors or the defeated.

Sources Národní technické muzeum v Praze, oddelení architektury a stavitelství (National Technical Museum Prague, Architecture and building department), fund Josef Fanta Gregor, Jaroslav (ed.): Sborník “Mír”. Ke 140. vyrtocí bitvy u Slavkova, Brno 1945 Hanák, Jaromír: Mohyla míru a slavkovská bitva, Ave, Brno 2000 Klíc, J. A.: Mezník velké Evropy. Mohyla míru u Prace, Vyskov – Drnovice 1933 Pavlica, Jirí: Byla vojna u Slavkova, Panton, Praha 1982, 1996 Slovák, Alois: Bitva u Slavkova, Brno 1897 Spatny, Jan: Brnensky tribun, Boskovice 1996

On 28 July 1914 the war broke out. Its enormous death toll and the amount of terror and suffering it brought, were incomparable to those caused by the Napoleonic wars. The effort of the Sokolnice Committee seemed to have come to nothing, especially at the point when the Austrian military authorities were intent on using even the metal elements of the Monument bearing the name ‘Cairn of Peace’ for the arms production (sic!). Although that intention was thwarted, there was no real hope for fulfilling the purpose and delivering the message of the Monument before the war’s end. Only then the members of Committee, now older and reduced in number, recovered a glimmer of hope for the final completion of their work. Almost 25 years after the men of “all social standings“ held their meetings at the Sokolnice pub to set up the committee for its foundation, the Monument was eventually opened to the public in 1923. At the same time was also the memento of the Cairn of Peace added to the original biblical texts, expressed by the words of the first president of the independent Czechoslovak state T. G. Masaryk: “Plough, not sword!”.

The religious symbolism of the Monument, though kept rigorously at a commemorative level, was anyway not in harmony with the state ideology of the independent Czechoslovak Republic or with the orientation of its authorities – the Chapel of the Cairn of Peace was not consecrated at that or any later time. Perhaps even this circumstance, at first perceived by many as ruining many years of their efforts, in the end brought-out the initial idea of tolerance which had originally inspired the plan to build the monument. Today the divine services are celebrated in the Chapel irrespective of the differing ceremonies of various denominations…

The war memorials often highlight sensitive points within the international relations. Considering the general European and in particular Central European experience of the 20th century, it is

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! TSUKASA YAJIMA Museum of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery

“PEACE ROAD: WORKSHOP FOR PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS“ The Museum of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery is not only an exhibit of visual materials, historical documents etc about Japanese Military Sexual Slavery during the Asia-Pacific War but is a workshop. ‘Peace Road’, for college students living in Korea and Japan, has been held twice a year from February 2003, in order to give them opportunities to study " the history of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery " and "the importance of human rights and peace" too.

It cannot be overemphasized that this sexual slavery issue should be solved by the Japanese government through a formal apology and reperations for every victim. However, in order to realize those two things, it should also be recognised by younger generations (our future politicians) that this historical tragedy must be seen as the human rights issue too.

Peace Road is aiming to overcome the confrontations between the two states, Korea and Japan. However it also plays a role in offering opportunities to explore concretely what the individual can do for the recovery of the human dignity of those oppressed by national violence, and the construction of peaceful future at the same time.

What’s Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (‘Comfort Women’) ?

'Sexual slaves' are the women who were abducted by the Japanese military and raped during Japan’s colonization of Korea. In Korean, we call them “Jung Sin Dae.” “Jung Sin Dae” was a noun that described organizations that specifically provided manpower in order to strengthen Japan’s military under imperialism during the war. However, by the end of the pacific war in 1943, people tended to limit its use to indicate sexual slaves, and finally in August 1944, government issued “Female Jung Sin Dae Labor Statement.” Ever since, “Jung Sin Dae” was only used to indicate females who were mobilized during the war.

Sexual slaves who were organized under “Female Sexual slaves Labor Statement” were organized to supplement labor due to the loss in labor during the war. Therefore, female labor Jung Sin Dae and Japanese military’s sexual slaves were fundamentally different.

Japanese government institutionalized ‘comfort stations’ during the China and Japan war and the Asia Pacific War. ‘Comfort stations’ were a place where sexual slaves were confined and military troops came in groups in order to gratify their lust. The Japanese Military abducted countless women and sent them to the front line, and systematically forced them into sex slavery. The abducted women were stationed at different ‘comfort stations’, and repeatedly

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raped. They used to be called “Jong-goon we ahn boo’ (‘comfort women’). However, that word assumes a voluntary action rather than a forced action; therefore it is not an appropriate expression.

Internationally, expressions such as “sex-slaves” and “rape victims” are used, and those are the words that most appropriately convey the essence of the nature. We currently address them as “Japanese Military’s We Ahn Boo(sexual slaves).” The word ‘Jung Sin Dae’ which is presently familiar to the general crowd via mass media means a military unit that sacrificed their bodies for the country. The word, “Jung Shin Dae”, used to be used with the same meaning as “Japanese Military’s We Ahn Boo”, and started to appear on newspapers in 1940s. During this period of time, “Jung Shin Dae” meant women who were working at factories that made products that were military-related. A lot of women who used to work at factories were abducted

by Japanese military and used as sexual slaves, and that is why the word “Jung Shin Dae” was used to mean sexual slaves. However, “Jung Shin Dae” is necessarily not the same word as sexual slaves. We estimate that about 200,000 Korean women were abducted by the Japanese military as sexual slaves. Most of them died, and there are only 210 sexual slaves who have identified themselves as sexual slaves to the Korean government since 1992. Of these, about 90 women died, and the sexual slaves who are still alive, including ones that are not included in the government’s statistics, total about one hundred twenty one. 10 of them currently live in the House of Sharing, which is a registered social welfare organization.

The House of Sharing The "House of Sharing" is the home for the survivors who were forced into becoming sexslaves by Japanese military during World War II. The House of Sharing Establishment Committee was founded in June 1992 with the purpose of building a home for them through raising funds from Buddhist organizations and various circles of society.

As a result, the House of Sharing was first built in Mapo-Gu, Seoul in October, 1992. The House of Sharing was moved to several different districts within Seoul, and in December 1995, it was moved to the present location, Kyung-ki-do Kyung-ju-si Tae-chon-myun.

Women who were sexual slaves during World War II live in the House of Sharing and learn Korean language and practice painting every week. They hold exhibitions of their paintings across Korea and the world to educate people about the truth of the Japanese military’s past barbarity.

Every Wednesday, they participate in the weekly protest in front of Japanese embassy in Seoul, sponsored by “The Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery

by Japan” in order to educate the public of the Japanese military’s brutal abuse of Korean women, and to put pressure on the Japanese government to apologize for their past atrocities.

The House of Sharing will lead in spreading the truth about the sexual slaves through the ” the Museum of Japanese Military Sexual slavery” so that our descendants know the accurate history about what happened to the women in Asia during World War II.

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As of April, 2005, there are ten survivors living in the house, and there are six full-time staff members.

“PEACE ROAD: WORKSHOP FOR PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS“

February 14 "encounters"

16:00 Encounters with survivors of the House of Sharing 19:00 Group formation and participants self introduction

February 15 "memories"

09:00 Video veiwing, exploring the museum and the testimony of a survivor 13:00 Making rice cake with survivors and placards for Wednesday demonstration 20:00 Discussion #1 (what is "response" to survivors’ cries ?)

February 16 "pain"

The museum has a replica of a comfort station where the sexual slaves lived, and also the remains. It also has paintings that are drawn by the survivors, so that the visitors can better understand how they lived and felt during and after the war.

10:00 Visiting the memorial park ‘Seodaemun prison’ and joining the Wednesday demonstration (1) 14:00 Visiting Karak-dong fish market 20:30 Discussion #2 “national responsibility and individual responsibility for this issue”

February 17 "struggle"

The museum publishes and distributes information booklets, using the documents, pictures and other data stored in the archive. We also maintain a website in order to disclose the truth about the harm they had during the World War II by Japan.

08: 00 MISSION(2) 19:00 A short lecture by a Korean atomic bomb victim 20:30 MISSION reports

February 18 "reconciliation"

08:30 Making ‘peace t-shirts’ 14:00 Musical performance by Padak-sori and making memorial gifts for survivors

February 19 "peace"

09:00 Sharing impressions of the workshop 14:00 Departure

note

(1) Wednesday demonstration Weekly demonstration which demands a formal apology and compensations of the Japanese government in front of the Japanese Embassy.

(2) MISSION Three groups of Koreans and Japanese visit human rights organizations in Seoul. Staff of the each organization give lectures to the participants.

This program is also a form of training carried out by the participants only without any help of staffs of Peace Road.

The Museum of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery The Museum of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery is the world’s first museum that has the main subject of sex slaves. It was established on August 14th, 1998 with the purpose of showing people what the Japanese military did during the war, and vindication of victims and educating the next generation for peace and human rights.

The museum, which has two floors and a basement, was built with the money donated by private organizations and civilians. The museum shows testimonials by victims from Korea and abroad and also has related documents that prove what happened during the war, much of which Japan denies publicly.

Peace Road The Museum of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery is not only an exhibit of visual materials, historical documents etc about Japanese Military Sexual Slavery during the Asia-Pacific War but is a workshop. ‘Peace Road’, for college students living in Korea and Japan, has been held twice a year from February 2003, in order to give them opportunities to study " the history of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery " and "the importance of human rights and peace" too.

It cannot be overemphasized that this sexual slavery issue should be solved by the Japanese government through a formal apology and reperations for every victim. However, in order to realize those two things, it should also be recognised by younger generations (our future politicians) that this historical tragedy must be seen as the human rights issue too.

Peace Road is aiming to overcome the confrontations between the two states, Korea and Japan. However it also plays a role in offering opportunities to explore concretely what the individual can do for the recovery of the human dignity of those oppressed by national violence, and the construction of peaceful future at the same time.

The contents of Peace Road performed from February 14th to 19th 2005 are as follows,

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This workshop was opened in August 2003 first time and has been carried out 3 times with almost the same contents. In addition, students form Germany and the United States have also participated in until now. At the latest one, fifteen Korean students, twelve Japanese and one Korean born in Japan gathered together.

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Programs of this workshop which approach the issue of Japanese military Sexual Slavery from a viewpoint of politics, history and human rights, were carried out by studying at the museum, listening to the testimony by a survivor, joining Wednesday demonstration and etc in daytime.

In particular the survivor’s testimony was helpful for them to recognize the importance of having a positive interest in survivors’ traumatic experiences and to try to share in their physical and mental wounds which still remain unhealed.

Furthermore, MISSION was also useful to extend the fields of participants' concern not only on this issue but also on human trafficing, domestic violence and the issue of the historical textbook used in Japanese schools in modern society.

And debates were carried out based on those experiences.

The first discussion was based on the theme “what is the best response to survivors’ cries?”

Probably because most of the participants were talking from a basic human viewpoint, a lot of time was spent on the generalities and common recognitions of peace and human rights.

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Thus, Peace Road is can be seen to be playing a role of an inspiration which leads participants to join the political activities positively to resolve this issue in and other peace and human rights movements.

Some subjects can be left as follows 1. The expansion of Peace Road participants' network should be made.

2. The development of activities in which both of Korean and Japanese students can work together with more effectively.

3. To enable more students to join from all over the globe to make this issue shared as one of the most important lessons for human beings.

4. The encounters with the survivors were especially precious experiences for the participants. By feeling victims much closer, they seemed to have recognized this issue as one which should be tackled by them directly and positively.

So, when the all survivors leave this world, the subject of how of Peace Road should be prepared is raised.

The 2nd discussion was "the national responsibility and individual responsibility about this issue". This time the discussion progressed from the position which sees a person as a political sovereign of a state that each participant belongs to.

In the 1st discussion, about the infringement of the human rights, the importance of handing down the history and experience of victims, and women in a patriarchical society were focused on. On the other hand, they discussed the effective measures of a political resolution and concrete actions people can do in the second discussion. As a result, through those discussions two main points were debated: 1: The necessity of an immediate political solution to recover the lost human dignity of every victimized woman.

2: The universality of Japanese military Sexual Slavery that can be shared with all human beings.

After the program ended, they are tackling positively various activities to protect human rights and realize peace, like exchanging their opinions through the Internet, keeping visiting the House of Sharing as weekend volunteers, participating in anti-war demonstrations and so on.

This should be mentioned especially – the participants from Japan joined Peace Road in February 2004 held testimony rallies in 10 places of Japan in December 2004. The students and citizens of Tokyo, Kawasaki, Niigata, Shizuoka, Osaka, Kyoto, Kochi, Hiroshima, Fukuoka and Okinawa worked together to hold the events while inviting survivors from Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines. 2000 or more people joined the rallies in total and another rallies are due to be held again in Japan in October 2005.

And this summer Korean participants are also planning to hold exhibition tours in Korea which display the paintings by survivors of their experiences and pain and photographs of them.

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“The importance of Memory for building a world in peace”. Conclusions

“The importance of Memory for building a world in peace”. Conclusions The Group concluded that: • It is not enough just to appeal to Memory, there is an urgent need for a critical analysis, of linking the past with the present so to promote the enhancing of activism for the achievement of peace.

• Geographical differences were taken into account as different (big/small) places do not face the same realities, different contexts have to be considered as challenges are not the same.

• There is a strong challenge to historians to narrate not only the official history but from a wider perspective. History needs to help to achieve reconciliation. History only told from the victor’s perspective doesn’t help to the achievement of peace.

• The victims view, their testimonies must be included.

• Museums must be linked with “action”. They have to reach universities, schools, the whole community. They must be linked with action.

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• There is a very important need of respecting diversity, we have to acknowledge that every place is different and the way processes have been tackled also differ. In many places in Latin America, we cannot yet speak of peace without speaking of truth and justice; without the acknowledgement of truth, there cannot be reconciliation.

• The question of “how could we turn Peace Museums in a tool for action for peace” was raised and a proposal for a more dynamic involvement was stated. Actions that would involve more actors and appealing topics linking with present peace issues.

• Suggested CHALLENGES for Peace Museums in the coming years: -To keep people’s Memory active helping improving people’s understanding of the world.

-To become places where people can connect the past with the present. In that understanding, peace museums will help people lead and build better lives.

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! IRATXE MOMOITIO ASTORKIA Directora del Museo de la Paz de Gernika / Director of Gernika Peace Museum

“EL MUSEO DE LA PAZ DE GERNIKA: UN MUSEO PARA EL RECUERDO, UN MUSEO PARA EL FUTURO”

“GERNIKA PEACE MUSEUM: A MUSEUM TO REMEMBER THE PAST, A MUSEUM FOR THE FUTURE”

En 1998, el Ayuntamiento de Gernika abrió las puertas de un museo inspirado en la historia de Gernika-Lumo y de su terrible bombardeo.

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El recorrido por el museo es una travesía entre objetos e imágenes, espacios audiovisuales y mensajes escritos, un recorrido con opiniones en el que poder opinar. El museo no puede dar respuesta a cuestiones que el ser humano lleva debatiendo miles de años pero sí puede hacer saltar la chispa para activar el pensamiento del visitante, para generar preguntas que el propio visitante debe responder. Todo ello se ordena en torno a tres grandes preguntas:

In 1998, Gernika-Lumo Town Hall opened a museum inspired by the history of the town and the terrible bombing of Gernika.

En el año 2002, el museo renueva su per fil y amplía sus posibilidades, convirtiéndose en una institución acorde con las necesidades del mundo de hoy. Así nace la Fundación Museo de la Paz de Gernika de la cual son patronos el Gobierno Vasco, la Diputación Foral de Bizkaia y el Ayuntamiento de Gernika-Lumo. Un espacio que ha crecido para transformarse en un museo atractivo y dinámico, un escenario que no aspira a imponer verdades absolutas, sino que invita a cuestionarse y a dialogar sobre la paz.

In the year 2002, the museum has been upgrading its profile and enhancing its potential, rapidly becoming an institution in accordance with the needs of the modern world. This has led to the establishment of the Gernika Peace Museum Foundation, of which the Basque Government, the Diputacion or Provincial Council of Bizkaia and Gernika-Lumo Town Hall are trustees.

The museum has grown into an attractive, dynamic space, a scenario which seeks not to impose any absolute truths, but rather poses questions and prompts dialogue in realtion to peace.

El Museo de la Paz de Gernika es un museo temático deddicdo a la cultura de la paz. Inspirado en el trágico bombardeo de Gernika, el 26 de abril de 1937. No es un espacio pensado para honrar la historia de la guerra o reverenciar verdades absolutas. Es un escenario en el que la historia, de la mano de la emotividad pretende mostrarnos el camino de la reconciliación, un lugar para pensar que a la paz podemos darle forma entre todos.

The Gernika Peace Museum os a theme museum setting out the culture of peace. It was inspired by the tragic bombing of Gernika on 26th April 1937 and does not constitute a space designed to pay hommage to the history of the war, or to revere any absolute truths. It is, rather, a scenario on which history is taken by emotions to show us the way towards reconciliation, a place where we may think that we can all work together to shape our own peace.

The tour of the museum is structured into objects and images, audio-visual sections and written messages. It is a journey with opinions, during which other opinions may be formed. The museum has no answers for questions which we have been debating for thousands of years, but it can produce a spark to activate the thought process of the visitor in order to generate questions to be answered by ourselves. The museum operates around three major questions:

¿Qué es la Paz?

¿Qué es la Paz?

Una amplia gama de ideas, conceptos, pensamientos y puntosde vista sobre la paz, y especialmente una idea contemporánea en la que la paz, con el objetivo de resolver conflictos brota por sí misma de manera positiva en las relaciones entre las personas.

La historia de la paz no debe ser la historia de la finalización de los conflictos.

A wide selection of ideas, concepts, thoughts and point of view in relation to peace –particularly a contemporary idea – in which peace, to solve conflicts, flourishes in terms of relationships between human beings. The history of peace must not be the history of the end of conflicts.

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¿Qué legado nos ha dejado el bombardeo de Gernika?

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What is the legacy of the bombing of Gernika?

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IRATXE MOMOITIO ASTORKIA

Una lectura de la historia de GernikaLumo y la Guerra Civil española, el episodio del bombardeo y la ejemplar lección de paz que nos ofrecen los supervivientes de aquel trágico hecho reconciliándose con sus agresores asó como otras reconciliaciones y mediaciones de paz en el mundo.

A reading of the history of Gernika-lumo and the Spanish Civil War, the bombing of Gernika, and the fine lesson in peace taught to us by the survivors of this tragic events through their reconciliation with their attackers, in addition to other instances of reconciliation and mediation for peace all over the world.

¿Qué pasa actualmente con la paz en el mundo?

What about peace in the world today?

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Una mirada al mundo a través del “Guernica” de Picasso mediante una reflexión sobre los Derechos Humanos y el conflicto vasco como prismas para observar el actual estado de la paz en el mundo.

IRATXE MOMOITIO ASTORKIA

“EL MUSEO DE LA PAZ DE GERNIKA: UN MUSEO PARA EL RECUERDO, UN MUSEO PARA EL FUTURO”

IRATXE MOMOITIO ASTORKIA

We take a look at the world through Picasso’s “Guernica” using Human Rights and the Basque conflict as prisms to study the current state of peace in the world today.

www.museodelapaz.org • www.peacemuseumguernica.org

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! KAZUYO YAMANE Kochi University. Grassroots House International Exchange Section of Grassroots House Editor of Muse: Newsletter of Japanese Network of Museums for Peace A Member of National Committee for Peace Research of Science Council of Japan

KAZUYO YAMANE

2.1. Peace Museums in the World except Japan First, what peace museums exist in the world? When and where were they founded? What are the differences of peace museums between Japan and other countries? This section puts an emphasis on quantitative aspect of peace museums in the world. The following is a list of forty-eight peace museums in the world except Japan. The reason why Japan is not included is to know the situation of peace museums in other countries. Then the number of the peace museums will be classified using a graph according to decades from the 1900s to the 2000s.

Founded

Name of Peace Museum

City

Country

The International Museum of War and Peace

Lucern

SWITZERLAND

1902

Peace Palace and Library

The Hague

NETHERLANDS

1913

Imperial War Museum

London

U.K.

1917

Peace Memorial Museum

Zanzibar

TANZANIA

1925

International Esperanto Museum

Vienna

AUSTRIA

1927

The IJzer Tower

Diksmuide

BELGIUM

1930

League of Nations Museum

Geneva

SWITZERLAND

1946

Gandhi Memorial Museum

Madurai

INDIA

1959

International Museum of The Red Cross

Mantova

ITALY

1959

National Gandhi Museum and Library

New Delhi

INDIA

1960

Anne Frank House Amsterdam

Amsterdam

NETHERLANDS

1960

Museum "Haus am Checkpoint Charlie"

Berlin

GERMANY

1963

Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya

Ahmedabad

INDIA

1963

War Remnants Museum

Ho Chin Minh

VIET NAM

1975

There are clear differences of character between peace museums and war museums. War tends to be glorified at war museums while it tends to be criticized at peace museums in Japan.

What is the growth of Japanese peace museums? What are characteristics of peace museums in Japan? In my presentation Japanese peace museums will be explored quantitatively and qualitatively. The number of Japanese peace museums is the highest in the world, which will be shown later. What is the situation of Japanese peace museums in the world? First, fortyeight peace museums in the world except Japan will be explored chronologically. Secondly, fifty-two Japanese peace museums will be investigated chronologically. Thirdly, 100 museums for peace in the world including Japanese ones will be made clear chronologically in order to make clear characteristics of Japanese peace museums in the world.

Peace Museum, Lindau

Lindau

GERMANY

1980

Bridge at Remagen Peace Museum

Remagen

GERMANY

1980

Anti-War House Peace Centre

Sievershausen

GERMANY

1981

The Peace Museum, Chicago

Chicago

U.S.A.

1981

Anti-War Museum, Berlin

Berlin

GERMANY

1982

Peace Museum

Meeder

GERMANY

1982

Peace Library and Anti-War Museum

Berlin

GERMANY

1984

Memorial Hall of the Victims in the Nanjing Massacre

Nanjing

CHINA

1985

Sword Into Plowshares Peace Center and Gallery

Detroit

U.S.A.

1986

International Museum of Peace and Solidarity

Samarkanda

UZBEKISTAN

1986

An Overview of Japanese Peace Museums in the World

Käthe Kollwitz Museum

Berlin

GERMANY

1986

The Independence Hall of Korea

Seoul

KOREA

1987

What kind of peace museums exist in the world? The answer is well explained in Peter van den Dungen’s article of “Peace Education: Peace Museum”. A list of thirty-four main peace museums in the world is made from 1946 to 1995. In this section more peace museums will

Museum of the War of the Chinese People’s Resistance

Beijing

CHINA

1987

Caen Memorial

Caen

FRANCE

1988

International Red Cross and Red Crescent Museum

Geneva

SWITZERLAND

1988

be listed. First forty-eight peace museums in the world except Japan will be listed chronologically.

Children's Friendship Museum Tashkent

Tashkent

UZBEKISTAN

1989

“CHARACTERISTICS OF PEACE MUSEUMS IN JAPAN” Abstract The growth and some characteristics of Japanese peace museums will be made clear in the international context. Japanese peace museums were founded after World War II while some non-Japanese ones were created before the war. The number of Japanese peace museums is the highest in the world. They were founded most in the 1990s by the influence of peace movement while non-Japanese peace museums were established most in the 1980s. Japanese peace museums tend to put an emphasis on history education and the past while Western peace museums tend to put an emphasis on a culture of peace and conflict resolution. It is hoped that more information, ideas and exhibits will be exchanged among peace museums using the international network of peace museums in the future.

1. Introduction

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Museum of Compassion

New York

U.S.A.

1990

National Civil Rights Museum

Memphis

U.S.A.

1991

The House of Sharing

Kwangju

KOREA

1992

Franz Jägerstätter House

Ostermiething

AUSTRIA

1993

First Austrian Peace Museum

Wolfsegg

AUSTRIA

1993

The World Centre for Peace, Freedom and Human Rights

Verdun

FRANCE

1994

Prairie Peace Park

LincolnÅ@

U.S.A.

1994

Peace Museum

N_rnberg

GERMANY

1995

Yi Jun Peace Museum

The Hague

NETHERLANDS

1995

Peace Gallery

Bradford

U.K.

1996

Robben Island Museum

Bellville

SOUTH AFRICA

1997

"In Flanders Fields" museum

Ieper

BELGIUM

1998

Gernika Peace Museum

Gernika

SPAIN

1998

Peace History Museum

Hindelang

GERMANY

1999

Peace Museum

La Vall d'Uixó

SPAIN

2000

European Museum for Peace

Shlaining

AUSTRIA

2001

Community Peace Museums

Nairobi

KENYA

2001

Dayton International Peace Museum

Dayton

U.S.A.

2004

Table 1: 48 peace museums in the world except Japan in chronological order of foundation

Figure1: The number of peace museums in the world except Japan

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The graph above shows that forty-two peace museums (86 %) were founded after World War II. Sixteen peace museums (33%) were created in the 1980s, which was the highest number in the history of peace museums in the world except Japan. What is the situation of Japanese peace museums?

2.2. Peace Museums in Japan A list of fifty-two peace museums in Japan will be made first and be classified according to the decades from the 1950s to 2004.

Prefecture

Name of Peace Museum

Hiroshima Nagasaki Saitama Okinawa Tokyo Fukuoka Kanagawa Miyagi Tokyo Okinawa Osaka Hiroshima Wakayama Kochi Okinawa Kyoto Nagasaki Kochi Osaka Wakayama Hiroshima Osaka Kyoto Kanagawa Hokkaido Tokushima Saitama Okinawa Shizuoka Hiroshima Osaka

Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum Maruki Gallery Okinawa Prefectural Peace Memorial Museum Display House of the Fifth Lucky Dragon Peace Museum for the People Soka Gakkai Toda Peace Memorial Hall Sendai Hukkou Memorial Japan Peace Museum Life is Treasure House Liberty Osaka Okunoshima Poison Gas Museum Teranaka Art Museum Grassroots House Himeyuri Peace Museum Tanba Manganese Memorial Hall Shoukokumin Museum Kochi Liberty and People's Rights Museum Osaka International Peace Center Ishigaki Memorial Mirasaka Peace Museum of Art Suita Peace Center Kyoto Museum for World Peace Kawasaki Peace Museum No More Hibakusha Hall German Museum Peace Museum of Saitama Sakima Art Museum Shizuoka Peace Center Fukuyama City Human Rights & Peace Museum Sakai City Peace and Human Rights Museum

Year Founded 1955 1955 1967 1975 1976 1979 1979 1981 1983 1984 1985 1988 1988 1989 1989 1989 1990 1990 1991 1991 1991 1992 1992 1992 1992 1993 1993 1993 1993 1994 1994

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Nagasaki Kagawa Hiroshima Iwate Hyogo Saitama Osaka Nagano Oita Kanagawa Tokyo Nagasaki Gifu Fukui Tokyo Tokyo Gifu Hiroshima Nagasaki Nagasaki Okinawa

Oka Masaharu Memorial Nagasaki Peace Museum Takamatsu Civic Culture Center: Peace Museum Holocaust Education Center Pacific War History Museum Historical Himeji Peace Center Ou Kounichi Anti-War Art Museum The Peace, Human Rights and Children Center Mugonkan Art Museum for Peace Yawaragi: Peace Memorial in Saiki Kanagawa Plaza for Global Citizenship Tokyo Holocaust Education Resource Center Art Museum of Picture Books Chiune Sugihara Memorial: Gifu Yukinoshita Peace Culture Museum Kourai Museum Tokyo Document Center on Air Raids Gifu Peace Museum Hiroshima National Peace Memorial Hall Nagasaki Peace Museum Nagasaki National Peace Memorial Hall Tsushima-maru Memorial

KAZUYO YAMANE

1995 1995 1995 1995 1996 1996 1997 1997 1997 1998 1998 1999 2000 2001 2001 2002 2002 2002 2003 2003 2004

â&#x20AC;&#x153;CHARACTERISTICS OF PEACE MUSEUMS IN JAPANâ&#x20AC;?

KAZUYO YAMANE

The graph shows that twenty-seven peace museums (52%) were created in 1990s. Why were so many peace museums created in the 1990s? The relation between peace movement in the 1980s and the establishment of peace museums in the 1990s will be explored later. The detail of Japanese peace museums is available by Muse: Newsletter of Japanese Network of Museums for Peace that is published at Kyoto Museum for World Peace, Ritsumeikan University.

2.3. 100 Peace Museums in the World including Japan This section will deal with 100 peace museums in the world including Japan. They will be classified according to decade from 1900 to 2004 and the result will be shown using a graph.

Table 2: 42 Peace Museum in Japan listed by year of foundation (See also the map of prefectures)

Figure 3: The number of peace museums in the world including Japan from the 1900s to the 2000s.

Figure 2: The number of peace museums created in Japan from the 1950s to 2004.

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Figure 3 shows that ninety-four peace museums (94%) were established after the end of World War II. Forty-one peace museums (41%) were created in the world in the 1990s, which is the highest number in history. On the other hand, the number of non-Japanese peace museums that were established is the highest in the 1980s. This is because the number of Japanese peace museums is the highest in the world (fifty-two percent which will be shown later) and fifty-two percent of Japanese peace museums were created in the 1990s. The following graph shows Japanese peace museums, non-Japanese peace museums and the total of peace museums in the world according to the decades from the 1900s to the 2000s and it shows the growth of peace museums in Japan, other countries and the world.

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“CHARACTERISTICS OF PEACE MUSEUMS IN JAPAN”

KAZUYO YAMANE

Japanese peace museums were founded after World War II while non-Japanese peace museums were established before World War II. The reason why all the Japanese peace museums were created after World War II is the experiences of the atomic bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and U.S. air-raids of cities. Japanese peace movement started in 1954 when Japanese fishermen were exposed to radiation at the U.S. hydrogen bomb test that was conducted at the Bikini Atoll of Marshall Islands. A fisherman named Aikichi Kuboyama was killed while 267 people were also exposed to radiation in the Marshall Island. The reason why Japanese peace movement did not start immediately after Japan’s defeat in 1945 is that the truth on the atomic bombing was hidden by the U.S. censorship. “It was not until after the occupation, on the seventh anniversary of the bombings in August 1952, that the public was afforded a serious presentation of photographs from the two stricken cities” according to John W. Dower. The anti-nuclear movement led to the establishment of peace museums, which will be explored later.

Figure 4: 100 peace museums in the world: Japanese peace museums, non-Japanese peace museums and all the peace museums in the world.

What is the number of peace museums in various countries? 100 peace museums in the world can be shown according to countries as follows.

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Figure 5: The number of peace museums in various countries. The number also shows their percentage because the total number of peace museums here is 100.

It can be said that Japan has the highest number of peace museums in the world. What are the condition and problems of peace museums in Japan? The answers were presented at the 4th International Conference of Peace Museums and the paper is available at the website of the International Network of Museums for Peace. (www.museumforpeace.org) Besides the quantitative character of Japanese peace museums, one of the qualitative characters of Japanese peace museums should be noted: that is effects of citizens’ peace activities on peace museums.

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KAZUYO YAMANE

3. Citizens’ Peace Activities and Peace Museums

3.2. Citizens’ Peace Activities and Exhibiting Historical Truth

3.1. Peace Movement and the Establishment of Peace Museums

One of the problems of Japanese peace museums is that historical truth such as Japan’s aggression is not exhibited at many public peace museums. Japan’s victim side of World War II is more emphasized than Japan’s aggression according to a questionnaire that was conducted in 2001. There are many themes with an emphasis on peace issues, especially the atomic bombing and U.S. air raids, which shows Japan’s victim side of the war (67% of forty-three peace museums). On the other hand, the number of peace museums that show Japan’s aggression is much lower (30%). The exhibits on Japan’s aggression increased in the 1990s, but the nationalists’ attacks on them hindered directors from showing Japan’s aggression during the war. Peace museums that show Japan’s aggression honestly are Osaka International Peace Center, Kyoto Museum for World Peace of Ritsumeikan University, Oka Masaharu Memorial Nagasaki Peace Museum, Children’s Centre for Peace and Human Rights in Sakai City, Osaka and the Grassroots House in Kochi City and others. It seems that historical truth is exhibited at peace museums where citizens are active for peace.

How were Japanese peace museums established? Many peace museums were established by local governments. However, it should be noted that there had been grassroots movement to create a peace museum at the background. Anti-nuclear movement in Japan played an important role because peace activists and citizens demanded that local governments declare themselves nuclear-free. Once local governments declared themselves nuclear-free, citizens demanded that a peace museum be created. Professor Ikuro Anzai pointed out that the peace movement played an important role in creating many public peace museums in Japan at the 3rd International Conference of Peace Museums.

The relation between the anti-nuclear declaration of local governments and the establishment of peace museums was explored and the result is as follows:

Peace Museum

Year Founded

Year of Peace Declaration

Citizens’ activities for creating a culture of peace is also important as well as learning lessons from the past. For example, a peace concert and a peace action were organized by some members of Grassroots House when the United States attacked Afghanistan and Iraq.

Musicians became active for peace playing music when there were such peace activities as collecting signatures against the war on Iraq downtown in Kochi City. Yeong Hwan Kim, Korean secretary-general of Grassroots House, and Keiko Tamaki, the vice-director, have been playing an important role in organizing people, especially young people.

Mirasaka Peace Museum of Art

1991

Mirasaka Town: 1986

Osaka International Peace Center

1991

Osaka Pref: 1988

Kawasaki Peace Museum

1992

Kawasaki City: 1982

Suita Peace Center

1992

Suita City: 1983

Peace Museum of Saitama

1993

Saitama Pref.: 1991

Sakai City Peace and Human Rights Museum

1994

Sakai City: 1983

4. Conclusion

Fukuyama City Human Rights & Peace Museum

1994

Fukuyama City: 1984

Takamatsu Civic Culture Center: Peace Museum

1995

Takamatsu City: 1984

Historical Himeji Peace Center

1996

Himeji City: 1985

Yawaragi: Peace Memorial in Saiki

1997

Saiki City: 1985

Kanagawa Plaza for Global Citizenship

1998

Yokohama City: 1984

Japanese peace museums were founded after World War II because of the atomic bombing and the U.S. air-raids of cities while some non-Japanese ones were created before the war.

The number of Japanese peace museums is the highest in the world and many of them were established in the 1990s while the number of non-Japanese peace museums is the highest in the 1980s. The peace movement in the 1980s in Japan as well as in the world seems to lead to the establishment of Japanese peace museums in the 1990s. History education with an emphasis on the past tends to be emphasized at Japanese peace museums while conflict resolution and creating a culture of peace is emphasized in Western peace museums such as European Museum for Peace in Schlaining, Austria.

Table 3. Peace Museums and Anti-Nuclear Declaration of Local Governments

Indeed, anti-nuclear movement in the 1980s seems to result in creating public peace museums in the 1990s.

On the other hand, there are many private peace museums because it was impossible to create public ones: 63% of peace museums are private and it seems that there is more freedom of speech than public peace museums.

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It is encouraging that there are several peace museum projects in Japan. National Network of Preserving War Remains that was established in 1997 plays an important role in bringing groups together. National symposium has been held to exchange information on the research of war-related sites, the movement of preserving them and peace education at peace museums.

The purpose of 84% of Japanese peace museums is promoting peace education. The result of the questionnaire shows that what is problematic at public peace museums in Japan is that historical truth such as Japan’s aggression of other countries in World War II is not exhibited much. On the other hand, historical truth is exhibited and there are anti-war activities at private peace museums where citizens are active in peacemaking. It is hoped that the International Network of Peace Museums will be strengthened and more information, ideas and exhibits will be exchanged in the future.

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! MARTÍ OLIVELLA director de NOVA, Centre per a la Innovació Social “CASTILLO POR LA PAZ DE FIGUERES PROYECTO DE RECONVERSIÓN DEL CASTILLO DE SANT FERRAN DE FIGUERES EN CASTILLO POR LA PAZ.” EL FIN ESTÁ EN LOS MEDIOS: SI QUIERES LA PAZ NO PREPARES LA GUERRA. Antecedentes: La objección de conciencia en el Estado Español En Enero de Pepe Beunza se convirtió en el primer objetor de conciencia no violento del Estado Español. Puso en cuestión el sistema militar, que entonces no tenía ni tan siquiera esta opción tipificada como delito. Consciente que sería encarcelado, Pepe Beunza se dedica a organizar con grupos pacifistas europeos una campaña de presión internacional. De esta iniciativa surgirá la Marcha Ginebra-Valencia para pedir su liberación. Después de estar encarcelado en Valencia, Jaén, Cartagena y deportado el Sahara es puesto en libertad el 1973.

En 1974, Gonzalo Arias plantea el proyecto de crear un cuerpo de voluntarios para realizar tareas sociales en sustitución del servicio militar obligatorio.

En 1975, ante la pasividad del gobierno, un grupo de jóvenes decide empezar un Servicio Social alternativo en el barrio de Can Serra del Hospitalet de Llobregat.

Después de unos meses de servicio civil en el barrio (colonias infantiles, adecuación de un local para a personas de la tercera edad, una guardería, colaboraciones en la Escuela de Adultos del barrio...) en Navidad de 1975 los 5 primeros objetores hacen público el manifiesto “Un camino hacia la paz”.

El 7 de Enero de 1976 son detenidos y encarcelados en el Castillo de Figueres. En tres semanas se organiza la 1a Marcha Girona-Figueres, para reclamar la libertad de los objetores detenidos. En Agosto de 1976 son amnistiados. Los objetores hacen acciones de presión al gobierno.

En Mayo de 1977 el segundo grupo de objetores ocupa la caja de reclutas y consigue ser encarcelado de nuevo en el Castillo. Se organiza la 2ª Marcha Girona-Figueres. Esta vez pasan 5 meses, hasta la segunda amnistía.

A 30 años del inicio de la lucha de los objetores, a 25 de la primera Marcha al Castillo de Sant Ferran, hoy podemos celebrar el fin del servicio militar obligatorio.

PARA CONSTRUIR LA CULTURA DE PAZ HACE FALTA REDUCIR LA CULTURA DE GUERRA Y LOS GASTOS MILITARES Esta nueva etapa, reforzada por el final de la guerra fría, empieza a abrirse camino:

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La UNESCO declara el 200, Año Internacional de la Cultura de Paz. Naciones Unidas declara del 2001 al 2010, Cultura de Paz y la No Violencia.

Multitud de organizaciones de todo el mundo difunden nuevas actitudes, intervienen en zonas de conflictos, lucha en contra del rearme...La primavera del 2000, miles de catalanes nos manifestamos contra el desfile militar. I el 2002 millones nos manifestamos contra la guerra.

El Parlament de Catalunya ha aprobado una Ley de Fomento de la Paz y el Parlamento Español está discutiendo otra.

Ha llegado el momento de repensar la defensa armada, su eficacia, sus costes humanos y económicos. Ha llegado el momento de diseñar, preparar y utilizar sistemas de resolución pacífica de conflictos a todos los niveles.

El final de la guerra fría había de permitir que los “dividendos de la paz” –los recursos ahorrados por la distensión- se dedicaran a resolver los grandes problemas de la humanidad.

Pero los gastos militares siguen aumentando... y los problemas agravándose.

Proponemos que durante la Década de la Cultura de Paz (2000-2010) el Gobierno destine el costo de un día de los gastos de defensa anual – unos 40 millones de euros- para reforzar las diferentes iniciativas del movimiento por la paz –sensibilización, formación, investigación y mediación a favor de la Cultura de Paz. Reclamamos también, que una parte de estos recursos se dediquen durante esta década a reconvertir el Castillo de Sant Ferran (el más grande de Europa) en un Castillo por la Paz, Centro Mundial de la Cultura de Paz, sede permanente y legado de la Década de la Cultura de Paz y la No Violencia proclamada por las Naciones Unidas.

Este Castillo, convertido en símbolo de la fructífera lucha de la objeción de conciencia para terminar con el servicio militar obligatorio, puede ser una contribución líder de nuestro país al fomento de la Cultura de Paz en la escena mundial.

DE CASTILLO PARA LA GUERRA A CASTILLO POR LA PAZ Reseña historica del castillo A mediados del siglo XVII, España, el estado dónde no se ponía nunca el sol, es un país que ha perdido el poder político de años atrás. Ahora sus esfuerzos se centraran en mantener la propia integridad territorial. Después del Tratado de los Pirineos Francia se anexiona el Rosselló y el Conflent, la frontera es más cerca de los Pirineos.Fernando IV ordena la construcción de la fortaleza más grande de Europa que supuestamente habrá de volver inexpugnable la frontera con Francia.En 1753, en la cima de la Montaña dels Caputxins se construye el Castillo de Sant Ferran: 4Km de perímetro, 215.000 m2 con una capacidad para 8000 hombres y 500 caballos.

EN 1766 es inaugurado, todo y no estar terminado. Hasta aquel momento el gasto ascendía a 30 millones de reales. En 1793, 27 años más tarde, el Castillo participará en su primera acción bélica, la Gran Guerra contra la República Francesa.

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La historia del Castillo de Sant Ferran 1793 - 1975 Gran Guerra contra la República Francesa: la fortaleza se rinde sin resistencia.

1808 – 1814: Guerra del Francés: Napoleón ocupa el Castillo sin ninguna resistencia.

1823: Ocupación de los Cien mil Hijos de San Luis: El Castillo es ocupado el mes de Abril 1827. Restauración de la Monarquía Absoluta.

1904 - 1933: El Castillo se convierte en un penal...

1936 – 1939: Guerra Civil: el Castillo es un tribunal, una zona de ejecuciones, centro de adiestramiento de les brigadas, depósito de tesoros y es el lugar dónde se celebra la última sesión de las Cortes Republicanas. El 8 de Febrero de 1939 buena parte de las instalaciones son dinamitadas delante la inminente entrada de las tropas franquistas.

1976: Es encarcelado el primer grupo de objeción de Can Serra.

1983: Años 80: Tejero con responsables del golpe de estado son encarcelados.

1997: El Castillo es abierto al público.

EL CASTILLO POR LA PAZ CENTRO MUNDIAL PERMANENTE DE LA CULTURA DE PAZ Una contribución a la Década de la Cultura de la Paz de Naciones Unidas La UNESCO y las Naciones Unidas han empezado el nuevo siglo declarando el Año y la Década de la Cultura de la Paz para intentar ir superando la atávica cultura de la violencia impropia de unas civilizaciones que se auto proclaman evolucionadas.

Hace falta fortalecer esta Década con actos, campañas, políticas, programas, recursos, espacios... que en todos los ámbitos inviten a los habitantes de este planeta a hacer un vuelco en las inadecuadas, costosas, contraproducentes forma de afrontar y de gestionar los conflictos que tanto dolor y muerte provocan.

El Castillo se puede convertir, así, en una sede mundial permanente del fomento de la Cultura de Paz, un espacio de diálogo abierto a todas las culturas del mundo que busquen, en las tradiciones y en las innovaciones, las respuestas más adecuadas a los problemas comunes de la humanidad que provocan conflictos y guerras.

Una ocasión para enlazar y reforzar los diversos caminos de la paz En los últimos años en Catalunya una parte creciente de la sociedad se ha movilizado a favor de la paz: movimientos de objetores y insumisos, movilizaciones (de anti-OTAN a antidesfile), campañas (transparencia del comercio de armas, minas antipersonales...), encuentros, simposios, cursos... promovidos por organizaciones no gubernamentales para la paz y centros universitarios...

El Castillo puede ser un espacio de referencia mundial que ayude a crear sinergia entre diversos caminos favorecedores de la Cultura de Paz: sensibilización, información, formación, investigación, prevención y mediación de conflictos. Puede potenciar y colaborar con los museos, centros, instituciones, universidades, ONG de la paz de todo el mundo y convertirse en un punto mundial de referencia de exposiciones, proyecciones, encuentros...

Un punto complementario de atracción turística y cultura en el Empordà y a Cataluña En una zona con unos reclamos que atraen un alto nivel de visitantes (Museo Dalí, Costa

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Brava...), estratégicamente bien comunicado, se dispone de un potencial enorme de visitantes interesados por la espectacularidad del Castillo y por el interés cultural y didáctico de su reconversión en Castillo por la Paz. El Castillo puede convertirse en un gran museo-parque sobre la paz con exposiciones permanentes y temporales, con salas de cine y teatro que ofrezcan una antología de las mejores obras sobre paz y conflictos, con salas de juegos didácticos para todas las edades, con festivales interculturales de música, canción y danza por la paz... También dispondrá de servicio de acogida, apartamentos, restauración... para turistas, estudiantes, profesores... en estancias cortas y largas. Este museo-parque y sus equipamientos complementarios pueden ser una importante fuente de financiamiento de otras actividades más difíciles de conseguir colaboraciones.

UN PROYECTO DE PROYECCIÓN MUNDIAL PARA EL MONUMENTO MÁS GRANDE DE CATALUÑA Prepropuesta de usos de los edificios del Castillo por la Paz El proyecto del Castillo por la Paz contempla 8 espacios interrelacionados, que se refuerzan, complementan y permiten afrontar con coherencia la ocupación progresiva del amplio espacio del Castillo de Sant Ferran de Figueres.

1. Museo interactivo “Castillo por la Paz ” Exposición permanente, con todo tipo de medios de comunicación, dará una visión panorámica de la historia de los conflictos y de las formas de resolución; de los personajes y de las acciones clave de la No violencia y la mediación... Sensibilizará sobre la importancia, la urgencia y las repercusiones del cambio histórico a emprender para una mejora de las condiciones de vida de la humanidad.

Exposiciones temporales sobre “Los genocidios del siglo XX”, “La guerra civil española”, “La extinción de las culturas indígenas”, “El hambre y la guerra”, “El agua y los conflictos futuros”…

Espacio audiovisual de proyección, con análisis crítica, de películas, de programas, noticias, anuncios de televisión, juegos... para aprender a “leer y a mirar” sus mensajes, modelos, mitos... favorables a la creación o resolución de conflictos. También una filmoteca ofrecerá la proyección permanente de las mejores obras audiovisuales –ficción, documentales, reportajes- sobre los conflictos, la guerra y la paz.

Espacio de juegos cooperativos de todo el mundo que permitirán aprender y disfrutar a la vez, para niños y para mayores: de mesa, de grupo, electrónicos...

2. Universidad “Castillo por la Paz ” Una “Universidad sobre Paz y Conflictos” que contemple el ciclo entero: Formación, Investigación e Intervención en el mismo espacio. Creada como espacio ínter-universitario con la implicación de diversas universidades, facultades y cátedras del país y de todo el mundo.

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La Formación: que ofrezca estudios universitarios sobre “Gestión pacífica de conflictos” sobre base curricular multidisciplinar y especializaciones sobre diferentes tipos de conflictos: étnicos, religiosos, económicos, ecológicos, interpersonales...; sobre militarismo, armamentismo...

La Investigación: puede acoger, potenciar o crear diferentes centros de estudio y servicios sobre: a) Nuevas violencias: ciberespacio, juegos, organizaciones criminales, etc.; Diversidad cultural y diálogo intercultural; Educación y promoción de la Cultura de Paz; Agresiones y conflictos medioambientales; Usos de telemática en la Cultura de Paz; Apoyo al Desarrollo Sostenible; Sistemas de defensa no armada...; b) Observatorio Internacional de Conflictos; Espacio UNESCO c) Agencia Internacional de Información sobre Paz y Conflictos

La Intervención: puede realizarse en el “Centro Intercultural de Mediación”, espacio orientado a acoger conversaciones y procesos de resolución pacífica de conflictos, en todos los ámbitos, des de los vecinales hasta los internacionales. Este Centro contaría con el personal docente y investigador de la Universidad, con el apoyo del alumnado y con la colaboración de la red de expertos internacionales adecuados para cada caso.

3. Centro Intercultural de Mediación Si bien el conjunto del Castillo por la Paz tiene como uno de los ejes vertebradores la presencia y la relación entre las culturas del mundo, el Centro de Mediación está especialmente orientado a vivir a experiencia de la diversidad y del pluralismo cultural en el más amplio sentido de la palabra: étnica, lingüística, de género, profesional, religiosa, política, filosófica...

La convivencia entre persona de diferentes procedencias geoculturales, sociales... hace emerger conflictos latentes y permite, en un marco adecuado, hacer conscientes los privilegios, las dominaciones... expresadas en prejuicios y miedos... que están latentes en todos los conflictos.

4. Museo del Castillo El Castillo es en sí mismo, un compendio de parte de esta historia de paz y de guerra. Su visita turístico-cultural permitirá no solo contemplar una de las obras de ingeniería más destacables sino interpretar la mentalidad de sus constructores y de la gente de vivía en este país en aquella época. Los recorridos por diferentes circuitos quedarán complementados por un Museo del Castillo, centro de interpretación de la ingeniería militar a lo largo de los siglos.

5. Auditorio, biblioteca El Castillo ha de ofrecer espacios para celebrar congresos, reuniones, encuentros tanto para el uso de los servicios propios (Universidad, Centro de Mediación...) como para otros interesados en utilizar las instalaciones. También puede tener un espacio pensado para

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festivales y actuaciones al aire libre, aprovechando el atractivo del verano. Obviamente ha de disponer con una biblioteca-mediateca especializada.

6. Centro cultural y de exposiciones También puede compartir espacios propios de un Centro Cultural como salas de exposiciones y de actividades para usos diversos.

7. Zona residencial El Castillo ofrece la posibilidad, respetando los edificios actuales, una zona residencial y de alojamiento, que permita cubrir las diferentes necesidades de acogida de los servicios propuestos: con hoteles para invitados de congresos o de procesos de paz, residencias de profesores, investigadores y estudiantes, apartamentos para el personal o por estancias largas, camping... Algunos de estos espacios pueden abrirse al público en general que quiera disfrutar del lugar, centro de una amplia zona de turismo de cualidad.

8. Zona comercial El conjunto de actividades y espacios que atraerán diferentes públicos han de contar con la debida oferta de servicios (restaurantes, bares, tiendas de comida, de recuerdos y de materiales de fomento de la Cultura de Paz).

El proyecto de reconversión del castillo és una iniciativa de Nova, Centre per a la Innovació Social Parc del Coneixement Flor de Maig, Ctra. BV-1415, Km. 2,8, Apartado de correo 145, 08290 Cerdanyola del Vallés; telf. (34) 93 402 07 21, fax (34) 93 402 07 04 www.novacis.org; novacis@novacis.org En colaboración con la Coordinadora d’ONG’s i entitats de l’Alt Empordà Más información: http://castellpau.novacis.org castellpau@novacis.org Con la colaboración de: Ajuntament de Figueres; Associació Catalana pel Desenvolupament de la Mediació i l’Arbitratge; Associació Inshuti de Manresa; Associació Josep Vidal i Lecha – Memorial per la Pau; Banyoles Solidària; Bureau Europeen de l’Objection de Conscience; Campus for Peace (Universitat Oberta de Catalunya); Càtedra UNESCO de Tecnologia, Desenvolupament Sostenible, Desequilibris i Canvi Global (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya); Càtedra UNESCO de Gestió de l’Ensenyament Superior (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya); Càtedra UNESCO de Mètodes Numèrics en Enginyeria (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya); Càtedra UNESCO de Polítiques Culturals i Cooperació (Universidat de Girona); Càtedra UNESCO de Desenvolupament Humà Sostenible: Equitat, Participació i Educació Intercultural (Universitat de Vic); Consell Comarcal de l’Alt Empordà; Coordinadora d’ONG’s Solidàries de les Comarques Gironines; Centre UNESCO de Catalunya; Centre Universitari Pau i Treva (Universitat R. Llull); Club Amics de la UNESCO de Girona Drets Humans Mallorca; Escola de Treball Social (Universitat de Barcelona); Fundació per la Pau; Fundació S’Olivar; Fundación Cultura de Paz; Seminari Permanent d’Educadors per la Pau (Universitat de Barcelona); Servei Civil Internacional.

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MANIFIESTO Marcha de Girona a Figueres: sábado 30 Junio y domingo 1 de Julio de 2001 Reconvertir el Castillo de Sant Ferran en Castillo por la Paz Dedicar cada año el coste de un día de gasto militar para promover la Cultura de Pau Este año, el 2001, hace 30 años del inicio de la lucha de los objetores de conciencia al servicio militar en el Estado Español. ¡Y podemos celebrar el fin del servicio militar obligatorio!

Acaba una etapa del movimiento por la paz y empieza otra, con nuevos actores y nuevos objetivos: construir una Cultura de Paz que vaya substituyendo la Cultura de Guerra.

Gran parte de los gastos militares, después de la guerra fría, son un despilfarro de recursos que dejan de invertirse en cubrir las necesidades básicas de millones de hombres y mujeres que en todo el mundo viven empobrecidos por un sistema socio económico injusto que alimenta sangrantes conflictos y guerras.

Construir una Cultura de Paz que vaya sustituyendo la Cultura de Guerra, no se hará en un día, ni en un año. Pero el que es seguro que no se hará aumentando los gastos en defensa militar. El gobierno español incrementa cada año el conjunto de gastos militares en “defensa” por sobre del IPC. En 2001, dedicó cerca de 1,8 billones de pesetas1 de nuestros impuestos, mientras que el soporte público a la educación por la paz, a la formación de investigadores y mediadores de conflictos, al diseño y organización de alternativas ala defensa armada, a la reconversión de las industrias y instalaciones militares... continua siendo prácticamente inexistente.

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para reforzar sus investigaciones, campañas, acciones a favor de la Cultura de Paz. Con un “museo”, espacio de sensibilización abierto al gran público y a las escuelas con exposiciones y actividades educativas y lúdicas; con un campo de entrenamiento de jóvenes de culturas de todo el mundo para formarse en la prevención y resolución no violenta de conflictos; con un centro de información e investigación de alternativas a la defensa armada; con un centro de aprendizaje de diálogo intercultural y de mediación de conflictos, también desde el más alto nivel internacional...

Muchos jóvenes de nuestro pueblo han mostrado en las últimas décadas el rechazo a participar en un sistema de defensa armada. Los jóvenes de ahora muestran poco entusiasmo en la defensa armada a pesar que podrían ser remunerados como soldados profesionales.

Nuestro pueblo ha cultivado una Cultura de Paz... ahora hace falta que nuestros gobernantes orienten una parte del dinero de los ciudadanos hacia el fomento nacional y mundial de la Cultura de Paz. Para reclamar este cambio de los presupuestos de defensa, para reclamar la reconversión del Castillo de Sant Ferran de Figueres en un Castillo por la Paz, Centro Mundial de la Cultura de Paz, celebraremos la Marcha Girona-Figueres el 30 de junio y el 1 de julio de 2001. Estáis invitados.

Figueres, 25 de mayo de 2001 Marcha convocada por la Coordinadora d’ONG’s i entitats de l’Alt Empordà.

También, ahora, hace 25 años de la primera Marcha Girona-Figueres reclamando la libertad del primer grupo de objetores encarcelados en el Castillo de Sant Ferran de Figueres. Queremos celebrar este aniversario con una nueva Marcha Girona-Figueres, esta vez, para reclamar que una parte de los gastos militares se dediquen a promover la Cultura de Paz Una Marcha para reclamar, al menos, el coste de un día del presupuesto militar anual para actividades de sensibilización, formación, investigación y mediación a favor de la paz. Reclamamos que el Gobierno reduzca 5.000 millones de pesetas al año (solo el 0,27%) de los presupuestos de “defensa” armada para dedicarlos a reforzar las diferentes iniciativas del movimiento por la paz y favorecer la Cultura de Paz. (De hecho, el Ministerio de Justicia está dedicando 3.500 millones a la Objeción, que ahora se ahorrará; el Ministerio de Defensa se está ahorrando el costo de las plazas no cubiertas de soldados profesionales; diversos programas de inversiones e investigación de nuevas armas –aviones, aviones, satélites...- rondan esta cifra).

Reclamamos también, que una parte de estos recursos se dediquen durante esta década a reconvertir el Castillo de Sant Ferran (el más grande de Europa) en un Castillo por la Paz, Centro Mundial de la Cultura de Paz, sede permanente y legado de la década de la Cultura de Paz y la No Violencia proclamada por las Naciones Unidas. Este Castillo, convertido en símbolo de la fructífera lucha de la objeción de conciencia para terminar con el servicio militar obligatorio, pude ser una contribución líder de nuestro país al fomento de la Cultura de Paz en la escena mundial.

Queremos que el Castillo por la Paz se convierta en una plataforma para las organizaciones, museos, centros de investigación y movimientos por la paz de nuestro país di de todo el mundo

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! ANATOLY IONESOV Director of the International Museum of Peace and Solidarity, Samarkand “INTERNATIONAL MUSEUM OF PEACE AND SOLIDARITY, SAMARKAND: TOWARDS A CULTURE OF PEACE THROUGH CITIZEN DIPLOMACY, CULTURE AND ARTS" Introduction Samarkand is a UNESCO World Heritage town in the very heart of Central Asia. About nineteen years ago a new attraction appeared on the city excursion map: International Museum of Peace and Solidarity. We fully agree with the statement that Francesco Frangialli, Secretary General of the World Tourist Organization, wrote to us: “I am happy to note that the location of your Peace Museum could hardly be more appropriate. The fabulous city of Samarkand, world-famous for its heritage, lies at the crossroads of the Silk Road, which since time immemorial has been an avenue of peaceful commercial and cultural contacts between peoples and nations.”

The International Museum of Peace and Solidarity is a fruit of a grassroots initiative by the members of the International Friendship Club "Esperanto" of Samarkand. The idea behind it goes back to the mid-1980s, to the years of perestroika. After several months of preparation, December 1986 marked the opening of our Peace Museum in the Central Recreation Park of Samarkand to celebrate the International Year of Peace. Now it holds a honorary designation of a "People's Museum" awarded by the Uzbekistan Ministry of Culture.

It all started with Esperanto The museum's foundation was preceded by a series of the temporary international exhibitions “Peace – the Hope for the Planet” organized by the Esperantists of Samarkand in local libraries, museums, parks and schools. The growing success of these displays and new materials coming to the Esperanto Club led me to the idea of creating a museum where all these artifacts could be displayed on a permanent basis and be used for peace education. At that time I worked mostly by intuition as I had not seen any peace museum before. But since the very beginning our vision was to establish a museum that should not just shock visitors by the pictures of the horrors of wars, but ultimately touch them positively, giving them hope, inspiration, motivation and empowerment for action for a better world.

Mission and objectives The museum is a non-profit non-governmental institution committed to the promotion of the universal human values and peace through citizen diplomacy, culture and the arts. It also strives to develop and cultivate public awareness of and a sense of personal responsibility for today's global challenges; to demonstrate the multicultural diversity of humanity, visions for a better world and the necessity for a global solidarity.

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During the past years the museum activists have collected more than 20000 exhibits from over 100 countries, organized more than 60 international exhibitions, children's peace festivals, conferences, get-togethers and many other events. Materials from the museum collection were displayed in Russia, Cyprus, Holland, France, USA, Belgium, Germany, Cuba and Japan.

The Museum Collection Included in the permanent display are exhibits about such issues as the Holocaust, the evils of Stalinism, the tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Chernobyl, environmental protection, disarmament, human rights, development, conflict resolution... just to name a few. The walls are adorned with various gifts from friends of the museum from all over the world, all expressing the sentiments for peace, friendship, cooperation and solidarity. In glass cases in the centre of the exhibition hall are housed authentic cover plates from the last Pershing II missile (a gift from Pentagon), scrap metal from the destroyed Soviet SS-20 nuclear medium range rockets, soil from Auschwitz and the site of Stalingrad Battle and the Hiroshima Peace Park; burnt, by the atomic fire, roof tiles from Nagasaki; pieces of the Berlin Wall, flight memento from the Challenger Space Shuttle... One can also view inspiring mouth paintings by Denise Legrix (France) and Cindi Bernhardt (USA), impressive and touching 23 metres long "ABC for Peace" tapestry created by children from New Zealand and 7 metres long "2000 Doves for Peace" artwork made by Chinese boys and girls of Xi’an, beautiful miniature handmade carpets by young Iranian craftsmen; numerous posters, streamers, children's drawings, photographs, documents, books, magazines... everything depicting the efforts of the human race for a peaceful and non-violent world on this earth of ours.

We work in partnerships with various local organizations and institutions like the Samarkand State Museum of History of Culture and Arts of Uzbekistan, Young Naturalists’ Centre, Boarding School for Orphan Children, Museum for Regional Studies, Ecosan Foundation, City Department of Education, Children's and Youth' Arts Palace etc.

Major activities and permanent programmes Our museum operates through various community activities and events which include but are not limited to those presented below. One can see that the sphere and themes of the museum projects are very diverse.

For example, "The Peace Autograph" is aimed on making a truly universal collection of signed photographs, personal messages/visions of the future and autographed works of prominent individuals who have contributed significantly to the creation of the better world. The objective of this project is to establish live bridges with outstanding personalities, to make them co-participants of our dialogue, accessible and available for conversation to everyone.

When we show their echoes and entries in our collection, the visitors can see that the world is one whole and that all of us are its citizens no matter whether it is a Nobel Laureate, great writer, scholar or explorer... It is an invaluable source of knowledge, advice and wisdom, especially for young generation. In our Peace Autograph Collection, which is actually growing, are over 1000 autographed books, musical records, artwork and other artifacts that have been donated by the men and women of achievement from many countries.

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The programme called "The World through the Eyes of Children of X-Country", set up as a medium of exchange for children of Uzbekistan and other countries, enables our community to discover and increase knowledge of different countries, peoples and cultures through the pieces of art created by children from these places. Through children’s art exhibitions we have already introduced France, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Egypt, Taiwan, Tibet, Albania, South Africa, Philippines, Iran, Russia, Malta, Gambia, Belgium... An important part of this project represents the artwork of disabled boys and girls, their fantasy, spirit, aspirations and dreams... On the other hand on a regular basis we make displays of Uzbekistani children’s artworks abroad to let our country and people better known in different parts of the globe. One of our traveling art exhibitions titled “Children’s Dreams from Uzbekistan”, after visiting the USA, Japan, Belgium and France, is currently on show in various provinces of Cuba while the other children’s art display of ours is now in Germany. In March 2005 jointly with Japanese Esperantists we inaugurated a large-scale children’s art exhibition with the motto “Toyota-Samarkand: We’ve been Linked by the Rainbow”. The project was supported by the Mayor Toyota City and in a few months an expo of young artists from Samarkand will be opened in Toyota.

Within the project "Beauty Will Save the World" we organize exhibitions of artists from around the world, featuring the beauty of nature, the beauty of friendship, the beauty of love, the beauty of peace among nations as well as the beauty of individual creativity.

The main focus of the programme "The World of Smiles" is in building a collection of smiles from all over the world in virtually all available visual forms like photographs, paintings, drawings, prints etc. We’d be happy if the participants of this conference will join this project too and send in smile(s) of yourselves and of ALL your dear ones including pets... The age of the participants and the quantity/size of your entries are UNLIMITED. So start ...smiling right away. In fact, it’s not just for fun, but an educational and inspirational programme, one more means of good will communication and peacemaking.

During the Children's Peace and Disarmament Festivals held under the motto: "War is Not a Game. Why Play War Toys? Peace Begins with Me" usually to commemorate the UN Week for Disarmament, the local children are invited to exchange their toy weapons like pistols, rifles, machine-guns, cannons... for paints and pencils, educational books, construction sets and non-violent creative games... This programme seeks to influence the attitudes and values of children, their parents and grandparents towards harmful effects of military and violent toys.

We can mention "The Great Silk Road" project which deals with development and promotion of contacts, bonds of partnerships, collaborations and exchanges between local and foreign specialists in different fields; revitalization of the traditions of this ancient bridge between East and West. We have just hosted in our home town our Italian partners from “Enti Locali per la Pace” from Vicenza province. Within the Marco Polo project they go by two jeep-cars from Italy via Samarkand to China following the footsteps and itinerary of the famous Italian traveler.

Since 1999 every year we organize an environmental campaign "Clean Up the World" as a part of the namesake global action coordinated from Sydney, Australia. A number of local schools, youth centres and communities joined this project, which has become a permanent one.

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The International Friendship Club "Esperanto", operating at the museum, works for promotion of the international language Esperanto and we widely use it as an effective neutral means of international intercourse. Esperanto has been one of the major working languages of our Peace Museum.

Lecture tours on Samarkand and our Peace Museum have also become an important element of our citizen diplomacy activities. During last years suchlike presentations took place in many towns of Korea, Japan, Italy, Germany and France. It gives us an opportunity to establish new contacts and partnerships, to foster friendship and cooperation, to work out joint programs etc. Many of our projects were born during these lectures and meetings. We have just hosted in Uzbekistan a Peace Caravan of Japanese Esperantists. During their 12-days stay in our country we organized many joint community events, exhibitions, presentations, friendship programs in schools etc.

As you see, we try to devote a great deal of emphasis to promoting art and hosting art exhibits since we consider art an important element of the peace process. The art brings together all the best in the world and represents for the man a sample of harmony and perfection of life. Art can withstand war just as harmony can withstand chaos. When the art speaks, the mouth is silent for the truth is looking at us through the art. And where the truth is, no words are needed. That is why the art is really a life-belt for the man passionately rowing in rough waves of the sea of our universe.

One more reason why we devote a great deal of emphasis to the arts is that the language of visual arts is a universal one easily overcoming language barriers and getting the message of peace and harmony to the hearts of people of every nation of the globe. There is also a term "art therapy" - we feel it has a healing and inspirational impact too on human beings. As you might have noticed, we also try to pay a special attention to children's art programs since we believe with Mahatma Gandhi: "If we are to reach real peace in this world… we shall have to begin with the children".

Community resource centre Having proved its viability, the museum serves as a communication resource centre and information service for local community on the global issues and on the activities of the international organizations in promotion of peace and solidarity.

Quite often they ask me: “Why do you believe that a modest, citizen-run organization like your Peace Museum can make a real difference in the world?”. In response, I remind them a wise saying from the Dalai Lama: "If you think you are too small to make a difference, try sleeping with a mosquito". So why should we not believe that we really can change the world to the better? Who said that the world is being moved by the giants? Who said that the rich and the big are simultaneously strong and powerful? The big force has always a big weakness.

Giants are always lacking space in the life, they are less mobile, less flexible and so on. And we are talking about them just because they are visible and too loud. We must not forget that in reality the most big and important in the world is being done silently, go unnoticed whereas all the most insignificant, shallow, false and lifeless happen to be noticeable, loud and obtrusive.

This is also true of the air - the most important source of life. Though unnoticed, we definitely

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feel lack of the air at once by all our essence. We don't notice the health, when we have it, but as soon as we lack it, we start thinking of it. It’s also important to remember that everything large always starts from the small. Where is the large, the small is always present too. The big formations without the small ones are nothing. "The ocean, composed of drops, is great so as the continent is composed of grains of sand" - wrote the great Omar Khaiyam, who, by the way, lived in Samarkand for a while. All is one, one is all - this old wisdom sets us thinking again about the interdependence of the world. That is why, no matter how small our organizations would be, each of them, realizing its activities, brings something unique and new to the world, and enriching it with its own creative energy - the living resources of diversity. Finally we completely share the viewpoint of Margaret Mead: "Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world, indeed it is the only thing that has".

Feedback of the Visitors Pursuing its goal of people’s empowerment, we aim to empower the local community and the foreign visitors with knowledge and understanding of the global challenges that will enable them to think globally and act locally. We can feel the impact of the museum on the visitors also looking through the Guestbook. Just some quotes: “A most interesting and inspiring collection of memorabilia and thoughts from all over the world. My congratulations to the organizers for their relentless work! May the philosophy and spirit of this museum prevail one day!”. “Fascinating, inspiring, encouraging – thank you very much! God bless your work!”. “It is warming my heart to see the fine work you and your friends are doing for the peace on earth”. “Thank you so much for creating this wonderful, inspiring museum.” “A true surprise in the middle of Central Asia. Inspiring and interesting! Thank you”. “Your museum is a lasting impression on us all”. “It’s amazing that in this little corner of the Park in Samarkand there is this wealth of intellect, love and overall collective support for such an important and necessary movement. Peace is something that needs to hit every individual in their heart and then spread outwards.”. “I really enjoyed every exhibit in the museum. Stay the course – this is an incredible vision”.

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In 2004 we signed an Agreement on cooperation with the Museum for World Peace at Ritsumeikan University and we do hope for a fruitful collaboration with this institution as well as with the other peace museums around the world on bi-and multi-lateral level. We should work much more closely with each other in the future, not just meeting at the conferences.

To close my presentation let me quote a message recently sent to our Peace Museum by Brazilian writer Paolo Coelho: “Believe in your dreams and be strong to fight for them with faith.

Each and every one of you have the chance do find peace and joy if you truly believe that life is the great gift God has given us. Everyday we shall win the struggle and, therefore, always be grateful for all that we have accomplished.”

Contact information: International Museum of Peace and Solidarity P. O. Box 76, UZ - 703000 Samarkand Republic of Uzbekistan.

Phone/ Fax: +998 (662) 33 17 53. http://www.civilsoc.org/nisorgs/uzbek/peacemsm.htm http://www.aliaflanko.de/urbo/samarkand/muzeo.html http://peacetur.freenet.uz http://peace.museum.com http://satamikarohm.free.fr/article.php3?id_article=357 E-mail: imps@rol.uz or imps86@yahoo.com (normally for messages in plain TEXT (.txt) format. NO attachments, please).

Vision for effective development The museum has remained to be the very first and the only suchlike peace museum body in the CIS countries and Baltic states. To a very large scale our activities are supported by the voluntary staff and our friends around the world whom we consider to be full and equal "shareholders" of the museum.

We can say that over the past years the museum has succeeded in spreading the culture of peace in the community, but surely it has potential to do much more in the field, to enhance the quality of global and peace education. Due to recent total reconstruction of the Central Recreation Park in Samarkand, now we are seeking new premises for location of our institution.

In future we wish to see our museum significantly expanded, having appropriate space facilities and relevant equipment for development, which will make our work much more effective. The International Peace Autograph Museum, Beauty will Save the World Art Gallery, International Children’s Art Gallery, World of Smiles Hall etc are planned to be set up. Finally we are to establish a more vast and firm foothold at community level, reaching out to more people in the area.

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! SOTH PLAI NGARM “PREVENTING FUTURE GENOCIDE: A VISION FOR PEACE MUSEUM IN CAMBODIA” Abstract Genocide is a crime against humanity which is beyond the parameters of war crime as the perpetrators could choose to prevent it. It is specifically about the tragedy of human lives caused by human action to accomplish political, social or spiritual goals. Genocide is unique from one place to the other. For example, the genocide in Cambodia was different from that in Rwanda or Bosnia. Similarly, each situation has its source and is characterized by its historical evolution in the given context, but all are based on the choice to commit such a crime.

Moreover, every situation can impact on different perspectives and rationales. It depends on the stand point from where we look. The three stages of pre, during and aftermath of genocide; each contain interesting related political dynamics and each stage paradigms a simple but critical question: Before a period of genocide, what are the elements pushing people?

When would have been the effective moment to stop the situation, before it went too far? And when it has already happened, how can we ensure similar experiences never happen again?

For example in Cambodia, politics in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide, any political argument contains power struggle and lacks humanity. Throughout the last 15 years of peace in Cambodia, the question of justice and reconciliation still remains unanswered.

Although, the establishment of an international tribunal for Khmer Rouge leaders is soon to be established; it is far short of ensuring such crimes against humanity will be prevented in the future.

It is my thesis that a well considered peace museum in Cambodia will be an invaluable tool for educating young people with the expressed aim of preventing future genocide. The proposal is to be supported by the reflection on contemporary politics and positions in the process of setting up the International Tribunal for Cambodian Genocide, as well as reflection on national reconciliation by giving priority to healing the past through a process of collective creation of memories or history.

Introduction It is possible to learn from past experience because moral consciousness from committing human slaughter is part of human cognitive development. Genocidal activity is different from the instinctive reaction during a hopeless situation where one has to decide whether to kill or to live. Genocide is crime of destroying or conspiring to destroy human life because of their ethnic, national, racial, or religious identity. Canadian scholars Frank Chalk and Kurt Johansson have identified four main types of genocide. These types can be called:

(1) ideological, (2) retributive, (3) developmental, and (4) despotic. However, any genocide may have characteristics of more than one of these types1.

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According to Dr. Fein Helen, Cambodians experienced ideological type of genocide where those who were killed seen as the threat to the communist regime. Genocide has been a crime under international law since 1951. The International Criminal Court (Headquartered in The Hague, the Netherlands) is the instrument for trial and punishes perpetrators of the crime.

However, the court came into being only on July 1, 2002, after 60 countries ratified the statute.

The universal approach such as international tribunal to address such a crime is only touching the surface of the tragedy, and the mechanism seems to work for some contexts, yet it does not guarantee the lessons are learnt. In order to prevent it from happening again in the future, the world has to ensure genocidal experiences are learnt and applied; therefore, it needs different approaches to fit with different contexts.

After 15 years since the civil war ended, Cambodians are still waiting for the international tribunal of the former Khmer Rouges who committed the crime. A slow process of setting up the trial has created doubt whether Cambodians can achieve any thing beyond just the sake to have it done. This paper is proposing a measure to address at deeper levels the problem not only the result, but also the root cause of conflict by ensuring that lessons from the tragedy is effectively learned at both national and international levels.

It is believed that if we feel the pain, it is more likely that we choose not inflict the pain; peace museum can help educate people. This paper begins by reflecting on the experiences of genocide in Rwanda, Bosnia and Cambodia; particularly the Aftermath genocide, how they are dealt with, and finally explains why a peace museum mechanism can play an important role for future prevention of genocide.

Genocide during 21st century In the late 20th century, it was widely believed that human beings had reached a greater civilization; yet massive human lives were destroyed in the hands of perpetrators. There were genocides happening all over the world and they were in different forms. Rwanda genocide was about conflict in relation to ethnic economic domination with external influence. It was not similar to the one in former Bosnia which was about regional characterising in ethnic religious conflict. On the other hand, the Cambodian genocide was unique as it was about conflict in relation to political ideology reinforced by a rapid social change (backlash of hierarchical systems).

Rwanda In 1959, three years before independence from Belgium, the majority ethnic group in Rwanda, the Hutus, overthrew the ruling Tutsi king. Over the next several years thousands of Tutsis were killed, and some 150,000 were driven into exile in neighbouring countries2. The

1 Fein, Helen, Ph.D. Executive Director, Institute for the Study of Genocide, research associate, Belfer Centre for Science and International Affairs, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University: Genocide, © 1993-2003 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.

2 The first massacres in Rwanda took place in 1959. Thereafter, almost in a regular manner, killings of the Tutsi became a habit. In the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s massacres of Tutsi were common. There are three groups in Rwanda. These are Hutu, Tutsi and Twa. The three groups speak the same language, share the same territory and follow the same traditions. In Rwanda, children of mixed marriages especially between the Hutu and the Tutsi have always been attributed the ethnic group of their father. Social distinctions corresponded to a division of tasks: the Tutsi mainly occupied with cattle raising and the Hutus working the land as farmers. Alain Destexhe, Rwanda and Genocide in the twentieth century (United Kingdom, Pluto Press, 1995), pp.36-37. See also http://www.rwanda1.com, 30 May 2003.

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rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was formed by the young Tutsis in exiles and attempted to invade Rwanda on several occasions between the mid-1960 and 19903.

In 1973 Hutus pursued a coup détat, deposed President Kayibanda from power and a Hutu General, Mr. Habyarimana took over. Subsequently, President Kayibanda and many prominent politicians of the First Republic and Tutsis were killed4. In September and October 1990, between 5,000 to 10,000 exiled Tutsis from the RPF invaded Rwanda in an attempt to regain Tutsi control of the country. In response to the attack by Tutsi rebels, the Rwandan government arrested nearly 10,000 political opponents of the President Habyarimana regime. The conflict, which lasted through 1992, resulted in thousand of deaths. After the negotiation another ceasefire was signed in mid 1992 concluding in a peace accord signed in Arusha, Tanzania in August 19935. Despite the cease-fire agreement between the warring factions, after January 1994, violent demonstrations, killing of political figures, and politically motivated murders of civilians increased sharply.

The systematic mass killing of Tutsi and Hutu political moderates began almost immediately following the death of President Habyarimana. It was believed that the killing was fuelled by radio broadcasts of hate propaganda6. Between April 6 and mid-July 1994, from 800,000 to 1 million people were killed, and up to 2 million persons, predominantly Hutu, fled to neighbouring countries such as Democratic of Congo, Burundi and Tanzania. Another 1 million persons were displaced inside Rwanda. Millions of Rwandans have been traumatized by violence; many have suffered severe injures, lost their homes, and seen family members and friends raped and killed7. The international community failed to intervene despite evidence of planned genocide, and the UN severely reduced its peacekeeping forces after ten Belgian peacekeepers were killed8.

Bosnia In the former Yugoslav republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Muslim community had been the victim of genocide. The Bosnia-Herzegovina's genocide was the intrinsic tragedy that such

3 The RPF was founded in 1979 by Tutsi exiles in Nairobi, Kenya. It was first known as the Rwandan Alliance for National Unity. P. Manikas and K. Kumar, “Protecting Human Rights in Rwanda” in K. Kumar (ed.), Rebuilding Societies After Civil War (Boulder, Co: Lynne Rienner, 1997), p.80.

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a development was morally very disturbing. The unique ideological aspect of ethnic religious discrimination was playing the main role in the anti-Muslim campaign. The assault on the Muslim community happened essentially at the hands of their neighbours, whose intent was to remove the Muslims from the land by whatever means feasibly.

The history of the conflict is little more than a continuation of endemic communal strife in the area. An analyst commented that the situation consisted "only (of) rekindled generations of hatred and atrocities the Serbs, Croats, and Muslims have inflicted on each other since the beginning of history.9” It is perhaps from that many influential civilian and military decision makers who also accepted this historic paradigm, and by doing so, they contributed to shaping their approach as if dealing with the unremitting ethnic strife.

According to the Memorandum, was the "territorial unity of the Serbian people," to be achieved by uniting all the "establishment of the full national integrity of the Serbian people, regardless of which republic or province it inhabits is its historic and democratic right10.

The beginning of the slide into genocide was the period preceding Yugoslavia's disintegration.

It was the period that prepared the ideology; the machinery, and the elements to make ethnic cleansing possible.

For genocide, the development of an ideology is especially significant insofar as a guide and justification are needed. As sociologist Leo Kuper Stresses, "At least when operating collectively, they (perpetrators of genocide) need an ideology to legitimate their behaviour, for without it they would have to see themselves and one another as what they really are common thieves and murderers11.

Ethnic cleansing was followed by the establishment of military control over the cities. This strategy was followed by the imposition of Serbian domination in the countryside. In some areas, as in Trebinje, where the Serb were hard-pressed in the confrontation with Croatians forces, Bosnian Serb authorities at first sought support from local Muslims. When the Muslim's services were no long in need, the Serbian army used brutal violence against them. At the same time the Serbian officials would try to limit access by internal observers, such relief workers, to areas where ethnic cleansing was suspected of taking place. In one incident, the local Serbian military commander even forced the chief of operations of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees to leave at gunpoint, calling him a "secret Muslim"12.

Even if a rump Bosnian state emerges as a result of partition, the consequences of genocide will not be reversed, and the Muslims will likely remain vulnerable. Indeed, many of the

5 “Peace Agreement Between the Government of the Republic of Rwanda and the Rwandan Patriotic Front,” Arusha, 4 August 1993. http://www.usip.org. See also P. Gourevitch, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families: stories from Rwanda (London: Picador, 2000), p.99.

6 The radio station called “Radio-Television Libre des Mille Colline (RTLMC)” began its broadcast in Rwanda in August 1994. Its main financial support was Felicien Kabuga whose daughter was married to the son of Rwanda’s then president, Juvenal Habyarimana. Kabuga is one of the world’s most wanted war crimes suspects. It is believed that he is being hidden in Kenya by a senior official in the government of former President Daniel arap M. Swain “Rwandan ‘terror paymaster’ under protection of Moi aide” Sunday Time, December 22, 2002. See also Melvern, A People Betrayed, p.70.

7 J. Macrae, “Editorial” Disasters, The Journal of Disaster Studies and Management (Overseas Development Institute, Blackwell, Volume 20 No.4, December 1996), p.281.

8 A. Forges, Leave none to tell the story (USA, Human Rights Watch, 1999), p.632. See also P. Manikas and K. Kumar, “Protecting Human Rights in Rwanda”, p.80.

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9

Thomas Butler, "The Ends of History: Balkan Culture and Catastrophe, Washington Post, August. 30, 1992, p.c3

10 The text of the Serbian Memorandum has been published in Boze Covic, ed., lzvori velikosrpske agresije (The Sources of Great Serbian Aggression) Zagreb: Skolska Knjiga, 1991), especially pp. 291-297 11 Leo Kuper, Genocide: Its Political Use in the Twentith Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), p. 84 12 John Pomfret, "Serbs Said to Block Return of Muslims," Washington Post, May 12, 1993, p. A2

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dilemmas which have faced the world community in dealing with genocide in Bosnia Herzegovina will continue not only there but elsewhere in the region13.

Cambodia The Khmer Rouge began its social cleansing for three years (1975-1979). Nearly two million people died, one million of whom were systematically arrested and executed. The other million died of starvation.

Those executed were accused of being former soldiers, professionals, students, capitalists, non-Khmer, pro-Sihanouk, pro-Lon Nol14, pro-Vietnamese, pro-Thai, pro-Western, American, CIA agents and much more deemed by the KR as evil15. People who wore glasses, spoke foreign languages, had soft hands or had the facial features of other ethnic groups were targeted. Of course, as in any conflict, some local cadres also used the possibility to reap personal revenge on personal or family enemies.

The Cambodian genocide can be classified as an act of social vengeance, a backlash against centuries of social injustice. At another level, it was a process of eliminating ideological opposition and organisational enemies16. The Khmer Rouge completely reversed Cambodia’s past, as the low classes, the peasants and labourers became powerful, and the high class and autocracy were destroyed. Everyone was forced to become a farmer and all people had to evacuate the cities and towns17. All urban people were classified as new people subject to reeducation and work camps. Those living in rural areas were known as base people18 who were made leaders and given privileges.

The Khmer Rouge’s policy of extermination was primarily to prevent a return to the old systems and ways which they described as immoral capitalism.

International Tribunals As defined by the United Nations in 1948, genocide has turned out to be difficult to prove.

So far, eight people have been convicted for their role in the Rwandan genocide, one for the war in Bosnia19. The international community, the Security Council and Rwanda’s neighbours were insisting on President Habyarimana's government honouring the Arusha Accords. President

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Habyarimana went to Tanzania for a regional summit where he eventually committed himself to implementing the power-sharing accord signed at Arusha20. On 6 April, on his way back home, his plane was hit by a rocket at 6.30 pm while it was about to land at Kigali Airport21.

Ten years later, much of the physical fabric of the state and the economy has been rebuilt – at times better than it was before. However, the most significant issue in the Rwanda’s society has not been resolved. Achieving justice and reconciliation remains the great challenge for Rwanda.

It is the third and most serious indictment against Mr Milosevic, who has already been charged with other alleged war crimes in Kosovo and Croatia. The trial has been a serious test for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

Recently an international tribunal to trial the top Khmer Rouge leaders has been agreed in Cambodia. While it is currently delayed because of lack of funding it is expected it will go ahead in the next couple of years, and lawyers, judges and translators are already being trained for the process.

It has been 15 years since Cambodia achieved peace; and 25 years since the Khmer Rouge ended, the international court to try the Khmer Rouge is still yet to be established. The UN has allowed all the flexibilities and inconsistencies maneuvered by the Cambodian government. The world wonders why Cambodian people seem not to worry much about justice and are reluctant to push hard on the KR trial. In fact, people are sick of the unremitting political negotiation which prefers political self interest over principles and values. Many Cambodians doubt the ability of a tribunal to bring about justice as many former Khmer Rouge are in power in Phnom Penh today. The trial targets a handful of leaders and in many discussions their sentencing will be the process to finally achieving justice for Cambodians. Yet for so many people this process can never be the key to justice and reconciliation.

Genocide affects people in so many ways; court cases only scratch the surface of their pain. As described in the book on Working With Conflict:

One blockage that is often underestimated lies in the trauma and hurt that all of us carry from the past: the personal and collective experience of distress, loss, pain, and perhaps violence. While this is true for all people, it is clearly most devastating and lasting in situations of war and genocide22.

Healing and Reconciliation

13 Cigar, N. Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of "Ethnic Cleansing", Texa A&M University Press, USA, 1995, P. 3 14 Lon Nol was the president of Khmer Republic who led the country from 1970-75.

Retribution to justice can be done with healing and reconciliation. This requires long term intervention to address both emotional and social being. There is still strong adversarial feeling

15 D.P. Chandler, Op.Cit., 2000.

16 D. Chandler, Voices from S21 – Terror and History in Pol Pot’s Secret Prison, Allen and Unwin, St Leonards, 2000.

17 Ben Kiernan, The Pol Pot regime: Race, Power and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-79, Yale University, USA, 1996, pp. 39-47.

18 Ben Kiernan, ibid, Table 4, p. 458.

19 Analysis: Defining genocide, Monday, 10 December, 2001, 17:47 GMT http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1701562.stm

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20 In the March issue of local newspaper, Kangura ran the headline “Habyarimana will die in March” The article explained that Habyrimana “would not be killed by a Tutsi but by a Hutu bought by the cockroaches” In the past, Tutsis were known in Rwanda as inyenzi, which means cockroaches. P Gourevitch, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families: stories from Rwanda, p.108.

21 L. Melvern, A People Betrayed: The role of the West in Rwanda’s genocide (USA, Zed Books Ltd, 2000), p.115.

22 S. Fisher et al, Working With Conflict: Skills and Strategies for Action, Responding To Conflict, UK, 2000, p. 6.

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among politicians that imply wide spread social resentment of the past. In a classic example the former King of Cambodia Norodom Sihanouk requested the remained skulls and bones of victims would be cremated, so that their spirits could be freed from hurtful memory to be reborn in new life according to Buddhist tradition. Prime Minister Hun Sen's view was that it was an attempt to destroy the evidence. Either common people or leaders should be interested in the real process of healing the past and educating future generations about the causes of such societal violence.

Soe of the big questions facing Cambodians include how we can write a common history without provoking the past conflict? How can every Cambodian tell about their true experience without fear? Peace Museums have imbedded many ways that these questions can be answered.

Peace Museum as Mechanism for preventing future genocide The practical idea of a Peace Museum can become an effective tool to educate people about the sources of violence, conflict and war. While the fundamental goal of the international tribunal is to prevent future genocide it can not be guaranteed as for most people the process is far removed from their everyday life and experience. Further such a tribunal is not interpreted for young people in a way they can understand and engage, and thereby know about their parent's past; and consider their own future. These aims are outside the realm of such a tribunal.

In the Cambodian school system one page of the history text book is devoted to the Khmer Rouge genocide. It is basic information primarily stating dates, leaders' names and the number of dead. There is no explanation for the violence, no understanding of why poor people would rise up in such a way, and no description of the hundreds of years of injustices and oppression of 'lower caste' peasant peoples. In fact Australian schools teach more about Cambodian genocide then Cambodian ones.

Even if such text books were to condemn the inhuman acts of violence it is not sufficient as an explanation. Cambodian children deserve to know why, when they travel abroad, Cambodia is well known for its temples and better known for its past genocide.

It is not just the education system to blame. Many of us, who suffered during that period, have found it easier to move forward in our lives by not mentioning the past. It is too painful to remember and at times to recall the past has meant we revealed our own particular political preferences and therefore was not safe to discuss. Even my own children know only sections of my own story. As people who lived through that period of history we have not found it easy to explain to the next generation.

Therefore an educational approach is required. A proper, well organized peace museum can in fact help educate Cambodian young people about their country's past, in a way that motivates them to seek a more peaceful future. Further it can provide space for those who have not come to terms with our own past to heal our memories. It can be a place of meeting, story telling, remembering, understanding, explanations, forgiveness and letting go. It can help to explain to the rest of the world - to tourists and visiting diplomats and politicians how and why such violence comes about, and how they might prevent future acts in other parts of the world.

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- how could we allow such things to happen. We need mechanisms to understand, and then to see also our own successes. How we have survived that era, and now have made remarkable steps forwards for peace despite our deep, dark trauma. A peace museum can be a way for us to celebrate our efforts as well as explain and remember our pain.

Vision for Peace Museum in Cambodia We have a vision to establish a Peace Museum in Battambang, a north western province in Cambodia. Battambang was a notorious battlefield throughout the eighties and remains riddled with the legacies of the conflict - landmines, unexploded ordinances and people traumatized by the decades of violence. Battambang town, despite being Cambodia's second largest city has been marginalized by political elites in Phnom Penh, and today needs a source of healing.

Our plan to establish such a centre in Battambang is to begin with a very small but practical exhibition of periodic and thematic pictures, memorable remnants of wars and artifacts. We will begin the collection of material with a small group of volunteers, invite for general contribution from individuals and community and host an exhibition of preserved memories. More importantly it will display explanations of what led up to the years of genocide - the Angkorian Gods kings, the Hindu-Buddhist wars, the rise and fall of the Khmer empire, French colonial rule, the Royalist dictatorship, the American carpet bombing, and finally the communist uprising culminating in genocide.

Once the explanation of history has been made, it will document and display the tragedy of the war years, not just the Khmer Rouge history, but also the ten years of civil war and Vietnamese rule, the international isolation of Cambodia leading to the 'starving Kampuchean' phenomena and finally the political factions fighting at the negotiation table.

And the museum will go one step further. It will then highlight the significant efforts made at peace. The role of international community at brokering ceasefires, the Paris Peace Accords, the UN run elections and most significantly the peoples own efforts as healing the past and carving out the future. In this respect, we have already started this work by putting together a collection of peace posters produced by civil society organizations, to show how people have organized themselves and have been active the area of peace education.

The main target groups of the museum will include the general public, schools and students and importantly tourists. Many tourists visit Cambodia to see the Angkorian temples, and also to learn about the Khmer's past tragedy. Yet, in existing facilities, they are offered simplistic explanations of how the Cambodian genocide came about and little reason to believe in humanity.

Current representations of the Khmer Rouge leave visitors feeling Cambodians are animals.

They are provided no explanation of the context to such violence, and thus little understanding how such violations can be prevented in the future.

This Cambodian museum, in Battambang will extend itself to network with other peace museums, academic institutions and we look forward to an ongoing relationship with this international network of peace museums, as the museum develops and establishes itself.

But finally and perhaps most importantly it can help to transform the attitudes and feelings Cambodians have about ourselves. We are not proud of our past, we often question ourselves

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“TOWARDS COMMUNITY PEACE AND JUSTICE MUSEUMS OF CANADA” This concept statement examines resources that give reasons for making of Community Peace and Justice Museums in Canada. These resources are embedded in community histories and are also part of the Canadian living traditions that reflect on the national character. The ethos of the Canadian society is its unifying national fabric of multiple indigenous, community and ethnic societies living in a nation that is also one of the least militaristic in the Northern Hemisphere. It was reported in the International Network of Peace Museums, Newsletter No.15 (2002:Bradford,England) that Canada leads the world in having the most peace sites.

SULTAM SOMJEE

The directory of world peace museums lists three types of Peace Museums. One type is developed to commemorate and learn from an event of violence and injustice. Peace Museums of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan are examples of such museums. Another type celebrates personalities who worked in mediation and for non-violence. Museums in this category include the Gandhi Museums in South Africa and India. There is also a Peace Museum on the life of Albert Lutuli in South Africa. The third type is a peace museum that celebrates organizations and groups of people who have stood for peace. The League of Nations Museum, founded in 1946 in Geneva and the Nobel Peace Prize Museum to be opened this year in 2005 in Oslo, are listed in this category. The Peace Palace and Library in The Hague, founded in 1913, is a home for the International Court of Justice, the Permanent Court of Arbitration and The Hague Academy of International Law. Since 1999 it has become the home of a museum on International Law and the International Court.

Ph D (McGill University, Montreal) Anthropology and Education in the Arts. (Dean’s Honour).

For mention see http://www.education.mcgill.ca/herald/Mar12-2003.html 2001 UN recognition: Unsung Hero of Dialogue among Civilizations. http://www.un.org/Dialogue/heroes.htm Founder: Community Peace Museums Foundation (Kenya).

Founder member: Asian African Heritage Trust (Kenya) and Exhibition curator (http://www.museums.or.ke/asian_african.html) Awarded Cultural Ambassador of Peace by the Interfaith Committee of Slums of Nairobi after initiating reconciliation dialogues and healing based on traditions following ethnic massacres.

(August, 2002).

Many Peace Museums in Europe and Asia were started after the First and Second World Wars. These houses have documents and artefacts that pertain to negotiation procedures and treaties between nations for allocations and reallocations of large land areas and resources.

They also house collections of objects that are reminders of the violence of war and to the gradual processes of bringing peace through displays that evoke dialogue. Peace Museums are places for recollection, healing and paying tribute to those personalities, organizations and groups of people who fought against war in midst of wars and strived for mediation and dialogue under difficult circumstances. There are peace museums in Belgium, Italy, Viet Nam, Switzerland, Kenya, Uzbekistan and Germany that draw on the character of their national experiences. More recently one such a museum gallery was opened in Bradford in England. The new European Museum for Peace in Stadtschlaining aims to present global perspectives for peace, dialogue and reconciliation. The first Peace Museum in the world was opened in Lucern (Switzerland) in 1902 and in 2002 it celebrated the hundredth anniversary of its opening. (This museum however, did not survive World War I).

Introduction

Community Peace and Justice Museums of Canada: A Vision

Peace and Justice Museums seek to give importance to personalities, organizations and communities that recount and valorise experiences and values of justice and peace that the human societies through mistakes and trials, struggles and sacrifices, and most importantly through dialogue continue to aspire for. Constitutions of nations and Human Rights documents enshrine this aspiration.

Canada does not have Peace and Justice Museums. Nevertheless in Canada there are vast resources to build on for making of these museums. For example there is a large countrywide collection of peace artefacts that testify to an all-embracing community rooted practice of mediation, traditions of dialogue and non-violence reflecting on a celebrated historical foundation of making of the Canadian values. Many Canadian Museums are a testimony to this tradition.

There are approximately two million artefacts in Canadian Museums collected over centuries that can be sorted out and among them many can be identified as items of material culture for peace, dialogue, reconciliation and justice. Wampum belts of the First Nations are an example as are the peace pipes, bird feathers and personal possessions of Aboriginal chiefs who led major negotiation rites and peace treaties. The sacred stone known as the Manitou Stone in Alberta reflects on veneration of symbols of beauty, spirituality and peace. Material culture of eminent personalities and pioneer communities engaged in building peace and social

About the author

The international directory of Peace Museums published by UN (1998: Geneva) includes centres that exhibit material culture of peace, pictures, documents that tell the story of peace building, freedom, individual and community endeavours for dialogue for justice and human rights. One example is the World Centre for Peace, Freedom and Human Rights at Verdun in France that was founded in 1994 and another is the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, USA that was founded in 1991.

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justice against odds of war and injustice can also be regarded as peace artefacts when they tell stories of non-violence and quest for social justice.

Aboriginal experience Currently Canada is engaged is correcting injustices against native peoples. Enormous learning experiences on cultural identity, land rights and citizenship are gathered in these processes of redressing historical wrongs. Today cases are heard in courts and out of courts relating to abuse in Indian Residential Schools, loss of culture and alienation of the Aboriginals from their environment. Land Rights Treaties are reviewed and re-negotiated with great concern and details. In the final analysis what is achieved is restoration of social justice and this adds to a clearer articulation and statement on Canadian citizenship and the practice of the Constitution and Canadian Human Rights Charter.

The on-going procedures and documentation make a natural link to earlier Canadian historical documents since the coming of the European pioneers. There are important treaties and legal documentation testifying to conferences over land and resources between Aboriginals and the first settlers and colonizers. Documents and conferences remembered in collective memories need greater public exposure and closeness to shed more light on concerns over cultural identity, justice and citizenship. Healing ceremonies are publicly conducted. The large public Sweat House will be opened in Winnipeg this year. Observances of healing processes towards correcting and learning from the past have released a tremendous amount of well researched knowledge that is a resource for not only Canada but the world at large where there are indigenous peoples in the forests, mountains, deserts and grasslands who share parallel experiences of colonialism and governance lacking in democracy and concern for minority wellbeing. The Canadian experience in rectifying an injustice such as the ratification process of the Nisga’a treaty in B.C. is a world precedent equal to only the Waitangi Case (New Zealand) in Human Rights and justice that is useful to regions where injustices against indigenous peoples committed due to colonial policies as well as post-colonial disregard of their presence.

Eminent personalities and the State There have also been eminent personalities in Canadian history who are known internationally as peacemakers. One such a personality is Lester Bowles Pearson who received the Nobel Prize for Peace. In keeping with this tradition Canadian statesmen and women today are involved as mediators in helping nations in Asia, Middle East and Africa to end violence and find peaceful solutions to conflicts. These civil servants represent a living Canadian heritage at sites of long standing wars abroad. Canadian officials are known to develop good relations on both sides of the divide so as to be able to play a bridging role. This has been the case in parts of Africa and the Middle East where Canadian diplomats are working with Israeli and Palestinian leaders.

However the State’s involvement in conflict resolution in the international area is little known to the public at home. The connecting link would be an access through public displays of

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material from Canadian past and present towards world peace that would gain popular support for foreign policy. For example today the Canadian government generally takes a no-war position as a peace nation as it was recently seen in the war in Iraq. The National Peacekeeping Monument in Ottawa, constructed in 1992, celebrates Canada’s prominent and pioneering role in the United Nations peacekeeping operations in the 1980s when there was little participation on the ground from other nations in the UN peacekeeping efforts. In 1988 the UN received the Nobel Peace Prize. For many years Canada has offered asylum to those persecuted because of their opinions and freedom of expression. The impressive white marble Reparation Monument to the Victims of Genocide in Montreal that was erected on the 83rd anniversary of the Armenian genocide in 1912 is a statement on Canada’s stand on violence due to racial, religious and ethnic differences and acceptance of refugees of such violence. In 1972 Canada accepted 7000 Asian African refugees who comprised a minority group in Uganda. Two of the major government development agencies in Ottawa namely, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and IDRC, support peace and conflict resolution programmes in developing countries. These state agencies reflect Canada’s foreign policy. This aspect of Canada’s history and policies need greater national visibility for citizens to be better informed and understand Canada’s role in sustaining peace abroad while also strengthening plural cultures of dialogue; integration and peace at home.

Spiritual communities At another level there are Canadian communities of many faith cultures (e.g. Mennonites, Dukhobors, Bahai, Jains, Buddhists and Quakers) who have histories of community engagement in spreading the message of non-violence. These communities are currently involved in communityto-community work for peace in Canada as well as in parts of Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America. Their role in finding solutions through negotiations and dialogues at home and globally is well recognized internationally and bodies such as the UN have given them office spaces at their headquarters to increase their own capacities for peaceful ways of ending disputes. These Canadian communities are a credit to the nation’s heritage of peace. They have developed extensive networks of committed individuals and groups engaged in building peace from the remote tribal lands of the Himalayas to the highlands of the Philippines and cities of South Africa, the Middle East and South America. The peace theme runs through their development projects which are supported by community resources for better security as well as health, agriculture, relief, small-scale business training and fair trade.

Recent immigrants to Canada such as Tibetans who practice non-violence as principle of their daily life brace the peace mosaic of Canada. Immigrants bring diverse heritages of peace as well as civic and community values from Europe, Africa, Asia and South America to Canada but they are often not linked at the level of sharing cross-cultural practices that would enhance Canadian integration, citizenship and ethics. Peace Museums help to bond and appreciate shared values and responsibilities of societies whose origins are as diverse as different languages they speak. Their family and community histories receive better understanding and appreciation

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through documentation and preservation of memories and oral testimony that they bring along with them in form of family albums, scared literature, family stories, ethnic clothing and artefacts that add importance to the ethos of a wider pluralist Canadian citizenry. Peace Museums in European and Asian countries have played this role of connecting communities to communities who work on mediation, dialogue, justice and peace.

of military and dictatorships at home. This is the mettle of the Diaspora in Canada that connects to the continents of Africa, Europe, Asia and South America in its spirit and strength for democratic governance and just societies. In fact the Third World Diaspora in Canada today represents the movement for change for world peace and justice, a potential that has yet to be networked and manifested.

The Third World Diaspora in Canada

Canadian Community Museums

There is a large Third World Diaspora of immigrants to whom Canada is home. The Diaspora that maintains its cultural identity and often dual citizenships holds approaches for world peace.

The nucleus for this is seen in the initiatives taken by the diasporic communities with other Canadians (e.g. Canadian Sudan Civil Society Peace Building Initiative, Friends of Burma, NorthSouth Institute, Solidarity Committee for Ethiopian Political Prisoners-Canada). Historically the Third World Diaspora in capitals of imperial Europe played a significant role in shaping nationalism and freedom from colonial rule. Leopold Senghor, the writer-politician of Senegal who had a strong influence in fashioning African esteem emerged from it. Jomo Kenyatta and Kenneth Kaunda like Gamel Nasser and Kwame Nkrumah were able to articulate freedom from racism and colonialism in England.

The nearest reference to well-organized collections of immigrants’ material culture is found in community museums of Canada. The Dukhobors who run a beautiful community museum that displays among other things, their history and principles of non-violence, are said to have received support of Leo Tolstoy around 1900. There are Mennonite Museums in the prairies that record and display a people’s history of escapes, exiles, persecutions, travels and settlements in the new land in hope of peace. They demonstrate alternatives to war like negotiation and joint community efforts for local welfare. There are other independent organizations such Project Ploughshares that have a long history of peace building through exhibiting objects.

Emanating from these social values, many young Canadian volunteers travel to different parts of the world sharing their rural provincial experiences with other cultures and also simultaneously learning from and expanding their unique heritage at home with richness of human values gleaned from different cultural contexts abroad. It is on this growing foundation of Canadian life and practice of enlarging ethics of humanity that a wider national culture of peace can be realized out of but also beyond enclosures of family and small community knowledge bases.

Peace Museums in Germany, Japan, Spain and multi-ethnic Africa as in other parts of the world have helped to bring together hitherto unknown and certainly unconnected living peace traditions of a diverse national population.

Diasporic cultures maintain the characteristic nostalgia of being uprooted and becoming a vacuum allowing empty spaces for transgressing into other uprooted global Diaspora cultures of the old empires and new revolutions and dictatorships. This Diaspora nurtures multicultural Canadian intellectuals, artists and a civil society where education and citizenship foster values for peace and justice in democratic and protected structures of the provincial and federal laws.

Canadian advantage Immigrants of colour have been arriving in Canada in steady flows of asylum seekers and refugees since the time of the wars of American independence when black slaves began to come to Canada looking for sanctuary, hope and work. The B.C. Punjabi Sikh community arrived more than a century ago and have had to maintain consistent claim for equal civil rights as other citizens. In August 2003 the hundred year old Sikh gurudwara in Abbotsford, BC was proclaimed a national heritage site of Canada. The proclamation reflects on Canada’s acknowledgment of the Sikh community’s struggle for civil rights and in that is contained a symbolic statement on the diversity of religions and cultures that add value to an equal and just society. For decades the Government of Canada and Japanese Canadians who were treated unjustly during the last World War, were engaged in dialogue of reconciliation and justice. Later the Government apologized for unfair treatment of Japanese Canadians and paid compensation.

In 20th century there came asylum seekers who were opposed to colonialism, wars and communism from many countries of Eastern Europe, Russia and Asia. They also came as refugees from ethnic conflicts and many represented voices of democracy against unjust rules

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Canada as a peace nation has several other advantages. For example Canada recognizes unique peace events annually. One such an event occurs on the 4th of July every year as the day of planting of the peace tree in Ottawa by Guatemalan writer, José Recinos. Such events are made possible by peace groups and organizations, which need a greater national acknowledgement. In Canada there are many peace organizations comprising a broader civil society work for peace. The Canadian Alliance for Peace and the Peace Brigade International Canada (nominated for the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize) are two of the many others. J.R.Bennett’s remarkable directory of peace organizations, programmes, museums and monuments in North America (London:2001) lists Canadian 160 entries. Also needing national recognition are peace educators of Canada. Not many know that Canada is today one of the frontline countries for advancement of Peace Education. Linda Covit’s Caesura memorial in Montreal stands on 12,700 war toys given by Canadian children to be buried as an act of their objection to violence and expenditure on the military. There is an active association of peace educators of Canada that is one of the best organized and committed to teaching peace to younger generations. Such

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efforts of citizens to keep peace traditions alive by teaching them and keeping the spirit going need national acclaim and support.

Far back into history we find records of peace and reconciliation customs of Inuit and First Nations which manifest in their rituals, environmental knowledge and spirituality. They are a testimony to the character and spirit of the land and its history, culture and values of relationship building and hospitality that were first shaped by working the land and creating communities who hosted the first European pioneers. The collective peace heritage of Canada comprising ancient knowledge of Aboriginals, and that of earlier and later immigrants embody a wealth of wisdom learned from life experiences of families and individuals who provide a natural base to build uniquely Canadian Peace and Justice Museums. In all it will bear witness to the country’s image in affirmation of its identity as a peace nation striving for social justice at community levels first.

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References:

Peace Museums Worldwide (Directory of Peace Museums), UN Geneva, 1998.

Published by League of Nations Archives, Geneva, in association with the Dept. of Peace Studies, University of Bradford.

International Network of Peace Museums, Newsletter No.15 October 2002.

Peter van den Dungen (Ed) published by Give Peace a Chance, Bradford UK. Website references: Peace Directory of Canada: http://www.acp-cpa.ca/peacedirect(E).htm Canadian Peace Alliance: http://www.acp-cpa.ca/CPAmainEnglish.htm

Conclusion The Community Peace and Justice Museums of Canada will draw from the heritages of cultural and spiritual diversities that this land nurtures as a montage of multi-ethnic and multifaith nation founded on hospitality that was offered by the First Nations and Inuit people which is celebrated today at Thanksgiving every year. It will give visibility and understanding of culture of peace and social justice in Canada today and its historical evolution through displays of material culture and environmental symbols telling stories of beliefs that brought varied communities to this land of natural beauty. It will strengthen family and community based humanistic learning enhancing Canadian civic values and sense of citizenship.

The museums will be resource centres supporting research and civic education for the provincial and national curricula as well as activities for social justice and non violence at home and abroad. There will be places of creating awareness where communities will be encouraged to participate and commemorate their collective memories of how peace and justice was desired in their first homelands in spite of violence of religious intolerance, wars, poverty and persecutions that many tried to escape from. This is the story of the great Canadian migration over the last centuries. Their histories will be witnessed as histories of families in pursuit of peace and coming to Canada to build a country that accepts dual citizenships and multiple cultures into its variety of national life styles. Today there are a few universities and numerous Canadian civil society organizations engaged in research and activities to help sustain nonviolent approaches to resolution of conflicts in different parts of the world. Community based Peace and Justice Museums of Canada will be guided by values held important by manifold perspectives from pioneer and recent culturally plural immigrant experiences that rest on ancient spirituality of the First Nations, Metis and Inuit people who respect life and mother earth symbolised by care of her sacred waters, mountains, forests and all life.

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! GUNILA CEDRENIUS

“ALMOST AS LONG AS THE PAX ROMANA: A VISION OF THE FUTURE SWEDISH PEACE MUSEUM AT UPPSALA CASTLE”

GUNILA CEDRENIUS

And what do we find? Well, a fantastic museum landscape with the Castle as a nodal point, right at the centre of things.

“ALMOST AS LONG AS THE PAX ROMANA: A VISION OF THE FUTURE SWEDISH PEACE MUSEUM AT UPPSALA CASTLE” INTRODUCTION

Here we see the University library, the cathedral, the county museum, the museum devoted to the famous Swedish artist Bror Hjorth, and a brand new children’s museum. The Castle already houses Uppsala Art Gallery.

What could be better than the Art Gallery sharing a joint visitor entrance with a Peace & War Museum, at the absolute hub of the Uppsala museum landscape?

The first Swedish Peace & War Museum is still a dream. The idea, is not so much a matter of establishing a museum for peace as strengthening the significance of a famous castle as a historical attraction.

I think those who took the initiative have got it right: the former County Governor (Mrs AnnCathrine Haglund) and the Director of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation (Olle Nordberg), in

So, we find our Renaissance Castle up on the boulder-ridge which ends in the town. It’s quite hard work getting there, and if you are old you probably won’t make it.

It would therefore be good if a regular bus service stopped near the entrance. We’re working on it!

tandem with a newly created Peace Museum Association.

Up on the top you will get a closer view of the Castle –rather different compared with the They have altered the theme and emphasised the fact that the Swedes have had and

perspective from the city centre.

extremely long period of peace – creating a different attitude to war as compared with other countries. The Peace Museum Association is now working on a museum concept which will

Far away on the flat country around, you can see the imposing silhouette of the Castle from

make this vision come true. Now I’m going to give the floor – or actually, the screen – to one

almost all points of the compass… . Nowadays we see it in terms of advertising value! To the

of the members of the working team.

west are the Botanical Gardens, which Linnaeus revived in the middle of the 18th century. And this area is still the focal point of student festivities on Walpurgis Night, to celebrate the coming

Speakertexta

of spring, though at other times of year it is deserted and forgotten.

Speltid: 6.49 Running time: 6.49

The Castle, however, continues as the residence of the County Governor, with a banqueting hall and the Art Gallery in the South Wing.

FILMSCRIPT

What we have done in the project group is to create a theme for this magnificent building, its position and potential.

Good morning, everyone! This is Magnus Silfverhielm, and he is the architect in the working team for a Peace Museum at Uppsala Castle in Sweden. He says, “Establishing a Peace & War

In the basement of the South Wing is a suite of rooms which could be reached by an

Museum at Uppsala Castle and finding a niche for it has kept me and the whole team busy

extended lift shaft. These ancient vaulted rooms are more than 400 years old – some have

under the leadership of Gunilla Cedrenius.

earth floors and some are tiled. A real museum experience!

Now I’m going to tell you a bit about my thinking as an architect. First we need to take a bird’s eye view of Uppsala

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But there’s snag with access. If we are all to enter the museum together -young and old, babies and children, and handicapped people- the main entrance will have to be built through

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the only available door in the courtyard. I am therefore suggesting the idea of a beautifully designed ramp, which will both attract the public and make want to know more about what is

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If the city, the university, the church, and the military could be persuaded to support an idea which would increase the cultural potential of the fourth largest town in Sweden.

inside.

At this point you go into the museum complex and buy a ticket to look at the art collection, or walk down to the basement and visit, for example, the exhibition of the Swedish UN Peacekeeping Troops, put together in cooperation with the Peace Berets of Sweden, which has over 8000 members.

We can also find out about the life of the former Secretary General of the UN (United Nations), Dag Hammarskjöld.

He was the son of the County Governor, and grew up at Uppsala Castle. In my mind’s eye I can see him sneaking around out of curiousity in the dark boiler room, discovering the world –as all kids do.

What we have done to make the basement as effective as possible is to open up passages between the rooms, then we can get access to a series of exhibitions with keywords like: Memory; Peace; The Congo; Swedish Peace History; Peacekeeping Actions; Dag Hammarskjöld; and a room to be known as Who Cares? It will be a room for discussion of current topics of interest. This will not be for the students, pensioners or middle-aged women who usually make up the most dedicated museum visitors. It will be for young people who are concerned about these matters, but also disorientated, both in time and the community in general, those the Police and Social workers have called to our attention. Everyone needs and arena. So why not call it, Who Cares?!

Facts, figures and artefacts will be presented in this potential basement level area. Some of the rooms have windows and daylight, while others are dark –with the perfect atmosphere for dramatic stories and events. From a Swedish point of view the UN mission in the Congo of the Sixties is one such experience. It was in Africa, too, that Dag Hammarskjöld met his death. These and many other things might well be revealed in the museum.

Peace and War is the name we have given the museum in this, the first phase. And that will do!

If it could be made attractive to all categories in society If the public transport authorities are willing to change their routes in order to bring as many visitors as possible to this fine museum landscape

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! PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN University of Bradford. General Coordinator of the International Netowork of Museums for Peace “NOBEL PEACE CENTER, OSLO” In a few weeks, a major new peace museum will be opened in Oslo: the Nobel Peace Center.

In fact, because of the urgent work associated with its impending opening, our good friend and colleague from the Norwegian Nobel Institute, Anne C. Kjelling, who has participated in the four previous conferences of the International Network of Peace Museums, regrettably is being prevented from joining us here in Gernika and report on the new Center. However, she has kindly made available for conference participants an attractive brochure which briefly describes the Center (How can we contribute to peace? Welcome to the Nobel Peace Center, opening in Oslo on 11 June 2005!).

It may be surprising to learn that it has taken so long for such a Center to be established in the city where, since 1901, the Nobel peace prize has been awarded. Visitors to the Norwegian capital interested in this subject could of course visit the Norwegian Nobel Institute in the city centre and admire the elegant building. Inside, the visitor would see the famous library, and when lucky also the room where the Norwegian Nobel Committee meets, surrounded by the official portraits of all the peace laureates.

“NOBEL PEACE CENTER, OSLO”

PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN

initially as a Peace Prize Museum, references to 'Museum' and 'Prize' were subsequently abandoned, and a more general name, the Nobel Peace Center, was adopted. This reflects the fact that, early on, it was decided that no traditional museum with artefacts was envisaged, but a different kind of facility. Also, it was agreed that its scope should not be confined to the peace prize laureates but should also encompasses wider issues concerning peace and conflict today.

The Center has chosen for an artistic interpretation of its subject, and for communicating the message of peace in a new way. Given the resources and expertise at the disposal of the Center, and also given the worldwide prestige of the Nobel peace prize, the world is entitled to look forward to a first-class, inspiring and empowering new kind of peace museum (much as some of us may regret the absence of traditional artefacts. In this respect, the Center seems to have ignored one of the key insights of Johan Galtung, the Norwegian founding father of modern peace research and conflict resolution, who argues that often the best way forward is not to think in terms of 'either/or', but rather adopt a more comprehensive and inclusive 'and/and'). No doubt, several peace museum directors and peace educators present here will be looking forward to an early opportunity to visit the Center.

Just as the world continues to be inspired by the Nobel peace laureates, there are good reasons to hope that the world of peace museums will be inspired by the Nobel Peace Center.

And, if we are lucky, it could well be that one day Oslo will be the venue for one of next conferences of the International Network of Peace Museums.

Together, these laureates - whether individuals or institutions - provide an impressive record of the peace ideas, efforts, and achievements of the 20th century and the early years of the 21st century. Anyone who is interested in the recent history of peace, and in the question of what it means to be a peacemaker, will find in the collective biographies of the laureates an excellent, and inspiring, introduction.

In order to document their lives and activities in an attractive manner for a wide public, there were expectations during the concluding years of the 20th century that a Nobel Peace Prize Museum would open its doors in 2001, as part of the celebrations of the centenary of the prize. However, such hopes proved to be premature, and the long-expected public visitor institution will now be opened on 11th June. This year, 2005, sees another important anniversary since it was in 1905 that the peaceful separation of Norway and Sweden came about. Theopening of the Nobel Peace Center is therefore part of the celebrations in Norway marking the 100th anniversary of Norwegian independence. The presence of the monarchs and prime ministers of both countries during the opening ceremony is indicative of the high profile of the new Center.

Its realisation has been made possible through the cooperation with the Norwegian Nobel Committee of the Norwegian government which in 2000 decided to make the historical railway station located in the heart of the city available to the Committee. The government also provided for the restoration of the building and its transformation into a Nobel Peace Center. Conceived

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! LUCETTA SANGUINETTI

”PROPOSAL FOR TWO NEW PEACE MUSEUMS IN ITALY. HYPOTHESIS OF A PEACE MUSEUMS NATIONAL NETWORK AS A TERRITORIAL AIMED STRATEGY. RESEARCH AND THEORETIC THINKING”

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Planning hypothesis Italy still lacks a real Peace Museum.

”PROPOSAL FOR TWO NEW PEACE MUSEUMS IN ITALY. HYPOTHESIS OF A PEACE MUSEUMS NATIONAL NETWORK AS A TERRITORIAL AIMED STRATEGY. RESEARCH AND THEORETIC THINKING” This work begins by a study of realities that have already enacted the Peace Museum idea worldwide, and by analysis of sociological motivations that have determined their evolution and their stamp left on the territory . Especially the case of Japan has been examined, since roughly half the Peace museums of the world are actually located in Japan.

The theoretic reasoning proceeds by defining three models of Peace Museums, each one then subdivided into two sub-models that are differentiated by their location and aim.

The suggestion is to reach the planning for two twin museums for peace, in two absolutely different locations and situations, one in the north, the other in the south of Italy. The museums are meant to become the driving-force behind the gradual building of a national territorial network that would be able to connect with the World Peace Museums Network.

The two museums are designed to have an international valency. Each of them will have a specific slant that will belong respectively with the second and third model: political and cultural for the museum in the north and strategic for the one in the south1.

The location of the project for the twin museums will be two small towns: Collegno, in Piedmont, six kilometers from Turin, and Bovalino, in Calabria, twelve kilometers from Locri.

Although they both are provincial towns, they are very close to important regional districts.

Both museums will refer to a reality of towns for peace: Collegno has completed several steps in order to become a town for peace and has been declared as such; Bovalino, on the other hand, must be stimulate to become a town for peace, because it needs to face facts of 'ndrangheta (the Calabrian mafia) – commonly held to be the main obstacle to social and economic take off in the region: the project will help the town to bring the Mafia issue to the open, making it visible, comprehensible and therefore potentially "recoverable".

The suggestion includes a peace twinning of the two towns, whose aim is to create exchange and solidarity links between the two communities, so that the actual task of building the two museums would proceed in parallel. The creativity and the participation in co-operating to the task would take advantage of differences in social and territorial situations, thereby resulting in mutual enrichment.

The reflection that ensues leads us to a deeper awareness of the functions that Peace Museums must perform in their territory and the goals they must strive to achieve, as the enactment of a particular network strategy, beginning from the concept of INTERNATIONAL MUSEUM: Peace museums can be considered international, when: are able to attract visitors from all over the world, thanks to the powerful way in which they express the values they carry;operate a continuous exchange with other peace Museums from different places, coordinating various research projects and study objectives, international actions and campaigns, demonstrations, traveling exhibitions and joint initiatives; take upon themselves with ever growing awareness the task of developing the network on a national level, creating the conditions for the birth of new national museums; create synergies with small local museums with which they are connected as “diffused museum”.

A national network must be composed of at least one international museum for each model and of a national museum for each region, all of them surrounded by a crowd of small local museums.

The international network will promote and support the forming of new national networks where they do not already exist. The aim is to cover the globe with an increasingly thick and active network of peace museums.

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Shared Museological Planning Carrying out a series of preparatory actions designed to involve a grater number of people over the territory will be an important part of the task, as well as initiatives for interaction between the local communities, associations and designers, leading to open, flexible and constructive dialogue.

The process that leads to the definition of the course of action will be in itself a “peace journey”, towards creative co-operation in identifying the message, involvement, ideas and participation in searching evidence and objects.

Preparatory meetings and initiatives for schools, politicians, societies, churches and ethnic minorities will endeavour to clarify the key elements: the meaning of a peace museum its function, its contents, the message it should carry.

1 The hypothesis goes outside the actual operative proposal, but it would nevertheless be very interesting to envisage a subsequent designing stage jointly with a museum belonging to the first model. The already existing “Museo della risiera di San Sabba”, for instance, could be very appropriate to the memorial model and might be expanded as a peace museum.

It location - Trieste - could allow a significant triangulation with the rest of the Italian context which might trigger the creation of the network.

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Defining the message is the most important part, and requires a deep elaboration to be carried out through meetings and different kinds of preparatory involvement.

â&#x20AC;?PROPOSAL FOR TWO NEW PEACE MUSEUMS IN ITALY. HYPOTHESIS OF A PEACE MUSEUMS NATIONAL NETWORK AS A TERRITORIAL AIMED STRATEGY. RESEARCH AND THEORETIC THINKINGâ&#x20AC;?

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Contents The scheme shows the necessity of a critical reading of recent and ongoing conflicts for the set up.

The choice of objects for the collection and exhibiting tools Museums have always been considered the "place of actual things" that are chosen to be part of a collection. But in recent years the very idea of "collection" has been changing gradually.

What "actual things" make up a collection nowadays? Real objects, of course, continue to play a strong part in a peace museum. Nevertheless, we are witnessing a tendency to consider as "actual things" ideas, facts, events, original documents and live documentary shootings. The idea of "collection" becomes broader: media documents are open to everybody because information is public. A huge reservoir of documents exists in newspaper archives which constitutes a "collection" as soon as it is selected to represent facts that become "actual things" in a museum.

Evidence will need to be gathered: manuscripts, instruments, clothing, graphics, maps, plastic models, pictures and newspapers, documentaries, interviews and recorded voices, works of art, music, popular songs, poetry, literature... in a sort of historical cross composition that must be strongly rooted in local culture.

The scenography and staging of the aforementioned material will borrow from the new technologies of communication: giant screens, space holograms, high definition three-dimensional monitors, holo-touch and holographic projectors, multi sensorial systems, innovative software produced by the industry of virtual reality. All of these instruments must be employed as a strong medium for identification and involvement

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Contents will be organized according to the above mentioned scheme, which will be very flexible and capable of evolving with time of operative responses.

Nevertheless, documents concerning war should never outnumber or exceed in spectacularity the evidence of historical and present non violent action. The Psychological attraction exerted by the representation of horror must be over-balanced by the potency shown of great popular peace actions.

How should the shared content of the two museums be organized?

Four sections, two "negative" and two "positive" can be considered, and they could act as a mirror to each other, in a compensated way.

The "negative" sections The "negative" sections are those that represent recent, very recent and ongoing wars.

They are dedicated to supplying evidence of dynamics of power, deterrence and economic interests.

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The main instrument to this purpose will be a giant interactive world map, where hot spots will be operated by a remote control and will show present day and archive documentaries in order to witness the reality that the territory has lived and is still living.

For instance, a special reference on the map, "children and war", will reveal all the places where children soldiers are present currently.

”PROPOSAL FOR TWO NEW PEACE MUSEUMS IN ITALY. HYPOTHESIS OF A PEACE MUSEUMS NATIONAL NETWORK AS A TERRITORIAL AIMED STRATEGY. RESEARCH AND THEORETIC THINKING”

SULTAM SOMJEE

case is analyzed, the Gandhian campaigns of Satyagraha and the Peking Spring with the occupation of Tien An Men Square. Before their methods and principles are explained, they will be lived, as shared representations and role plays, personally by the visitor, who will be stimulated to take an active part, from viewer to protagonist. Emotion is the most straightforward means to awaken the desire for knowledge.

The same could apply to the pavilion dedicated to human rights violations: the declaration of human rights will be displayed on a big screen where each "right" will be clickable to show the corresponding violation on a digital map as short documentaries on stoning, capital punishment, torture, kidnapping, terrorism. Amnesty international will be asked to patronize the set up of the pavilion.

Everything will lead to emotional involvement, followed by different levels of in depth study: cross references will point to documentation with different degrees of specificity, to interactive programs, to specialized libraries, to research and production workshops inside the museum, to non-violence trainings, followed by further analysis in schools’ educational programs and universities’ studies. The “Centro Studi Sereno Regis” will be asked to manage jointly the whole pavilion.

The "positive" sections

Museographic Organization

The pavilion dedicated to peace initiatives will be the most complex and articulate of all the museum system.

The collections will be displayed in two different settings which will stand as witness each in its own way: • A ferryboat will house the Floating Peace Museum intended for Calabrie, with a train that will connect to the railway network from the ports it will call at, thus taking the message of peace inland. In Bovalino the base port will be equipped as a complementary museum port.

• In Collegno, a big Peace Park will house the hypogeum building of Peace Museum, whose project will be selected by international competition (also meant to draw attention on the peace issue at large).

On both sides museum system will be equipped with a Research Centre, a Social Observatory, a conference hall, associations headquarters, training and workshop rooms, multimedia, theatre and software production facilities, interactive tools for different age groups. And also with the must up-to-date welcome services: typical and cultural restaurants of local food, specialized bookshops. The information and help desk will provide the visitor with personalized itineraries, so that the message may be read dynamically.

Museal Strategy

It will contain thematic world maps where the locations of Research Centers for Peace, Universities offering Peace Studies Courses, International Peace Organizations, Inter Religious Centers, Cities for Peace and The World Peace Museums Network will light up when selected.

Two powerful tools will become available: a Peace Travel Agent and Peace TV studies that will broadcast special Peace News.

The pavilion dedicated to non violent liberation struggles will be made up of different sections that will document historical actions offering an alternative to war and armed resistance, whether they be headed by a charismatic leader, or by a shared leadership. An example out of each

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The evolving permanent collection will be complemented by a series of temporary exhibitions, both on the spot and traveling on the Peace Train. The exhibitions will be liked to important events and significant historical anniversaries, celebrated by concerts, film and documentary showings, plays, conferences and conventions, book fairs, painting contests and so on. The two museums will be tightly connected to the institutions that surround them: universities, peace research centres, schools, churches of different religions, ethnic minorities and associations.

Training and preparation to international political and social intervention will be studied in the museum as shared strategy during courses and workshops. The entire museum system becomes then a workshop of social elaboration, fostering education to non-violence, formation to shared responsibility and political-cultural awareness, in order to bring vital renovation into daily life in the community and further, on an international level. Peace Tourism will be a tool to connect physically peace museums worldwide. Such a powerful tool will build new non-violent networks that will help creative conflict resolution.The Peace Museums Network will be active also on a virtual level, strengthening the web-sites of its knots, from where it will co-ordinate common initiatives with ever increasing effectiveness to come.

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! NATALIE HEIDARIPOUR The Herbert Museum and Art Gallery, Coventry

The Herbert Museum and Art Gallery in Coventry is currently being redeveloped to create a major cultural centre which encompasses: Discover Gallery for children and families History Galleries History Centre for the City Archives Visual Arts & Sculpture Gallery Natural History Gallery Peace and Reconciliation Gallery

“PEACE AND RECONCILIATION GALLERY” The Peace and Reconciliation Gallery will explore a unique part of Coventry’s heritage.

Coventry’s role is City of Peace and Reconciliation stems from the City’s wartime experiences and continues today in an active way, involving the lives and history of many of the City’s communities.

Aims of Peace and Reconciliation Gallery • • • • •

Combat Prejudice Increase awareness Encourage debate and participation Challenge Preconceptions Explore global themes through individual perspective

“GALLERY THEMES” War and forgiveness Experiences of the Second World War – Calls for Forgiveness International Friendships Friendships built through conflict – Reconciliation and Peace Conflict and Peace Work Peace Work – Local to Global

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Interactive Innovative interactive encouraging visitors to engage with and respond to the issues raised.

Peace Trail Follow the story of peace and reconciliation within Coventry

“THE HERBERT”

• • • • • •

“THE HERBERT”

“WAR AND FORGIVENESS” Wartime experiences of the City provide an entry to the gallery and the starting point for Coventry’s link to peace and reconciliation.

Provost Howard’s initial call for forgiveness following the bombing introduces debate around forgiveness and revenge.

This will be developed further through individual experiences of war, exploring varied views of peace and reconciliation.

Images, objects, interviews and artwork from the museum’s collections will form the basis of this section.

“INTERNATIONAL FRIENDSHIP” Coventry’s international friendships were built on shared experiences of war and developed through a wish for reconciliation and peace.

This will be used as an entry point to experiences of conflict and reconciliation from around the world both historically and up to the present day.

Section will include • Images, interviews, artwork and objects from international partners • Virtual Peace Archive • Online Forum for Debate - an active link between communities around the world.

• Messages of Peace from around the world • Real and virtual links to international partners • Focus on international peace museums “CONFLICT AND PEACE WORK” This section focuses on the Peace Network in Coventry, exploring global themes through personal stories and experiences.

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This will range from projects tackling community conflict to international reconciliation.

Interaction on a personal level allows visitors to access and respond to global themes, encouraging understanding, awareness and stimulating debate.

Audio and video interviews, objects, live links to projects and updated databases will be used alongside relevant artworks.

This section will be updated as projects change and different situations develop both locally and internationally.

Capacity for temporary exhibitions will allow an exploration of topical themes, the first of which will focus on art and peace.

“MEDIA LINK” The gallery will include a “live” link to media coverage from around the world.

This will focus on current areas of conflict and the progress of peace initiatives on an international and local level.

Visitors are encouraged to explore the ways the media influences the decisions we make and the action we take.

“INTERACTIVE” Research is underway to develop an innovative interactive based on remote drama techniques.

This allows the visitor to walk in someone else’s shoes, explore the choice they must make and face the consequence of their decisions.

The aim of this interactive is to challenge preconceptions, encourage empathy and stimulate debate around the themes of the gallery.

“THE PEACE TRAIL” Visitors are encouraged to walk Coventry’s peace trail and explore the landmarks, artworks and gardens in close proximity:

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• Peace Garden which will be landscaped in the new scheme • The International Centre for Reconciliation and the Community of the Cross of Nails.

Links will also be made to the local organisations shown in the gallery.

Visitors will be encouraged to make the connection with those who are involved in peace work and explore how they can become involved.

“INTERNATIONAL PARTNERSHIPS” The Herbert would like to work with international partners on the Peace and ReconciliationGallery in a variety of ways; Gallery Content Display photographs, film, audio / video interviews, documents and objects around the following themes: Conflict – Experiences of conflict with a focus on the affect this has on the community involved.

Reconciliation – Examples of the different ways in which reconciliation has been attempted and achieved.

Peace – Expressions of peace in many forms shown through experiences, stories, photographs or artwork.

Virtual Links to partner organisations Links to the websites of international partners and relevant projects.

On-Line Forum for Debate Peace Archive Database of relevant images, films and artworks which can not be displayed in the gallery.

Messages of Peace from around the world Images taken from Concept Design Document produced by Event Communications Ltd.

• Cathedral ruins with the charred cross and reconciliation sculpture by Josefina de Vasconcellos • Centre for Study of Forgiveness and Reconciliation at the University

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! OLALEKAN AKINADE “NATIONAL WAR MUSEUM OF NIGERIA, RECONCILIATION AND THE CULTURE OF PEACE” Abstract National War Museum of Nigeria is presented here as a repository of warfare heritage and a podium for culture of peace. The war efforts and peace initiatives of Nigeria are highlighted.

The writer asserts, that war is a universal phenomenon but the concomitant effects of war are in most cases paradoxically devastating. This informs the belief that a modicum of peace is better than the least form of fratricide or war. Peace is a delectable commodity while war is a great albatross. The museums of the world must aim at promoting peace.

Introduction Museum as a dynamic cultural institution renders different services for different ends.

Promotion of peace is one of such ends. The museum is a special institution that takes care of the cultural and natural heritage of a country. It sees to the acquisition of objects of cultural value, their restoration, conservation, preservation and exhibition for educational and cultural awareness of the public at large.

National War Museum of Nigeria is located in Umuahia, Abia State. It is one of the 36 National Museums in the country. The idea of war museum was conceived by the then military government in 1977. A military museum located in Zaria, Kaduna State had however been in place since the colonial period. Umuahia was chosen as the location of the National War Museum because it was the final Headquarters of the defunct Republic of “Biafra”, after the fall of Enugu during the Civil War of Nigeria. It is remarkable to note that the presence of immovable war relics and bunkers actually prompted the choice of Umuahia as the site of the National War Museum.

War is anathema and generally considered as ambivalent vis-à-vis the course and aftermath of war. It is a common parlance that if you want peace prepare for war. In this regard, the essence of the National War Museum should be understood in the context of peace. Afigbo (1987) asserts that external trade, peace and war are key aspects of inter group relations. A country under the siege of war is not too far from the edge of the precipice. It is far easier to start a war than to end it. War is repulsive while peace is harmonious.

Conflicts and War in Perspective Human relationship over the years has experienced conflicts and war because of intolerance, aggression, economic dominance and proselylization (nay, politics of religion). In recent times, discoveries, technological innovation and the desire of one country to overwhelm or lord it over other countries or nations have resulted to wars at the international scene. The use of war in politics and the display of might and wealth negate godliness and it disrupts peace. The choice

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of dialogue and judicial procedures are the most humane ways of settling disputes. Egoism arrogance and hatred, on the part of leaders constitute the tool that precipitates war.

The world experienced the First and the Second World War, and thereafter there were other forms of war that could have led to the Third World War but for divine intervention. The Gulf war, the Middle East crisis, and recently the war on terrorism are to say the least needless war if self-restraint had been exercised. It is also relevant to recall the Vietnam War, American/German war that led to the bombing of Berlin. Also Spanish war of 1937; American/Korean war, The American war of Independence and the lingering American/Britain – Iraqi war or imbroglio.

In Africa, Libya, Sudan, Niger Republic, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Nigeria have particularly experienced war of different dimensions and devastations. In recent times Cote d’lvoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Trinidad and Tobago witnessed internal destabilization of peace.

One fact that is noteworthy is that human existence has from human evolutionary point of view been based on the survival of the fittest. The survival instinct in man makes him to be suspicious and aggressive. This indicates that there is no ideal relationship among nations. Thereby making International relations to waver and swing between peace and war. There is usually some external interference in internal dispute of a nation, thus terminating peace and parading chaos.

Generally speaking world history is replete with examples of nations that came out of war in a better and stronger position and particularly more united and peaceful.

In Nigeria, Kingdoms and Empires emerged courtesy of warfare. The British used warfare to colonize Nigeria and to amalgamate her. Nigeria of today came about because the British overpowered the occupants of her land mass. Ibadan, the largest town in West Africa was created as a result of the Yoruba warfare.

The war experience of Nigeria, has contributed to her history and it culminated in a civil strife otherwise known as the Nigerian civil war. The civil war was preceded by some successive events. They included the Kano riots, uprising in Gboko, election crisis in the then western region as well as the attendant “bloody fracas”. Others included the coup of January 15, 1966 and the May 30, 1967 proclamation by Col. Odumegu Ojukwu. In July 1967 the Head of State of Nigeria, General Gowon gave orders for Police Action (Agbi, 1987:153).

The 1967 proclamation by Ojukwu established the Republic of Biafra, an indication that there was going to be secession of the Igbo from Nigeria. Some of causes of the civil war were the impact of colonialism, the impact of the amalgamation of the North and South of Nigeria and the general enthronement of alien culture. The civil war according to Haruna (1987) was a contest by a body of citizens carried on by the force of arm. The actual situation was that there was war between the secessionist Biafra Republic and the Military Government of Nigeria.

The civil war started on July 29, 1967 and ended on January 12, 1970. The war was characterized by destruction of properties and the killing of soldiers (on both sides) and many civilians of the Biafra Republic. The war was appraised as a “no victor no vanguished” courtesy of the truce.

The end of war brought about the period of reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction.

The unity of Nigeria that was the goal of the military government of Nigeria was achieved and upheld. The truce that was signed at the end of the war brought peace back to Nigeria.

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Nigeria as an active member of the United Nations participated in series of efforts that promoted world peace. Nigerian Soldiers participated in the war in: Congo (1960-1963), Lebanon (1978-1987) Chad (1981-1982). The ECOMOG military force also enjoyed the service of Nigerian soldiers in the war in Sierra Leone and Liberia. These peace initiatives suggest that peace is generally preferred to war.

National War Museum, Umuahia as an Agency of Peace National War Museum of Nigeria was launched on January 15, 1985 and commissioned on September 14, 1989 by the Military Government of Nigeria. The underlining factor in the establishment of the museum was pacifism, which preaches against war. In other words, the museum as a thriving cultural institution serves as a reminder of the effects of war and the need to promote peace and remain united as a people or nation. As a specialized museum, it has uncommon exhibits on display. The underground residential structures (bunkers) that were used by the Biafran Leaders and the propaganda medium (Voice of Biafra) are used as galleries.

The display embraces both the development and use of weaponry from the colonial period to the recent past as a way of narrating the history of the Armed Forces. The Armed Forces are the security agencies of Nigeria. They protect Nigeria against hostilities and strife.

In a broad perspective, the National War Museum was established for the purpose of preserving Nigerian war efforts through the ages, the Nigerian civil war inclusive. The activities of the museum embrace research, educational and cultural services. It has facilities for recreation and it serves as a public relations organ for the Armed Forces. The museum is coined as “a permanent and befitting memorial to the war effort of Nigeria” (Shagaya, 1987). The museum broadens the perspective of Nigerian history (Bamaiyi, 1987).

The National War Museum of Nigeria is a complex institution by status. It has a main museum located at Ebite-Amafor Isingwu, the former location of the propaganda organ (Voice of Biafra) of the defunct Republic of Biafra. It also has an annex located at the defunct state house of Biafra – the official residence of Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu. The two sites have bunkers as prominent features. There are four other monuments under the ambit of the museum.

The main office of the War Museum has three galleries and an open – air museum (exhibitions).

The galleries are named as:- Traditional warfare, Armed Forces and Civil war. The exhibits range between the evolutionary of weapons of war and Armed Forces and then the devastating effects of the civil war. The exhibits are in the form of pictures and real artifacts. The open – air museum on the other hand comprises hardware equipment of the Army, Air Force and the Navy. Notable among the outdoor exhibits are armoured cars, troop carriers, heavy artillery, Bazooka antitank gun etc. Others are aircraft relics – the llyushin, Doniers, Minicon (a small bomber air craft) and the Alluette NAF helicopter remains in which Late Col. Akahan (Chief of Army Staff) died etc. The relics of Naval equipment that consist of assault boats and NNS Bonny (Patrol Craft) are also on display.

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The facilities for entertainment include a restaurant located inside a warship relic and a round hut used as museum kitchen. The visitors to the main museum include dignitaries, researchers and students who always come on excursion. Seats are also provided within the open area for visitors to relax. A large auditorium is also available in the museum for the public to use as venue for special occasions such as wedding reception as well as other social and cultural activities. Political programme are not acceptable.

The annex of the National War Museum is located within the GRA in town. The facilities at the annex include children recreation area, galleries (including a bunker where leader of the Biafra Republic lived) and a guesthouse.

The scheduled monuments that are being maintained by the National War Museum are in Arochukwu, Ndi, Okere Abam, Asaga Ohafia and Elu Ohafia. The monuments are maintained so as to serve as a way of carrying the communities along in the activities of the National War Museum and the National Commission for Museum and Monuments ( the parent body) as a whole.

Other activities of the War Museum include, antiquities storage facilities and library for research. The Museum receives students and other researchers from time to time. The Education Unit of the Museum carries out educational programme for Children Art club on a weekend basis and outreach educational programmes as occasions demand. The museum works jointly with the cultural agencies of Abia State on matters related with culture and tourism. Local Government Councils also relate favourably well with the museum. The Armed Forces of Nigeria also bring their officers and soldiers to the museum on excursion.

The rallying point of the exhibitions of the National War Museum of Nigeria is a reminder of the ravages caused by war. The need for people to embrace peace and harmony is also stressed. In general terms the exhibitions point at the hazards and other negative effects of war. The Republic of Biafra was compelled by the vagaries of the war to evolve independent technological know-how for the production of war weapons and other equipment. A reactivation (and moderation) of the Biafran wartime technological innovations in the areas of vehicles and aircraft is considered beneficial for a developing country such as Nigeria (Akinade, 2003).

Reconciliation and The Culture of Peace An estranged relationship does not in any way breed harmony and peace. This informs the global efforts on peace initiatives and reconciliation. Reconciliation facilitates harmonious relationship and brotherliness. The art of reconciliation was adopted by the Military Government of Nigeria after the civil war. The attempt was to make the Igbo who attempted secession to see themselves as Nigerians again. The reconciliatory gesture made possible necessary reconstruction and rehabilitation. The establishment of Federal presence in different parts of Igboland (Southeast of Nigeria) could be seen as part of the efforts made towards developing the ravaged parts of Igboland. The establishment of National War Museum in Umuahia in the post wartime was one form of federal presence.

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The culture of peace is a term that portrays some forms of ambiguity to a layman. However, the culture of a people encapsulates their past. Culture on the other hand is multifaceted, multi purpose and dynamic. In a broad perspective, culture is considered an agglomeration of shared patterns that characterize a people and the environment in which they live. Culture summarizes the behavioural activities of man. Different patterns discerned in a people’s culture suggest different aspects of their life. There could be patterns of development, upheavals and external interference. The culture of peace enjoyed by a nation or people would engender development and harmonious relationships with neighbours.

In the context of this paper the culture of peace is directed at the overall agreement and efforts geared towards discouraging conflicts, disharmony and war. The focus in a culture of peace is the choice of softer, non-inciting, non-inflamatory methods to resolve conflicting situations and tension. Sports and religious orthodoxy could be seen as promoters of culture of peace. International trade and tourism also promote culture of peace. The use of the cultural and natural resources (i.e. heritage) as a form of entertainment also engenders culture of peace.

In Nigeria, the cultural heritage of the diverse ethnic group is to say the least highly heterogenous. There is diversity in the unity of Nigeria as a nation. However the setting up of National Commission for Museums and Monuments enhanced the pooling of all cultural resources that make one statement of togetherness. There are different National Museums in different states of the federation. The common goal of all the National Museums is to make it clear that all Nigerians are united. The National War Museum, Umuahia aggregates the warfare heritage of Nigeria and warns against fostering of war. It proffers harmony, peace and tranquility in the co-existence of Nigerians. The memory of war should stimulate hatred for war and desire for peace.

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REFERENCES Afigbo, A.E. (1987): “Towards a Study of Weaponry in Pre-colonial Igboland”; National War Museum Seminar Proceedings. Ekoko, A.E. and Agbi, S.O. (eds): Lagos State Printing Corporation, Ikeja.

Agbi, S.O (1987): “Nigeria and International Peace – keeping Report”.

National War Museum Seminar Proceedings. Ekoko, A.E. and Agbi, S.O. (eds): Lagos State Printing Corporation, Ikeja Akinade, O.A. (2003): “The Visit of Chief of Army Staff to National War Museum”, Umuahia Newsletter (of the National Commission for Museums and Monuments); Vol. 5 No. 1 May - December 2003.

Bamaiyi, I.R. (1987): “Introduction” National War Museum Seminar Proceedings.

Ekoko, A.E. and Agbi S.O. (eds): Lagos State Printing Corporation, Ikeja.

Ekoko, A.E and Agbi, S.O (eds) (1987): National War Museum Seminar Proceedings.

Lagos State Printing Corporation, Ikeja.

Haruna, I.B.M. (1987): “The Nigerian Civil War: Causes and Courses”.

National War Museum Seminar Proceedings.

Ekoko, A.E. and Agbi, S.O. (eds). Lagos State Printing Corporation, Ikeja.

Shagaya, J.N. (1987): “Preface”, National War Museum Seminar Proceedings.

Ekoko, A.E. and Agbi, S.O. (eds): Lagos State Printing Corporation, Ikeja,

Conclusion The advent of globalization and introduction of government liberal policies have jointly reduced the whole world to a global village. The discomfort of one nation is now becoming a bane to global development. Thinking about the problems of the United State of America, Britain, Iraq and Africa is a way of saying that the whole world is not at rest. Peace has become the only weapon that can foster universal unity and development. Like a pacifist, the author says no to war!!!

Museums are designed to show the brighter side of life by recalling the past and its resources. Today, the clamour for peace is a step in the right direction. It is in this direction that the National War Museum of Nigeria focuses on the war efforts of Nigeria with a view to preaching peace as an alternative to war. Every warring parties or nations are therefore enjoined to embrace reconciliatory moves and walk toward a culture of peace.

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! MARIA SANCHO Amna Suraka, Iraq “NOT TO FORGET”

A documentary exhibition about revolution and Kurdish people sacrifices.

The site.

The museum is located in the Security prison of former Iraqi Regime of Sadam Hussein, in the city of Suleymanya, in Kurdistan.

Built in 3 stages started on 30th September 1979, during the 80´s it was used as one of the most powerful instruments to impose terror in the population of Kurdistan.

It was meant to house the Security Directorate of Suleymanya, and different types of cases were addressed to it, according to the crimes the prisoners were accused of, that were generally called “Crimes against the national security”, and could include: 1. Espionage.

2. Treason (that could include contravention of censorship in press or art expressions such as theater).

3. Smuggling (it has to be understood in the context of the Iran-Iraq War).

The Prison purpose was to “collect” information on the case and then the prisoner would be sent to the Revolutionary Court in Bagdad, a military one, where sessions were held in camera and the right to defense reportedly was severely restricted. Regular judicial procedures did not apply in these courts, summary proceedings being common.

The reality on the ground was that the prison was used to arrest people either politically involved or not, and since the activity of this base was limited to “collect” the information of the case, the detainees were summated to the widest range of tortures imaginable, taken from the soviet “school” in most of the cases: electroshock, bitten with wires, with the hands tied behind, getting hanged by the shoulders and then soldiers would pull down prisoner clothes and hang them selves to increase the weight…

This would be done to adults, both male or female, wives or sisters would be tortured or raped in front of their husbands as part of the gendercide1, but even kids would suffer same horror to obtain information from their parents.

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available consist on the figures of people that were hold inside and were once noted: chamber # 1- 96 people, # 2 (for children)- 42, # - 36 people, # 78 people, women with infants chamber90 people, solitary confinement – 13 cells.

The recorded names of those who passed away as a consequence of the torture include members of all Kurdish political parties, but also of many who had no affiliation to any such activity but were accused under such charges, male or women. In many occasions and due to the extreme corruption of the regime, the instrument of terror of that prison was used by officers to extortion wealthy families to ask them for money.

After 1991 Uprising and the creation of the museum When Iraqi’s army was defeated in Kuwait by the allies, Kurds revolted against Sadam Hussein hoping to topple his regime, took control over Kurdish cities and Amnasuraka, as emblematic symbol, was taken after an extraordinary bloody battle, where women and children also participated, proving an intense rage.

Thousands of files were taken from the offices of the Security prisons all over Kurdistan, and sent in containers to the US, to be kept save and catalogued2. No further study on them is known in Kurdistan so far.

Internally Displaced People, mainly from the arabized region of Kirkuk, lived there up to 1996. After the policy of recovering of public buildings, the IDPs were resettled in more suitable places, and the NGO Kurdistan Save the Children came to protect the building. Its founder, Ms Hero Ibrahim, wife of the Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani (current President of Iraq), adopted the idea of turning it into a museum.

The name given was “Not to forget”.

Near future plans Create an archive with the documents related to the crimes against Humanity by the regime of Sadam (prepare the staff that can take the task and carry it).

Create an space for remembrance and invitation to reconciliation through education and peace awareness activities (prepare educators and programs for the aim).

Create a living environment where victims of the genocide (= the whole society of Kurdistan) can heal the wounds of terror.

Some of the detained lost their lives while tortured and for those who survived many were executed or went missing while in Bagdad, but there is no statistic done so far. The references

Support researchers who can analyze the process of Genocide and help people in and outside Kurdistan to understand what happened and why, to prevent anything similar from happening again.

1

2

“By special soldiers” as a survivor puts it.

To see some of them, look at Iraq Research Project in www.harvard.edu

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“NOT TO FORGET”

MARIA SANCHO

If you think you can help in any of the matters, please contact us at: mariasanchof@gmail.com Some background information.

• L – M – S Today, Saturday, December 8th 1990, I was arrested. My name is Karoukh.

I am 6 years old.

On the Kurdish Genocide the best report published so far is the one of Human Rights watch, Anfal, the Iraqi Campaign of Genocide against the Kurds. On the gendercide: the gendercide watch web site offers basic information. On current issues discussed by Kurds in English there are many such as www.kurdishmedia.com, kurdistanobserver, www.ikurd.net. All of them offer links to different Kurdish artists production.

• January 9/10th 1990 Thursday I wonder if a day comes when this room is not in my sigt anymore and I am out. Oh, I am going insane without committing any guilt.

Revolution National Museum and Kurdish Nation Victims Not to forget (The Red Security) The exhibitions that have been showed in the museum since its opening until now: • Two Syrian photographers exhibition (Nadim Ado and Abdo Khalil) on 11/6/2002 • An exhibition on the Uprising anniversary by (Fayaq Hama Salih) on 7/3/2003 • An exhibition by a group of artists on the 15th anniversary of Halabja chemical bombardment on 16/3/2003 • A joint exhibition by six Kurdish plastic artists from Syria on 28/10/2003 • A joint exhibition by 65 artists on the anniversary of Halabja chemical bombardment in the name (Choral of Color) on 16/6/2004 • Annual exhibition of Anfal and Exodus on 14/4/2004 • Visual Documentary and Flower on 9/6/2004 • A plastic art exhibition by (Gidyano Aliko) in the name of (Freedom of Colors) on 11/9/2004 (A bridge between Kurdistan and us) by a French organization on 14/9/2004 • A joint exhibition of a group of artists in the name of (Peaceful Coexistence Festival) on 6/10/2004 • An exhibition in the name of (The Memories of Osman Qadir) on 5/12/2004 • A performance called (Installation) by Sherko Abbass on 15/1/2005 • A performance called (The Kingdom of the Lanterns) on 17/2/2005 • A theatrical performance called (An Epic from Anfal) directed by Bakir Rashid on 17/4/2005 • A photographic exhibition in the name of (The Memories of Abu Udey (Saddam) and I) by (Fayaq Hama Salih) on 20/4/2005.

• Attention! My daughter is seven months old, they have taken her away from me and sent her home. Now I miss her very much. I do not know when I would get out to see her; my life is very bitter. I have not seen my daughter for 25 days. November 25th 1990.

• I do not know why the walls of the torture chamber will not collapse and become ashes and blood. Disadvantaged and poor, I am crying quietly in this room; my hands and fingers ache from exposure to electricity.

• On Sunday night, December 16/17 1990, two of my sisters and me were arrested and we were here on January 1st 1991 with our sister S/H/M Qaladizayee ...............................................................................................................................

• You cannot drown me Gomasheen (name of a lake) • I was arrested on July 28th 1990 in Kalar (a Kurdish town) (Hasan Ali HamaFaraj - Violation of municipal laws Dler HamaRahman - Violation of municipal laws Saman Ali - Outspoken Assault - Mam Fariq - Outspoken Assault - Qadir Ali - Outspoken Assault - Jalal Mustafa - Letter - Ahmed Qadir - Peshmerga - Sabir Khdir - Letter - HamaShaswar - Outspoken Assault - Atta - Without charge • On Saturday, April 7th 1990 this group was taken to The Revolutionary Court. God may keep an eye on them.

Some of the prisoners messages kept on the walls • Love of no one could match the love of a daughter in the heart of an old father. May I become sacrifice to your white beard ; your eyes, full of blood and tears, were fixed at my eyes for the first time in this prison. Father, brother and two other sisters arrested on a brother’s behalf.

• January 9/10 1991 cold, hunger and dirt have made us completely warn out. We have become very desperate. Unless God hear our calls, we would not get out of here.

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• To my dearest brother, Mr. …. ‘s group. Hope you would always be in success. Your Brother …

• I was arrested on January 18th 1989. It is January 18th 1990 and am still here. Alas! for Omed, my son.

- The mother Sulemany, Hair and head in blood, speaks - He says ‘ I am in fire and burning, Burning, - And chanting for the sons of those mountains’. Hama Dhahir

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• On September 22nd 1989 Mr. Atta Ahmed and I were arrested after being informed on

by Gharib Muhammed Rasheed Haji Mamandi, an intelligence agent…. Muhammed Dhahir Muhammed Tofiq.

• Do not shed tears of sadness for me as my body is reddened in blood. I am a martyr at the hand of tyrant but am glad to be a Peshmerga.

• My name is Muhsin (male name ) and am imprisoned in a corner of this prison. They came and took me at my house. I was 15 years old and made me 18 years old to execute me.

Then I said ‘mum, pa I am going to be executed by the Ba’ath party. I will not see you again.’

- Rutherford: Identified light, Marie Curie and Pierre Curie: discovered radium, Einstein: wrote the relativity theory, Landsteiner: Discovered (analyzed) types of blood, Marconi: invented radio, Isnman: invented Kodak film, Edison: found electricity, Rigt Duya: Flew from Britain to France, Coren: Tested the first helicopter - She is a tall, beautiful girl - Bright- eyed as Wan Lake.

- In front of the eyes of police - She sparked Nawroz fire - With the flames of her delicate body

“NOT TO FORGET”

MARIA SANCHO

- So many executors - Because I kept silent - Because I kept silent. 1990 • Since I was arrested in November 5th 1989, I cannot use my hands anymore as a result of hanging. From the first day until the 14th, I have been hanged 20 times, my hands are still the same.

• And 15 times starting from 26th to the 30th, and on January 24th 1990, I was hanged three times.

• October 23/24th 1990; a complete hair shave for everyone, we were included in that on October 24th ’90 with hall number 3 and 5.

- I am indifferent about the enemy’s execution platform - I put on the rope of the execution - I am a poor Kurdish laborer - I never regret what I did • Time is unfaithful , - Why did you part me so bitterly from my love - In life I was happy - Your beauty disappeared in front of my eyes • Teacher Ahmed - I was arrested on April 12th ’89. I came to confinement cells on November 10th ’89.

Till November 15th 1990 I am still staying here. I was taken to Baghdad on October 1st 1990. I was taken to court on December 12th 1990. It was postponed. Life is pain and pain is the beginning of life. Liberate us so as we gladly meet our relatives again.

Sweetheart, dear miss Layla - I wish you would know - How many ready poems do I have - That become rendezvous for your look - Dear sweetheart I wish you would know - When I am hurt and dragged to the torture chambers - Even then, To what extent the fascists are scared of me - Dear Sweetheart, I have unshackled so many - Steel chains, I have scared to death

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! JOHAN GALTUNG Professor of peace studies, founder and co-director, TRANSCEND: a network for peace and development “DEVELOPING A MUSEUM FOR PEACE IN CAEN, NORMANDIE, FRANCE” 1. Circuit A, La Seconde Guerre Mondiale: Some Impressions We are talking about spaces for peace, and scenography for the younger generations; maybe as opposed to the many veterans, now somewhat aged, for obvious reasons being attracted by Circuit A. At the same time, many, most (we do not know) of those who visit Circuit C - Decouvreurs de Mondes - on peace, will also have seen Circuit A and Circuit B (Le Monde a l'Heure de la Guerre Froide), maybe in alphabetical order. Circuit A, Circuit B and the surrounding neutral landscape is the context for the visitor. Hence, first some observations on Circuit A. The invasion story could hardly be better told (even if today it has to compete with Saving Private Ryan). Juxtaposing Allied and German footage is mind-boggling; I found myself training to train my eyes at both, comparing the story-telling, not only the stories. But the general war story is less convincing; among other reason because it isn't a story; it is and can be viewed from any angle. The angles chosen are: [1] military, very little about the role played by civilians (outside the resistance) except for the top politicians; [2] bellicist, very little about elite and people trying to reach across and work for some kind of peace during the war; [3] actor-oriented, very little about the roles played by deep structure (patriarchy, patriotism) and deep culture (codes); [4] empiricist, very true to data, no room for criticism (what was or went wrong) and constructivism, how about alternatives; [5] past-oriented, nothing about the future of wars, how they are likely to develop if the process continues unchecked; [6] state-oriented, very little about the decision-makers as persons, psycho-history at the personal, subconscious level; [7] occidental, very little about occidental colonialism at the expense of the non-occident all over, and the occidental codes; [8] middle/older age oriented, the museum reflects their life and world, also in the many artefacts that inspire nostalgia; [9] elite-oriented, the wars are seen from upper/middle class angles, not from worker/peasant angles, those who are killed; [10] male-oriented, almost everything is of, by and for men, not about women as victims and co-perpetrators behind the front.

However, another aspect is more problematic: a war museum tends to portray war as a normal human condition. To the contrary, I would argue that war is abnormal, peace normal, and that many researchers in the field make a methodological error.

Consider a world with 10 states, meaning 45 dyads. Choose a year, and we find, say, war in two dyads; one state appearing in both dyads. Classifying the year as belligerent is a major methodological mistake. We have found only 2 wars in a context of 43 "peace's" (the word does not even have a plural, being so reified, essentialist, it is or it is not). Studying those two wars we may develop a theory of one bully/hegemon and two victim states/clients, forgetting that the bully was at peace with 7 states, and that 43 peaces may be equally worth understanding.

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Having established that the year was 43/45=96% peaceful and 4% belligerent, we may now ask: were they at war the whole year?

In fact, 2 dyadsx365 days give us 730 dyad-days; if at war only, say, 460 of them, 63%, we come down to 2.5%. The rest was peace, maybe a negative, vulnerable, unsustainable peace, but peace.

We may then ask: was the whole population in the countries personally involved, as sender, receiver, or both, of violence?

Or only, say, 10% of the population on the average for the 460 dyad-days? Or even much less if we count person-dyads rather than country-dyads? We end up with o/oo's, which only serves to show that we have become mesmerized by war, and blind to the prevalence of peace as the normal, human, condition. Of course, one reason for non-war is non-contact, but why not count distance as a paxogenic factor? We could go on from there and study positive peace, the good things people do in these dyads, and ask: how can we prevent interaction from turning violent?

This bias in the perspective may be related to the ten factors mentioned above. Adding them all up, conceiving of them as profiles, we may sense some connections. The combination male/elite/older/Occident/state (etatique) is more bellicist and military in general orientation than its negation. If we combine this with the epistemology of actor/empiricist/past-oriented, then we also sense how they are protected in their views: no search into the deeper crevices of the social construction; no critique, no alternatives; no forward-looking perspectives.

And yet this is no critique. A war museum is a war museum; all that is said is that there is more to the discourse than just telling a story about military activity. A discourse is best understood by understanding what is left out, and we have to understand the subtext (war is normal), context (there will always be spectators and "innocent bystanders") and supertext ("to win is not everything, it is the only thing").

The point is that war is only part of the war story. It would be interesting to interview people exiting from the MEMORIAL as it is constructed today, simply asking them whether they are missing something, whether they felt that something has been left out, etc. An educated guess would be along the lines given above: those with the profile of the last five points may declare themselves contented; those with other profiles probably less so. And what they are missing may be located exactly in the direction of the first five points.

This is the point where empirical data would be welcome.

Why not simply make an exit-museum study, to get some guidance?

A sample of one hundred, and open-ended questions might be very useful; particularly for understanding the younger generations.

Concluding this section a note on the perpetrator-victim portrayal in war museums; in four levels of increasing maturity: Level 1: One party is portrayed only as perpetrator, the other only as victim. Totally unrealistic and morally dubious.

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Portraying Self as perpetrator only and Other as victim, is masochistic; but portraying Self as victim only and Other as perpetrator is also wrong. Both may lead to hatred of the party portrayed as perpetrator, and increase levels of aggressiveness.

No argument against war and anti-war museums. We need both the dialectic between war, anti-war and peace; and between disease, anti-disease and health. But the former focuses too much on the negative, and the latter on the positive.

Level 2: Portraying both as both, both places is more realistic, more yin/yang, more true to the nature of war. Both sides will necessarily both receive and send violence, anywhere.

What would be the discourse, the exhibits of a health museum? Not photos of Nobel Prize winners in medicine, we hope? Some do not even look healthy, many of them reportedly smoked.

To answer that we need a theory of health that can give us some guidance through the wilderness. Here is one suggestion.

Level 3: Over time this perspective gains in realism; wars over time beget other wars. One side was more perpetrator in the first war, the other takes revenge in the next war, and so on. More mature; more reciprocity, less absolutism (Piaget); "he behaves like this because I once behaved the same way". The next war may be displaced aggression, like taking it out on weaker parties in colonial wars. But look and you'll find it.

Level 4: But instead of using these labels on the parties look at the logic of the system they are in: an inter-state war system. Both sides are playing roles. We understand chess through the rules more than through the players' personality. We may find the logic of war repulsive, horrible, and reject it. For the First World War, now 80 years ago, we have come to that point, but not yet for the Second World War (only 50+). The same goes for frozen, structural violence: slavery, colonialism, (class, patriarchy); brought about and maintained by violence. The topdog always tries to portray the underdog as aggressive, as perpetrator when they try to protest, violently or not.

2. War Museums, Anti-war Museums and Peace Museums There are war museums telling the history of war, or of one particular war. Some of them glorify, directly or indirectly, and may inspire action supporting the next war.

If we conceive of disease as an excess of Exposure to pathogens (micro-organisms, pollutants/stress, hazards) relative to human Resistance, then we get two approaches to health: Reduce or remove the exposure: hygiene, no smoking, less stress; Increase the resistance:immunity, diet, exercise, spiritual: control what enters your body/mind/spirit, and health follows; identify the anti-pathogens, the "sanogens", strengthen them!

This gives us two wings of the museum, one for "reduce E", the other for "increase R"; and a third for curative medicine, rehabilitation, if primary and secondary prophylaxis fail. But this will become boring propaganda from a health ministry (wash your hands after toilet, use condoms against AIDS, live in peace with everybody, learn how to stop smoking,use 500 healthy food recipes, engage in daily/hourly exercises) unless we have: A negative anchor: The anti-disease section/museum; see above A positive anchor: What a healthy life can offer all of us!

One routing could be from disease via anti-disease and the "do and don't" sections to positive health as much more than high resistance capacity. Or any other route; no one-way signs, rather some extra space for traffic jams! What matters is that people leave the museum inspired, optimistic, filled with ideas.

There are anti-war museums focusing on the suffering, the insanity of war, or of one particular war. Some of them may inspire action against the next war.

3. An Image of a Peace Museum: Exhibiting Past, Present, Future

And then there are, presumably, peace museums. But what do they exhibit? A museum is a discourse, the exhibits are the statements, their arrangement in museum space and museum time is the syntax, the museum walk is the reading/listening. What, how?

Turning to peace museums: imagine a maxi-complex containing a war museum, an anti-war museum, and a peace museum--or a mini- version with sections of all kinds, down to small exhibits on a wall. What matters is the dialectic of the three elements: we pass from the great armies to death and destruction, and look for alternatives, fed up with the social institution of war.

To approach this we might proceed by analogy. What would we exhibit in health museums, using health:disease = peace:violence as point of departure? We would have disease museums presenting diseases in time (history), in space (around the world), their causes and consequences focusing on epidemic/endemic/pandemic diseases (not necessarily contagious), roughly corresponding to local/regional/world wars. We would have anti-disease museums, with sections dedicated to the horrors of dying from cardio-vascular diseases, cancer, home/job/traffic accidents; ending with displays of burials and the cemeteries of major religions.

Heavy arguments against premature, avoidable and painful death.

Needless to say, that museum would leave us as unsatisfied as any visit to an "objective, "value-free", doctor who, after having made his diagnosis and his safe prognosis ("you will die sooner or later"), thanks you for coming, having delivered those precious data for his next article in the scientific field of pathology. We would shout: But where is your health section?

Where is your therapy? What are you going to do about it?

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At this point let us offer a definition of peace museum: A peace museum informs us about peace and how to get there. And then a definition of peace: We have peace to the extent we are able to handle conflicts/contradictions nonviolently and creatively; not only to the extent we have little/no violence.

We do not need much information about war to have a peace museum. We can also inform about health and how to get there without any, or at least not much, information about disease.

However, as all good pedagogy is dialectic, seeing something in the light of it contrasts, negations, it is certainly useful.

The museums that call themselves peace museums today are, however, mainly anti-war museums; there is very little about peace and very little about how to get there except for one approach: war abolition, war negation. This is logical, given the nature of an anti-war museum

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(MEMORIAL is not in this category), but the level of sophistication is low. Thus, as will be argued later, we may easily construct an anti-disease museum inspiring disease-abolition, a "seek and destroy" approach to all pathogenic micro-organisms, for instance. But there is more to the theory of health than that, fortunately. A peace museum has to present a broad range of approaches in order not to become mainstream or countertrend reductionist, sectarian.

So let us develop an image. Let us stand at the very heart of France, in Paris: under the Arc de Triomphe, at the Place d'Etoile. Behind us is the Av. de la Grande Armee, we have walked its long distance up to the triumph arch; that Path of Glory, which, says Evelyn Waugh, Leads But to Death. In front of us is the beautiful display of the heavenly fields, Av.des Champs Elysees, about as far as we can see. So often this was the avenue traveled: the Army, the Glory, the Death. We look around; there must be some other roads, less traveled, where are they!.

We see them; three to the right, three to the left, now using the map of peace theory, inspired by the health exercise. How about seeing violence, war and peace in terms of "bellogens" and "paxogens", pulling toward war and peace? The exposure is the destructive power, the resistance is the invulnerability; like arrow/lance and shield/armor, or the bomb and the bunker.

From this image we derive one road to peace, traveled by many: war limitation, through ius ad bellum, ius in bello and arms control; and war abolition, by refusing military service (COs!), capital, R&D (Hippocratic Oath for scientists!), A9, disarmament. Or, no army at all, today in 30 countries and 17 territories. More invulnerability only leads to encapsulation.

Bellogens have to be reduced or modified, paxogens to be strengthened. How about bad actors, bullies, individuals or states, that become perpetrators, hurting and harming others?

Sure, but maybe there are two very different approaches to them.

First, we may like to control them through the rule of law, assuming they will get at each other's throat in Hobbes' bellum omnium contra omnes unless checked by a central authority; world governance, created in the image of a good, peaceful state.

Second, we may ask, how did those actors become that bad? Assuming that our nature makes for both harmony and violence, we are left with structure and culture as the big bellogens we have to turn into paxogens, into structures and cultures of peace.

How about paxogens, something not to struggle against but to strengthen? One has already been mentioned: a world society, building on the rule of law. Two others loom high in the peace discourse: conflict transformation, and nonviolence. The former is particularly useful when the conflict is open and the parties are equal; nonviolence is more relevant when the conflict is hidden and one party is suppressing the other like under slavery and colonialism, or threatening to do so through occupation.

So there they are, let us say three "reduce/modify bellogen" roads to the right, and three "strengthen paxogen" roads to the left, not in the usual political sense of conservative and radical, by maybe in the sense of old and new, of 19th century versus 20th century. Conflict Transformation, Nonviolence and World Governance on the one hand, and War Abolition, Peace Structures and Peace Cultures on the other.

Six roads not travelled; roads not taken (Robert Frost).

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A major task of a peace museum would be to let the visitor travel, even walk, with many stops, those roads. But this should not be done in abstracto, like a theory of peace, or even worse, philosophy of peace, lecture. This should be done concretely, contrasting the roads of peace not travelled with that broad avenue that was traveled, in other words using a concrete war as a point of departure. This could be any war; any war is a monument over general human inability to handle such problems, and the inability of politicians in particular.

This brings up an important point: of course no self-respecting war museum would ever dream of presenting a war without a deep look into the decision-making (or lack thereof) of key politicians and military, including in that deep look both deep culture and deep personality.

Indispensable if we want to attach a peace component, whether we go via an anti-war museum or not. We have to understand how they thought and felt with their head-brains and their gut-brains, to develop alternative understanding. Example: MacNamara's Viet Nam book.

In our image we have allocated one avenue to war and six to peace. Wars can be fought in different ways, using violence for political ends, including the "peace enforcement" of UN Charter, Chapter VII. The six avenues of peace also have one thing in common: "by peaceful means". But that can lead us in many directions. Which directions lead to creative and nonviolent solution of the underlying conflict depends on the case. There is only one rule: better small successful steps along one road than one giant step in the wrong direction. Walk all roads, in theory, in practice and in the museum; and there are many more.

As the roads of peace had not been traveled successfully, otherwise there would not have been a war, the museum would be an exercise in counterfactual history asking the absolutely basic question: what could have been done, at some point, why wasn't it done, and how could it have been done successfully?

By building alternative scenarios for the past, we overcome the fatalism of historical determinism; coming on top of history rather than letting history come on top of us. After all, we know more about the past than about the present and the future. Unblocking the past may serve to unblock the other two.

Let us try the peace roads as alternatives to World War II; the counterfactual history, in the subjunctive, "as if", mode: Avenue Conflict Transformation: reframe the conflict by revising the Versailles Treaty, say, in 1924; abandoning the idea of Germany as sole perpetrator and all Germans as collectively guilty, sharing responsibility, thereby eliminating Hitler's most successful argument.

For the Pacific War: early admission that Western colonialism was wrong, with a plan to dismantle it, thereby eliminating both the "Asia for Asians" and "Asia for Japan" arguments of Japanese militarism. What would have been the counter-arguments, counter-forces, and how to overcome them?

Avenue Nonviolence: spreading knowledge of nonviolence in Germany, creating not one but thousands of Rosenstrasse, Berlin, February 1943, and thousands of Bonhoffers, satyagraha brigades (Gandhi) entering Germany peacefully. Counter-arguments? Many!

Avenue World Governance: under what conditions would the League of Nations nevertheless have been successful? What could others have done for Germany (Italy, Japan) to be more

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peaceful? More emphasis on positive, less on negative sanctions? More on nongovernmental organizations, weaving webs of interdependence?

Avenue War Abolition: under what conditions could disarmament or conscientious objection have been successful? A condition would have been massive denunciation of war as social institution, like the denunciation of slavery and the incipient denunciation of colonialism. One approach: numerous anti-war museums.

Avenue Peace Structures: would a less capitalist, more socialist or at least social democratic, economic structure have helped?. A more democratic, even directly democratic, political structure? Less authoritarianism at home, at school, on the job?

Avenue Peace Cultures: would a conversion to softer Christianity or to, say, buddhism have been useful? How about massive peace education, and, for the media, peace journalism?

We let that do. Seven is the maximum complexity; we have 7.

Down the museum walk there would be texts and illustrations of what this would mean in practice, drawing on case stories, around the world. Peace approaches are given a fair viewing, and so are arguments against. Along the roads there would be some chances to sit down, reflect, discuss. Usually no clear answer will emerge. The avenue will become an increasingly narrow road, a lane, a "garden of forking paths" (Borges), the visitor, like humanity will easily get lost in a labyrinth with no exit signs.

And that is the time to go back to the point of departure, the museum equivalent of the Place d'Etoile, trying another peace avenue. And perhaps ending with the conclusion that none of them taken alone was a viable alternative, but that traveled together in parallel, by the same and by different persons and states, they might have changed the course of history.

We then enter the next part of the museum, dedicated to the alternative scenarios for the present. After all, past is past; present options are limited but not down to one road, the road traveled. The visitor would be introduced to key conflicts of the day (obviously this will have to be changed quite often), and then invited to interact, in one way or the other, personperson, person-computer, computer-computer, to do the ground work for the peace roads.

The six roads from counterfactual history will be available, possibly also what the visitor may have learnt if he has devoted time to get more deeply into the issues. The visitor may break out of that discourse, suggesting roads of his own. The museum discourse is not a prison.

The good visitor creates his own syntax; his own sentences, too.

This would also be a good occasion for mini-courses on conflict transformation; on how to empower peace actors, for instance by networking NGOs; on school and university curricula in peace education; on peace zones; on peaceful reconciliation.

And there wold be much advice about how to get more material.

We then enter the last section: alternative scenarios for the future. We are now much more free; the cone of the future opens up, rich with possibilities. There is much more space for imagination. Instead of the focus on negative peace--how could war have been avoided--we now turn toward positive peace.

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What would we like to pour into that concept? Peace is also our summum bonum, the projection screen for our dreams, our utopias. An excellent opportunity to ask the visitors how they envisage peace, not worrying so much about how to get there, and particularly not about alternatives for the past. Give power to imagination! An excellent opening for educational workshops during weekends, particularly for younger generations.

One approach is well known: economic opportunity costs. Compare the world military budget with basic needs for the most needy, distribute the money liberated through disarmament.

Another would be social opportunity costs: dismantle the open or hidden militarist structures in the world, resting on patriarchy, distribute personal and social energies liberated.

Still another would be cultural opportunity costs. This would go far beyond ridding the language of gender and violence bias, toward a critical examination of deeper layers. Imagine a culture (Viking) with a deeply pessimistic view of the future, and a pantheon of evil, tricky, violent gods. If human beings are inspired by their eschatologies we would expect aggression more than empire-building, for that Christian optimism may be needed. And then: were Protestants more cruel as slave-owners than Catholics (Tannenbaum), Virgin Mary having been removed?

We want the visitors to leave the museums with a feeling of empowerment. They should be optimistic, feeling that there is so much work to do, feeling inspi red, more up to the task, that the world is filled with opportunities. The point is not to blame the past, but to learn, dialectically, dialogically, creatively, in order not to repeat the errors. And particularly so for the younger generations: they have more life to live.

4. A Note on Peace Museums as Education for Peace.

1. To use peace museums as a contribution to world peace, we need theories of education, museums and peace 2. Education (German "Bildung", different from schooling, "Ausbildung"), comes mainly from the inside as self-study, from peers as co-study, from teachers as study; always interactive, dialogical, critical, constructive, dialectically negating and transcending. Unlike linear schooling along a prescribed track, the person in search of education designs his own trajectory; using any curve known or unknown to geometry. Good students see education and schooling as non-exclusive.

3. A Museum is in principle total education (in German that would be "Gesamtbildung", like Wagner's conception of opera as "Gesamtkunstwerk"). It impinges on all faculties, not only like usual education on the eyes (reading, viewing), the ears (listening) and the vocal chords (speaking), but on motion (walking through), touching (when permitted, usually not!), smelling (religion does this better, incense), tasting (drinks and foods in the cafeteria should be adjusted to the exhibits.)

A good museum suggests a track, but facilitates designing alternative trajectories to avoid feeling processed by some museum designer with messages to be walked in the correct order.

A good museum would include a library for self-study, small discussion rooms or corners for co-study, lectures for study.

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4. Peace can be defined as peaceful reduction of violence or as peaceful, creative transformation of conflict, which also has to be dialogical, dialectical and transcending. Violence is then defined as anything that insults the basic human needs for survival, a minimum of wellbeing, freedom (space) and identity.

Peace is the normal state of human affairs; violence in the sense of direct or actor violence is the exception, the black spots on trajectories of individuals, as victim and perpetrator.

Violence in the sense of indirect or structural violence, repressing, exploiting and alienating, forcing people together or apart, is so ubiquitous, so normal that it becomes invisible.

Violence in the sense of cultural violence legitimizing the other two, is also ubiquitous. This is the violence of the brahmins, as opposed to the direct violence of the kshatriyas and the indirect violence of the vaisyas. Their victims are above all the common people, the shudras, and the excluded people, the parias (these terms have local interpretations).

That gives us three more precise meanings of peace: - personal peace, security = absence of direct violence; - structural peace or absence of structural violence; and - cultural peace or absence of cultural violence.

We can talk about peace inside and between individuals. But a major focus should be the major fault-lines between groups: nature, gender, generation, race, class, deviants, nation, state. Thus, there is more direct gender genocide, and structural class genocide, than direct race or nation genocide today. Highly misleading is a focus on inter-state violence and security only.

The peace studies discourse broadens not only the concept of violence, but also the concept of war. A peace museum should pay attention to the 100 million women who disappeared between 1980 and 1990 (Amurtya Sen), and the discrepancy in livelihood at the top and the bottom, of world society (the UNDP Human Development Yearbooks have a wealth of data). The peace studies discourse would also include violence against nature.

5. How would we exhibit peace as a state of affairs?

Human, social and world normality, with little or no violence. Peace images would vary in space (geography) and time (history). and we are no better than physicians imaging health. It might be worth while to remind ourselves that normal life as we conceive of it is harmonious, not quarrelsome, not violent, friendly, loving, and not for that reason boring.

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Peace should be seen as people creation, not as elite donation. And creation would cover both material and spiritual production.

6. While peace exhibits would serve as positive anchors we also need war exhibits as negative anchors for our work. One day the health profession will learn from the peace profession how to make a health museum: project what a healthy person is capable of and how ill-health, illness, reduces that potential. To portray how war and violence reduce the human potential the invisible consequences of violence have to be made visible, and no war museum, called peace museum or not, does that. And they are numerous, including bereavement, the thirst for more glory and for revenge for the traumas suffered, the nature destroyed.

7. How would we exhibit peace as a process?

The answer depends on what peace arena (which fault-line) and what concepts/theories we have of peace, and they are numerous.

To use the conceptualization above: - for actor peace: peaceful conflict transformation, as one factor underlying violence is usually unresolved conflict; - for structural peace: peaceful structural revolution, using as examples revolts against slavery (abolitionism), colonialism (freedom struggle), exploitation (class struggle), patriarchy (feminism), wars (peace movement), puberty revolts (adolescence).

Democracy and human rights and their possible cultural bias.

- for cultural peace: peaceful cultural revolution, against violence on TV and the media in general. But I know of no major examples, reflecting the power of the brahmins to operate unopposed, protected by the freedom of expression as opposed to the rules regulating the other two. The many efforts to rid language of violent expressions ("single-shot", "killing two flies with one stroke"); and to make it more gender-neutral. And how about a competition for a new text to the Marseillaise?

Peace should be seen as an ongoing struggle that easily can lead dialectically to violence along another fault-lines instead, not as something to be "ushered in" once and forever.

Like health and marriage peace should not be taken for granted.

8. How would we use the implicit discourse of museums for this? By playing fully on its potential, see above. Thus, each museum should have its peace research/studies/action wing, and invite visitors to participate. Discuss, and exhibit, the roads not travelled, the policies by which such major wars as the US Civil War, WWI and WWII could have been avoide

Some key perspectives, building on the above: - personal peace: livelihood, meeting basic human needs (sukha) reducing suffering (dukkha), productive, reproductive, creative; - structural peace: not compromising the livelihood of others now (equity) or in the future (sustainability); and - cultural peace: aligning all human spiritual and material resources with such goals, justifying peace, not violence/war.

It should be made very clear that everybody can contribute to this state of affairs, from brahmins to pariahs; not only Buddha/Christ/Gandhi and (alternative) Nobel Prize Winners, etc.

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FOTOS

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! THOMAS LUTZ Stiftung Topographie des Terrors, Berlin

“THE ART OF MEMORY :ART AND PEDAGOGY IN MEMORIAL MUSEUMS” Abstract During the Second World War works of art – mostly drawings - were created by people who were persecuted by the Nazi regime. These pictures and small art objects are an unusual expression of both the desperate situation of persecution and of the will to survive. In the educational work of the memorial sites, these works of art serve today as evidence and can be used as educational tools to create sympathy for the victims. The lecture offers an overview of the art that was created during the period of Nazi persecution and of the possibilities and limitations of using it today in the educational work of the memorial sites for the victims of National Socialism, which work to strengthening human rights and for a permanent - and social - peace.

“As important as scholarly research of the Holocaust is, artistic confrontation is at least as equally important. As the distance to the event increases, this becomes even more important since the emotional dimension involved in conveying history is just as important as knowledge of the brutal facts. Authors, composers, painters and directors help us to understand, to reexperience what they suffered through or the atrocities experienced by others. Artistic expression aims at making the unimaginable graspable – particularly for those who didn’t live through this period.”1 In his speech in the Reichstag, Bundestag President Thierse expressed what many people who deal with the Nazi period and the crimes that were committed during that time no doubt claim for themselves: They strive to achieve the most complete understanding of the magnitude of the crimes that were committed during the Nazi period. Wolfgang Thierse’s words express the hope that art can achieve things that (historical) scholarship cannot.

Art – this essay addresses for the most part the fine arts – can express things that cannot be described through historical discourse or scholarship. The drawings of the former Auschwitz and Buchenwald prisoner Jozef Szajna are a good example of this. His rows of thumb prints

1 Wolfgang Thierse: Speech on January 27 – Day of Commemoration of the Victims of National Socialism, quoted from: Bulletin der Bundesregierung No. 08-1 from 27.01.2003.

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suggest heads and the lines beneath them can be interpreted as striped prisoner jackets showing the uniformity that the SS imposed on the prisoners. By using his personal and unique thumb print the artist also expresses the effort to preserve the individuality of each prisoner.

With brilliant simplicity and poignancy this little drawing portrays the system of concentration camp imprisonment.

But this one example also leads to another point: without knowledge of the historical context, the importance of the drawing can not be appreciated; Without basic knowledge of the development of 20th century art it is not possible to fully value the work of this art student from Krakow.

Generally speaking, the attempt to convey emotional experience without knowledge is a risky undertaking because it leads quickly to false associations and leaves the viewer feeling helpless and alone with the emotional intensity without providing him with the tools necessary to process the experience. Furthermore, placing document and scholarship, or cognitive learning, in opposition to artistic design, or emotional learning, makes no sense. Besides the fact that cognitive learning is always tainted by emotions, I know of only a few educational sites where emotions so clearly influence learning – in all its different meanings – to the degree that they do at the memorial sites where National Socialist persecution occurred. Integrating the fine arts into this learning process makes the confrontation with history even more difficult because it involves a whole other level of communication that can only be correctly understood and used when the relevant background information has been provided.

Memorial museums integrated fine arts into their documentary exhibitions from the very beginning. It was never an issue whether the survivors created the artwork during the time of their oppression or after their liberation as a special part of the healing process. Later, works made by artists without any personal experience of the Holocaust as a way of approaching the Nazi crimes through artistic expression were also added to the memorial museums’ permanent exhibitions. But the drawing and paintings were usually integrated into the historical exhibitions as evidence or as a special kind of historical source. The artwork was not selected based on its special artistic quality but to illustrate areas of the concentration camp history for which no photographic material was´ available. They often addressed the theme of prisoner daily life but also special punishment, acts of murder and the vast numbers of dead bodies in the camps.

There was no thought paid to the special situation in which the works were created: for example that the artists worked under life threatening circumstances or that people driven to express themselves creatively through sketches, prints and other kinds of art despite their incarceration possessed especially strong characters.

There was no discussion of the fact that although prisoners tended to use figurative representation, in many cases they also integrated early 20th century artistic developments into their work.

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Showing art in the memorial museums was always the source of heated debates and remained undesirable. Tadeusz Skymanski, a former concentration camp prisoner who worked at the Auschwitz Memorial Museum since 1947, in charge of its art collection, put together a small permanent art exhibit in the seventies, but it remained closed to the general public. This exhibit addressed for the first time the very diverse conditions under which art was produced in a concentration camp -- for example, that prisoners who had artistic training were forced to work for the SS. Dinah Gottliebova was forced to create portraits of Roma twins for the experiments of the SS doctor Mengele. Other prisoners made paintings to document the vast construction work in the camp. In addition to working under relatively good conditions, these prisoners were provided with materials which they were occasionally able to smuggle out.

Prisoners could work half legally when they had received private commissions from SS men.

The privileges that they received were necessary for survival. But the majority of the artwork was created illegally. It was extremely difficult to obtain drawing materials, to secure a hiding place and preserve the works for the postwar period.

seminar which dealt with the topic of art and memorials. The first time that art was the central focus of a national memorial museum seminar was in 1993 in Breitenau near Kassel. Interest in this topic of discussion was sparked by the memorial museum’s newly opened exhibition.

Still today it is the only one in Germany that uses artistic, associative means to address the history. Another national memorial museum seminar took place in May 2004 in the city’s youth guest house that, in connection with a research project to register the collected artwork of the Dachau concentration camp memorial museum, also focused on this topic.

But even in the postwar years, the art was not appreciated as a form of documentation or resistance -- a fact that was stressed by the historian Sybil Milton2. Most historians were not trained to evaluate visual sources for historical research and had an especially hard time with art. Even survivors were not interested in having much attention paid to the material. They argued that the unfathomable magnitude of the tragedy could be belittled by the fact that it was still possible to draw in spite of everything.

“Art on the subject of National Socialist mass murder” poses a separate and distinct complex. This subject is broadly defined. Unlike the first category, which is limited geographically and chronologically to the individual experience, these works are more cosmopolitan and are not subject to limits in style or material.

Three developments over the last decade were primarily responsible for changing the attitude toward art created in the camps. For one, the history of the mass crimes of National Socialism were researched, documented and evaluated from many different perspectives.

Secondly, as the work in memorial museums became more professional, experienced art historians and curators familiar with the subject were hired – at least to work on temporary projects. And thirdly, as the historical events continue to slip farther into the past there has been an increased willingness to address new topics and try new approaches. The appeal to visiting groups interested in special educational programs and resources has also broadened.3 In memorial museum seminars the subject has also remained on the periphery. Although as early as 1987 in the newly opened youth meeting center, experts and memorial museum staff from the nine German federal states participated in the first international memorial museum

2 Sybil Milton: Kunst als historisches Quellenmaterial in Gedenkstätten und Museen; in: Wulff E. Brebeck etal (Red.), aaO., p. 44 – 63.

3 See here also: Wulff E. Brebeck, Nicolas Hepp, Thomas Lutz (Ed): Über-Lebens-Mittel. Kunst aus Konzentrationslagern und in Gedenkstätten für Opfer des Nationalsozialismus; Marburg 1992 ; Thomas Lutz: Kunst und Gedenken, in: Informationen, Ed. Studienkreis Deutscher Widerstand, No. 57, May 2003, 28 Jg., p. 33 – 36.

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Memorial museums curators maintain that “art by people who were persecuted by the National Socialists” is generally collected. These collections are made up of works that were created in Europe between 1933 and 1945. Most of the works are by trained artists but some were done by amateurs and children. It is important to keep in mind that artists who fell victim to the persecution machinery of the National Socialist regime were subjected to technical limitations that hindered their artistic potential.

The two areas occasionally overlap, for example, when survivors recreate their lost pictures from memory after the war or when they painted pictures in their own personal style, particularly just after liberation.

In all the memorial museums that collect art, aesthetic criteria are applied when artwork falls under the second category,.

The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum was the first memorial museum which had the financial means to purchase meaningful contemporary artwork for its museum art and set out explicitly to do so. The opening of the museum’s exhibition almost ten years ago had an international impact on the style of future exhibitions and also influenced the use of artwork on the exhibitions of already-existing memorial museums. Not only paintings, also other handcrafted objects such as bookmarkers, games or artistically handled everyday objects are displayed with greater care in exhibitions today. Consideration is taken to carefully present the original object in its historical context and with acknowledgement of the conditions under which it was created. Objects are no longer used solely as illustration in a false historical context and the use of copies or even replicas is viewed critically.

Buchenwald was the first memorial museum to think about establishing its own art department.

Plans in the eighties to establish an independent art exhibition provide a good example of how the discourse on the evaluation of art in concentration camps and its pictorial content evolved.

In the first papers there was still a strong alignment to the political concept of antifascism, but

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the later revised exhibition that was shown in 1998 in the restored former disinfection building was given the title: “Means of Survival – Evidence - Artwork, Pictorial Memory.” It shows pictures and drawings by prisoners of the Buchenwald concentration camp and artistic works related to the subject that were created by 1995 by survivors and their offspring.

Art is a special form of confrontation and appropriation, in this case of the crimes of the National Socialists and the dignified commemoration of the victims. In order to understand the art, it is necessary to understand both the historical and the art historical references. Only then can a complete picture of the history can be formed.

What is clear is that art can be used to draw new audiences. The opening of the permanent exhibition of the Breitenau memorial museum near Kassel over ten years ago showed this to be true. It is the only exhibition in a memorial museum that approached the historical events by using an artistically designed, associative exhibition. More people can be reached if they are left not only to deal cognitively with the fine arts but also encouraged to use art themselves as an expression of their confrontation with the subject. This kind of exhibition also appeals to people who do not express themselves well verbally. And furthermore, visitors can learn new artistic techniques and find new ways to express and perceive themselves. Finally, pedagogical work that uses art encourages social learning because when applied within a group, the active participation creates a new dynamic. The change in methodology and the involvement of the individual puts demands on memorial museum pedagogy today that can be met by integrating art as one of a number of possible approaches to the topic.

“THE ART OF MEMORY :ART AND PEDAGOGY IN MEMORIAL MUSEUMS”

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As the work of memorial museums becomes more professionalism and co-operation between museums increases , there remains the hope that art museums will also find the artwork of Holocaust survivors worthy of exhibition. While memorial museums are open to art, art museums have yet to show an interest in historically significant art. It would be an extremely positive development that would be mutually stimulating to all sides would art museum also show an open-mindedness to the subject.

The current discussion on art and education in memorial sites suggests a changed mindset.

Educational work in memorial museums has become more open, diverse and independent.

New museum pedagogical concepts are being tried out and further developed. Interdisciplinary methods, in particular, are increasingly practiced. Art pedagogy is a demanding method of dealing with the Nazi atrocities at the historical sites – a challenge that if attempted would certainly lead to new findings in museum pedagogy, but which would also raise new questions and draw new visitor groups.

In a number of memorial museums, some of which are presented in this book, art pedagogy is by now being offered as an educational resource. In addition to the increase and wider range of educational programs, another positive development is that greater thought is being put into educational art programs and they are improving in quality as a result of the improved professionalization of the educational work. But despite all of this, this subject will hardly become a fashionable trend in the future since the generally ill-equipped educational departments in the memorial museums lack the trained staff that could integrate the different contexts - historical, aesthetic and personal- into this challenging educational method.

The question today is no longer whether art educational programs should be created but how they should be created. One risk of an inadequately planned and executed educational program is that art remains on the periphery and is reduced to mere illustration. Too much emotion can lead to an uncritical use of art. But an extreme aestheticism, in which art is supposed to function as a form of comfort is also problematic. The use of the term “art of the Holocaust” makes this clear. An informed and sensitive handling of art in educational work of memorial museums is essential if clichés are to be avoided4.

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Guido Fackler addresses this risk in his lecture “Art in memorial museums – Current observations

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! TOMISLAV SOLA University of Zagreb “CAN THEORY OF HERITAGE HELP PEACE?” Abstract Practice is always a description of reality and its obvious potentials. Theory is about positions and conditions we want to achieve. When understood properly, its departure is practice and its goal is practice. While practice moves through stages of perfection, theory navigates it by reading the context, setting its nature and purpose. Without theory, practice is reduced to learning by tries and mistakes. The moment the practice gets reflective quality, an ability of abstraction and generalisation,quality of projecting, - it is more than practice.

Peace is just one of the inumerable positive, constructive phenomena that heritage institutions, museums included, can serve. As powerful accumulation of evidence, information and knowledge, heritage institutions are meaningful only if they use their potential for the benefit of common good. As tools of selected, collective memory, they can go as far as producing wisdom instead of mere information and knowledge. Their immense power of unbiased communication can, therefore become decisive means of democracy. True peace is the consequence of enobled mind, but to become such, the mind needs arguments and advice. No public institutions than those of heritage are better equiped to provide help to troubled and bewildered citizens of the present world when about the quality of their lives. Peace is the basic one.

The best that most of museums can do for peace, and all can, is to affirm, promote, generate political literacy; politically litterate are unlikely to become manipulated mass, - the mater of warfare.

1. What does theory do?

Practice is always a description of reality and its obvious potentials. Theory is about positions and conditions we want to achieve. When understood properly, its departure is practice and its goal is practice. While practice moves through stages of perfection, theory navigates it by reading the context, setting its nature and purpose. Without theory, practice is reduced to learning by tries and mistakes. The moment the practice gets reflective quality, an ability of abstraction and generalisation,quality of projecting, - it is more than practice. Peace is just one of the inumerable positive, constructive phenomena that heritage institutions, museums included, can serve. As powerful accumulation of evidence, information and knowledge, heritage institutions are meaningful only if they use their potential for the benefit of common good. As tools of selected, collective memory, they can go as far as producing wisdom instead of mere information and knowledge. Their immense power of unbiased communication can, therefore become decisive means of democracy. True peace is the consequence of enobled mind, but to become such, the mind needs arguments and advice. No public institutions than those of heritage are better equiped to provide help to troubled and bewildered citizens of the present world when about the quality of their lives. Peace is the basic one.

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The general theory of heritage, heritology, to make it simple, has the purpose in becoming the philosophy of the heritage profession(s), in providng critique of theory and practice, sets the content and methodology of transfer of the professional experience, forsees and projects professional future and establishes the relation of heritage professions towards the development.

2. The peace and its nature In the socio-political chemistry what we strive for is the harmonious stability of divergent elements in which violent reactions would simply have no chance. Agreements, treatises of alliance, ceasefires and laws are not enough.

Peace depends upon conditions provided. The first condition is the honest prosperity based on the fair division of common wealth. Obscene wealth should be a social sin as its worst effect is constant production of inequality and conflict. It cultivates Greed and provides growing ligitimity to it. Existence of injustice and dominance deny the very possibility of peace.

Most of the world will experience no wars in the usual, historical way. The state of "munus omnia contra omnes" - the fight of all against all. Our streets are becoming the fighting filed all too often and the "war" of the grops against others are frequent. We see that minorities of radical orientation be it about fur-coats or diet can truly molest the majority. The clashes will be increasing very much by the growing accumulation of despair, loneliness and agression in individuals. Those will surely form the dangerous falangues and produce unrest. In brief, war is becoming the daily reality: less dramatic because dispersed, but ruining the quality of life nonetheless.

Peace is one of the pillars of democracy. It is the outer form of natural and human rights exercised. It can flourish only upon the, responsible choices in development, civil insight and transparency of societal, developmental and political processes, unbiased information, rich cultural life and unbiased information. Democracy is utopian and does not exist. Only tries to have it do. So peace as quality of living is a precondition to democracy and prosperity. The scared and suffering are an easy prey to dictatorship and enslavement of all sorts.

Peace is the way of thinking, a qulity of human condition. The culture of peace is founded upon the system of values in which the constructive, creative and emphatic qualities of human genius are part of the matter of reason and common sense. Being different and of different attitude should be abberant and deficient, as nothing that produces dispair, discomfort, conflict and powerty can be regarded as humanly acceptable. So, peace is possible in the the world where it oresents the priority and true aim. But, peace is not the priority of the world we live in.

3. Wars are for the poor devils When about richness distributed, almost all of it goes to the rich. When misery and wars are distributed globally, the poor get all of it. Classical wars will be exported/or implanted in the third world where resources have to be conquered for the ever more avaricious and greedy corporations. Therefore we live in the world where peace needs to be defended daily and where peacemakers are constant losers. Wars are everywhere. The troubled history will take time to settle and correct what needs to be corrected. Wars are politics gone mad. Anything can

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be an excuse for war. If there isn't any, - well it can be created. War is an export product easy to sell: there's always somebody to embrace the project and many to take part in the feast.

Museums and other institutions of collective memory could be of some use for peace. They are already.

If terrorism is an excuse, - so much the better Otherwise the world we have inherited would have no basis for the repression: a picture of an impossible world!

4. The unpeaceful world we have By the nature of the world we shall be inclined to CONQUER as much and as far as we can reach. Saying "we", is rather inaccurate, as most humans are not interested to interfere with anything which is beyond our immediate life envirnonment or, in the other extreme, beyond the stratosphere. (Why would anybody spend billions on asteroids while we have so much to do and spend on the world so badly in the need). So, who are "them"? Preponderant forces of the society, world leaders, the NSC (when about the accummulation of power ), IMF, WTO, multinational corporations... Another paranoia? Not realy, because their own documents clearly assume the responsibility and ambition: they do want to lead the international community and they feel responsible for it. The only difference is that they want us to say how happy we are with this fact and how democratic all this is. If one has difficulties to utter that, one is either anarchist or communist, as it suits their moment.

We, the citizens of the world are decived. The century old doctrine that saw peace as the result of balance of power was useless whent it was there (Francis B. Sayre). Why are we tortured again by the remaining imbalance?

They wars can be subtly manipulated business that hardly ever appears in history textbooks and museums. If not directly, an invasion can always be done from within the country: like English did in Sudan by using Egiptian soldiers and French money, or Russians in Poland, or indeed, America in so many places that they cannot remember them any more. Direct exports of war as mere conquest is an endless sequence of evil that constitute the world of today.

Curioulsy, the most powerful countries are the greatest sinners in their past and these stories are "little else than a long succession of useless cruelties" (Voltaire about History).

In the world in which military investment is hundred times bigger than that for culture and noble causes like arts, - we only have what we invest in: lot of wars and proportionally more destruction and misery and. No God of ours that we pray to, approve that, - and we all know it. But most of the wars are fought in gods' name and with priests' blessings. We live in the greateast era of hypocrisy in human history. UN has become aliby provider for those in it who are powerful enough to put vetos on undeniable, or manipulate decisions by financial blackmailing.

Of course, there is nothing new about it: Might makes right. Anything positive is always more demanding. Aristotle said "It is more difficult to organize peace than to win a war". And, as ever, the responsibility is always with power.

5. Homo homini lupus, or how are we manipulated to chaos Greed as the only remaining ideology is proposed and praised: the public hoola balloo in the meantime drumms incessantly about human rights, all sorts of rights, making us all live at daggers drawn.... Individuals are given the illusion of importance by suggested total freedom

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of individual claims. But, try the substantials! Tied to the working place, reduced to working skill on the market, scared by insecurity, robbed by the banks and brainwashed by the media, contemporary person is a destitute serf in modern feudalism. Those who refuse the exausting daily toil in total insecurity and deny happy consumerism will end up in hospitals and asylums, with destroyed marriages, destructed families, broken friendships... Thus individuals become separated by interestes and find themselves completely alone. From there on, - the Great Greed Force has another lump of clay to build its instrumentalized Golem, - the Machine as Lewis Mumford would put it.

Behind the democratic scenery, there is a mastodontal global project of creating the billions of scared, lonley individuals that will willingly find the shelter in the parades of collective ego and become the happy inhabitants of the Planet Hollywood, - a vision common to any totalitarian scheme. "Democracy" is one of the most frequently used words of today: the first proof it does not exist. The citizen is turned into a shopper of dreams and illusions. He/she is stuffed and grind by media with daily portions of somma, kept busy buy insecure existence and incessant competition, entagled by loan sharks (who, in Europe at least, used to the banks in service of community)...

The expectation of the creators of it is that we will not notice what is happening as danger seemingly died away by the fall of the Berlin wall. And, they just might be right. So you will neither notice the planetary shame of legal trade with the right to polute; or, - that the multinationals of the first democracy in the world caused the last two dozens of wars on the very same and only Planet.

When you start believing that smoking is the worst problem of mankind and that lives of white mice are question for to be or not to be, then you are part of the mass.

The only possibility is the organised citizen. But the citizen must be educated enough and informed enough not only to look but to SEE. Will our institutions help? Will professions stay faithful to their plot against laiety, a temptation Bernard Shaw signaled so long ago?

6. What can heritage institutions do for peace?

Military, war and museums alike, for the most and still quite horyfing and disgusting places, sort of manipulated reconstructions of crime scenes. Their scientific background may be correctly done but who made the choice? What if "events in the past may be roughly divided into those which probably never happened and those which do not matter (W.R. Inge). What if generalized history is indeed "a branch of speculation, connected (often rather arbitrarily and uneasily) with certain facts about the past" as Aldous Huxley claimed?

Tens of thousands ambitious, scientific and expensive museums glorify the warriors, generals or imperators. We passed through a long succession of "useless cruelties" (Voltaire about history) and hardly any museum admits any guilt. Servile to their bosses and and autistic in their community, they show but glorious, rightful armies and their wicked enemies. We glorify generals, murderers and plunderers, but hardly any of the peace makers: it seems our museums tacitly consider them traitors.

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Taken as a whole, museums hardly record the human epopee of sufering, and if they do it is often one side of the story. They rather praise conquest and victories as triumphs of the national strenght.

Who caused then such a terrible suffering on this Planet? Who made it a place of continuous slaughter? Can each nation and each community finally take up their blame and, being purged by the truth, continue by being better? In museums? Hardly. Disturbing memories might cause unwanted effects . Elswhere? Not probable. When politicians, priests and educators talk the language of intolerance and hatred, the country will know no peace; anybody different or any difference will be the good enough enemy. But, maybe, finally, there would be the time for the red line and different continuation? Museums will not change the world but may help in makeing this change possible.

"Peace is not the elimination of the causes of war. Rather it is a mastery of great human forces and creation of an environment in which human aims may be pursued constructively".

(James H. Case, Jr. ) It "is not absence of war, it is virtue, a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice (baruch Spinoza) Telling stories of importance of peace is dull and uninteresting. But presenting the eternal values of justice, freedom and prosperity that constitute the peace, can be quite intriguing. It is values that make the peace possible as the one that comes out of mere war exaustion is neither timely nor enduring. Museums cannot change the world but they can help towards making it better by sowing the love in place of hatred, pardon instead of injury, union instead discord, faith instead of doubt, hope instead of dispair, light instead of darkness, joy where sadness is (paraphrase of St. Francis of Assisi). One should question the use of history museums as a whole, at least to find out the positive examples and praise them as the way onwards.

There are more and more of them, to tell the encouraging news â&#x20AC;Ś The heritage institutiuos have to propose attractive ways of explaining that the sure way to hell is the growing apotheosis of egotism. Peace is not the set of rules and agreements. It is quality of culture and a state of mind. If heritage institutions cannot teach qualities that mean peace or set ground for it, then they are dead capital, - misused and buried. The mere knowledge ammassed in the immense quantity of evidence they keep in ther vaults or expose in their galleries is impressive enough for that. If taken as material for wisdom, this collective memory is worth the effort. It becomes truly meaningful. Why on Earth should the collections exist if they cannot remind us, teach us that 90 billion people died so far on the Planet and that most of them knew what was wrong and disgraceful in human existence: the incessant killings and destruction instead of love, compassion, comfort and prosperity?

Peace themes are dull and uninteresting: tautological, patronizing, disciplined, educational, unattractive... But, tell the interesting story! In some forseable future, when we build up a strong profession of heritage communicators and carers, we shall probably still have enough public money to demonstrate that we are not just passive scribes to the masters of the history, but also partakers in it, - those who use knowledge to provide the usable answers to our fellow beings. Internet is the apotheosis of knowledge. But as mountains of knowledge grow endlessly, as we dorwn in the ocean of the useless information, - we seem to have less and less wisdom.

Can curators tolerate it infinitely? Can intelectuals be calmed forever? We shall be loosing our

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public jobs and having walls build around us only if we are just few, if we do not represent a profession. We do not want to become a political party. We do not want to offer the sole and only truth. We do not require the privilege of obedience. What we do have to offer is the entire truth, all sides of it, timely, useful, ethical and responsible, - refering to the obvious problems of our taxpayers and users.

In the panopticum of illusions and deceipt, we, ordinary people are puzzled and frightened.

What is what and who is who, indeed? We are attacked by the armies of scoundrels of all sorts, no matter what title or position they disguise themselves in. All of them fight either for our mind or valet or both, indeed and use an array of techniques to swindle our minds and our perceptions.

The reasons are always the same: power and gold in all shapes, colours and alloys.

Heritage institutions should be like grandfathers, old uncles, wise grandmothers, knowledgeable and experienced friends who help us re-gain control of our mind and senses.

They would tell us stories of the experiences stored into their vaults, stories about the human nature and its temptations, about traps and enemies, about ways to freedom and harmony.

They have to teach us what is true and what is false, what is beautiful and why, - in brief how to recognize virtues, how to posses them and how to enjoy their blessing. We do not need them as hermetic philosophers but as simple wise men, abe to guide us through our own world: our schools, our shopping malls, our jobs, living ambiences, natural environment, politics, media, places of interest... All these places and activities need to be interpreted to be fully and correctly understood. Schools can do much, but we need a genuine learning environment, - that what we so eagerly and idealistically expected from television. 28 hours of TV programme that an average American consumes a week, is rarely more than bubbles in the Coke: the nothing that became new epitome of reality. Freedom is being able to live and think authonomously and decide for one self. Individualism is the future cut to measure of any human being, and not the horror of total loneliness as it is daily projected. The Great Greed turns humans into insecure adicts who fly from freedom and fall prey of collective hysteria.

7. Conclusion Anatole France thought, like many, that universal peace will be realized because it will be imposed by "new order ot things, a new science, new economic necessities". The future is likely to become a constant denial of peace qualities. Wars will be rare as the resources all over the world become either conquered or privatized and re-sold to corporations. But the unrest, conflict, and terrorism will be the daily practice of a war as social and political state.

The Great Greed Forces will take it as a further excuse to limit the the freedom.

Once the daring and adventurous human spirit is orientated towards the inner explorations, of which art is the best example, - the mankind may count with chances of survival, both in the sense of upgrading of human nature and that of harmonious, sustainable development.

That, however, is a distant and rather improbable variant as human nature will remain an easy prey to its fatal enemies. Petrarch counted five of them: avarice, amibition, envy, anger and pride.

We look forward to the time when Power of Love will replace the Love for Power. (William E. Gladstone). Losers or winners, we have no choice but to build our edifice of virtue as societal project. I am a convinced pesimist but humankind has survived so far just because we never learned to give up. This terrible shortcoming is also our chance.

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! JORDI PADRÓ Consultor en patrimonio, museología y turismo cultural.

Director de “STOA. Propuestas culturales y turísticas”

“MUSEO DE LA PAZ DE GERNIKA / GERNIKAKO BAKEAREN MUSEOA. RENUNCIAR A OLVIDAR, RENUNCIAR A LA VENGANZA” STOA ( www.stoa.es ) es una consultoría en interpretación del patrimonio, museografía y turismo cultural, creada en 1995, con sede en Barcelona, que reúne un equipo de especialistas en planificación, diseño, formación, comunicación y desarrollo turístico del patrimonio cultural y natural.

A partir del nuevo concepto de gestión creativa del patrimonio, adecuamos los recursos patrimoniales para la visita pública; diseñamos equipamientos, servicios y actividades con finalidades culturales, turísticas, educativas y sociales, e impulsamos iniciativas de cooperación internacional en el ámbito cultural y turístico.

Nuestros proyectos plantean mejorar el acceso y el conocimiento del patrimonio por parte de la sociedad, poniéndolo al servicio del disfrute turístico, de la educación, la delectación, la identificación social y la calidad de vida. Adecuamos el patrimonio para la visita y diseñamos servicios y actividades con finalidades culturales, turísticas, educativas y sociales.

Las acciones de Stoa buscan proporcionar una presentación amena e interesante de los recursos patrimoniales, dotándoles de un sentido y de un significado, y transmitiendo los elementos esenciales de la identidad de un territorio, presentándolos “in situ”, siempre que sea posible, y desarrollando servicios para los visitantes.

Los ámbitos fundamentales de actuación de Stoa son los siguientes: • Planificación, gestión y formación en el ámbito del patrimonio, la museología y el turismo cultural y ecológico.

• Diseño y producción de museos, centros de visitantes, exposiciones u otros equipamientos patrimoniales.

• Promoción y desarrollo local a partir de recursos culturales y naturales.

• Cooperación internacional en el ámbito cultural y turístico.

Una preocupación por el uso social del patrimonioa Nuestros proyectos plantean mejorar el acceso y el conocimiento del patrimonio por parte de la sociedad. Poniéndolo al servicio de la educación, la delectación, la identificación social y la calidad de vida; condicionándolo para la visita, y diseñando servicios y actividades con finalidades culturales, turísticas, educativas y sociales.

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Un método para la presentación, la comunicación y la explotación del patrimonio: la interpretación Las acciones de Stoa buscan proporcionar una presentación amena e interesante de los recursos patrimoniales, dotándoles de un sentido y de un significado, y transmitiendo los elementos esenciales de la identidad de un territorio, presentándolos “in situ”, siempre que sea posible, y desarrollando servicios para los visitantes.

Una concepción integral del patrimonio Nuestras actuaciones parten de la concepción del patrimonio como resultado de la dialéctica que se establece entre el hombre y el medio, entre la comunidad y el territorio. El patrimonio es todo aquello que nos remite a nuestra identidad: patrimonio artístico, arqueológico, histórico, natural, y también las formas de vida, las tradiciones, el paisaje... Una concepción integradora, potenciada por la UNESCO, que conlleva la consideración de las obras del hombre y de la naturaleza como único patrimonio para la humanidad.

La integración del patrimonio en las políticas de desarrollo territorial Nuestros proyectos vinculan las estrategias de preservación del patrimonio al crecimiento del ocio y del turismo, y de esta forma, son capaces de generar el desarrollo económico y social de los territorios. Las inversiones en patrimonio tienen un claro impacto ocupacional.

Un modelo de desarrollo sostenible Nuestra filosofía busca el equilibrio entre la conservación del patrimonio, la calidad de la experiencia del visitante y la mejora de la calidad de vida de la población.

STOA ha sido la empresa responsable del concepto museístico, el proyecto museográfico y la producción del Gernikako Bakearen Museoa – Museo de la Paz de Gernika.

Museo de la Paz de Gernika / Gernikako Bakearen Museoa. Renunciar a olvidar, renunciar a la venganza El 8 de Enero de 2003 se inauguró y se abrió al público el Museo de la Paz de Gernika, fruto del trabajo llevado a cabo a lo largo de dos años por los profesionales del equipo de Stoa, de la mano de los técnicos del propio museo y una comisión de expertos en temas de paz, mediación y reconciliación integrado por los colectivos, Gesto por la Paz, Elkarri, Bakeaz y Gernika Gogoratuz. Al abordar este proyecto Stoa ( www.stoa.es )asumió el reto que le ofrecía el Ayuntamiento de Gernika-Lumo para la reforma integral del museo, reordenamiento de los espacios y servicios, replanteamiento conceptual de los contenidos, así como un nuevo diseño museografico de la totalidad de las salas expositivas.

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Una ciudad símbolo

La organización para la comunicación.

Gernika es la ciudad que dio nombre al encargo que a principios de 1937, el Gobierno de la República Española realizaba a Pablo Picasso para el pabellón español de la Exposición Internacional de París. Con el tiempo se convertiría en un cuadro contra la intolerancia, la opresión, la violencia y los autoritarismos. Gernika también es el lugar donde perdura el mito del diálogo alrededor de un árbol en torno al cual, como decía Rousseu “se reunía una junta de campesinos para tomar la decisión más justa” y donde paradojicamente hoy se vive en primera persona un conflicto sobre cuyo origen no hay consenso, pero que tiene dimensiones políticas, sociales y culturales, así como graves manifestaciones de violencia que impiden la convivencia normalizada. Ésta es también la ciudad que, habiendo vivido el ensayo de “guerra total” que supuso el bombardeo de 1937 ha sabido, sin renunciar a olvidar, renunciar a la venganza y reconciliarse con los herederos de sus agresores cicatrizando así las heridas de aquel hecho. En este entorno en el que la paz va y viene, en el que los gestos de reconciliación se funden con los problemas del conflicto actual, se ubica el Museo de la Paz de Gernika, un espacio privilegiado para hablar de paz, que ha crecido para transformarse en un museo atractivo y dinámico, un escenario que pretende invitar a cuestionarse y a dialogar sobre la paz, que busca motivar a creer en ella, que invita a buscarla, observarla y confrontarla. El museo de la paz de Gernika es un museo temático difusor de la cultura de paz que quiere comparar y contrastar aspectos universales sobre la paz sin olvidar su propia experiencia.

El museo se ordena a nivel de comunicación desde tres grandes ópticas. Estas perspectivas presentan la paz desde diversas aristas, aunque ese prisma extraño que cambia con nosotros mismos y con los tiempos no se deja acotar permitiendo así que el tema no se agote así como suscitar tantas preguntas como respuestas podamos encontrar.

Un nuevo concepto de museo de la paz Para proyectar el museo de la paz era necesario, en primer lugar, definir el concepto de museo que lo iba a posicionar en relación a otros museos de la paz existentes en el mundo.

Una revisión de los mismos nos mostró que buena parte de ellos son “museos memorial” que honran a las víctimas de un hecho bélico y generan una museografía que busca la presentación de la paz de una manera indirecta a partir de generar un efecto de rechazo y aversión sobre la guerra. Este es un reflejo de la historiografía de paz, que aparece en escena cuando los guerreros han enfundado sus armas erigiéndose en protagonista por negación de la violencia de manera que parece que no tiene sentido sin ella. El museo pretende reivindicar también todos aquellos matices y vertientes de la paz que la hacen protagonista por sí misma y, éste aspecto es un elemento fundamental que reivindican teóricos e investigadores por la paz como Johan Galtung o JP Lederach sobre el sentido de esta palabra en sí misma, como energía positiva que tiene sus raíces en la vida al lado de términos como convivencia, solidaridad, compañerismo es la llamada paz de vida.

En segundo lugar entendíamos que la museografía debía estar a la altura del tema a tratar y apostamos por un mestizaje de sistemas que han tenido en cuenta fundamentalmente la relación entre los contenidos y el espacio. Entendimos la museografía como una instalación con un componente escenográfico fundamental de manera que el visitante que transita no solo por un espacio con elementos diseñados a medida sino por un lugar “nuevo” en el que suelo, techos y paredes están al servicio de la comunicación del museo.

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Perspectiva conceptual. El museo presenta en primer lugar un punto vista que pretende acotar el concepto paz. A largo de los siglos el ser humano fusionando distintos modelos, formas e ideas de paz que nos llevan por ejemplo de la paz entendidada como equilibrio armamentístico en plena guerra fría, a la paz que proclamaban figuras como Ghandi con sus actos de resistencia no-violenta, la búsqueda de la paz interior por medio de las religiosidades de cada pueblo o la paz que genera tener nuestras necesidades básicas cubiertas. Hoy en pleno siglo XXI tenemos que reivindicar la paz de vida, un tejido para el apoyo mutuo basado en la cooperación y el entendimiento del “otro” pero también la paz que busca mediar en los conflictos. El concepto de camino por la paz acuñado por Gandhi nos sirve en este espacio para generar una perspectiva por la que transita el visitante al final de la cual se nos presenta el concepto de paz del siglo XXI. Perspectiva Local. El 26 de abril de 1937, lunes de mercado en Gernika, la paz dejó de verse con el bombardeo de la aviación Cóndor en un acto de guerra contra la población civil, un acto indiscriminado contra una ciudad indefensa y no combatiente. Este es el punto de partida mediante un audiovisual presentado en la escenografía de una casa tipo de esta época en el que su protagonista Begoña nos narra las pequeñas y grandes cosas que sucedían en aquellos días. La casa nos da paso a la ciudad destruida que nos narra desde sus cenizas, por medio de una perspectiva generada por la superposición de cristales tratados gráficamente de vitrinas, suelo escenográfico imágenes estáticas y en movimiento, su antigua historia y todos los pormenores de la guerra civil dejándonos en el acto que en 1997 el presidente Roman Herzog realiza enviando una carta a los supervivientes pidiendo perdón. Este acto de reconciliación en el que los supervivientes mediante la renuncia al olvido y también a la venganza cicatrizan las heridas nos sirve para presentar mediante un audiovisual en una sala circular, símbolo de las reuniones alrededor del árbol, otras reconciliaciones y procesos de mediación en el mundo como el de Sudáfrica o Guatemala.

Perspectiva global. El Gernika de Picasso, un cuadro reivindicativo y comprometido sirve de lente para observar un aspecto fundamental y global en todos los temas vinculados a la paz: los derechos humanos fundamentales. En esta sala presidida por una reproducción del cuadro se nos muestra la trascendencia de esta declaración. No pasa ni un día sin que veamos la guerra o el hambre, las detenciones arbitrarias, las torturas, las violaciones, los asesinatos o las “limpiezas” étnicas. No pasa ni un solo día sin que oigamos hablar de afrentas a las libertades más fundamentales. Los Derechos Humanos son constantemente pisoteados y, sin que ellos sean respetados, la paz no es posible. El museo finaliza de nuevo cerrando el objetivo en una sala que recrea el ambiente de un bosque, mediante un zoom hacia el propio pueblo vasco denunciando el conflicto que vive en clave de desgaste

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y efectos de la violencia con la colaboración de todos los partidos con representación parlamentara, personas emblemáticas de la cultura, sindicatos e iglesia haciendo un llamamiento para continuar la labor de todas las entidades que realizan un esfuerzo por vivir en paz.

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! KARMELE BARANDIARAN Directora del Departamento de Gestión de Museos –K6 Gestión CulturalResponsable de Gestión del Museo Zumalakarregi “EL MUSEO ZUMALAKARREGI: UN MUSEO DE GUERRA CONVERTIDO EN CENTRO DE REFERENCIA DEL PAÍS VASCO EN EL SIGLO XIX” Karmele Barandiaran Experta en Museología y Patrimonio Cultural. Socia fundadora de K6 Gestión Cultural desde su creación en 1989. Ha tomado parte como museóloga en equipos pluridisciplinares de numerosos proyectos de la empresa. Ha realizado numerosas exposiciones temporales de temáticas variadas. Dirige actualmente el Departamento de Gestión de Museos y Centros de Interpretación de la empresa. Este Departamento desarrolla por un lado productos y herramientas específicas para la gestión de museos y centros de interpretación, y por otro, ofrece la gestión integral de centros, entre los que se encuentran el Museo Zumalakarregi, el Museum Cemento Rezola y el Museo Igartubeiti.

K6 Gestión cultural (www.k6gestioncultural.com) K6 aporta al sector un modelo propio de gestión y servicios ocioculturales en museos y centros de interpretación. Ofrece nuevas visiones y perspectivas en el campo de la gestión patrimonial y de los equipamientos culturales. Pretende romper moldes en la gestión tradicional de los museos, aportando dinámicas de gestión adaptadas a los cambios culturales y a las exigencias de mercado. Propone una línea de consultoría museológica-patrimonial y desarrolla líneas de diversificación del producto dirigida a nuevas demandas, con la calidad del producto como preocupación prioritaria.

Presentación El Museo Zumalakarregi (http://www.gipuzkoakultura.net/museos/zm/index.php Ormaiztegi, Gipuzkoa), propiedad de la Diputación Foral de Gipuzkoa, abrió sus puertas al público en 1989.

En sus inicios, el Museo estaba dedicado al general carlista Tomás Zumalacárregui, héroe mitificado de la Primera Guerra Carlista del País Vasco, que murió en plena batalla en 1835.

La exposición permanente presentaba la biografía y aspectos de la vida militar del personaje, así como el contexto bélico en el que vivió.

Una empresa privada en la gestión del museo

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de niño, dejó sus estudios por la carrera militar tras iniciarse en la guerrilla, y murió en la guerra que le ha hecho famoso.

Nuestra gestión se ha basado desde el principio en ampliar la dimensión conceptual del museo más allá de un típico museo de guerra. Convertimos al general Zumalacárregui y la Primera Guerra Carlista en el medio para comunicar una época, el siglo XIX. Mostramos la guerra en su contexto más amplio, orígenes, evolución, consecuencias, aplicamos el planteamiento de que una explicación de la guerra y sus circunstancias, si se hace con sentido crítico, es un excelente medio de educación para la paz.

Tras numerosas actividades y 15 años de gestión, hemos conseguido convertir un Museo de Guerra.... en un... Centro de Referencia para el conocimiento y disfrute del siglo XIX en el País Vasco.

Planteamiento conceptual hacia el nuevo enfoque del museo Un período de reflexión y de conocimiento de otras referencias museales nos posibilitó crear las claves a la hora de abordar la nueva dimensión conceptual del Museo Zuamalakarregi: • Un museo ha de ser un espacio de conocimiento y de reflexión sobre cuestiones que afectan a la naturaleza humana y social. Por tanto, hemos de huir del museo tradicional de historia militar donde las grandes batallas y sus héroes protagonizan los espacios y donde la paz no es más que el período entre guerras.

• Para ello hemos de rescatar y sacar a la luz nuestra memoria olvidada. Explicamos de forma entendible la complejidad del País Vasco en el siglo XIX en un intento de dar a conocer nuestra historia y de impulsar el sentido crítico hacia ella.

• El general Zumalacárregui y la Primera Guerra Carlista han de convertirse en el medio para comunicar una época, el siglo XIX. La vida de Zumalacárregui es un momento privilegiado para observar la fractura del Antiguo Régimen y el difícil surgimiento del Liberalismo en el País Vasco. Esta época es un excelente motivo de reflexión sobre muchos capítulos de la historia vasca que aún hoy día no se han cerrado.

Desde su apertura el Museo ha sido gestionado por la empresa privada K6 Gestión Cultural.

• Una explicación de la guerra y sus circunstancias, si se hace con sentido crítico, es un excelente medio de educación para la paz . Corregir prejuicios y visiones parciales y presentar los hechos históricos sin caer en anacronismos ni extrapolaciones.

Desde sus inicios aportamos una nueva visión en el planteamiento del museo. La biografía del general Tomás Zumalacárregui refleja la violencia de toda una época: conoció la guerra

• La guerra ha de ser evitable. No es un fenómeno atmosférico, algo incontrolable que nos viene sin saber cómo ni por qué.

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2. Creando actividades específicas • Itinerario temático “Guerra y Paz en tiempos de Zumalacárregui”: un itinerario para meditar sobre las raíces, formas y consecuencias de la violencia, basada en la Primera Guerra Carlista como ejemplo de conflicto bélico. Los temas que se abordan son:

¿Cómo trasladar estas ideas al museo?

1. Interviniendo en ciertos espacios de la exposición 2. Creando actividades específicas 1. Interviniendo en ciertos espacios de la exposición • Realización de audiovisual “Dos mundos frente a frente”: un resumen del siglo XIX en el País Vasco, la difícil transición hacia el sistema liberal, las guerras civiles, la industrialización, etc.

• Realización de cajas “La crueldad de la guerra”: la dignidad humana es un valor supremo que debe estar por encima de cualquier circunstancia bélica. Repartidas a lo largo de la exposición nos sirven de guía para tratar el temas de actualidad.

• Creación de un espacio mítico sobre el general Zumalacárregui, un personaje polémico mitificado y denostado. Un héroe para gentes de ideologías contrapuestas que hacen uso del personaje para sus reivindicaciones, desde los sellos de correo con su efigie emitidos por Franco hasta carteles de independencia nacionalista vasca.

• Creación de un espacio de contraste del general carlista con su hermano político liberal: ¿Quién conoce a su hermano Miguel Antonio, senador y ministro, alcalde de San Sebastian, siempre hombre de leyes y más conocido en su época que su hermano general Tomás? Es un personaje olvidado en el transcurrir de la historia, a pesar de haber sido uno de los principales impulsores de la causa liberal en nuestro país.

• Creación de un taller interactivo dedicado a la sociedad del siglo XIX : una manera diferente de aproximación a una época.

• Creación de un centro de documentación especializado en el siglo XIX en el País Vasco: a disposición de especialistas e interesados, contiene colecciones bibliográficas y documentales sobre cualquier aspecto relacionado con la época.

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El comienzo de la guerra. La violencia primera: la descalificación del otro Los límites de la guerra. La graduación de la violencia En busca de soluciones. Cuando las palabras pueden más que las armas La paz. Símbolos y contenidos Las consecuencias de la violencia. Las víctimas inocentes Las consecuencias de la victoria. Los límites entre la paz y la guerra

• Exposiciones temporales: de temáticas variadas, ahondan en temas muy diversos en un intento de reflexionar sobre distintas miradas de ver y percibir una época. Destacamos entre éstas:

- ”Frente a la oscuridad”: La modernidad tiene muchas caras. A lo largo del siglo XIX, a la par que las revoluciones económicas, sociales y políticas, se va a ir imponiendo una nueva percepción: la vida humana adquiere mayor valor. El ser humano consigue vivir más, consigue vivir mejor, la fotografía hace que su imagen -su verdadera imagen, no la ficción de un artista- se prolongue más allá de su vida. El optimismo se apodera de él. Ha multiplicado su capacidad de matar, pero también la de sanar y vivir. No será fácil; a veces la ciencia se guía por la intuición y el prejuicio; la difusión de la información choca con los intereses del poder. Las guerras evidenciaron mejor que nada los contradictorios sentimientos de una nueva sensibilidad.

- “El siglo XIX en caricaturas”: El género de la caricatura se desarrolla y expande en el siglo XIX, con la difusión y generalización de la prensa. A partir de ese momento, el caricaturista se convierte en un periodista que va a utilizar la imagen para poder llegar al público, que en su mayoría , en aquella época, no sabía ni leer ni escribir. El interés de la caricatura radica, no ya sólo en la calidad de las obras sino en la enorme cantidad de información que estas humildes obras proporcionan pudiendo revivir todos aquellos acontecimientos, desde los más triviales a los más importantes y también conocer la mentalidad de aquella época.

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- “Exploradores en el siglo XIX”: A mediados del siglo XIX los mapas todavía tenían muchos espacios en blanco. Eran muchas l a s re g i o n e s d e l m u n d o t o t a l m e n t e desconocidas... para los europeos.

Esta exposición nos ofrece la oportunidad de adentrarnos en la época de los viajes de exploración que iban rellenando los huecos de los mapas. Desde nuestra actual perspectiva, sus textos nos descubren no sólo los paisajes y costumbres de todo el mundo, sino el asombro que les producían a los europeos. Ningún sitio existía hasta haberlo hollado un pie europeo. Apenas se aceptaba civilización que no proviniera del “Viejo Continente”.

Muchos relatos y descripciones rezuman racismo, pero también derrochan valor, sed de aventuras y pasión por la vida en los trances más críticos.

“EL MUSEO ZUMALAKARREGI: UN MUSEO DE GUERRA CONVERTIDO EN CENTRO DE REFERENCIA DEL PAÍS VASCO EN EL SIGLO XIX”

KARMELE BARANDIARAN

CONCLUSIÓN El Museo Zumalakarregi es dinámico por las actividades que realiza, pero sobre todo por el espíritu crítico que le anima. Investiga una época relevante en la historia vasca, muy polémica y con una gran carga de actualidad.

Está constantemente atento a los avances que en el campo de la comunicación se están dando en otros museos de sus características. La arquitectura, los recursos museográficos, la tecnología más avanzada están al servicio de una filosofía. Los objetos expuestos no son sólo militares, también civiles. Lo importante es que tengan relevancia en el conflicto. Cuidamos la presentación, recurrimos a la emoción para aumentar el sentido crítico, no para anularlo.

Realizamos exposiciones, creamos itinerarios temáticos...

Este es el gran reto del museo: poner a disposición del visitante el resultado de nuestras investigaciones en un intento de inducir a la reflexión y de despertar la conciencia pública.

• Publicaciones especializadas y divulgativas, donde se recogen las últimas investigaciones sobre el siglo XIX en nuestro país, en edición bianual.

- Página web dinámica: con propuesta mensuales muy diversificadas.

- Gentes del siglo XIX: coleccionable virtual compuesto por 12 fascículos donde se presenta a personas protagonistas de las pequeñas historias que conforman la evolución humana y social.

- Revista electrónica Historia on line: con propuestas muy variadas desde las que nos acercamos a mayores y a jóvenes, a especialistas y a ociosos: exposiciones virtuales, juegos interactivos, historias cotidianas, etc.

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! ASHLEY WOODS AWP “INSECURITY: HIROSHIMA, CHERNOBYL AND AFTER...”

At this very moment in time, many populations are suffering, whether due to natural catastrophies , such as the recent events in Asia or through continued conflict and war. Now, more than ever in our history, is it necessary to take a closer and more interrogative look at the stability, security and peace of our planet and to try and to share responsibility for its future.

As Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Association exclaims:

“It is vital that we engage individuals from all sectors of society in a public dialogue on international security – to remind them of the continued danger of nuclear war, to explain to them possible alternatives, and to offer avenues for involvement.”

As man himself continues to inflict suffering upon himself, he also endangers the earth; the environment and all of its precious resources .

Living under such conditions, should we really be thinking of investing further in nuclear technology, whether for energy or for military use? What of the continued and ever growing security risks? Are we not playing “Russian Roulette” and adding further danger to the peace and stability of our already fragile world? In the words of Noam Chomsky (“Preventive War: the Supreme Crime, published Aug 2003) we have entered a dangerous era in which a “new norm of international law” exists, whereby waging war is no longer seen as last resort, but acceptable for reasons of global security.

“You can get more with a kind word and a gun than with a kind word alone.” Chicago gangster Al Capone quoted by Donald Rumsfeld in response to a question on Iraq. 2004.

Acts of war such as the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 (for which 2005 will see the 60th anniversary) or disasters such as that of Chernobyl in 1986 (20th anniversary in 2006) will always be observed, documented and reinterpreted by photographers and artists alike. Those who have a deeper understanding of their subject matter are those who have witnessed events, such as Yosuke Yamahata or Shomei Tomatsu whose documentation of the after effects serve as indelible evidence for generations to come.

This project will reunite an important and diverse selection of existing photographic documents provided by international institutions, associations and independent sources. But importantly it will also allow for the production of new photographic work by renowned photographers / artists, and organised by an independent editors from the international press eg. Geo, Le Monde, El Mundo, Newsweek, The Times.

The main objective of this project is to inform people, especially the younger generation who stand to inherit this earth, of the history of nuclear technology and its diverse uses and

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the risks involved in its continued development. The project will allow for research and provide valuable tools to promote positive dialogue with other cultures / ethnic groups on the subject.

A touring exhibition, will be presented whether at existing locations as well as those conceived specially for the occasion (eg. Public outdoor areas). The size of the exhibition will remain flexible for possible future presentation at smaller venues (public halls, schools, universities, etc.). At the same time a book will also be published bringing together a larges selection of original material eg. Images, essays and interviews. Other avenues of presentation and communication are also planned such as a DVD for educational use, as well as a specially designed internet archive and chat site that will serve as a means of research and dialogue.

Insecurity: the events 1) Exhibition: existing historic material A exhibition incorporating the work of respected photographers who have bared witness to the events that have marked the history of civil and military nuclear technology since Hiroshima as well as more creative photographic imagery that serve to symbolize and / or suggest emotion, rather than describe events.

An example of existing photographers work being contemplated for the: Ricky Davila Wood (E), Emmet Gowin (USA), Guillaume Herbaut (F), Kikuji Kawada (JP), Robert Polidori (I), Shomei Tomatsu (JP), Hiromi Tsuchida (JP), Yosuke Yamahata (JP). Originating from Japan as well as America, Bulgaria, China, France, Ukraine, Russia,…

2) Exhibition: new production The collective exhibition of established works will allow us to look at our past. But what of the present and future? For this project to be complete a number of photographers / artists will be assigned to work on a specific region, community or individual that continues to be effected or is at risk from future nuclear development. This new work will be incorporated at the end of the exhibition.

Each photographer will be chosen according to his knowledge of the region but also because of their diverse backgrounds. In certain cases a journalist or writer will cover the same subject or work in unison with the photographer.

Photographers being considered for assignment: • Manuel Bauer, Swiss.

Been working in China, Tibet and other parts of Far East Asia for over 15 years.

POY, USA and World Press Award winner his work on the Tibetan diaspora.

Based in Switzerland.

• Peter Dammann, German.

Winner of the German Hansel-Mieth-Prize and the Gabriel-Grüner-Grant for his coverage of life in and around the Kosloduj Nuclear reactors in Bulgaria. He continues to work on the subject. Based in Berlin.

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•Tim Georgeson, Australian.

Frequently works on assignment for National Geographic Magazine and Geo. Also with Greenpeace International. Lives in Amsterdam.

• Stanley Greene, American.

Winner of the prestigious Eugene Smith 2004 Grant for Humanistic Photography.

Has been working in Russia and Chechnia for the past 15 years.

• Jeff Jacobson, American One-time civil rights lawyer, his on going project “Changing America”, looks at events that have shaped the face of America since the past 60 years.

• Simon Norfolk, British.

Author of “For Most Of It I Have No Words: Genocide, Landscape, Memory”, a look at remains of the places where genocide took place in the 20th century.

3) Exhibition: multimedia presentation.

As an integral part of the exhibition, a multimedia presentation (possibly using state of the art large format flat screens) bringing together a larger selection of photographic material and documents to present the exhibition in the broader context of world events: explaining in more depth the decisions that led up to the A-bomb being used on Hiroshima and Nagasaki as well as understanding the scientific reasons and possibly political arguments behind Chernobyl.

Leading politicians and scientists will be asked to contribute and / or narrate this special presentation.

4) Book (exhibition catalogue) A publication will be edited in relation with the exhibition. The publisher will be a part of the editorial team and will therefore have an integral voice in the overall contents (images and text) and design of the book itself. Translated into numerous foreign languages, the book will be available in bookstores and on the internet as and when the exhibition is first presented. A percentage of sales will help provide funding for the tour and further presentation of the exhibition to those who cannot afford the transport costs etc…

“INSECURITY: HIROSHIMA, CHERNOBYL AND AFTER...”

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a) Archive: a simple and easy to access researchable archive showing all material, both audio and visual researched and or consulted for the project. Captions and links provide the viewer with immediate information as to the whereabouts of the original photograph or document and contact details of its author. Images cannot be downloaded except in low resolution. The site is for consultation use only. b) Chat-line: virtual live discussion groups linking students, schools and associations / institutions around the globe who wish to discuss (sound + imagery) the topic with other groups elsewhere in the world. c) Links: web links with all partners / institutions eg. Imperial War Museum, who have collaborated on the project as well as important information and links to other interesting sites that propose help and assistance to those communities / people effected. d) Interactive presentation of the exhibition. The viewer maybe able to virtually travel through the exhibition, looking in detail at individual documents, photographs as well as listening to interviews from around the globe of different ethnic groups talking about their experiences.

7) Documentary film / TV series In collaboration with a television production company / channel, we hope to be able produce a short and / or full length documentary to coincide with the exhibition and book that could be shown at the same time as the exhibition in public cinemas or on television. a) Short length film of possible series of 15 – 20 minute programmes showing the “making of” the project. Following the photographers themselves in different regions of the world showing personal stories of people touched by the development / results of nuclear technology. b) Long length film showing all aspects of the project from Hiroshima to the present day and beyond. All research and material would be used to produce a full and detailed documentary.

8) Feature story / Press promotion An well edited selection of images and documents – free-of-right- for the promotion of the project will be chosen by the editorial board comprising of professional pictures editors in the international media. The selection will be published in leading magazines and newspaper to promote the number of visitors to the exhibition and internet site and viewers of the documentary.

5) DVD A DVD is planned that will incorporate all project material: stills, essays, interviews, original historic documents, video and website for educational use. Supplied together will the book, the dvd will allow students to interact with many of the people, photographers and establishments that have collaborated on the project.

6) Internet web site A fully automated site, especially designed and updated using FLASH and HTML.

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“I AM ADDICTED TO “RULES OF WAR.”HELP CURE MY ILLNESS. TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 “RULES OF LAW.”

CHUCK OVERBY

Bush3 as my “Handler in Chief.” You might find it somewhat incongruous to hear these different views coming from me, Uncle Sam, in this talk. Bear with me and I think that you will understand.

! CHUCK OVERBY Ohio University Emeritus Professor, and 1991 Founder of The Article 9 Society (A9S)

MY BRAND OF MILITARIANISM • My speaking time is limited, so let me recommend that you see the following seven books if you would like to better understand this path of violence, militarism, and war that is United States history, a history about which most US citizens are generally quite ignorant. These books are – [1] Michael Sherry4 , In The Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s; [2] Chalmers Johnson5, The Sorrows of Empire Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic; (See also Chalmers Johnson, “Blowback,” The Nation, October 15, 2001, pages 13-15, for an excellent assessment of the reasons for tragic 9/11 -- and Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire; [3] Andrew Bacevich6, The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced By War; [4] Joel Andreas7, Addicted to War: Why the U.S. Can’t Kick Militarism. Andreas is an easy to read illustrated comic book edition with a serious message. It is translated into Japanese; [5] Walter LaFeber8, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America; [6] Howard Zinn9, A People’s History of the United States: 1492 – Present; and [7] James W. Loewen10, Lies My Teacher Told Me:

“I AM ADDICTED TO “RULES OF WAR.”HELP CURE MY ILLNESS. TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 “RULES OF LAW.”

By Uncle Sam1 with the help of Dr. Chuck Overby2 (Appearing as Performing Artist) Ohio University Emeritus Professor, and 1991 Founder of The Article 9 Society (A9S) Japan Visit, July 2005 Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes.

In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.

• Good (morning) (afternoon) (evening) my Japanese friends. I am Uncle Sam, the iconic representation of the United States of America, which at this time in world affairs elicits many feelings of anger, disgust, distrust, and frustration all over the globe. Some people make effigies of me that they burn or hang.

• At the outset let me say that in spite of all the bad things you know and hear about me, I do have a decent and a good side. Dr. Overby and millions of my citizens seek for me to grow to follow this more hopeful path that is inherent in my birth over two centuries ago.

Unfortunately, I am not in control of myself. “Handlers” and “controllers run me. My handlers and controllers are the governments that my people elect. As you know, some of the things they have done in my name are not so very nice.

• As the title of my talk and the signs that I carry indicate, I have an addiction problem. I am addicted to war and to the “rules of war.” (See page 12 for the “signs” carried by Uncle Sam.) My addiction is especially evident and horrendous at the moment with President

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3 Some combat veterans like Dr. Overby and also many other Americans think of the Bush group as “chicken-hawk” leaders who have led us into this awful Iraqi war, based on lies and half truths, a war that has also dragged your country into it in ways that further violate Article 9 of your constitution. Many of my present handlers, including President Bush himself, seem to love war so long as they personally do not have to put their little bodies in danger, by fighting it themselves.

The great irony is that this group of neocons and a variety of other types of ideologues in the Bush administration specifically avoided their war – the Vietnam tragedy. President Bush received help from his then powerful Congressman daddy, Bush the First, to get into the Texas Air National Guard (TANG). Everyone knew that TANG would never go to Vietnam, thus it became a haven for multitudes of the children of the rich and powerful, leaving the horrors of Vietnam to blacks, other minorities, the poor, and those who actually initially believed the lies about the Vietnam war.

4 Sherry, Michael S., In The Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1995.

5 Johnson, Chalmers, The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, Metropolitan Books, Henry Holt and Co., New York, 2004. See also “Blowback,” The Nation, October 15, 2001, pages 13-15, for an excellent assessment of the reasons for tragic 9/11. Also see, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire, Henry Holt and Co., New York, 2000.

6 Bacevich, Andrew, J., The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced By War, Oxford University Press, 2005.

7 Andreas, Joel, Addicted To War: Why the U.S. Can’t Kick Militarism, an illustrated (comic book) expose¢, ISBN: 1 902593 57 X, 2002. Available at Frank Dorrel, www.addictedtowar.com , AK Press (US) www.akpress.org , and AK Press (UK) www.akuk.com . I think this little book might be translated into Japanese and available in Japan.

8

LaFeber, Walter, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America, W.W. Norton Co. 1984.

1 These remarks are by a kind of Uncle Sam that Dr. Overby and millions of his fellow US citizens seek for America.

This kind of Sam is different from the common current image of him. These words and views are Overby’s alone, not those of any organizations, past or present, with which he has or has had a connection.

9

Zinn, Howard, A People’s History of the United States: 1492 – Present, Harper Collins, 1999.

2 I wish to recognize and honor Dr. Hiroshi Katsumori, (my deceased friend, colleague, Article 9 admirer, and founder of the “A9S -- Japan”) -- and his dear wife, Megumi and family. Hiroshi died on 9 June 2004.

10 James W. Loewen, Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong. Touchstone Books, Simon & Schuster 1995. This book is available in Japanese and is also unabridged in English on 12 CDs, at www.recordedbooks.com .

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Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong. This book is also available in Japanese and is unabridged in English on 12 CDs, at www.recordedbooks.com .

• To read the official versions of my current handlers policies, please see the following two policy statements [a] “The National Security Strategy of the United States of America,” 2002,11 and [b] “The National Defense Strategy of The United States of America,” 200512.

Typing their titles into your web browser should bring up both of these official documents.

• Sherry, In The Shadow of War, characterizes the USA, since before World War II, as a culture living in a state of “militarization” which he defines as -- ”... the contradictory and tense social process in which civil society organizes itself for the production of violence.”

Dr. Overby says that he understands Sherry’s perception in that he is a product of that culture. Please see Overby’s brief vita on his Article 9 Society web site, www.article9society.org . Bacevich, a Vietnam veteran and West Point graduate with a Princeton history Ph.D., calls himself a political conservative who feels that America’s militarism is a violation of genuine conservative principles. And of course all of you known about Asian scholar, and former Vietnam War hawk, Chalmers Johnson who is a leading critic of America’s current path.

11 http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nssall.html . “The National Security Strategy of the United States of America” (NSS).

This is a policy statement on US imperialism, “preemptive wars,” etc. etc -- published in September 2002, but with origins going way back to the late 1980s and early 1990s. The chief father of this document is said to be Paul Wolfowitz, recently America’s chief weapons salesperson to Japan (missile defense systems boondoggle). Wolfowitz is presently the US’s choice to be the president of The World Bank. Wolfowitz and John Bolton, Bush’s choice for US ambassador to the United Nations, are or soon will be in positions so as to significantly dismantle planet Earth.

In the NSS document, there is no sign of “compassionate conservatism” or “creative diplomacy.” It is all about the massive use of all forms of US military force – with the implicit erroneous assumption that most all problems have a military solution. One section of this document defines “rogue states.” Following is a paragraph from Dr. Overby’s 2003 Japan paper, available at www.article9soceity.org comparing the NSS’s definition of “rogue states” with some of the US’s behavior – my conclusion, my goodness the NSS has defined the US itself as a rogue state.

“Chapter V, page 14, the NSS discusses more of the attributes of “rogue states” who wish to harm us -- they are states who “… display no regard for international law, threaten their neighbors, and callously violate international treaties to which they are a party.” My goodness, this excerpt quite well defines the United States itself. Perhaps this is why some people like Noam Chomsky, Rogue States: The Rule of Force in World Affairs, South End Press, 2000; William Blum,

Rogue States: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower, Common Courage Press, Monroe Maine, 2000; Clyde Prestowitz, Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions, Basic Books, New York, 2003 -- (and me) see the US as the world’s chief “rogue state.” To understand this let us list just a few of our most recent disregards of international law and treaties to which we are a party. [1] The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (the US has never ratified this treaty and is now planning to build “mini-nukes” for preemptive deep underground strikes – a destabilizing act that may well unleash a new round of nuclear testing); [2] The Mine Ban Treaty; [3] The Chemical Weapons Convention; [4] The Bioweapons Protocol; [5] The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (Bush unilaterally withdrew the US from this treaty so as to push ahead with missile defense systems); [6] The Child Soldiers Protocol; [7] The International Criminal Court; [8] The Small Arms Action Plan; [9] The Kyoto Protocol; [10] The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) – Bush rejects parts of Article VI. What gross hypocrisy. Please see the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, “Center Spread,” July/August 2002, page 35 & 37, for details on each of these little demonstrations of United States “rogue statedness.”

12 http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/policy/dod/nds-usa_mar2005_iiib.htm . This web site is a March 2005 document that outlines the USA’s military perspective for the future. Just type its title into your web browser – “The National Defense Strategy of The United States of America” (NDS). The NDS and “The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (NSS) should be viewed together.

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“I AM ADDICTED TO “RULES OF WAR.”HELP CURE MY ILLNESS. TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 “RULES OF LAW.”

CHUCK OVERBY

My Addiction • Dr. Overby, one of my seasoned war veteran citizen counselors and advisors, is trying to help me with my illness. He has encouraged me to come with him to Japan this time as a form of therapy for my addiction. He tells me that I might find some solace and ideas that could help lead to a cure, if I speak sincerely and frankly with you on these afflictions of mine -- and most importantly if I listen with care while you tell me how my addiction to war and violence is hurting your lives, your country, and the world. I am especially hoping to learn more from you about your beautiful Article 9 wisdom.

Article 9’s Significance For All Humanity • Dr. Overby sees Article 9 as metaphorically having risen like a phoenix out of the radioactive ashes of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the holocaust that was World War II. He sees it as not just Japan’s, but rather as all humanity’s cry for an end to that obscene brutal and dominantly masculine game called war. Overby sees Article 9 is a major waypoint on our steady but tottering path of growth, through reason, toward maturity, sanity, and responsibility in how we as a species organize ourselves. To illustrate, he speaks of three important waypoints on this road of hope – the United States Constitution born in 1787, and the United Nation Charter in June 1945, and Article 9 adopted in May 1947.

Three Waypoints On Our Species Path Of Hope The United States Constitution, 1787 • At my birth as Uncle Sam I had a good side, now seemingly lost in my imperial ventures.

My constitution, the US Constitution, was born out of a rich flux of ideas ideals and hopes that were creatively raging in Europe during the 17th and 18th centuries, a period that historians have come to call “The Enlightenment.” The Enlightenment was a philosophical movement that emphasized the use of “reason” to scrutinize previously accepted “doctrines,” “dogmas” and “traditions. Names connected to the ideas associated with my birth are – Jean Jacques Rousseau, Voltaire, Francis Bacon, John Locke, Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, Jonathan Swift, Thomas Jefferson, and Tom Payne etc. etc. to name but a few. The US Constitution contains ideas of representative democracy rather than monarchy or theocracy, separation of church and state, free speech rather than repression, reason rather than religious dogma etc. It thus became a significant model for humanity’s growth in how we organize ourselves. Granted that it was and continues to be a flawed document in that at its founding, Native Americans, black slaves, women, and property-less men were excluded.

It nevertheless was a “waypoint” on our species journey of reason. Another document on that path is the United Nations Charter.

The United Nations Charter, June 26, 1945 • The United Nations Charter was signed in San Francisco in June 1945 and is another significant waypoint on the road of reason. It is humanity’s hope that never again would we engage in the holocaust barbarity that was World War II. The UN Charter was signed two months before nuclear weapons were unnecessarily unleashed on Japan.

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Article 9 Of Japan’s Constitution, May 3, 1947 • Overby says, that when he first heard about Japan’s Article 9, he thought to himself – “My goodness this is such profound wisdom.” It seemed like the next major step in humankind’s growth toward genuine maturity -- on the same path as the US Constitution and the UN Charter. The supreme significant difference, however, is that Japan’s Article 9 came after Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Article 9 therefore does reflect this new reality of potential nuclear and other kinds of technological annihilation of the species. The US Constitution and the UN Charter do not.

So What Does All Of This Mean For You In Japan?

• So what does all of this have to do with you in Japan? I am the most militarily and economically imperial power the Planet has ever seen. Thus you in Japan and the entire world are inexorably drawn into my behavioral vortex, a storm that some identify as “roguestate” behavior.13 You in Japan are implicated in multitudes of ways -- to mention only two, [1] your presence in Iraq, and [2] your being frightened by North Korean threats of having their own nuclear weapons. The Iraq connection is obvious, so in my limited time, let me say just a little about the relationship between US behavior toward North Korea and your fears in Japan.

The North Korean Fiasco • When President Bush became my “Handler in Chief” in 2000; things were slowly working their way toward some kind of a non-violent resolution of that tragic 55 year-old Korean War for which there is still no peace treaty. President Bush’s appointment of John W. Bolton as “Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Affairs” ultimately helped to destabilize that hopeful diplomacy called the “Agreed Framework,” brokered by former President Carter. Bolton, with his right-wing non-diplomatic views and behavior, was a significant factor in exploding this “Agreed Framework”14 thus helping to stir North Korea’s nuclear pot. This frightens you Japanese into spending billions on national missile defense systems that enrich US companies like Raytheon and other missile makers. Of course, my handlers like this because it also helps them launch me into militarizing space. Tragically and frighteningly, it also encourages Japan into thinking that perhaps it needs to posses its own nukes. The chief destabilizer in this problem, I am sorry to have to say, appears to be me, Uncle Sam.

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• President Bush now passionately seeks to have John W. Bolton be United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Bolton is a man who does not like the UN, and if the appointment is confirmed, he will probably work to further destroy our UN hope as he did to the Korean “Agreed Framework.”

• One small piece of good news that I bring to you is the fact that up to mid June, when I am preparing my remarks for you, the usually weak and timid Democratic Party along with a few very courageous Republicans have thus far denied President Bush a Congressional approval of Bolton’s nomination to be our UN Ambassador.

Reason, Not Religious Dogma • There are so many issues to touch upon, let me briefly address just one and them move on to some things I hope you might do for me that will help me end my addiction to war and violence.

• When I was born in 1776, Enlightenment thinkers wanted to replace “religious dogma” with “human reason” as a basis for organizing our lives. Today in America a significant proportion of our people, conservative fundamentalist Christians, seem to want to abandon “reason” and return to “dogma” and “faith” as means for coping with their problems and fears.

• As many of my citizens experience their existence in my culture, they are disturbed by a multitude of characteristics that they do not like, or really understand. I can identify with this perception because there are many unfulfilling dimensions to living in a culture whose dominant “god” is worshiped in the blind consumption of Earth’s resources – generally with utter thoughtless disrespect for the health of dear Mother Earth herself. You in Japan have similar problems but in a different cultural milieu. Please see Overby, et al in their just republished book, A Call For Peace15, for many examples of “green technology by design” that offer several rational suggestions for a meaningful life for all, including Mother Earth.

• Dr. Overby and I feel that “reason” and “intellect” rather than “dogma” and “faith” are the basis for coping with our problems. The philosopher, Paul Kurtz,16 has put it so eloquently on page 107 in his recent little book, Affirmations: Joyful and Creative Exuberance. He says, “The Optimum way of solving political and social questions is to rely on ‘the method

13 See Dr. Overby’s 2003 Japan paper on the National Security Strategy of the United States of America NSS where he writes about the NSS definition of “rogue state” and cites a multitude of Bush’s US behaviors that identify me, Uncle Sam, as a rouge state.

15 Overby, Kunihiro, and Momoi, A Call For Peace: The Implications of Japan’s War-Renouncing Constitution, originally published by Kodansha International, republished with an updated preface and additional features, by Tachibana Publishing Inc., Tokyo, 2005.

14 See Dr. Overby’s 2003 Japan paper, on our web site, www.article9society.org , the section on, “The Korean Problem.”

16 Kurtz, Paul, Affirmations: Joyful and Creative Exuberance, Prometheus Books, Amherst, NY, 2004.

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of intelligence.’ Though the content of our political programs and policies may vary, the methodology of critical intelligence is the most reliable guide for social action.”

• To help you understand this in an American context, please see a book by Michael Lerner, The Politics of Meaning: Restoring Hope and Possibility in and Age of Cynicism.17 Lerner discusses the alienation, cynicism, selfishness, and materialism of contemporary American culture. He seeks to establish a different “politics of meaning” in America.

• Many of these upsetting features in America arise out of broad cultural difficulties that are obviously not solely my present handlers responsibility. However, many of my citizens are swayed by right-wing fundamentalist Christian Evangelical, millennialists, dominionists etc. etc. – who claim, on the basis of their “religious dogma,” to hold “the truth” and to have “the answer.”

• Dr. Overby and I, have no objection to citizens practicing whatever kind of religion they wish, if it helps them to live their lives in more wholesome ways, and so long as their religious practice does no harm. My constitution, as does Article 20 of your constitution, gives our citizens the right to worship as they please. We know that much hopeful and positive activity arises out of the world’s numerous religions. What we object to is the idea of any one religious group’s perceiving themselves as having a monopoly on “religious truth,” and thus having god’s blessing to establish a theocracy based on their belief and dogma. We do not like this whether it comes in a Muslim Taliban flavor, that of a fundamentalist Christian, fundamentalist Jew, or any other brand of religion. Democracy yes, theocracy no.

• In America a group of right-wing fundamentalist evangelical Christians who do desire to impose their brand of theocracy on all of us -- constitute a significant percentage of my voters. They were instrumental in making President Bush my “Handler in Chief” in 2000 and 2004. They consider President Bush as “one of them,” and he acknowledges this by referring to himself as a “born again Christian,” and by actively showering them with political gifts that they favor – for example, Bush stupidly saying, “no to meaningful stem cell research.”

• To know more about this phenomenon in my land, please see the entire May 2005 issue of Harpers Magazine;18 and the March 2005 “policy statement” of the National Association

“I AM ADDICTED TO “RULES OF WAR.”HELP CURE MY ILLNESS. TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 “RULES OF LAW.”

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of Evangelicals (NAE) on their web site.19 You might also just type into your web browser, the NEA name, or the words, “dominionist,” “millennialist” to sense the flavor of these groups. Please also see Dr. Overby’s Japan 2003 paper20 on the Article 9 Society’s web site for a long footnote discussion of what Overby refers to as the “Armageddon Crazies.”

Authors LeHay and Jenkins have produced several books, in the “Left Behind,” series based on Biblical prophecy about the second coming of Christ. “Left behind” refers to all those who will not be taken up to heaven with Christ after Armageddon because they are not believers in Christ. In just a few years somewhere around 60,000,000 copies of these books have been sold in America.

Three Requests Of You • There are a multitude of things that I might explore with you, but time is so limited. Let me conclude my remarks with three matters of great urgency for which I seek your help.

[1] I urge you peace and justice groups all over Japan to find a way to work cooperatively together in “inclusiveness” rather than divisively fighting each other in a climate of “exclusiveness” as you seek to save your Article 9’s integrity and ultimately to restore it to its pristine purity. [2] I urge you to work to have Japan take the lead in enforcing Articles VI and VII of the 1970 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). [3] I urge you to help me get a constitutional amendment like your Article 9, read into my Congressional Record.

Japanese Peace Group Inclusiveness Rather Than Exclusiveness • Article 9, as you know, is in grave danger at this time. Your government with the complete encouragement of my handlers, the Bush government, seeks to further demolish this rule of law in your constitution that forbids war for Japan. Unfortunately my handlers (the US government) have a mistaken vision that once they have been able to nudge your government into completely destroying Article 9 they can in perpetuity control your unleashed military, the SDF. Thus enabling me, Uncle Sam, to use Japanese youth as my surrogate army in “situations in areas surrounding Japan.” “Situations in areas surrounding Japan.” is an Orwellian phrase taken from the “The 1997 Guidelines For US—Japan Defense Cooperation.21”

19 Please see http://www.nae.net/images/civic_responsibility2.pdf . This web-site is a March 2005 statement by the USA National Association of Evangelicals (NAE) titled, “For the Health of the Nation: An Evangelical Call to Civic Responsibility.”

You can get to this, their “policy statement,” by typing its title into your web browser.

20 Overby, Charles, “Article 9: Humanity’s Pleas For Rules-of-Law Rather Than Rules-of-War – Menaced by a Rogue State.”

A paper for presentation in Japan, October and November 2003.

17 Lerner, Michael, The Politics of Meaning: Restoring Hope and Possibility in an Age of Cynicism, Addison Wesley, 1996.

Lerner discusses the alienation, cynicism, selfishness, and materialism of contemporary American culture. He seeks to establish a “politics of meaning” in America where institutions will be judged according to how well they tend to maximize ethical, loving, and caring relationships -- and in which there is “community, ” and not just “individuality,” important as that also is.

18 Harpers Magazine, May 2005 – Lewis Lapham, NOTEBOOK, “The wrath of the lamb”; Gordon Bigelow, “Let There Be Markets: The evangelical roots of economics;” and Chris Hedges, “Soldiers Of Christ.”

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21 Overby, Charles, “Save Article – 9 With Non-Military Japan-US Cooperation,” paper for presentation in Japan, October and November 1998. In this paper, along with other things, I discuss some of the Orwellian words and language that meander through a document called, “The 1997 Guidelines For US—Japan Defense Cooperation.” In discussing where Japanese SDF might be used, this piece of obfuscation says that they can be used in “situations in areas surrounding Japan.” Shortly later in the document it reads, “The concept, situations in areas surrounding Japan, is not geographical but situational.” My goodness, how grossly ludicrous a way to enable Japanese SDF to be used wherever the US wishes them to be used around the planet. It is better to have Japanese youth, rather than US youth, kill and be killed in our wars in “situations in areas surrounding Japan.”

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• In the summer of 2004, a wonderful new peace group that calls itself the Article 9 Association (A9A) was formed by nine respected Japanese intellectuals and cultural leaders.

This group joined several other groups in Japan who are also working to save Article 9.

The formation of this A9A group was such good news, in that it promised to bring out additional multitudes of Japanese people who thus far have not been too actively involved in the struggle to save Article 9.

• Unfortunately I hear that there seems to be an “exclusivity” problem within Japanese peace and justice groups. Apparently some people involved in running this new A9A group, and perhaps people with similar views in other groups -- think that certain peace groups and persons, for one reason or another, are not worthy of being allowed to join in a broad massive non-violent effort across Japan to stop Article 9’s slaughter. These “exclusionary” ideas lead to Japanese peace groups fighting one another rather than cooperating in fighting our governments’ lust to completely destroy Article 9.

• It is most important for all Japanese peace and justice groups to put aside their individual idiosyncrasies and differences -- and band together “inclusively” in a unified and cooperative massive effort to send a strong message to your and my governments that we want Article 9 to be restored to its full and beautiful pristine essence, rather than destroyed. I thus plead for all Japanese peace groups to come together in “inclusiveness” rather than to split asunder in “exclusiveness.”

• Our governments love to have peace and justice groups fight each other. It makes their job of killing Article 9 so much easier when internecine warfare exists between peace and justice groups. In the USA, my handlers not only enjoy seeing peace and justice groups fight each other – they finance and promote it. US peace and justice groups have been infiltrated and multitudes of “dirty tricks” have been used from within to disrupt their efforts and to promote divisiveness between groups. I have no “smoking gun” evidence, but I would not be surprised if this is happening here in Japan in these times. The literature on CIA, FBI and other US intelligence and security agencies involvements in these kinds of activities is massive. Allow me to share the titles of just a few – Halperin22, et al, The Lawless State: The Crimes of the U.S. Intelligence Agencies; Blackstone23, Cointelpro: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom; Marchetti and Marks24, The CIA: And The Cult of Intelligence.

See also Schaller25, Altered States: The United States And Japan Since The Occupation, for interesting documentation on CIA contamination of your Japanese elections in the 1950s and 1960s.

22 Halperin, Morton, Berman, Jerry, Borosage, Robert, and Marwick, Christine, The Lawless State: The Crimes of the U.S. Intelligence Agencies, Penguin Books, 1977.

23 Blackstone, Nelson, Cointelpro: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom, Vintage Books, 1976.

24 Marchetti, Victor, and Marks, John, The CIA: And The Cult of Intelligence, Dell Publishing, 1974.

25 Schaller, Michael, Altered States: The United States And Japan Since The Occupation, Oxford University Press, 1997.

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“I AM ADDICTED TO “RULES OF WAR.”HELP CURE MY ILLNESS. TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 “RULES OF LAW.”

CHUCK OVERBY

I Nuked You – It is time for you to “De-Nuke Me” • In 1945 my “Handler in Chief” at the time, President Truman, persuaded me to unnecessarily “nuke” you in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This gives you a supreme right to lead the world in the fulfillment of Articles VI and VII of the 1970 NPT (the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty).

These Articles read as follows – • Article VI -- “Each of the parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control” • Article VII -- “Nothing in this Treaty affects the right of any group of States to conclude regional treaties in order to assure the total absence of nuclear weapons in their respective territories.”

• Zero results from the May 2005 New York City, United Nations; Review Conference on the NPT illustrates the magnitude of this urgent challenge for Japan.

• Massive non-violent efforts by you in these two domains would be so helpful to me in overcoming my addiction to war and violence. Check out New Zealand, David Lange’s, 1980s, successful efforts to declare New Zealand a nuclear free state, in line with Article VII. Also see efforts by Kochi Prefecture to have a nuclear free harbor.

An Article 9 Type of an Amendment to the US Constitution • Finally, my Japanese friends, I ask your help in getting an Article 9 type of amendment read into my Congressional Record (CR). The CR is the Congress’s official document of record. Please note that all I am asking of you is your help in getting these few words below, read into the CR. Dr. Overby tells me that he has tried unsuccessfully many times to get some Member of Congress (MOC) to do this.

• Dr. Overby also tells me that Congressman, Dennis Kucinich has been invited to Hiroshima for the ceremony on the 60th anniversary of Hiroshima’s vaporization. Congressman Kucinich and Overby are both from the State of Ohio. I ask you Japanese Article 9 loving citizens all over Japan to find creative ways to ask Congressman Kucinich to read this proposed US constitutional amendment himself -- and then to take it home to America and courageously stand on the floor of our House of Representatives, and read it into the Congressional Record.

• Overby assures me that he has no illusions about any serious action on this matter by the Congress. You should know, however, that during the 1920s and 1930s there were many Article 9 type war-renouncing amendments proposed and yes, significantly debated,

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in the Congress. I think that this willingness came from the gross obscenity that was World War I. To understand my reason for calling World War I a “gross obscenity” please read Barbara Tuchman’s book, The Guns Of August, which I think is probably translated into Japanese.

• Note that Dr. Overby is also taking this proposed amendment to the US Veterans Fo Peace (VFP) annual convention in Dallas Texas, in early August 2005 and asking VFP’s help in getting it read into the Congressional Record. Here it is.

A Proposed Amendment To The United States Constitution

For Congressman Dennis Kucinich In Hiroshima on August 6, 2005 and For Veterans For Peace Consideration At Their 2005 VFP Annual Convention Dallas Texas, August 4-7, 2005 “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, we the people of the United States forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes.

In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.

“I AM ADDICTED TO “RULES OF WAR.”HELP CURE MY ILLNESS. TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 “RULES OF LAW.”

CHUCK OVERBY

Signs carried by Uncle Sam in July 2005 in Japan – printed in Japanese and English I AM ADDICTED TO WAR. PLEASE CURE ME WITH ARTICLE 9.

I LOVE “RULES OF WAR.” TEACH ME YOUR ARTICLE 9 ”RULES OF LAW.”

I AM SICK. I LOVE WAR. CURE ME WITH ARTICLE 9.

I NUKED YOU. IT IS TIME YOU PULLED MY NUCLEAR TEETH.

I NUKED YOU. DE-NUKE ME WITH A NUCLEAR FREE WORLD.

I NUKED YOU. IT IS TIME YOU DE-NUKED ME.

Signs carried by Uncle Sam at the Veterans For Peace (VFP) convention in Dallas, early August 2005.

I AM ADDICTED TO WAR. PLEASE HELP ME FIND A CURE WITH WAR-RENOUNCING ARTICLE 9.

I LOVE “RULES OF WAR.” PLEASE TEACH ME ARTICLE 9’S WAR-RENOUNCING “RULES OF LAW.”

Recognizing that conflict is part of the human condition, the United States, will henceforth work in cooperation with the United Nations, The World Court and all other relevant international institutions, and all other nations to resolve its international conflicts with non-violent means under international rules-of-law, as it does its domestic conflicts under national rules-of-law. The United States will abandon its addiction to “rules-of-war” in favor of “rules-of-law.”

Any provisions of the United States Constitution that are in conflict with this war-renunciation amendment are hereby rendered null and void.

The Congress shall have the power to enact appropriate legislation to give effect to this amendment.”

Submitted by Dr. Charles Overby, member of VFP, veteran of WW-II and Korea (combat pilot in Korea), Ohio University emeritus professor, internationalist, humanist, peace activist, engineering environmentalist, and the 1991 founder of the Article 9 Society.

Uncle Sam Portrayed by Performing Artist Chuck Overby Japan 2005

Japanese friends -- thank you for listening to me. I urge you all to cooperatively work together to save your wisdom, Article 9. Perhaps Dr. Overby may have a few things to say now that I am done.

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! XESÚS R. JARES Catedrático de la Universidad de A Coruña. Coordinador del colectivo EDUCADORES POLA PAZ del Movimiento de Renovación Pedagógica NOVA ESCOLA GALEGA. Presidente de la Asociación española de Investigación para la Paz (AIPAZ).

EL PAPEL DE LOS MUSEOS DE PAZ EN LA DIFUSIÓN DE LA EDUCACIÓN Y LA CULTURA DE PAZ Los Museos de paz deben tener un papel activo y comprometido con la difusión de la educación y la cultura de paz. Como tales instituciones no sólo deben recoger determinados hechos, objetos o experiencias, sino que, además, desde los presupuestos de una pedagogía de la paz (Jares, 1991) deberían tener una presencia social activa como instrumento de concientización a favor de la paz y la noviolencia. En este sentido, además de plantearse acerca de los destinatarios a los que se dirige y para qué tipo de sociedad quiere educar, es obligado que se realicen dos nuevas preguntas. En primer lugar, interrogarse sobre la propia concepción de la cultura de paz que utilizan y que pretenden difundir; en segundo lugar, responder acerca de los medios y estrategias a utilizar. Nuestra perspectiva sobre la respuesta al primer interrogante la exponemos en el punto primero de esta ponencia. Sobre el segundo, más que sintetizar las diferentes posibilidades que pueden desarrollar los museos de paz, quiero exponer una experiencia artístico-cultural que hemos desarrollado en Galicia en los años 1996-98 rotulada “Construir a paz. Cultura para a paz”, y que puede servir como un posible modelo de actuación. Finalmente completamos la ponencia con un tercer punto sobre el papel de los museos de paz como agentes de esperanza.

Pero, antes de comenzar, no podemos obviar, tal como hemos señalado, el contexto social, cultural y político concreto en el que nace y desarrolla sus actividades los museos de paz. En este sentido el Museo de Paz de Gernika que nos invita y acoge amablemente en este Congreso no puede obviar la complejidad y especificidad del País Vaco en el que se sitúa, a su vez integrado en el Estado español, y en ambos casos sin ignorar la violencia terrorista de ETA –ligada a reivindicaciones nacionalistas de carácter independentista-, así como los procesos de polarización social que en determinados sectores de la sociedad vasca se están produciendo.

Entendemos que, la sociedad en su conjunto, y los museos de paz en particular, deben generar un sistema cultural y de valores inmune a cualquier apología de la violencia. Siendo como son los terrorismos1 una de las claves que explican e inciden en la realidad incierta de nuestros días, no cabe duda que debe tener su espacio en el museo para poder comprenderlo, que

1 Utilizo la expresión en plural “terrorismos” porque vivimos en una sociedad que ha sufrido diferentes formas de terrorismo, cuestión que desarrollamos en nuestro último libro Educar para la verdad y la esperanza. En tiempos de globalización, guerra preventiva y terrorismos, Madrid, Popular, 2005.

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nada tiene que ver con justificarlo. Como señalamos en su día en el texto que nos solicitó el Museo de la Paz de Gernika para incluirlo en los textos de autores que forman parte del Museo.

“La educación para la paz en el País vasco debe afrontar cuatro retos fundamentales: • En primer lugar, la necesidad de dar coherencia a los fines y los medios, lo que conlleva el rechazo de la legitimidad de cualquier tipo de violencia y el cuestionamiento de la idea de enemigo.

• En segundo lugar, impregnar el proceso educativo desde y para la cultura de los derechos humanos, individuales y colectivos.

• En tercer lugar, aprender a convivir con los conflictos evitando el etiquetaje, el fanatismo y la polarización.

• En cuarto lugar, debe constituirse en baluarte de la esperanza y la reconciliación activa como antítesis a la inhibición, el derrotismo y el odio, procesos que, además de obstaculizar la racionalidad, la convivencia y la solidaridad, niegan la esencia misma del sentido educativo”.

Retos que consideramos deben formar parte de la filosofía y acción de los museos de paz.

1. EL IMPULSO DE UNA CULTURA DE PAZ Como hemos manifestado (Jares, 1996), una cultura de paz tiene que renunciar al dominio en todos los ámbitos de la actividad humana, tanto en los círculos próximos de convivencia como en el nivel macroestructural. La militarización de nuestra cultura en este sentido es evidente. La historia y la cultura que se transmiten, están asentadas en la mitificación de las victorias militares, en la conquista y en la colonización, en el dominio en definitiva. Frente a este culto al dominio, la victoria sobre el otro, de las que no están exentas determinadas proclamas y prácticas religiosas. Este cuestionamiento del dominio no tiene nada que ver con la necesaria autoafirmación de los individuos y de los pueblos, de su lengua y cultura. Como decía Gandhi, soy internacionalista en cuanto que soy nacionalista. Frente a la uniformización y al pensamiento único, una cultura de paz se asienta en el respeto a la diferencia, a la diversidad, al cultivo de las diferentes creaciones culturales de los individuos e de los pueblos, en tanto en cuanto son todas ellas patrimonio de la humanidad. Pero esta reivindicación del carácter propio nunca puede ir bajo proclamas de domino o exclusión como "ser superior a", "estar por encima de", o reclamar "limpiezas étnicas" de triste actualidad, que dan pié a todas las variantes de intolerancia y fascismos.

Del mismo modo, una cultura de paz tiene que desenmascarar la fabricación de la noción de enemigo, habitualmente unido a procesos de manipulación de la información, así como el carácter sexista de nuestra cultura, eliminando el dominio de los valores asociados al género masculino sobre los femeninos. Una cultura de paz exige e implica una cultura democrática, y la defensa de los valores públicos frente a los privados. En estos tiempos que estamos viviendo de neoliberalismo implacable, que nos lleva a una mercantilización de la democracia,

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conviene, tanto en el plano social en general como en el educativo en particular, dar un nuevo empuje regenerador al que denominamos cultura democrática.

Una cultura de paz es incompatible con el adoctrinamiento, los dogmatismos y fundamentalismos de cualquier tipo, bien sean religiosos, ideológicos, tecnológicos, políticos, etc., tan frecuentes como devastadores en la evolución histórica de la cultura occidental, por más que nos los quieran presentar ajenos a nosotros. Frente a los integrismos y los diferentes anestesistas del espíritu crítico, una cultura de paz se asienta en el debate, en la crítica y en el diálogo, en la libertad de expresión y de creación.

Una cultura de paz tiene que recuperar para muchos ciudadanos, desarrollar para otros y cultivar para todas y todos el valor del compromiso y la solidaridad. Frente a la cultura de la indiferencia, del menosprecio, de la mercantilización, del individualismo, del triunfo y el enriquecimiento personal a cualquier precio, una cultura de paz se asienta en el compromiso social y, parafraseando a Ernesto Cardenal, en la ternura de los pueblos, la solidaridad. Estos dos pilares, junto a los enumerados anteriormente, tienen un valor añadido: el de posibilitar a cada ciudadano el aprendizaje del placer de compartir, de cooperar; de ser solidarios y ser felices por eso. En este sentido, la mirada global de paz por la que apostamos, impide a cualquier ciudadano de cualquier país, por muy avanzado que sea, parapetarse en ideas autocomplacientes de "progreso" o de indiferencia mientras tres cuartas partes de la población mundial "sobreviven" en condiciones paupérrimas. Nadie puede vivir en paz mientras esas situaciones de extrema injusticia no sólo no desaparecen sino que, con el llamado nuevo orden mundial, se están acentuando. La mirada global de la paz conlleva, además del rechazo de la guerra y cuantas formas de violencia directa se produzcan, la desaparición de las violencias estructurales, como el racismo, el sexismo, la xenofobia, etc., la lucha contra la pobreza, la exclusión social y la marginación en cualquier lugar del planeta.

Finalmente, una cultura de paz exige y se fundamenta en la plena coherencia entre los medios a emplear y los fines a conseguir. Frente a la cultura dominante que separa los fines de los medios, que proclama que "el fin justifica los medios", que da vía libre a la cultura del "todo vale" y al uso indiscriminado de cualquier medio para lograr los fines marcados características tan vivas en nuestra sociedad con ejemplos bien recientes y conocidos en diferentes ámbitos, económico, político, militar, deportivo, etc.-, la tradición noviolenta como la de la Investigación para la Paz resaltan la centralidad de este principio, estableciendo una relación orgánica entre ambos polos, sin ningún tipo de jerarquías ni prioridades, sino como procesos de una misma naturaleza. Para expresarlo una vez más en palabras de Gandhi, "los medios están en los fines como el árbol en la semilla". Los fines que buscamos deben estar ya presentes en los medios o estrategias a emplear, tanto por razones de coherencia ética como por razones de "eficacia".

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Renovación Pedagógica NOVA ESCOLA GALEGA2. Un proyecto que nació desde la mirada global y multidisciplinar de la paz, tanto desde el punto de vista del pensamiento como de la creación artística y literaria. A lo largo del año y medio que duró fue un intento masivo de facilitar al conjunto de la ciudadanía un proceso de alfabetización en los contenidos y valores de una cultura de paz desde los diferentes lenguajes artísticos: poesía y literatura, artes plásticas y música. En esta iniciativa se llevaron a cabo los tres niveles de acercamiento a la paz: la investigación, la acción y la educación para la paz: • La investigación, en cuanto que en el libro de igual título se reunieron los trabajos de los más prestigiosos especialistas del Estado español y de otras partes del mundo en este campo.

• La acción, en cuanto que con el libro pretendimos fundamentalmente dos cosas; por una parte, divulgar y sensibilizar al conjunto de la población verbo de una cultura de paz (a través tanto de las páginas del libro como de los actos de presentación del mismo por toda la geografía gallega); por otra parte, el libro va a ser una iniciativa importante de recogida de dinero para la solidaridad.

• La educación, porque a través de sus páginas se intentó llegar a todos los centros de enseñanza de Galicia y al mayor número posible de hogares.

2.1. Un proyecto cultural y artístico

“Construir a paz. Cultura para la paz”, fue un proyecto genuinamente de acción cultural por tres motivos esenciales. Uno reside en el propio libro como objeto cultural en sí mismo y como medio difusor de cultura. Un segundo por el tipo de actos de presentación del libro que se hicieron, once en total, a través de la participación de los ensayistas, poetas y músicos.

Un tercero fue la exposición itinerante por los museos y salas de arte de Galicia con los cuadros, esculturas, fotografías, etc., que se reproducen en el libro.

El libro La edición del libro Construír a paz. Cultura para a paz, Xerais, Vigo, 1996, ha sido el primer libro que se ha hecho en España de estas características, reuniendo trabajos desde diversos campos del pensamiento, de las artes plásticas y de la literatura. En este último apartado recogiendo, además, las diferentes lenguas de la península -gallego, castellano, catalán, euskera y portugués-. En total 113 autores y autoras, cuyas aportaciones, originales e inéditas, se dividen en 31 ensayos, 37 colaboraciones literarias y 43 obras plásticas.

2. LA EXPERIENCIA ARTÍSTICO-CULTURAL “CONSTRUIR A PAZ. CULTURA PARA A PAZ” La campaña Construír a paz. Cultura para a paz fue un proyecto artístico, cultural, educativo y solidario que coordinamos desde el colectivo EDUCADORES POLA PAZ del Movimiento de

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2 EDUCADORES/AS POLA PAZ es un grupo de profesores y profesoras de los diferentes niveles educativos, integrado en el Movimiento de Renovación Pedagógica (MRP) NOVA ESCOLA GALEGA que tiene como finalidades fundamentales la investigación y divulgación de la Educación para la Paz (EP), así como los propios de Nova Escola Galega, la renovación

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Los actos de presentación del libro

por los que ha pasado dicha exposición han sido los siguientes:

Desde el primer momento tuvimos claro que el libro tenía que combinar el intento de hacer actos de difusión masivos con la calidad cultural de los mismos. Sobre lo primero pensamos en aforos de gran capacidad e inusuales para la presentación de libros, como han sido teatros y centros culturales de gran aforo. Respecto de lo segundo, pensamos en un tipo de acto que combinase la palabra de los ensayistas (de forma muy breve y en formato entrevista), con la palabra de los literatos leyendo los poemas y narraciones breves que están en el libro, y todo ello aderezado con diferentes actuaciones musicales. En cada uno de estos espectáculos por la paz estuvo conducido por un presentador o presentadora, haciendo de cada acto, como decimos, un auténtico y genuino producto cultural. Los actos y lugares en donde se ha presentado el libro han sido:

1. Estación Marítima de A Coruña: inauguración, día 19 de noviembre. Clausura el 15 de diciembre de 1996.

2. Casa das Artes de Vigo: Inauguración día 18 de diciembre de 1996. Clausura el 2 de febrero de 1997.

3. Centro Cultural Municipal de Ferrol: Inauguración día 4 de febrero de 1997. Clausura el 25 de febrero de 1997.

4. Museo Municipal de Ourense: Inauguración día 27 de febrero de 1997. Clausura el 24 de marzo de 1997.

5. Sala de Exposiciones del Teatro Principal de Pontevedra: Inauguración día 2 de abril de 1997. Clausura el 30 de abril de1997.

6. Sala de Exposiciones de la Fundación Caixa Galicia de Santiago: Inauguración día 13 de mayo. Clausura el 24 de mayo de 1997.

- A Coruña, 22 de noviembre de 1996 en el Teatro Rosalía de Castro da Coruña.

- Vigo: 3 de diciembre de 1996 en el Teatro do Centro Cultural Caixavigo.

- Bueu (Pontevedra): 22 de diciembre de 1996 en la Casa da Cultura - Cangas do Morrazo (Pontevedra): 25 de enero de 1997.

- Oleiros (A Coruña), 21 de febrero de 1997 en el Centro Cultural Torres de Sta. Cruz (Oleiros).

- Ourense: 10 de marzo de 1997 en el Teatro Principal.

- Ferrol: 14 de marzo de 1997 en el Teatro Jofre.

- Ribeira (A Coruña): 4 de abril de 1997 en la Casa de la Cultura.

- Pontevedra: 14 de abril de 1997 en el Teatro Principal.

- Poio (Pontevedra): 18 de abril de 1997 en el Monasterio de Poio (Pontevedra).

- Santiago: 29 de abril de 1997 en el Teatro Principal.

Los músicos que participaron en los diferentes actos de presentación han sido: CANTIGAS E AGARIMOS; NANI GARCIA CUARTETO; UXIA; BERROGÜETTO; CARLOS NUÑEZ; EMILIO CAO; TOMAS CAMACHO; CUARTETO FOLK-FUSION; XOSE PUMAR E ALEXANDRE RIOS; BANDA DE GAITAS FROUMA; CORAL QUOD LIBET; RONDALLA DE AGUIÑO; XAVEGA; XEQUE MATE; MUTENROHI; XOHAN RUBIA E SPHAIRA; MARIA MANUELA; OS CEMPÉS; CORO SOTTO VOCE; GRUPO FLAMENCO DE CUCHUS PIMENTEL; MUXICAS; LEILIA; NA LUA. Los presentadores han sido: ALFONSO HERMIDA; ANTON REIXA; BEGOÑA OTERO; XOSE MANUEL GONZALEZ; LUIS LLERA; XULIA DIAZ; ANA BLANCO; SERXIO PAZOS; VICTOR FREIXANES; VICTORIA RODRIGUEZ. La exposición itinerante La tercera manifestación cultural del Proyecto fue la Exposición itinerante "Construír a paz.

Cultura para a paz". En efecto, en diversas ciudades gallegas llevamos la exposición itinerante con el mismo título que el libro, en el que se expusieron las obras originales que se recogen en el libro: pintura, fotografía, escultura, dibujo e ilustraciones. Era la primera vez que se organizaba una exposición itinerante con el tema de la paz y recogiendo todos los lenguajes plásticos. El total de piezas que contenía la exposición era de 43. Los lugares

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Las obras de los artistas plásticos que conformaron esta Exposición son: Pintores: Xosé Carlos BARROS; Darío BASSO; Berta CACCAMO; Anxel CERVIÑO; Manuel FACAL; Xosé FREIXANES; Anxel HUETE; Menchu LAMAS; Antón LAMAZARES; LAXEIRO; Paco LEIRO; Fco. MANTECON; Manuel MOLDES; Antonio MURADO; Antón PATIÑO; Isaac PÉREZ VICENTE; Xesús VAZQUEZ. Escultores: Ignacio BASALLO; Fernando CASAS; Manolo PAZ; Paco PESTANA; Silverio RIVAS. Fotógrafos: Xosé ABAD; Mundo CAL; Vari CARAMÉS; Xulio CORREA; Pepe GALOVART; Xurxo LOBATO; Manuel SENDON; X.L. SUAREZ CANAL; Víctor VAQUEIRO; Manuel VILARIÑO. Humoristas gráficos: FORGES; Xaquin MARIN; MAXIMO; ROMEU; SIRO. Ilustradores: Xan LOPEZ DGUEZ.; Fran JARABA; Miguelanxo PRADO; Maife QUESADA; Manuel UHIA; Miguel VIGO. La defensa y difusión del gallego El libro y el proyecto cultural y artístico “Construir a paz. Cultura para a paz”, supuso una apuesta por la defensa de la pluralidad lingüística del estado español y, en segundo lugar, la apuesta por la defensa del gallego como lengua propia de Galicia. Igualmente el libro ha hecho su pequeña aportación a la difusión del gallego en muy diferentes países.

2.2. Un proyecto solidario Todos los autores y autoras que participamos en el libro, artistas plásticos, así como los músicos y presentadores y presentadoras que participaron en los actos de presentación lo han hecho de forma totalmente desinteresada. Además, no sólo los autores renunciamos a todo tipo de remuneración en concepto de derechos de autor/a sino que con el apoyo desinteresado de la editorial, Edicións Xerais de Vigo, en todas las fases de su producción el libro salió al mercado con un precio muy por debajo de su coste real. Por otro lado, con las ventas del libro y la venta de las obras plásticas conseguimos una cantidad de dinero que se invirtió en un programa de alfabetización con los poseiros en en Guarapuava estado de Paraná en Brasil.

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2.3. Un proyecto cooperativo El proyecto fue posible gracias al apoyo y el esfuerzo desinteresado de muchas personas, comenzando por los miembros de Educadores pola Paz-NEG, continuando con los diferentes autores del libro, músicos, presentadores, periodistas, personal de Edicións Xerais, Asociaciones culturales, ayuntamientos, entidades bancarias, etc., y muchas personas a título individual que en diversas facetas colaboraron con este Proyecto.

2.4. Una respuesta masiva También es de subrayar la vertiente cuantitativa en relación al importante núemro de personas que ha movilizado el proyecto para hacerlo posible como en relación a la extraordinaria respuesta de la ciudadanía a los actos de presentación como en la visita a la exposición itinerante. Los datos son elocuentes: 4.000 personas en los actos de presentación y unas 12.000-15.000 personas que pasaron por las exposiciones.

3. LOS MUSEOS DE PAZ COMO AGENTES DE VERDAD Y ESPERANZA Como hemos señalado en el inicio de esta ponencia, los Museos de Paz tienen que cumplir un papel esencial como instrumentos de verdad en el tratamiento histórico de su contenido así como en ser agentes de esperanza.

3.1. Los Museos de paz como instrumentos de verdad La búsqueda de la verdad es un principio ético que ha tenido diferentes aproximaciones en las diferentes culturas y desde diferentes ópticas disciplinares, si bien ha sido la filosofía la disciplina que más espacio le ha dedicado. En el campo pedagógico no ha gozado de una tradición sólida sin duda por la influencia dominante de las teorías positivistas y reproductoras del sistema educativo. En nuestro caso, enmarcamos nuestra propuesta desde la necesidad de su búsqueda y desde el reconocimiento de su carácter provisional y relativo, pero reconociendo al mismo tiempo que tenemos certezas en las que apoyarnos, al menos mientras no se descubra o demuestre la falsedad de la mismas. Desde esta posición de partida coincidimos con Edgar Morin cuando escribe su célebre frase, “es necesario aprender a navegar en un océano de incertidumbres a través de archipiélagos de certeza” (2001:21).

Como hemos señalado (Jares, 2005), la verdad está relacionada con lo que se dice, cómo se dice y lo que se silencia. Reivindicar la búsqueda de la verdad me parece algo más que un buen criterio ético y educativo para encarar el papel de los Museos de paz. Considero que es una necesidad inherente a su propia función, rescatar la memoria y destapar las mentiras.

No podemos obviar el hecho de que buena parte de los Museos de paz han nacido o tienen que afrontar hechos sociales violentos y delicados, como es el caso del Museo de la Paz de Gernika. Otros tienen que afrontar realidades perversas que han sucedido recientemente en el tiempo como el apartheid en Sudáfrica o las violaciones de derechos humanos en países que han salidos de dictaduras (Latino América, Asia, países del Este europeo, etc.). Este

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contexto hace todavía más necesario si cabe el especial empeño de los Museos de paz en ser instrumentos para facilitar la búsqueda de la verdad con rigor histórico y la mayor objetividad posible.

La búsqueda de la verdad nos lleva, inexorablemente, al análisis histórico, dado que es un tipo de conocimiento indispensable para poder comprender los problemas actuales, situarnos con mejores posibilidades ante el discernimiento de la verdad e incluso para poder planificar el futuro con mejores garantías. El análisis histórico debe tener también un carácter preventivo para evitar las situaciones de injusticia en el presente y en el futuro. Como ha señalado Claudio Magris en relación a los totalitarismos, la defensa de la memoria histórica es una de las resistencias frente a los mismos. Sin la defensa de la memoria histórica “corremos el riesgo de que nos la borren y sin la que no cabe ningún sentido de la plenitud y la complejidad de la vida” (2001:10).

En definitiva, la búsqueda de la verdad debe ser uno de los referentes prioritarios de los Museos de paz, en tanto en cuanto fortalecen de este modo la cultura de paz y la sociedad democrática. Aceptar la mentira como práctica política es el fin de la democracia. Como ciudadanos y como educadores estamos obligados a ir a los hechos, exponerlos con toda claridad y oponernos a toda forma de manipulación histórica.

3.2. Los Museos de paz como agentes de esperanza Como hemos desarrollado en otro lugar (Jares, 2005), la esperanza es una necesidad vital, es el pan de la vida, y como tal forma parte de la más pura esencia de la naturaleza de los seres humanos. No se trata de un añadido forzado o de una banalidad prescindible; por el contrario, la esperanza acompaña al ser humano desde que toma conciencia de la vida convirtiéndose en una de sus características definitorias y distintivas. Somos los únicos seres vivos que anhelamos cosas, estados mejores o supuestamente mejores, que aspiramos y anidamos procesos de cambio para mejorar nuestras condiciones de vida. Somos los únicos seres vivos que soñamos y que confiamos en tiempos mejores. Como ha señalado Paulo Freire, “la esperanza es una especie de ímpetu natural posible y necesario, la desesperanza es el aborto de ese ímpetu. La esperanza es un condimento indispensable a la experiencia histórica. Sin ella, no habría Historia, sino puro determinismo. Sólo hay Historia en donde hay un tiempo problematizado y no pre-dado. La inexorabilidad del futuro es la negación de la Historia” (2002:80-81). Es más, como ha escrito María Zambrano, la esperanza “es el fondo último de la vida, la vida misma, ... la vida que encerrada en la forma de un individuo la desborda, la trasciende” (2004:100).

Pero, “la esperanza no viene dada de una vez por todas, ni mucho menos condicionada genéticamente. En efecto, la esperanza se construye y se desarrolla en el día a día, en los embates de la vida con sus caras y sus reveses” (Jares, 2005:245). Por consiguiente, no tiene por qué estar asociada únicamente a las situaciones difíciles que podemos encuadrar en los aspectos negativos de la vida –distanciándonos en este sentido con la genial pensadora española María Zambrano. La esperanza, como el aprendizaje, se construye en circunstancias muy diferentes, y desde luego será siempre más generosa en las circunstancias y contextos

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positivos de la vida. Otra cosa diferente es que, en las circunstancias muy negativas, como hemos observado en determinados realidades de exclusión social tanto en el primero como en el tercer mundo, es cuando las personas ponen a prueba con mayor pasión la esperanza.

Es más, en esas circunstancias tremendas y atentatorias de los más mínimos derechos de la vida es cuando necesitamos que aflore la esperanza como faro que guía nuestros pasos o parapeto infranqueable ante la adversidad. La esperanza se convierte en estos casos, como decimos, en la única posibilidad de sobrevivir, en la única posibilidad de alimentar la vida.

Tampoco podemos obviar el hecho de que determinadas esperanzas, tanto en clave individual como colectiva, no siempre tienen un efecto benéfico para todas las personas. Es decir, diferentes esperanzas pueden entrar en colisión al suspirar o guiar intereses contrapuestos.

En efecto, la esperanza puede nacer y desarrollarse en algunas personas o grupos sociales no con una clara e inequívoca vocación de mejora ni de respeto a la dignidad humana, sino con un interés de beneficio particular o de dominio que va en detrimento del beneficio público.

Sin duda Hitler tenía la esperanza de dominar el mundo; un empresario usurero puede tener la esperanza de amasar una gran fortuna en poco tiempo a costa de las condiciones laborales de sus trabajadores; un grupo terrorista puede albergar la esperanza de que con sus atentados conseguirá determinados objetivos, a pesar de los daños y las víctimas que pueda ocasionar su acción; etc. Todas ellas son esperanzas perversas o negativas, pero todas ellas nacen y se desarrollan en la vida de determinadas personas como procesos que albergan la ilusión o la meta de conseguir determinados objetivos. Con esto queremos señalar que, si bien la esperanza es una necesidad vital, no toda esperanza es en sí positiva. Las esperanzas deben estar también contrastadas por códigos éticos que sean respetuosos con la dignidad de la vida humana. Conclusión que nos conduce, irremisiblemente, al ámbito educativo: la esperanza, en tanto que construcción humana, también debe ser educada (Jares, 2005).

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JARES, X.R. (2005): Educar para la verdad y la esperanza. En tiempos de globalización, guerra preventiva y terrorismos. Madrid, Popular.

MAGRIS, C. (2001): Utopía y desencanto. Historias, esperanzas e ilusiones de la modernidad.

Barcelona, Anagrama.

MORIN, E. (2001): Los siete saberes necesarios para la educación del futuro.

Barcelona, Paidós.

ZAMBRANO, Mª. (2004): Los bienaventurados. Madrid, Siruela.

Llegados a esta conclusión, no podemos obviar la evidencia de que los procesos educativos, comienzan, inexorablemente, en los diferentes contextos sociales en los que comenzamos a vivir –familia, medio ambiente social, grupo de iguales, primeros años de escolaridad, etc.-.

En consecuencia, la esperanza se construye y se modela dialécticamente desde los diferentes contextos sociales en los que vivimos. En este sentido, situamos el papel de los Museos de Paz como agentes de esperanza, desde la verdad y el rigor histórico, sin verdad no puede haber esperanza, desde el compromiso educativo para alfabetizar al conjunto de la población en los valores y contenidos d e la cultura de paz.

Referencias Bibliográficas FREIRE, P. (2002): Pedagogía da autonomia. Saberes necessásrios à prática educativa.

Sao Paulo (Brasil), Paz e Terra, 23ª edición.

JARES, X.R. (1991): Educación para la paz. Su teoría y su práctica. Popular, Madrid (2ª edición en 1999).

JARES, X.R. (Cdor.) (1996): Construir a paz. Cultura para a paz. Vigo, Xerais.

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! XESÚS R. JARES Presidente de la Asociación española de Investigación para la Paz (AIPAZ).

“AIPAZ: ASOCIACIÓN ESPAÑOLA DE INVESTIGACIÓN PARA LA PAZ”

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Su primer presidente fue Vicenç Fisas y el segundo Mariano Aguirre. Desde febrero de 2004 ha asumido la presidencia Xesús R. Jares, tercer presidente de AIPAZ. La actual Junta directiva está formada por las siguientes personas: Presidente: Xesús R. Jares (Educadores pola Paz-Nova Escola Galega, Galicia)

“AIPAZ: ASOCIACIÓN ESPAÑOLA DE INVESTIGACIÓN PARA LA PAZ” El 31 de mayo de 1997 se constituyó en la ciudad de Granada la ASOCIACIÓN ESPAÑOLA DE INVESTIGACIÓN PARA LA PAZ (AIPAZ) fruto del trabajo y decisión de una serie de grupos y personas ligadas a la investigación para la paz en España y con la idea fundamental de coordinar dichos esfuerzos para profundizar en su desarrollo.

Los grupos fundadores de la Asociación han sido: Seminario de Investigación para la Paz. Centro Pignatelli, Zaragoza; Instituto de Estudios Transnacionales (INET), Córdoba; Capítulo Español del Club de Roma, Madrid; Centro de Investigación para la Paz (CIP)-Fundación Hogar del Empleado (FUHEM), Madrid; Instituto de la Paz y los Conflictos, Universidad de Granada; Cátedra UNESCO sobre Paz y Derechos Humanos-Escola Cultura de Pau, Barcelona; Gernika Gogoratuz, País Vasco; Educadores pola Paz-Nova Escola Galega, Galicia; Centro internacional Bancaza para la Paz y el Desarrollo-European Peace University (EPU), Universitat Jaume I, Castellón; Grupo de Educadores para la Paz del Concejo Educativo de Castilla y León; Instituto Interuniversitario de Investigación sobre la Paz de la Universidad de Alicante; Sección Española de Asociación Mundial Escuela Instrumento de Paz, Almería.

Vicepresidenta: Carmen Magallón (Fundación SIP, Zaragoza) Secretaria: Susana Fernández Herrero (CIP-Fundación Hogar del Empleado, Madrid) Tesorería: Josu Ugarte (Bakeaz, Bilbao) Vocales: Martín Rodríguez Rojo (Grupo EP-Valladolid) Manuela Mesa (CIP-FUHEM, Madrid).

Vicent Martínez Guzmán (Cátedra UNESCO de Filosofía para la Paz. Universitat Jaume I, Castellón) Francisco Muñoz (Instituto Paz y Conflictos, Universidad de Granada) María Oianguren Idígoras (Gernika Gogoratuz, Gernika, País Vasco) Jordi Armadans (Fundació per la Pau, Barcelona)

Los objetivos de la Asociación, Artículo 4 de sus estatutos, son los siguientes: a) Coordinar las relaciones entre los Centros de Investigación para la Paz existentes y aquellas personas dedicadas a esta investigación del Estado español, y el IPRA. b) Potenciar la Investigación para la Paz en el mundo académico español y proyectarla a nivel internacional. c) Promover y difundir la investigación para la Paz como elemento clave en la construcción social de la Paz. Las actividades que organiza para alcanzar dichos objetivos son la edición del Boletín “Recursos AIPAZ”, jornadas y seminarios. Igualmente participa en la organización de Congresos como ha sido el I Congreso Iberoamericano de Investigación y Educación para la Paz, celebrado en Granada en septiembre de 2002. Anualmente celebra su asamblea de socios al mismo tiempo que, desde hace dos años, organiza junto a la misma un seminario temático. En la asamblea de diciembre de 2004 se abordó en el Seminario la situación de Colombia, y en la asamblea de octubre de 2005 en la villa de Gernika (País vasco) se abordó la situación del conflicto vasco.

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! WULFF E BREBECK President of IC MEMO “WHAT IS IC MEMO?” “And when they were come unto a place called Golgotha, that is to say, a place of a skull …”

(The Holy Bible, the New Testament, Mathew 27, 33) Who thinks of museums when they hear names such as Oshwiecim (Auschwitz) in Poland, Terezin (Theresienstadt) in the Czech Republic, or Perm (the site of biggest complex of camps of the Soviet GULAG) in Russia? Although these centres – unlike the Louvre or the Prado – are not autonomous museums they nevertheless also perform this function.

Organisation and Structure IC MEMO is the abbreviation for the “International Committee of Memorial Museums for the Remembrance of Victims of Public Crimes”. The committee is one of thirty international committees that make up ICOM, the international museum organisation. Museum experts are organised in these international committees1 in accordance with their special fields: archaeology, design, documentation, security, personnel training, marketing, etc. ICOM, the “International Council of Museums”, regards itself as “an international organisation of museums and museum professionals which is committed to the conservation, continuation and communication to society of the world‘s natural and cultural heritage, present and future, tangible and intangible”2.

ICOM has approximately 17,000 members in 143 countries. In addition to their activities in the international committees, they work together in 108 national and 7 regional committees as well as in 13 affiliated organisations.3 Every three years, its members gather for a general conference. “ICOM was founded in 1946. It is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation which has formal links with UNESCO.”4 ICOM’s head office is in Paris.

In summer 2004, when the last survey of members was conducted, IC MEMO had 49 voting members and 3 non-voting members. Its members came from 18 countries, the majority of whom are in Germany (20), the United States (5) and Israel (4). The other countries are Austria, Canada, the Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Latvia, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Russia, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. It has no members in Latin America, Africa or Australia, which is a weakness in some respects. When the committee came into being, its members’ work focused

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1

At the time of the general conference in Seoul in 2004.

2

Flyer: “The museum is an institution in the service of society and of its development“, 2004.

3

At the time of the general conference in Seoul in 2004.

4

Flyer (see footnote 2).

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on the fates of those persecuted during the Holocaust and the Second World War. I shall return to this point later. Representatives of memorial museums of international and national importance in Germany that are organised in IC MEMO are at the following locations: in Buchenwald, Dachau, the Stiftung Brandenburgische Gedenkstätten (which is responsible for Sachsenhausen and Ravensbruck), Neuengamme, the Topography of Terror and the House of the Wannsee Conference in Berlin, as well as the Stiftung Sächsische Gedenkstätten. IC MEMO also includes important museums located in the German Laender such as Wewelsburg District Museum, which has a high international standing, the Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Dusseldorf and the historical site Villa ten Hompel Münster in North-Rhine-Westphalia. Another member worthy of mention here is the Verein Aktives Museum in Berlin, which has produced internationally acclaimed exhibitions and publications on European Jews in exile during the Third Reich, for example. The following wellknown European institutions are also represented: Terezin Memorial in the Czech Republic, the Centre de la Mémoire d’Oradour in France, Herinnerigscentrum Kamp Westerborg, and the Jewish Historical Museum in Amsterdam in the Netherlands, the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw and the Guernica Peace Museum in Spain. The committee is also represented at the most important memorial museums in Israel: at the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial Museum in Jerusalem, the Ghetto Fighters’ House Museum in Western Galilee, and Beit Theresienstadt Kibbutz Givat Chaym Ichud. It does not include important memorial museums from Poland, other Eastern European countries or the USA. Two developments have led to memorial museum staff joining the committee, whose work is not exclusively focused on the victims of National Socialism. The specific historical conditions have led some German memorial museums to present exhibitions on Soviet Special Camps in addition to those dealing with the victims of Nazi persecution. After 1945, the Soviet Military Administration interned real or alleged opponents of the new Socialist order in these camps under appalling conditions. Other organisations, such as the Stiftung Sächsische Gedenkstätten, are responsible for detention centres dating from the time of the state socialist dictatorship in Eastern Germany. Representatives working in other countries at museums dealing with other persecution histories have also joined our ranks. These include the Kistler-Ritso Estonian Foundation in Tallinn (Estonia), which focuses on working through the consequences of Soviet rule, the National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, and the War Memorial Museum of Korea in Seoul. The struggle for international humanitarian standards in military conflicts is the theme of the Musée international de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant Rouge in Geneva, Switzerland. The International Human Rights Museum Initiative in London has set itself an even more ambitious goal: the establishment of a global network of human rights’ initiatives. IC MEMO’s membership reflects the origins and programme that led to the foundation of the International Committee of Memorial Museums for the Remembrance of Victims of Public Crimes. I shall now turn to this point.

Origins and Programme It is no coincidence that the initiative to found the committee came from Germany.5 During the 20th century, Germany experienced two dictatorships: National Socialism and state socialism.

5 See Wulff E. Brebeck, Plea for the creation of an International Committee for Memorial Museums for Public Crimes against Humanity within the scope of the International Council of Museums (ICOM), pp. 4-5, in: http://141.35.114.211:8080/icom/index.htm. (also published in German, French and Spanish).

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In Eastern Germany (the German Democratic Republic, a member of the socialist Warsaw Pact), the main former concentration camps were decreed memorial museums by the state. In Western Germany (the Federal Republic of Germany, a member of the pro-western North Atlantic Treaty Organization) public debate began in the late sixties, after a period in which court prosecution of the Nazis had largely failed and public discussion of Germany’s National Socialist past had been a rare occurrence. Subsequently, following what were frequently heated local disputes, memorial museums arose at the sites of some of the former concentration camps, as well as at former synagogues, ‘euthanasia’ clinics (where patients were killed), police detention centres, Nazi command headquarters, etc. There are now approximately 120 memorial centres and museums of varying size dedicated to the victims of National Socialism. Following German reunification in 1990, the areas of interest grew. Since then, attention has shifted to include the scenes of persecution by the Soviet secret police during the late forties (at sites where some of the former concentration camps stood) and by the East German state security forces from 1949 to 1989. In addition to the sites already mentioned, there are now others, e. g. the old border checkpoints, serving as memorials commemorating the decades-long division of the country.

Both the social experience of the historical impact of political systems that were involved in crimes on such a vast scale and the transformation of places and things that evoke the most horrific memories in the victims into museums and memorial museums triggered a nation-wide debate about the self-conception and importance of memorial museums in the 1990s.

Previously, society had committed itself to commemorating the victims of National Socialism.

It now had to extend this commitment to include other persecuted groups as well. Furthermore, the number of memorial museums had meanwhile grown to such a degree that co-operation between them was becoming increasingly difficult. Whereas the large memorial museums, which are supported by the Laender, joined forces to create a permanent working group, the smaller memorial museums continued to work together on an informal basis, organised by the Gedenkstättenreferat of the Topography of Terror in Berlin. They meet twice a year for a conference, run a communications forum on the Internet (www.topographie.de/gedenkstaettenforum) and publish an informative magazine, the Gedenkstättenrundbrief (memorial museum circular). This network is organised by Thomas Lutz, who is now Vice-President of IC MEMO. As early as the 1980s, when internal discussions began on the historicisation of Nazi crimes, some argued that memorial museums would have to start redefining themselves as museums for contemporary history. This role definition was rejected by most of those memorial museums that had been founded by members of the population or were inspired by socially critical ideas. It was only after people began to discuss a new conception of memorial museums for Nazi victims in the new German Laender (formerly East Germany) that there was a shift in perspective that effected memorial centres in the old Laender (formerly West Germany) too.

Over the past few years, memorial museums have been placed in a position – with respect to both their financing and staff – to extend the scope of their activities. Factors such as the greater distance to the experience of Nazi persecution and the transition from a “communicative” to a “cultural” memory called for the establishment of cultural institutions that would serve as the social bearers of these memories in future too. Memorial museums are increasingly becoming “classical” museums. Therefore, expert advice from colleagues working at museums is becoming

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essential, whether they specialise in (contemporary) archaeology, the design of open spaces, material culture, restoration questions, or the adoption of uniform standards for databases.

All these different areas serve as bases for a professional exchange of information.

Although discussions on new forms of co-operation came to nothing at a national level, the lack of international associations of memorial museums on the one hand, and an analysis of how German memorial museums might internationalise their work on the other, finally gave birth to a new organisation: IC MEMO. Many memorial museums have bilateral contacts with similar institutions abroad. New communications technologies such as the Internet foster contact on a more regular and intense basis. The only realistic way to enhance memorial museums’ professional competence, to move towards multilateral communication and to provide them with a basic organisational structure was to join an existing organisation.

The goal of the International Coalition of Historic Site Museums of Conscience, founded in 1999, is very close to ours. It is also composed of similar institutions. It is made up of nine institutions: the Terezin Memorial, the Project To Remember in Argentina, the Gulag Museum Perm 36 in Russia, the former slave prisons on the Ile de Gorée, Senegal, the District Six Museum (recalling a multi-ethnic district from which the residents were forcibly evacuated under the apartheid system) in Cape Town, South Africa, the Liberation War Museum (thematising the war of independence against Pakistan) in Dhaka, Bangladesh, the Workhouse (where old, sick and homeless people performed forced labour in the 19th century) in Nottinghamshire, England, the Lower East Side Tenement Museum (a residential building in New York that accommodated immigrants for seventy years), and the National Park Service in Philadelphia, USA (an umbrella organisation for centres devoted to the American independence movement).

Proceeding from our historical experience, we concentrated our activities on state and societal crimes committed during the 20th century: on the transformation in the nature of war brought about by developments in weapons and societal organisation, which made mass crimes possible and also created the framework for mass extermination and genocide, as well as on state and socially organised campaigns to stigmatise and victimise social groups. We addressed these historical processes, the conditions underlying them and their consequences. These included a culture of remembrance that gradually came into being under changed political conditions after the violent events had passed and the focus shifted to the victims. In societies in which perpetrators prevail, remembrance is only possible against the will of the majority.

For the majority, or for significant social groups, remembrance is viewed as “negative memory”.

New forms of remembrance become necessary that differ from the traditional forms which were religious in character, and – from the 19th century on – were inspired by wars waged by powers generally organised as nation states and fought by conscripted soldiers. The ritual of commemorating the “fallen sons of the nation” after peace had been concluded found its counterpart in the “reconciliation across the graves” between governments of countries that had been enemies not long before. This ritual symbolised the return to and mutual acknowledgement of shared values after a war in which each side had honourably fought for their nation’s goals.

The colonial wars had already called into question these value systems. However, such rituals continue to play a role even today, although they take on a different form and content in societies that have emerged from dictatorships. Here, too, the victims need rituals. They expect the state to acknowledge the tragedy of the senseless sacrifice they have endured and to recognise

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its momentous implications for the future. However, these rituals have shortcomings for the victims of state-organised crimes: because inasmuch as the persecuted groups fought, it was not for the nation; they did not suffer for the sake of the nation, but meaninglessly; and their adversary was not an “honourable” enemy, but their “own” fellow citizens and state organs.

Under such circumstances, sites of persecution become especially important as focal points for “negative remembrance”. Furthermore, they must be openly discussed as scenes of stateperpetrated mass crimes – and not so much for the victims as for all other social groups. This is the background, then, to the appearance of exhibitions and museums. I refer to these as “historical museums of a new type”6 These institutions function as museums with stocks of original historical objects, which generally includes buildings, and are involved in all the classical fields of museum work (collecting, preserving, exhibiting, doing research, providing education). Their purpose is to commemorate the victims of state and socially determined, ideologically motivated crimes. They are frequently located at the original historical sites, or at places chosen by the victims of such crimes for the purpose of commemoration. They are conceived as memorials admonishing visitors to safeguard basic human rights. As these institutions cooperate with the victims and other contemporary witnesses, their work also assumes a psycho-social character. Their endeavours to convey information about historical events are morally grounded and aim to establish a definite relationship to the present, without abandoning a historical perspective.

A logical consequence of this comprehensive definition was for our museums to join forces with an international organisation of museums that could support the most diversified aspects of our work. We therefore decided to try to establish an organisation within the framework of ICOM. A number of informal preliminary talks were held, such as those in Oranienburg on 10 April 2000 with Wesley A. Fisher and David Marwell (then at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington), Hans-Martin Hinz (then President of ICOM Germany), Avner Shalev (Yad Vashem in Jerusalem), Tereza Swiebocka (Memorial Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau), and Günther Morsch (Museum und Gedenkstätte Sachsenhausen). In May and June 2000 we also came into contact with Manus Brinkmann (then ICOM’s General Secretary), among others. In addition to the Topography of Terror in Berlin, which actively participated in the preparations in the person of Thomas Lutz, our endeavours were also supported by Volkhard Knigge and Jan Munk, the directors of Buchenwald and Terezin respectively. On the basis of policy papers formulated by the present author, the project was presented for the first time at a major international forum in Berlin on 31 January 2001. Twenty colleagues from seven countries attended. The lively discussion that ensued reflected the participants’ great commitment. It focused on two points: the definition of “Memorial Museums for Public Crimes against Humanity” (the title we proposed at the time) and the danger of an international committee of this nature being misused politically.

The participants were afraid that this definition would exclude certain institutions, such as Jewish museums which are not primarily concerned with documenting the Holocaust, or that the inclusion of the most diverse memorial museums from the most different historical contexts would hinder smaller establishments in articulating their specific interests. One participant

6

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pointed out that discussion on the concept of memorial museums and the organisation’s statues was still in progress in Germany, and mentioned that the invitation to this preparatory meeting had come as a great surprise. The same speaker argued that the concept of a “memorial museum” was inappropriate; criticism was voiced against historicising National Socialism and treating memorial museums as museums in the classical sense. A number of participants pointed out that unrestricted access to the section might turn it into a forum for states that did not share the common principles of “Public Crimes against Humanity”.

Although this reservation could not be dismissed out of hand, because colleagues who recognise ICOM’s statutes cannot be excluded from an international committee, the majority of those present voted for the founding of such a committee. At the end of the meeting, a working group was formed to revise the statement of principles, to prepare statutes and to enter into formal negotiations with ICOM. The group comprised Suzanne Bardgett (Imperial War Museum, London), Bettina Bouresh, (Archiv des Landschaftsverbandes Rheinland in Puhlheim, Germany), Wesly A. Fisher, Thomas Lutz and Avner Shalev, and the author of this text7. The group prepared the statutory preconditions for membership. On 20th April 2001, it presented to the ICOM General Secretary the application (which was supported by 10 ICOM members) to found the new organisation. During ICOM’s general conference in Barcelona, the new committee came together at a founding conference after the decision-making committee had announced its approval on 3 July 2001. The statement of principles and the statutes were accepted. In compliance with the recommendations of the ICOM Executive Councils, the name of the committee was changed during the following months to its present form.

The following members were elected to the board for an interim period: Wulff E. Brebeck (Director of Wewelsburg District Museum, Chairman), Jan Munk (Director of the Terezin Memorial) and Thomas Lutz (Memorial Museum Co-ordinator at the Topography of Terror, Berlin) as deputy, Jan Erik Schulte (Wewelsburg District Museum) as secretary and treasurer, as well as Bettina Bouresh and Klaus Müller (U. S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington) as board members.

The new committee set itself the following goals: to co-operate on developing the theoretical conception of this new type of museum through pertinent publications; to organise events and long-term communication among the members; to lobby at public debates – wherever possible – to promote the social interests of these museums; to organise an international exchange of young colleagues between the institutions; and – to achieve these goals – to enlist as many members as possible and procure funds to implement these goals. Funds are not available from ICOM, as the latter, being associated with UNESCO, itself suffers from a chronic shortage of funds8.

7 See Schulte Jan Erik, Vorbereitende Sitzung zur Gründung einer Fachgruppe für Gedenkstätten im Internationalen Council of Museums. Ein Kurzbericht, in: GedenkstättenRundbrief Nr. 99 (2/2001), pp. 33 f.

8 On the process of founding IC MEMO and the programme see Gründungsprozess und der Programmatik von IC MEMO see Bouresh, Bettina / Brebeck, Wulff E. / Lutz, Thomas, IC MEMO (Memorial Museums im Remembrance of Victims of Public Crimes), in: ICOM-Deutschland Mitteilungen 2001/2, pp. 20-22, and: Schulte, Jan Erik, Internationales Gedenkstättenkomitee (IC MEMO) – Die ersten neun Monate: Ein Zwischenbericht, in: ibid. 2002/1, p.18 f.

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Developing a theoretical basis The committee has adopted a variety of approaches for developing the theoretical conception of memorial museums as a new type of historical museum. One way is to issue publications.

Its main approach, however, involves co-organising meetings. A modest contribution towards a theoretical basis for our work appeared in the new committee newsletter under the heading “Reflections”9. Attempts to define positions also appeared in other ICOM publications.10 International meetings provide an important forum. The first in which IC MEMO played an important role as co-organiser took place from 12th – 15th March 2003 in Berlin. It was entitled “Learning and Remembering: The Holocaust, Genocide and State Organized Crime in the Twentieth Century”11. IC MEMO’s ideas on the subject largely coincided with those of the “GeorgEckert-Institut für Schulbuchforschung” in Brunswick. Through contacts maintained by Thomas Lutz and the Topography of Terror in Berlin with the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, we were able to secure funds to cover the greater part of the substantial costs. The large number of speakers (33 in all), who were all experts in their fields, and the approximately 150 participants from Europe, Asia, Africa as well as North and South America, and – last but not least – the wide range of topics opened up truly international perspectives. With speakers presenting new, comparative views on genocide and violent crimes, the great diversity of fields in which the participants are involved (as scholars, teachers, journalists, museum and memorial museum staff, and human rights activists), as well as the presentation of a wide variety of scenes of terror, the meeting was “a breakthrough” (Erick Weitz, Minnesota, USA).

Discussion on the various aspects of the subject took place in five sections. Following an introductory lecture by Dan Diner (Leipzig, Germany) entitled “Research on Genocide – a Comparative Approach”, the first section examined this topic in the light of case studies (Armenia, Cambodia, Rwanda). The second section was devoted to “Public Remembrance of Genocide and State Crimes of Violence”, focusing on “Places of Remembrance and Learning” (Auschwitz in Poland and Villa Grimaldi in Santiago de Chile) and school teaching (case studies from Rwanda, South Africa and Europe). The third section consisted of workshops. The first of these took place in the villa in Wannsee where the authorities met in 1942 for the conference that decided on the extermination of the European Jews. The villa is now the Memorial and

9 See Stuby, Gerhard, Some Remarks on the Statutory Definition of Crimes Against International Law: Crimes Against Humanity, / Quelques remarques concernants les éléments constitutifs selon le droit pénal international : crimes contre l´ humanité, in : Memorial Museums / Musée commémoratifs. Newsletter of the Committee of Memorial Museums for the Rememberance of victims of Public Crimes / Lettre du Comité international des musées à la mémoire de victimes de crimes public, ed. Jan Erik Schulte on behalf of IC MEMO, vol. 1 (2002), pp. 18-23. Higashi, Julie, The Two Faces of War Memorials in Japan / Les deux aspects des Musées de la mémoire consacrés à la guerre au Japon, in: ibid., vol. 2 (2005).

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Educational Centre of the House of the Wannsee Conference. Section participants discussed the centre’s educational concept (teaching the history of specific occupational groups to those particular groups) and reconciliation work with young people in Uganda. The second workshop in the Sachsenhausen Memorial and Museum in Oranienburg, to the north of Berlin, presented the work at this complex memorial centre. From 1936 to 1945, Sachsenhausen was a Nazi concentration camp; from 1945 to 1950 it served the Soviet occupying forces as a Special Camp – a tabooed subject in the German Democratic Republic until the country ceased to exist in 1990. Discussion also centred on Trostenec Concentration Camp in Minsk (White Russia) and the camp in Jasenovac, Croatia. The history of these camps is very controversial in both countries. A third workshop examined examples of both teaching and teaching material. Its participants visited two Berlin schools, joined in classroom debates and discussed a textbook on genocide (published by Lehrmittelverlag, Canton Zurich, Switzerland) as well as approaches to the Holocaust that are suitable for children. The Sophie-Scholl-Oberschule, a secondary school named after a German resistance fighter, maintains a small memorial museum, created by the pupils, which commemorates the labour camp that existed on the school grounds from 1943-45. A fourth workshop was entitled “The Media”, and discussed the role played by the media while violent crimes are being committed and afterwards. It focused primarily on the former Yugoslavia.

The “Perception and Presentation of Genocide” was the subject of the panel in Section IV. It emphasised the important role played by international publicity in fostering a willingness to act at a national and international level against violent crimes. Section V examined the consequences. The panel discussion’s theme was “Dealing with Genocide and State Crimes of Violence”. Erich Weitz had the challenging task of summarising the discussions.

The discussions not only produced many interesting results, but also clearly showed the social function of genocide. For all the structural similarities that appear – especially in comparative approaches – the specific role played by genocide in a given society seems to be of particular significance. What needs to be clarified is the nature of this “social project genocide” (Eric Weitz) in which large sections of society are involved in a variety of functions.

And this evidently leaves its mark on the next generation too. As Mihran Dabag (Bochum, Germany) demonstrated, genocide is always carried out “for the future” in the name of the next generation. It is therefore of crucial importance whether the next generation denies genocide in order to benefit from its consequences, and thus continues to commit genocide; or whether it refuses to deny genocide and succeeds in acknowledging the guilt of individual representatives of the parents’ generation and thereby manages to come to terms with the historical past.

Work at memorial museums with both the surviving victims – which can also mean working with their descendants – and the culprits can probably only be done following a generation conflict in those societies that have experienced genocide.12

10 See Brebeck, Wulff E., Genocide– a Subject for Museums? in: ICOM News. Newsletter of the International Council of Museums 57 (2004), Nr. 3, p. 12 (also in French and Spanish).

11 See the conference preview: Brebeck Wulff E., IC MEMO realisiert erste Vorhaben, in: ICOM-Deutschland Mitteilungen 2002/2, pp. 46-48.

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12 A publication of the conference contributions is planned.

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A conference held by IC MEMO in conjunction with the International Committee of Museums of Arms and Military History (ICOMAM) within the framework of the general assembly of ICOM in Seoul (Korea) from 4th to 6th October 2004 opened up new perspectives, albeit within a smaller geographical and time frame. The focus there was on Nazi and war crimes and their reception in Europe and East Asia since the Second World War. Guy M. Wilson, the President of ICOMAM, and former Director of the Royal Armouries Museum at the Tower of London, made it perfectly clear in his welcoming speech that despite all the obvious differences between memorial museums for the victims of state crimes of violence on the one hand, and army and military museums on the other, there are also points in common. Military museums are increasingly looking beyond their own traditional domain and their commitment to commemorating the victims of war to include the socio-historical dimension of the use of weapons and the events intrinsic to war. This shift has also seen greater reflection on the moral aspects of war. Hence, for example, the Imperial War Museum in London has opened a department on the Holocaust, and the Royal Military Museum in Brussels is preparing an exhibition on the same subject.

The first day-and-a-half of the conference was devoted to examining cultures of remembrance in both Germany and – to a certain extent – the European countries occupied by the German armed forces on the one hand, and similar cultures in Japan and Korea on the other.

Thomas Lutz reported on the long and arduous course taken by public discussion in Germany with regard to the form and content of commemorating the victims in the country where the perpetrators lived: first in the west and – with the demise of state-prescribed anti-fascism in East Germany – in the country as a whole.

Jan Munk presented the work of the Terezin Memorial – which is located in buildings and areas that were once part of Theresienstadt (Terezin) Ghetto and the Kleine Festung (Small Fortress) – against the background of the persecution of the European Jews. For him, a decisive turning-point was the collapse of the dictatorship in the Czech Republic in 1990. This event made it possible for the first time to examine the importance of Terezin in relation to the genocide on the European Jews.

Professor Julie Higashi, Ritsumeikan University, Japan, centred her critical presentation of the way war crimes and war victims are treated in Japan on two memorial museums: the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo and the memorial museum of the Province of Okinawa. The Yasukuni Shrine is maintained by a private foundation. Remembrance of the war dead is confined to soldiers (including those conscripted from the populations of the occupied countries). They are all revered as heroes, whether they be high-ranking staff sentenced to death by allied military tribunals for having committed war crimes, or Kamikaze and Kairin pilots who were sent to their deaths against their will. The shrine practises a cult of the Emperor. The remembrance celebrations became directly political in character due to the repeated attendance of Japanese governmental representatives (the last occasion being in 2001), which met with fierce criticism

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both in Japan and, above all, in the once-occupied countries, including Korea. Taking the example of the Okinawa Peace Memorial Museum, Ms. Higashi showed that open and genuine forms of commemoration also receive public support in Japan. This particular museum, which is located at the scene of a battle fought when the US military was trying to conquer Okinawa in 1945, presents Japan’s role as an aggressor outwardly and as a repressive power internally which itself perpetrated war crimes. Victims on both sides are commemorated, without any attempts to falsely equate them.

Professor Chieko Otsuru of Kansai University, Osaka, Japan, used the example of Hiroshima to show how the city is exploited to present the myth of Japan as a mere victim on the one hand, and how the victims of the atomic bomb are treated in a very contradictory way on the other. Marginalisation and glorification have gone hand in hand, without either having any effect on nuclear armament.

Dong-Hee Rhie, university lecturer in Seoul and adviser to the prime minister on questions of civil society, talked about the colonial and war crimes perpetrated by the Japanese occupying army in Korea. The Japanese government’s refusal to recognise the claims of Korean citizens casts a shadow on relations between the two countries.

Ms. Mi-Hyang Yoon, Secretary General of the Korean House for International Solidarity in Seoul addressed the subject of so-called “comfort women”, women from the countries occupied by the Japanese, who were forced to work in army brothels. Ever since it was made public by a young film-maker in the early 1990s, this question has been hotly debated in all the countries affected, as well as in Japan. Even so, the Japanese government has not recognised any of their claims to this day.

In contrast to Japan, where the experience of the Second World War resulted in the establishment of a number of peace museums, Korea still has no such tradition. Pastor HaeDong Lee from Seoul drafted the concept for the Center for Peace Museum, which was founded in 2003. The centre views itself as an agency for promoting empathy towards war victims (e.g. including the Vietnamese, since the South Korean army fought in Vietnam on the side of the USA) and for establishing “spaces of empathy” in everyday situations. The digital transfer of the material they exhibited will link them as a Cyber Peace Museum.

On the second day of the conference, the participants turned to the question of “intangible heritage”, the overriding theme of the ICOM General Conference.

Guy M. Wilson presented the Mass of Peace, a work commissioned by the Royal Armouries for the millennium celebrations in the year 2000. Taking pieces of music played in different military contexts and related to war experiences, Carl Jenkins composed a mass with a traditional structure. His composition is being performed with growing success. Public interest in this work is also reflected in the fact that the CD reached number 8 in the Classic Charts. At the Leeds branch of the museum, people founded a Peace Music Movement and also hold an annual competition entitled Poetry for Peace.

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Vojtech Blodig, vice-director of the Terezin Memorial, reported on the rich cultural life organised by the inmates of Terezin Ghetto (and tolerated by the SS) in the face of constant transportations of people to the extermination camps. The children’s opera “Brundibar” by Hans Krasa is still frequently performed.

Joseph O’Reilly, director of the aforementioned initiative for an International Human Rights Museum, London, presented his concept of a museum as a forum for the protection and greater recognition of human rights. He sees museums as important co-operation partners in this project. He then gave an introductory presentation on the international legal situation in relation to the protection of intangible heritage. He reported on the long history behind the 2003 UNESCO Convention and on the latter’s shortcomings. O’ Reilly concluded his exposition with examples demonstrating the significance of intangible heritage for memorial museums. Instances of this include the importance of songs and stories to prisoners, as shown at the exhibition at the departure point for Robben Island in Cape Town.

On the third day of the conference, participants went on an excursion together. We first visited a cemetery and memorial museum to the student uprising of 19 April 1960 which, thanks to popular support, resulted in the resignation of the country’s corrupt first post-war president. The centre, which could only be established after a successful struggle for democracy in the early 1990s, shows, in all its monumentality, the belated reinterpretation of this historical event as being of great significance for South Korea’s transition from an underdeveloped country to a western-style democracy with a flourishing economy. The next step in our journey was Sodaemun Prison, which is now a memorial museum. The prison was erected by the Japanese (then occupying Korea as a colonial power) in 1908 on the model of German prisons. There the Japanese mainly imprisoned political opponents of both sexes, many of whom were tortured and executed. The last item on the agenda was a visit to the Korea War Memorial. In addition to commemorating fallen US, other allied and South Korean soldiers during the Korean War, this building also presents the glorious role played by the Korean armed forces from the early middle ages to South Korea’s intervention in the Vietnam War, when its soldiers fought on the side of the USA. Generally speaking, any attempts to draw comparisons also reveals some essential differences: whereas East Asia is primarily concerned with coming to terms with war crimes, Europe is having to deal with a situation in which a war was inextricably linked with genocide.

It became apparent on a number occasions that the state of knowledge and discussion not only differed between Japan and Korea, but also between these two countries and Europe. Dr. Rhie was sharply criticised by Japanese participants for his one-sided presentation (the use of outdated figures that applied to Korean victims only and his failure to mention Japanese reparations payments to former – dictatorial – governments in Korea, among other things).

Ms. Yoon was reproached for her extremely moralistic position. However, nobody dared to raise these points in an open discussion.

For “negative memories” to be accepted by society, it is not only important that a criminal dictatorship be brought down and discredited, but also that an open society can evolve that

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examines its taboos. These conditions have been gradually established in the Federal Republic of Germany after decades of heated public debate on questions of contemporary history.

Memorial cultures in Europe’s state socialist dictatorships, however, were defined by the state, and specific areas deliberately excluded from debate (e.g. the genocide perpetrated on the European Jews, the fact that there were groups of “undesirable victims”). In Japan, the USA’s decision not to prosecute the Emperor after the war meant that the “Showa” period (Japanese historiography is periodised according to periods of imperial rule) lasted until Hirohito’s death in 1989. In the peaceful decades following the war, in which Japan developed into a leading economic power and the majority of its inhabitants experienced growing prosperity, people cultivated an increasingly positive picture of this era. Critical perspectives were not very welcome. Korea, by contrast, was forced into a war shortly after the first republic was founded.

Then it was divided. Until the early 1990s, one dictatorship replaced another. A number of uprisings were bloodily suppressed. The fact that the dictatorships strove for and maintained a close relationship with Japan is evidently expressed in a – partly – unreflected or unilateral critique of the role played by Japan. Hence, for example, it would have been interesting to learn something about the role played by repressive South Korean state organs in Sodaemun Prison, which was used right up to the 1980s.

In this respect, then, the “learning goals” that different memorial museums strive for also differ. The need to actively support the goal of a democratic, free and open society is now undoubtedly part of Europe’s shared heritage. In Japan, the emphasis is far more on preserving peace, whereas in Korea the military struggle for national independence and dispatching soldiers to fight on the side of the USA are accepted as a matter of course. In discussions, human rights’ activists were astonished to learn that memorial museums in Europe tend – in their contribution to the establishment of moral values – to emphasise different aspects owing to the divergences in historical experiences at different locations. Most centres and institutions regard themselves neither as human rights’ nor as peace museums. Instead they tend to view these tasks on an equal footing with, for instance, educating people to be tolerant and able to formulate criticisms as well as attempting to strengthen their powers of judgement.13 Alongside organising conferences, IC MEMO also participated in individual events. Hence, the committee co-organised a conference of German associations instructing teachers in the teaching of history at the District Museum in Wewelsburg. Under the title “Of the ‘centre of the world’ in Wewelsburg”, historians and educators met on 17 July 2004 and discussed the problems arising at a memorial museum for the inmates of Niederhagen concentration camp: for SS symbolism at Wewelsburg Castle, which was to have been extended to create an ideological centre for the SS during the Third Reich, has made it a site of pilgrimage for young Nazis from all over the world.14

13 A report on the conference is being prepared for publication.

14 A publication on the conference is being prepared.

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Improving Communication A number of measures have been introduced to improve communication between members and to better publicise memorial museums as historical museums of a new type in the “museum world.” Publications on both places and the fields of activities of members and friends are very important. Hence, for example, “The Villa Grimaldi Memorial Museum” in Santiago de Chile and “The State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau” in Oswiecim, Poland were presented in IC MEMO’s Newsletter 1. Newsletter 2 will present “The Ghetto Fighters’ House Museum” in Galilee (Israel)”15.

“ICOM News” has recently published short reports on the Villa Grimaldi and on the Terezin Memorial Museum and Wewelsburg District Museum.16 IC MEMO was introduced at a number of other conferences. One of these was the first conference of European memorial museums held in Berlin from 14th to 17th November 2001 entitled: “On the Way towards Europe? – Memorial Museums Facing New Challenges”. Another opportunity to draw attention to IC MEMO presented itself during ICOM Germany’s annual conference in Warsaw from 17th to 20th October 2002, where a large part of the programme was devoted to the occupation and destruction of Warsaw by the German troops during the Second World War and to Poland’s experiences with the state socialist dictatorship. Some committee members were able to spread the word thanks to their contacts with other colleagues.

Jan Munk’s double membership in both associations, for example, has firmly established him as a mediator between IC MEMO and the Coalition of Historic Sites Museums of Conscience.

The committee owes its invitation to Guernica, Spain to another double membership: to that of Ms. Iratxe Momoitio, the director of the Guernica Peace Museum, who is a member of both IC MEMO and the Worldwide Network of Peace Museums. We anticipate fruitful contacts with a group of museums whose areas of activity are very similar to those of memorial museums in many ways. IC MEMO will be holding its annual meeting of members during the conference (3 May). In Guernica, the board will be elected for the second term of office since IC MEMO was founded. For the second time in its history, the committee will be taking an important decision on Spanish soil – thanks to the only Spanish member and her good contacts.

First attempts at lobbying Probably the most important event in this connection is the position adopted by the board of the committee with regard to a parliamentary initiative by the Christlich Demokratische Union

15 See Matta, Pedro Alejandro and Oleksy, Krystyna (see footnote 9), vol. 1, p. 12 ff. and Rosenberg, Pnina (ibid.), vol. 2.

16 See Matta, Pedro Alejandro, The Villa Grimaldi Memorial Museum, Chile, in: ICOM News. Newsletter of the International Council of Museums 54 (2001), Nr. 4, pp. 2 f. (also in French and Spanish).

Munk, Jan, The Terezin Memorial, Czech Republic, in: ibid., p. 3 (also in French and Spanish).

Schulte, Jan Erik, The District Museum and Concentration Camp Memorial Wewelsburg, Germany, in: ibid., p.3 (also in French and Spanish).

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and the Christlich Soziale Union (CDU/CSU) parties in the German Bundestag, the parliament of the Federal Republic of Germany, in January and again in May 2004. Their motion aimed to change the existing practice in Germany, whereby memorial museums are supported by the central government. The main criticism expressed in their draft was that the memorial museums dealing with the injustices and persecution perpetrated by the organs of the Soviet occupying forces from 1945-1949 and the Socialist Unity Party dictatorship from 1949-1989 were – ostensibly – receiving too little support. As things stand, every memorial museum of national importance is, in principle, entitled to funds if it fulfils certain objective criteria, and provided the funds are guaranteed to an amount covering 50 per cent of the costs by the German Land where it is located. The CDU/CSU draft argues that funds ought to be granted to fewer museums, which are to be listed in a catalogue containing a disproportionately high number of memorial centres concentrating on the “Communist Dictatorship”. Virtually no distinction is made between the dictatorships.

The counter argument put forward by IC MEMO was as follows: “Against this background, IC MEMO views the CDU/CSU’s motion critically. The planned canonization that would make some of the numerous memorial museums into national memorials suffers from two main drawbacks. It evidently fails to take into account the dynamic civil movement behind the development of memorial museums, which prohibits a closed-shop policy. Furthermore, quite a lot of the memorial museums, which have not been nominated, are of great national – or even greater international – importance. Examples of these are the “Dokumentationszentrum der deutschen Sinti und Roma” (Documentation Centre of the German Sinti and Romanies) in Heidelberg and the STALAG-Memorial in Schloss Holte-Stukenbrock Castle (P.O.W. camp), which gives visual expression to the most terrible memories of many Russian people.

The policy demanded by the motion seems to be an attempt at putting public memory under the control of the central government. This practice is reminiscent of the policy towards public memory which the GDR and other Eastern European countries adopted during the State Socialist period. Its failure is widely known. It resulted in a division into the type of memory forced upon people by the state and the personal experience of history”.

This protest, which was one of many in addition to the vehement objection expressed by the Arbeitsgemeinschaft der KZ-Gedenkstätten Deutschlands (association of concentration camp memorial museums in Germany), and by Avner Shalev, Jan Munk, Sigurd Syversen (The Norwegian Association of Political Prisoners 1940/45) and others did at least result in the first draft being withdrawn. Furthermore, the second version was not adopted on 2 May. It was merely passed on to a parliamentary committee for further deliberation.

The committee’s other activities involved discreet attempts to mediate and offer advice in disputes between institutions working in our field.

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International Exchange Programme We had initially intended to launch an international exchange programme primarily for young academic staff at memorial museums. In order to translate this idea into practice, we first had to find some way of financing this scheme. The response to a number of applications to ICOM showed that no money was available for such schemes. The only funds available, if any, consisted of modest support to fund the announcement of a programme. As we had no funds of our own for this purpose, the committee endeavoured to obtain funds for short monitored stays by staff at German memorial museums. Few of these attempts were fruitful.

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in the process of establishing themselves, there is bound to be a far greater need for support.

As we have a good relationship with our colleagues in Israel, we are sure to meet with great interest there.

In this way we hope to contribute to promoting an international exchange of experiences between all participants through memorial museums befits ICOM’s character17. Jacques Perot, the former president of ICOM feels that IC MEMO, in particular, embodies the basic principles of UNESCO. He expressed this view in his message of greeting at the founding meeting of IC MEMO on 3 July 2001: “International understanding, preserving the peace, creating cultural independence and coming to terms with a history that nobody can escape.”18

There was one case in which we were successful, however. After we had been in contact with Oribe Cures, the director of Montevideo’s city museum in Uruguay via the Internet for some time, we finally had an opportunity (in March 2003) to invite him to Germany. He visited several of our German memorial museums together with our board member Bettina Bouresh. His visit was the highlight of a long and fruitful discussion on the problem of coming to terms with the past dictatorships in both Germany and Latin America. We discovered many common interests, based on the similar experiences of a specific generation in both countries. This generation was faced with the problem of working through its experiences and presenting its theses in the face of opposition from a reluctant majority.

Oribe Cures was already seriously ill when we met him in person. In October we received a letter from his wife informing us that he had passed away. In the short time we worked together at ICOM, we had the privilege of learning and appreciating just how valuable international encounters and exchanges charged with curiosity can be. We learned to see the world from a different perspective and to understand it better. The memory of Oribe Cures will always accompany IC MEMO in its work. We posthumously made him an honorary member. It was ultimately intense experiences such as these which strengthened our resolve to find sponsors.

As we were well informed about foundations and other donators here in Germany, we approached a number of them. We finally received a positive response from the German foundation “Erinnerung – Verantwortung und Zukunft” (“Remembrance – Responsibility and Future”).

With these funds in hand, IC MEMO can now (2005) offer young professional staff members working at memorial museums in Central and Eastern Europe as well as Israel an opportunity to perfect their occupational skills through participation in the exchange programme. IC MEMO plans to fund study stays at German memorial museums for a period of up to two months. IC MEMO will take care of the accommodation, living expenses, and organize the work at the host institution. Participants need only pay their travel expenses. We hope this initial step will allow us to make the international exchange a lively feature of IC MEMO’s work and to extend the programme in three years’ time.

The condition, stipulated by the foundation, that the exchange must be conducted with memorial museums in Eastern and Central Europe and Israel is in line with our own exchange concept. Particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, where many memorial museums are still

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17 See. Bouresh, Bettina, IC MEMO Exchange Program, in: Memorial Museums (see footnote 9), vol. 2.

18 Cited from: ICOM-Deutschland Mitteilungen 2001/2, p. 21.

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JEAN MARC DE WANDELAER

! JEAN MARC DE WANDELAER

COALICIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE SITIOS HISTÓRICOS DE CONCIENCIA

JEAN MARC DE WANDELAER

Estos museos de conciencia ofrecen un complemento único y muy necesario a nuestros esfuerzos por esclarecer las líneas centrales de los abusos históricos y de los problemas sociales, de manera que podamos reconocerlos y ubicar dónde y cuándo ocurren en la sociedad

COALICIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE SITIOS HISTÓRICOS DE CONCIENCIA

contemporánea.

La Coalición Internacional de Museos de Conciencia en Sitios Históricos tiene el apoyo de la Fundación Ford, la Fundación Rockefeller, Open Society Institute y el Trust for Mutual

www.sitesofconscience.org

Understanding.

Qué hacemos

Los Museos en Sitios Históricos en diferentes partes del mundo, en distintas etapas de desarrollo, presentan e interpretan una gran variedad de temas históricos, acontecimientos y personas.

Para desarrollar nuestra visión, los sitios históricos de conciencia tenemos un compromiso que va más allá de nuestro rol convencional como museos: establecemos relaciones explícitas entre la historia de nuestros sitios y sus implicancias contemporáneas. Apoyándonos en la

La Coalición comparte la creencia de que es una obligación de los sitios históricos apoyar y estimular al público para establecer conexiones entre la historia de nuestros sitios y sus

pluralidad política de nuestros visitantes, podemos convertirnos en nuevos centros para el debate y la discusión.

implicancias contemporáneas. Considera que estimular el diálogo sobre temas sociales apremiantes y promover valores humanitarios y democráticos es una función primaria. Es para

Podemos:

avanzar en este concepto que se ha formado la Coalición Internacional de Museos de Conciencia en Sitios Históricos.

Quiénes somos Un sitio histórico tiene un poder único para inspirar la conciencia y la acción social sea que represente un hecho positivo o negativo, preserve un recurso cultural o natural. Al abrir nuevos diálogos sobre problemas contemporáneos desde una perspectiva histórica, los sitios históricos pueden convertirse en nuevos foros, lugares centrales para la vida cívica y la democracia.

La Coalición Internacional de Museos de Conciencia en Sitios Históricos es una red de instituciones constituida para: • Mostrar la historia a través de los sitios

• Ser sede de diálogos comunitarios y conferencias internacionales sobre temas sociales y políticos apremiantes • Trabajar junto a organizaciones dedicadas al desarrollo social y a los derechos humanos, para incorporar la perspectiva histórica en programas que abordan problemas contemporáneos • Proveer recursos e información que permitan a los visitantes tomar parte activa en los problemas contemporáneos y apoyar el trabajo de los grupos afectados.

Cómo trabajamos en conjunto Nuestras actividades son innovadoras y por lo tanto requieren de nuevas herramientas y

• Desarrollar programas que estimulen el diálogo acerca de cuestiones sociales

experiencias, así como también de nuevas formas de apoyo frente a gobiernos o públicos en

prioritarias y promuevan los valores humanitarios y democráticos

ocasiones hostiles. Todos tenemos algo que aprender y algo que enseñar. Trabajamos en conjunto para obtener el reconocimiento internacional de cada sitio, para apoyarnos en el

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• Compartir oportunidades para estimular el compromiso público con las cuestiones

diseño de programas exitosos que estimulen el diálogo sobre temas sociales apremiantes,

planteadas en sus sitios.

para organizar intercambios de recursos y de personal.

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Iniciativas La página web de los sitios de conciencia: A través de su lugar en la web www.sitesofconscience.org , el primero en su tipo, la Coalición trabaja con destacadas organizaciones internacionales de derechos humanos y desarrollo social para entender los problemas actuales en relación con las lecciones del pasado. Los visitantes de la web recorren sitios históricos y exploran problemáticas de su interés en otros lugares del mundo. Entre las organizaciones participantes podemos mencionar a Human Rights Watch, International Center for Transitional Justice, Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights, RFK Center for Human Rights y Amnesty International.

COALICIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE SITIOS HISTÓRICOS DE CONCIENCIA

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Japanese American National Museum – Estados Unidos Liberation War Museum – Bangladesh Lower East Side Tenement Museum - Estados Unidos Maison des Esclaves – Ile de Gorée, Senegal Martín Luther King Jr. National Historic Site – Atlanta, Estados Unidos National Civil Rights Museum - Estados Unidos

Diálogos por la Democracia

National Park Service – Estados Unidos

Los miembros desarrollan programas para estimular a los visitantes en el diálogo cívico sobre los problemas sociales contemporáneos.

Terezin Memorial – República Checa

Intercambios de personal

Women´s Rights National Historical Park – Estados Unidos

La Coalición ayuda a organizar intercambios de aprendizaje entre sus miembros.

The Workhouse – Nottinghamshire, Reino Unido

Conferencias de la Coalición Los miembros participan de encuentros intensivos de una semana de duración, para enfocar desafíos comunes y desarrollar nuevas iniciativas para cada sitio y para la Coalición.

Consultoría para redes La Coalición trabaja con grandes redes de sitios históricos tales como el National Park Service (Estados Unidos), el National Trust for Historical Preservation (Estados Unidos), Parks Canada y el National Trust (Reino Unido) para desarrollar estrategias sobre cuestiones contemporáneas en sus sitios.

Miembros de la coalición District Six Museum – Sudáfrica Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site - Estados Unidos Gulag Museum – Rusia

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! MARIA OIANGUREN Directora del Centro de Investigación por la Paz Gernika Gogoratuz Fundación Gernika Gogoratuz GERNIKA GORORATUZ, SENTIDO Y COMPROMISO POR LA PAZ Si empezamos por el nombre, encontramos su sentido a través de un lugar simbólico, Gernika y un verbo le otorga misión, gogoratuz, que en euskera significa recordando.

“Su misión es enriquecer el símbolo de Gernika en relación con el pasado y con el futuro; hacia el pasado recordando y honrando su historia y hacia el futuro contribuyendo, con un respaldo de reflexión científica, a generar una paz emancipadora, justa y reconciliadora tanto en el País Vasco como a escala mundial”1.

La raíz vasca gogo tiene tres significados2 que encuentran su lugar en Gernika, un espacio de compromiso por la Paz. Gogo-ratuz: “recordando, guardando la memoria del pasado” Gogo-etaz: “reflexionado, pensando juntos en el presente” Gogo-z: “empeñados, deseosamente orientados a un futuro”3 En la labor de Gernika Gogoratuz se refleja la dimensión temporal, pasado, presente y futuro. Un trabajo desde la pedagogía de la memoria, hacia el pasado de recuperación y difusión de la memoria histórica tal y como se recoge en las palabras de Juan Gutiérrez en el prólogo a la primera de las investigaciones realizadas desde el Centro de Investigación por la Paz, Memoria Colectiva del Bombardeo de Gernika en 1996.

“Un modelo de cómo puede reabrirse un pasado gracias a un horizonte de reconciliación: no buscando tanto los culpables y causantes del bombardeo, no pretendiendo ser una historia objetiva, sino mostrando el impacto del bombardeo y del régimen de represión que siguió en las rutas de vida de las víctimas” “El camino hacia la reconciliación ha de transitar por el pasado abierto por esa historia oral que muestra el padecer de las víctimas e invita a la comprensión y a la compasión”4 Un trabajo en el presente desde la pedagogía de paz para que las personas y las sociedades conozcan y reconozcas sus conflictos, a través de una labor de sensibilización, de formación y de difusión de los valores, conocimientos, actitudes y formas de relación a las culturas de la paz y en relación a la paz positiva.

1

Estatutos de la Asociación Gernika Gogoratuz, 1987.

2

Elhuyar Hiztegia, 2002.

3

Uranga, Mireia: Retrato de Gernika Gogoratuz en- Revista de Aula Social, nº2, 2001

4 Cava Mesa, María Jesús, Memoria Colectiva del Bombardeo de Gernika, Bilbao, Bakeaz y Gernika Gogoratuz, 1996, p12.

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Un trabajo hacia el futuro que contribuye a que la villa de Gernika-Lumo sea un lugar de acogida de actividades desde el que ofrezca un respaldo científico a los esfuerzos en la construcción de paz en el mundo, un Taller de Paz. Todo ello, plasmándose a través de los elementos interpretativos de la realidad que los símbolos nos ofrecen y sus red de sistemas como las representaciones culturales que ayudan a transformar los cambios sociales y que en Gernika tratan, además, de identidades, libertades, paces y reconciliaciones.

En definitiva, sentido y también, responsabilidad en la labor de investigación y transmisión de los aspectos de las culturas que aportan claves de paz positiva y contribuyen al desarrollo de una cultura de la mediación y de la reconciliación.

En la mediación a través de la palabra y en la reconciliación a través del encuentro con el otro y la otra.

Desde la historia hasta la dimensión cultural de la Paz Si nos remontamos a la historia, detengámonos en una fecha, el 26 de abril de 1937. Ese día Gernika fue bombardeada por la Legión Cóndor alemana en el escenario de la Guerra Civil Española.

Gernika no fue la primera ciudad que sufrió un bombardeo aéreo, sin embargo se convirtió en el símbolo del primer bombardeo contra una ciudad abierta y su población civil indefensa.

“Como todo símbolo, no tiene una correspondencia exacta con un objeto, sino que cada individuo lo recrea y lo pone en relación con valores colectivos, reconstruidos en su memoria”5 Tres hechos participaron en su construcción como representación simbólica. Su difusión a través de la transmisión mediática, especialmente gracias a la labor del corresponsal de The Times, George L. Steer y de la investigación histórica de Herbert R. Southworth con su obra La destrucción de Gernika, periodismo, diplomacia, propaganda e historia que influyó determinantemente en la repercusión internacional que tuvo el Bombardeo de Gernika.

Su difusión artística a través del Guernica de Picasso, hoy por hoy, considerada como la obra de arte más emblemática del Siglo XX. “El Guernica de Picasso es una imagen tan célebre del siglo XX que se olvida su impacto original: fue el eco de lo nuevo, eco de las nuevas. El vivido lienzo, pintado en blanco y negro, es crudo como la fotografía de un crimen iluminada por una potente bombilla. Las criaturas gritan como titulares de prensa. El cuerpo del caballo está hecho de periódicos triturados”6 Su valor simbólico, la simbología de Gernika a través de su bombardeo se construye sobre otros símbolos, Gernika era ya considerada ciudad símbolo de identidad, de democracia y de libertades vascas.

5

López Martínez, Mario (dir.), Enciclopedia de Paz y Conflictos, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2004. p1049.

6 Rankin, Nicholas: Crónica desde Guernica. George Steer, corresponsal de guerra, Madrid Siglo XXI de España editores, 2005. p3.

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Gernika, símbolo de símbolos, quizás demasiado compromiso en la carga de responsabilidad ante una labor a favor de la Paz si se entiende la paz cómo concepto aislado, estático y separado de otras interpretaciones. Ni que decir si lo vemos como punto de llegada más que de partida en compañía de otras paces, la paz positiva, la paz imperfecta, la paz gaia...

Gernika y todos su hermenéutica a partir del estudio de sus símbolos y al servicio del para qué se realiza esta labor nos lleva a acercarnos a la comprensión del papel de la simbología de la paz en la investigación y en la acción por la paz, como aportación positiva desde la dimensión cultural de la paz hacia el que apunta Johan Galtung.

Entonces, acompañemos su comprensión desde los múltiples acercamientos que la enriquecen desde sus símbolos a través de la dimensión cultural de la paz.

Gernika como Símbolo de Identidad y Libertades Vascas, su representación se encuentra en el Árbol de Gernika y la Casa de Juntas.

Si empezamos por la identidad, y si esta nacional, si es una, también lo serán las otras, separadas o compartidas, en encuentros o desencuentros mediados por la palabra y el respeto, identidades abiertas.

Tanto la Cultura de la Paz como propuesta conceptual de UNESCO en el año 19989 como las culturas de las paces que recogen las paces pequeñas y plurales que son propias a las diversas culturas requieren del estudio de la Cultura entendida ésta como el ámbito donde los valores con los que nos desenvolvemos se encuentran.

Al tiempo de compartirlo con las otras identidades que conforman a los seres humanos, hombres y mujeres, identidad de género, identidad religiosa o espiritual, identidad sexual, identidad cultural, en la idea de identidades complejas propuesta por Xavier Etxeberria como fruto de diversos sentires identitarios que conforman a la personas en relación siempre con los otras.

Gernika como Símbolo de dolor y catástrofe a partir del Bombardeo de Gernika. Si la interpretamos a partir de entonces, en profundo devenir, en símbolo de reconstrucción por el compromiso adquirido, el trabajo por la paz a partir de las propuestas no violentas de transformación de conflictos y reconstrucción tanto la física en referencia al lugar como la reconstrucción de relaciones de convivencia pacífica de las personas.

Gernika en el año 1997 se convierte en símbolo de Reconciliación con Alemania al reconocer públicamente el Presidente de República Federal de Alemania la implicación de la Legión Cóndor Alemana, mostrar su solidaridad con las victimas y ofrecer su mano en gesto de reconciliación en el marco de los actos conmemorativos del 60ª Aniversario del Bombardeo de Gernika.

De una reconciliación histórica a una reconciliación social como lugar, es decir, un espacio donde encontrarse personas y conceptos que componen la teoría ligada a la práctica e impregnada del arte de la reconciliación.

“La reconciliación ha de invitar a la búsqueda de un encuentro donde las personas puedan replantearse sus relaciones y compartir sus percepciones, sentimientos y experiencias, con el fin de crear nuevas percepciones y una nueva experiencia compartida”7

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“La paz positiva cultural sustituiría la legitimación de la violencia por la legitimización de la paz; en la religión, el derecho y la ideología; en el lenguaje, en el arte y las ciencias, en las escuelas, universidades y medios de comunicación; construyendo una cultura de paz positiva”10 La labor de Gernika Gogoratuz se realiza en el ámbito de la investigación, formación, intervención y divulgación de la Paz desde su dimensión cultural.

Origen y naturaleza del Centro de Investigación por la Paz Gernika Gogoratuz Si empezamos por el su origen, Gernika Gogoratuz (Recordando Gernika), es un Centro de Investigación por la Paz, creado en 1987, por decisión unánime del Parlamento Vasco, en el marco del 50ª aniversario del Bombardeo de Gernika. Tres son los acontecimientos que la caracterizan, El Parlamento Vasco, por decisión unánime de todos sus parlamentarios y parlamentarias acuerdan bajo Decreto no de Ley la creación en la villa de Gernika-Lumo de un Centro de Estudios por la Paz que “permita perpetuar el símbolo y el recuerdo de este histórico hecho”11 en el pleno ordinario del 10 de abril de 1987.

El segundo acontecimiento tiene nombre de mujer, Petra K. Kelly, feminista y pacifista, diputada por los Verdes Die Grünen en el Parlamento Alemán Bundestag, en su visita a Gernika el 18 de abril de 1987 depositó un ramo de flores bajo el Árbol de Gernika en memoria de las víctimas del Bombardeo.

“Hoy estoy aquí y soy alemana, y siento vergüenza por lo que ocurrió aquí el 26 de abril de 1937. El 26 de abril de 1937 hace casi cincuenta años, aviones de las Fuerzas Aéreas alemanas, aliadas con Franco, bombardearon esta ciudad de Euskadi. Las bombas de la Legión Cóndor mataron muchas personas, - aquí se cometió un gran crimen12.”

Gernika como lugar locus y como focus siguiendo la propuesta de reconciliación que elabora John Paul Lederach, como focus para avanzar hacia la paz con un horizonte de reconciliación8 que llena de sentido un espacio de encuentro con las personas en las que descubrir nuevos espacios de encuentro en el que además podamos encontrarnos de otra manera.

9 “Una cultura de paz está basada en los principios enunciados en la Carta de las Naciones Unidas y en el respeto de los derechos humanos, la democracia y la tolerancia, la promoción del desarrollo, la educación para la paz, la libre circulación de información y la mayor participación de la mujer como enfoque integral para prevenir la violencia y los conflictos, y que se realicen actividades encaminadas a crear condiciones propicias para el establecimiento de la paz y su consolidación”. (A/RES/52/13, el 15 de enero de 1998, § 2)

7 Lederach, John Paul: Construyendo la Paz. Reconciliación sostenible en sociedades divididas. Bilbao, Gernika Gogoratuz y Bakeaz, 1998, p59.

10 Galtung, Johan: Paz por medios pacíficos. Paz y conflicto, desarrollo y civilización. Serie Red Gernika 7, Bakeaz y Gernika Gogoratuz, 2003. p58.

8 Gernika Gogoratuz entiende que la Reconciliación es la veta más viva de la Paz y que un Horizonte de Reconciliación es el elemento orientador de un proceso de paz emancipadora y sostenible. El Horizonte de Reconciliación es la brújula que guía el trabajo por la paz, más allá de la superación de las violencias, donde se transforman las estructuras, se recupera la verdad histórica, se honra a las víctimas y se sanan las heridas.

11 Boletín Oficial del Parlamento Vasco, III Legislatura, Serie B, IV Proposiciones no de Ley, número 6-7 (d), VitoriaGasteiz, 23 de abril de 1987.

12 Gernika Gogoratuz, Petra Kelly: Gernika – Gesto de Reconciliación, 1997. Contraportada.

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Petra K. Kelly comprendió el significado que Gernika tenía como símbolo de paz, libertad y democracia, por ello y como gesto de reconciliación por parte alemana, reivindicó la creación de un Centro por la Paz y la Reconciliación en Gernika. “¡ Aquí en Gernika deberíamos sentirnos obligados a actuar sin violencia ¡ Y aquí en Gernika se debería construir un Centro internacional de encuentro para la Paz y la Reconciliación13”.

Para ella, era importante que el gesto alemán fuera un acto de reivindicación por la culpa cometida y que partiendo del hecho histórico mirase al futuro en clave de paz reconciliadora, recordémoslo una vez más, siempre presente en la filosofía de Gernika Gogoratuz.

El tercer acontecimiento se debió a la labor del movimiento por la paz que a lo largo de la década de los años ochenta, colmada de notables influencias provenientes de las corrientes ecologistas y antinucleares, las reivindicaciones feministas y de justicia social promovieron la creación de la Asociación Gernika Gogoratuz. Se constituyó, así, el 6 de noviembre de 1987, la Asociación Gernika Gogoratuz. Su fin fundamental es “contribuir con la reflexión científica al logro de una paz emancipadora y justa a escala mundial y en el País Vasco, en particular”.

De esta manera en la primavera de 1987 comienza su andadura la labor del Centro de Investigación por la Paz coordinada por la Asociación Gernika Gogoratuz. En el propio desarrollo de sus actividades y para reforzar el trabajo de construcción de paz que se venia realizando se considera necesario y enriquecedor ampliar el respaldo académico e institucional del propio Centro. En ese sentido y con el objetivo de dotar al Centro de una base institucional y académica más sólida, el 15 de diciembre de 1994 se constituye la Fundación Gernika Gogoratuz, la cual acoge en su seno al Centro de Investigación por la Paz. La Fundación Gernika Gogoratuz establece como fin fundamental “el contribuir al logro de una paz emancipadora y justa a escala mundial y en el País Vasco, en particular, con aportaciones generadas o respaldadas por una reflexión científica, y vinculadas a la ciudad y símbolo de Gernika” Fundación14

asegura la vinculación institucional y universitaria, sin embargo, para La asegurar la independencia del Centro, se acuerda mantener la Asociación Gernika Gogoratuz como órgano de participación de la Sociedad Civil.

Gernika Taller de Paz El recorrido por el origen y el sentido de Gernika Gogoratuz nos ha acercado al campo de la interpretación simbólica y al campo de los contenidos de la Investigación por la Paz, ahora nos adentraremos en el campo de la acción por la paz y ahí encontraremos a las personas que realizan las actividades que componen el trabajo cotidiano que en el Centro de Investigación por la Paz se realiza desde hace ahora 18 años plasmando la importancia de trabajar desde la propia comunidad en la construcción de paz.

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“La tendencia general es pensar en la construcción de la paz como una iniciativa llevada a cabo con recursos externos, ya se trate de fondos o personal. Pero la verdadera situación es probablemente la contraria. El mayor recurso para sostener la paz a largo plazo se encuentra siempre arraigado en los pueblos locales y su cultura”15 Gernika como Símbolo de Paz y Reconciliación Los Símbolos de Paz Reconciliadora son los elementos valiosos y necesarios para la superación de la violencia (directa, estructural y cultural) y la Construcción de Paz. Por ello, Gernika Gogoratuz colabora en dar a conocer la historia del bombardeo de Gernika y los recuerdos de los supervivientes. El objetivo es trascender el recuerdo del bombardeo y recoger las semillas de reconciliación que permitan avanzar hacia una sociedad más justa y solidaria.

Entre las actividades que hemos realizado está la investigación en la recuperación de la memoria histórica con las obras, Exposición Itinerante de Gernika Gogoratuz. El Bombardeo de Gernika (1987), Memoria colectiva del Bombardeo de Gernika (1996), la Huella Humana.

El Bombardeo de Gernika (1998).

La mediación para contribuir a que Gernika sea símbolo de Reconciliación con Alemania al reconocer públicamente el Presidente de República Federal de Alemania la implicación de la Legión Cóndor Alemana, mostrar su solidaridad con las victimas y ofrecer su mano en gesto de reconciliación el 27 de abril de 1997, en el marco de los actos conmemorativos del 60ª Aniversario del Bombardeo de Gernika.

La organización de los Encuentros de Supervivientes del Bombardeo de Gernika desde 1997 y su relación con supervivientes de otras ciudades bombardeadas, como por ejemplo, Dresde en Alemania (2000, 2003), Hiroshima y Nagasaki en Japón (2004).

Desde el Centro, también, se contribuye a que Gernika, siendo fiel a su pasado, sea un lugar acogedor de encuentros de convivencia, muestra de ello son, Las Jornadas Internacionales de Cultura y Paz de Gernika que desde 1990 organiza en colaboración con el Ayuntamiento de Gernika-Lumo. En estas Jornadas Gernika Gogoratuz da a conocer su labor y es punto de encuentro con expertos del ámbito académico, social y político y cuenta con la participación de estudiantes de universidades de ámbito nacional e internacional.

En 1998 se comienza a trabajar en la línea de Arte y Paz, con la intención de contribuir a la creación de nuevos espacios para desarrollar iniciativas y programas que fomentan la transmisión de valores de una Cultura de Paz a través de la expresión artística, especialmente, la pintura, la escultura y el arte en espacios públicos.

13 Gernika Gogoratuz, Petra Kelly: Gernika – Gesto de Reconciliación, 1997. p8.

Está labor se realiza en colaboración con la Fundación Museo de la Paz de Gernika y la Fundación Casa de Cultura de Gernika y entre las iniciativas desarrolladas están, la exposición Arte hacia la Reconciliación (1999), I y II Encuentro Internacional de Arte y Paz del “Gernika” a Gernika (2003, 2005), Proyecto europeo Imagine Peace (2005)

14 En el Patronato de la Fundación tienen representación el Ayuntamiento de Gernika-Lumo, las Consejerías de Cultura y Educación, Universidades e Investigación del Gobierno Vasco, los rectorados de la Universidad del País Vasco – Euskal Herriko Unibertsitea, la Universidad de Deusto, la Universidad de Mondragón y la Asociación Gernika Gogoratuz.

15 Lederach, John Paul: Construyendo la Paz. Reconciliación sostenible en sociedades divididas. Bilbao, Gernika Gogoratuz y Bakeaz, 1998, p122.

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Red Gernika. Red de respaldo a procesos orientados hacia una Reconciliación.

Educación por la Paz en el Sistema Escolar

En 1997 se creó la Red Gernika Red Internacional de Respaldo a Procesos Orientados a una Reconciliación. El fin de la Red Gernika es alentar y respaldar la Construcción de Paz orientada a un Horizonte de Reconciliación.

La educación formal apuesta por proporcionar conocimientos y aportar actitudes positivas ante la vida. Desde esta área se desarrollan programas de educación por la paz que contribuyen al fortalecimiento de dichas actitudes y a la cohesión de la comunidad escolar con el entorno.

Entre sus fines están el apoyo en la implementación de programas de tratamiento de conflictos y mediación escolar en primaria y secundaria.

Entre las principales actividades están el diseño y realización de proyectos de cooperación internacional con otras organizaciones e instituciones, destacamos el Proyecto Red Gernika (1998-2002), Manigua, programa de transformación de conflictos y Derechos Humanos (20042006) y Edupaz, programa de educación en tratamiento de conflictos y valores para la convivencia pacífica democrática (2005-2007).

A través de esta área, además, se favorece el intercambio de profesionales, académicos y personas en prácticas que gracias a los convenios marco de cooperación interinstitucional realizan estancias semestrales en el Centro de Investigación por la Paz. La Red Gernika ha impulsado una producción editorial que tiene entre sus títulos, obras propias de investigación y traducción de textos de referencia internacional. Fitzduff, Mari: Más allá de la violencia. Procesos de resolución de conflictos en Irlanda del Norte (1998), Kasper, Michael: Gernika y Alemania. Historia de una reconciliación (1998), Galtung, Johan: 3R: Reconciliación, resolución y reconstrucción. Afrontando los efectos directos e indirectos de la violencia (1999), Lederach, John Paul Construyendo la Paz. Reconciliación sostenible en sociedades dividida (1998), Galtung, Johan: Paz por Medios Pacíficos. Paz y conflicto, desarrollo y civilización (2003).

Cultura de Paz y Tratamiento de Conflictos En el desarrollo de una Cultura de Paz es importante aunar el trabajo de todos los actores y vertebrar los diferentes enfoques y visiones de paz para generar consensos. Entre los objetivos de esta área están el favorecer actitudes de una cultura de la paz, proporcionar herramientas de tratamiento de conflictos y potenciar la implementación académica de los estudios de paz.

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GERNIKA GOGORATUZ, SENTIDO Y COMPROMISO POR LA PAZ

Gernika Gogoratuz comenzó a trabajar en el sistema escolar en 1989 promoviendo la Educación por la Paz a través del Tratamiento de Conflictos. En estos años ha realizado una gran labor de difusión y experimentación de esta disciplina tanto en el País Vasco como en el resto del Estado y a nivel internacional y se ha convertido en una referencia importante de este campo en todos estos escenarios.

En esta línea, en la actualidad se está potenciando la creación y sostenimiento de Programas de Tratamiento de Conflictos y Mediación en centros escolares. Se destaca, también, la participación en proyectos Internacionales como el Proyecto EURED European Peace Education desde 2000 y el Proyecto Kid´s Guernica (2003) Desarrollo Comunitario Desde esta área se trabaja para dotar a la comunidad de las herramientas necesarias para la transformación de los conflictos en los que se ve inmersa. Tratando, especialmente, de superar las barreras de exclusión social, con el objetivo fundamental, de llegar a todos los sectores de la comunidad. Sus objetivos abarcan el fomento de espacios para resolver diferencias de manera democrática y participativa, el apoyar a las organizaciones en los procesos de implementación de proyectos de manejo de conflictos y finalmente, el fortalecimiento de la red social, potenciando una ciudadanía crítica y responsable.

Los ámbitos de aplicación del área de desarrollo comunitario son el sistema penitenciario, las minorías culturales y étnicas, la intervención socio-comunitaria y la juventud, en línea se está desarrollando un Proyecto de formación en los temas de transformación de conflictos en un Centro Penitenciario desde el año 2000.

Otro aspecto estrechamente relacionado es el de la promoción de paz que se realiza desde Gernika Gogoratuz es el formativo, cabe destacar la realización de los cursos de formación en la misma villa donde desde el año 1998 se han realizado XVIII ediciones, en ese sentido, se ofrece apoyo y se aportan recursos a quienes trabajan en la construcción de paz con la intención de consolidar Gernika como un Taller de Paz. Su labor está encaminada a lograr que las claves de la paz vayan impregnando la vida diaria de las personas como herramientas válidas para afrontar y transformar los conflictos en el marco de una Cultura de Paz.

Proyecto Living with Conflict – Vivir con conflictos. Espacio virtual de aprendizaje en el campo de la educación política para jóvenes y adultos en Europa (2002-2003), impulsada por el programa Sócrates de la Unión Europea.

Por otro lado, desde esta área se realizan los diagnósticos de situaciones de conflicto y el asesoramiento en procesos de mediación, además de los diagnósticos y las acciones que promuevan una sociedad participativa a través de los Programas Integrales de Convivencia impulsados junto con los Ayuntamientos y organizaciones sociales y educativas a partir de 2004.

Gestión y Difusión de la Información

Los Seminarios Taller de Interculturalidad organizadas por Gernika Gogoratuz en colaboración con el Master de Cooperación Internacional Descentralizada: Paz y Desarrollo de la Universidad del País Vasco- Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, desde 2003.

Las claves de trabajo de esta área son la gestión sostenible de la información, la especialización temática, el fomento de la colaboración interinstitucional, y el asesoramiento personalizado a cada una de las personas que consultan nuestros fondos documentales.

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MARIA OIANGUREN

MARIA OIANGUREN

Gernika Gogoratuz a través de su Centro de Documentación ofrece un servicio de información centrado en el estudio de los conflictos y los procesos de paz orientados a un horizonte de reconciliación, con servicio de consulta y préstamo, servicio de difusión selectiva de la información y servicio de consulta bibliográfica a toda aquella persona interesada en estas temáticas.

El último compromiso que hemos adquirido es potenciar la formación e investigación propia de Gernika Gogoratuz, desde sus líneas más clásicas, como la simbología de paz, el análisis y transformación de conflictos, la reconciliación y sus procesos; combinándola con la incorporación de las líneas más recientes, las claves de la interculturalidad y la perspectiva de género.

El Centro cuenta entre sus fondos de 5896 registros automatizados, una biblioteca de 2615 volúmenes automatizados, con una hemeroteca que cuenta con una colección de 166 publicaciones periódicas en castellano, en euskera, en gallego, en catalán y en francés de títulos, 105 títulos en inglés y 9 títulos en alemán. Una videoteca de 215 unidades material audiovisual y un sinnúmero de literatura gris y material no librario (memorias de organizaciones, folletos de cursos y masters, colección de carteles, etc)

Desde el pasado que nos acompaña para tejer redes que nos permitan acercarnos los unos a los otros y las unas a las otras y entre todas las personas superar conceptos como el de imagen enemigo para aprender a convivir desde el respeto a la diferencia en un solo mundo lleno de diversas culturas.

Dispone de dos colecciones, una de ellas es la colección Serie Red Gernika con Bakeaz, Centro de Documentación y Estudios por la Paz, creada en 1996 y la segunda en colaboración con el Master de Paz y Desarrollo de la Universidad del País Vasco-Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea desde el 2002. El objetivo es la publicación de obras y manuales de referencia académica en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales y los estudios por la paz.

Finalmente mencionar, la gestión de la edición Web a través de su Página creada en 1997 desde la que se pretende favorecer el acceso a la información a la sociedad en su conjunto.

La Web www.gernikaogoratuz.org ofrece su información en castellano, euskera e inglés.

Coordinación y Gestión de Proyectos Desde esta área de contribuye a la consecución del respaldo financiero que permita el desarrollo de los proyectos del Centro, así como, apoyar programas e iniciativas de los miembros de la Red Gernika.

Las actividades que desarrolla en comunicación permanente con las áreas del Centro pretenden conocer las proyecciones de las mismas y buscar respaldo financiero para sus intervenciones. Elabora, diseña y coordina proyectos de ámbito local tanto como de ámbito internacional que se desarrollan en otros lugares del mundo, es el caso, de Colombia. Realiza el Seguimiento de los proyectos y la preparación de los informes que justifican la ejecución de los programas. En consecuencia se fomenta el fortalecimiento de la red de relaciones institucionales y otras organizaciones no gubernamentales.

Porque como nos ilustraba John Paul Lederach con sus palabras llenas de experiencia y esperanza en las recién clausuradas Jornadas de Gernika16, para romper con el círculo de la violencia se requiere afrontar la ineludible cuestión ontológica del ser, al preguntarnos y plantearnos quiénes somos, quienes hemos sido y quienes seremos en una red de relaciones interdependientes entre si. Ello pasa por asumir una responsabilidad personal y por reconstruir una red de relaciones de convivencia pacífica.

Bibliografía Cava Mesa, María Jesús (1996): Memoria colectiva del Bombardeo de Gernika.

Bilbao, Bakeaz y Gernika Gogoratuz.

Galtung, Johan (2003): Paz por medios pacíficos. Paz y conflicto, desarrollo y civilización, Bilbao, Bakeaz y Gernika Gogoratuz, 2003.

Gernika Gogoratuz (1995): The reconciliation horizon in- UNESCO and Culture of Peace.

Promoting a Global Movement. Paris, UNESCO. Gernika Gogoratuz (1998): Gernika y Alemania Gesto de Reconciliación, Gernika-Lumo, Fundación Heinrich Böll y Gernika Gogoratuz.

Kasper, Michael (1998): Gernika y Alemania. Historia de una reconciliación, Bilbao, Bakeaz y Gernika Gogoratuz.

Lederach, John Paul (1998): Construyendo la Paz. Reconciliación sostenible en sociedades divididas.

Bilbao, Gernika Gogoratuz y Bakeaz.

Lederach, John Paul (2005): The Moral Imagination. The art and blues of Building Peace. New York, Oxford University Press.

Gernika Gogoratuz participa de redes nacionales e internacionales, entre ellas señalar, Asociación Española de Investigación por la Paz (1996), European Platform for Conflict Prevention and Transformation (2000), Internacional Peace Research Association (1997), International Peace Bureau (1992).

Rankin, Nicholas (2005): Crónica desde Guernica. George Steer, corresponsal de guerra, Madrid, Siglo XXI de España editores.

A modo de conclusión, recuerdo y compromiso.

Southworth, Herbert R. (1977): La destrucción de Gernika, periodismo, diplomacia, propaganda e historia, París, Ruedo Ibérico.

En Gernika Gogoratuz, su historia, su presente y la creación de imágenes de futuro en clave de paz positiva nos guían en la labor emprendida y orientan los proyectos de Gernika Gogoratuz para avanzar hacia una convivencia sostenible y duradera entre las personas y la naturaleza, la de cada una de ellas, y la de todas.

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López Martínez, Mario (dir.) (2004): Enciclopedia de Paz y Conflictos, Granada, Universidad de Granada.

Uranga, Mireia (2001): “Retrato de Gernika Gogoratuz” en - Revista de Aula Social, nº2.

16 XV Jornadas Internacionales de Cultura y Paz de Gernika. La Imaginación Moral. El Arte y el Alma de la Construcción de Paz, celebradas en Gernika-Lumo del 23 al 26 de abril de 2005.

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JEREMY GILLEY

! JEREMY GILLEY

PEACE ONE DAY

JEREMY GILLEY

I have set out below some quotes and photographs as well as the full text of UN GA Resolution 55/282 for your interest. Thank you for taking the time to read this passage.

PEACE ONE DAY www.peaceoneday.org

If you build a house you start with one brick, if we want peace why not start with one day…and maybe that day has arrived.

I look forward to hearing from you and remain respectfully yours

Dear Friends I am grateful to the Gernika Peace Museum for inviting Peace One Day to attend the International Conference of Peace Museums in May 2005 and for putting together this current publication.

I launched the Peace One Day film project in September 1999 at Shakespeare’s Globe Theatre in London to a handful of individuals. The objective was simple: to create the first ever day of global ceasefire and non-violence, a World Peace Day, and document that process on film. I expected to fail and in the process make a film about the unwillingness of the global community to unite.

However, to my delight, on 7 September 2001, Peace One Day achieved its primary objective. A resolution (GA 55/282), put forward by the UK and Costa Rican governments, was unanimously adopted by UN member states formally establishing an annual day of global ceasefire and non-violence on the UN International Day of Peace - World Peace Day - fixed in the global calendar on 21 September.

In peace

Jeremy Gilley Director, Producer, Writer

SUPPORT FOR PEACE ONE DAY “You have proved that individuals can make a difference and if each of us does our bit collectively we will make a major contribution.”

The resulting feature-length documentary film (entitled ‘Peace One Day’), produced in association with the BBC and Passion Pictures, charts not only the establishment of the Day, but also events that took place on 21 September in 2002 and 2003 in over a hundred countries.

Peace One Day has now embarked on a worldwide networking exercise to inform the world's people of the Day's existence, engaging them in the Day's observance in accordance with UN GA Resolution 55/282. To this end the Peace One Day film has so far been licensed for broadcast in 15 territories internationally and has played at 30 international film festivals.

Through the distribution of the film (and via the international press associated with it) I am confident that Peace One Day has already taken the World Peace Day message to approaching one billion people worldwide. For a full breakdown of the progress of the film please visit the website www.peaceoneday.org.

The website also holds the archive of reported activities on World Peace Day over the last four years and, importantly, has a mechanism enabling all parties, from governments through to individuals, to make their own commitment for the upcoming World Peace Day. So I invite you to make your own commitment for World Peace Day, whatever your age or background, as an individual or as part of a wider organisation and tell us about it via the website or on the details below. Whatever the nature and scale of your commitment for 21 September, your efforts will inspire others to become involved.

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UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan - extract from the film ‘Peace One Day’ “My experience of conflict is that those who are involved in it, and unfortunately in my work I see a great deal of this, long for, even a day of peace, that’s what they say to me, if this would only stop for a day. It has the practical impact of allowing access of humanitarian aid, access of information, freedom of movement, relief from the pressure and tension of not knowing where the next bomb or bullet may come from. That to me is an idea whose time has come.”

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JEREMY GILLEY

PEACE ONE DAY

JEREMY GILLEY

Resolution Text Fifty-fifth session Agenda item 33 Resolution adopted by the General Assembly [without reference to a Main Committee (A/55/L.95 and Add.1)] 55/282. International Day of Peace The General Assembly Recalling its resolution 36/67 of 30 November 1981, by which it declared that the third Tuesday of September, the opening day of the regular sessions of the General Assembly, shall be officially proclaimed and observed as International Day of Peace and shall be devoted to commemorating and strengthening the ideals of peace both within and among all nations and peoples, Recalling also its other relevant resolutions, including resolution 55/14 of 3 November 2000.

UNHCHR Mary Robinson - extract from the film ‘Peace One Day’ It is all our moral responsibility to make an attempt, this is not a question of whether it is achieved within our lifetime or not, we are human beings and we have the responsibility to show the right path or at least make an attempt for a better future or then we may not live, we may not enjoy that brighter future, but it doesn’t matter, this is a matter for humanity, a matter for the world, so no matter how limited the effect, we must make every effort for the promotion of peace and inner values. So I fully support.”

Reaffirming the contribution that the observance and celebration of the International Day of Peace makes in strengthening the ideals of peace and alleviating tensions and causes of conflict, Considering the unique opportunity it offers for a cessation of violence and conflict throughout the world, and the related importance of achieving the broadest possible awareness and observance of the International Day of Peace among the global community, Desiring to draw attention to the objectives of the International Day of Peace, and therefore to fix a date for its observance each year that is separate from the opening day of the regular sessions of the General Assembly, 1. Decides that, with effect from the fifty-seventh session of the General Assembly, the International Day of Peace shall be observed on 21 September each year, with this date to be brought to the attention of all people for the celebration and observance of peace; 2. Declares that the International Day of Peace shall henceforth be observed as a day of global ceasefire and non-violence, an invitation to all nations and people to honour a cessation of hostilities for the duration of the Day; 3. Invites all member states, organizations of the United Nations system, regional and nongovernmental organizations and individuals to commemorate, in an appropriate manner, the International Day of Peace, including through education and public awareness, and to cooperate with the United Nations in the establishment of the global ceasefire.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama - extract from the film ‘Peace One Day’

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111th Plenary meeting 7th September 2001 Source: United Nations Website www.un.org

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“IRAGANA GOGOAN, ORAINA ETA GEROA ERAIKITZEKO” Flandriako Bake Museoaren arduradunen ordezkari naiz. Flandriarra naiz, bainan 17 urte Iparraldeko Euskal Herrian bizitzen eta bakearen aldeko lan egiten ere bai.

Joan den hilabetean Euskal Herriko adiskideen gidari izan nintzen Flandriako Diksmuide-n.

Han dago gure Bake Museoa, 84 metroko dorre handi baten barruko 22 solairuetan. Bake mezu dorre hontan lau haizeetara zizelkatua dago: “no more war – nie mehr Krieg – plus jamais guerre – nooit meer oorlog”.

BERRIA egunkarian irakurri nuen, joan den astean Gernikara iritis zela Bakearen Bidea martxa, bonbardaketaren 68. urteurrenean. Anaituta daude Gernika eta Alemaniako Pforzheim; hiri martiriak dira biak. Airez bonbatu zituzten. Bi data. 1945eko otsailaren 23a : Erresuma Batuko hegazkinek Pforzheim hiria bonbatu eta txikitu zuten, nazien kontrako borrokan. Zorakeria horren ondorioa :17.000 pertsonatik gora bizia galdu zuten bonben eta suteen infernuan. Zortzi urte lehenago, 1937ko apirilaren 26an Gernikan jaso zen: milatik gora lagun hil zituzten. Gernika eta Pforzheim anaikidetu egin ziren, bainan ez biktima edo errudun gisa, berdintasunerako eta elkarren arteko errespeturako prest baino. Anaitasun hori herri bietako herritarren arteko begikotasunean oinarrituta dago. Beti iragana ahaztu gabe, bainan etorkizunera begira, historiaren karga gainditzeko eta bakean oinarritutako etorkizuna eraikitzeko Bakearen Bidea adibiderik argiena da. Bidaideek 64 egun, 2.000 kilometro baino egin ditzute oinez, Done Jaque bidea jarraitu dute; beraiek ordea, Bakearen Bidea izena eman diote ibilbideari. Bidean ereindako mezua, bake mezua da. Oinez oinazea gogoratzen. Urratsez urrats errautsak gogoratzen. Hola goratu zuten erromesek bakegintzaren eta elkarbizitzaren aldeko lana. Guk ere, kongresu hontan, orainari eta geroari begira, bakegintzaren aldeko eginbeharraren garrantzia azpimaratu behar dugu.

Gaur ere bakea lor daiteke

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Oroimena da egiaren nahia Bakea egiaren Ondorioa da. Egiarik gabe ez dago bake iraunkorra eraikitzerik. Gezurra esaten duenak berak, hori egia denaren itxurak ematen saiatzen da. Gizartearen sentiberatasuna egiaren alde dago oraindik ere. Bereziki sentibera azaltzen da gaur egungo gure gizartea, ondorio publiko eta politikoak izan ditzaketen gertaeren egia ezagutzeko.

Itxaropena sorteen du, baita ere, egiaren nahia hori kontzientzia kritiko bihurtzen denean; eta komunikabide publikoetako kanalak erabiltzen dituztenek, beren interesen zerbitzuan, kanal horietan “saltzen” dituzten iritzi-korronteei aurpegia emateko gai denean. Gure museoek bere profila eraberritu dute eta eskaintzen dituzten aukerak ugaritu dituzte. Guneak hazi egin dira museo erakargarri eta dinamikoak bihurtzeraino. Egun toki horiek ez dute egia borobilak inposatzeko asmorik, galderak egitera eta bakeaz hitz egitera bultzatzeko asmoa baizik.

Egiaren nahia itxaropen-sortzaile bada bakegintzan, gizarteak ezagutu behar du egia.

Horrek esan nahi du, askatasunez bilatu eta esan ahal izan behar dela egia. Gu bici garen gizarte honetan ohituegiak gaude, bakoitzak berari komeni zaion egia aukeratu eta esatera.

Egiaren Alberdi bati bakarrik begiratu eta hori aukeratzea egia desitxuratzea da. Gizarteak nekez jakin dezake zer nahi duen, gertaerak egiaz ezagutzen ez baditu. Urte askotan Francoren gobernuak eta prentsak eurenak eta bi egin zituzten benetan gertatutakoa estaltzeko, “gorri supiztaileei” leporatzeko eta faxismoa erru guztitik garbi uzteko. Egiari zerbitzu egitea bakearen alde jokatzea da.

Adiskidetzea bakegintzarako bide Ezinezkoa da adiskidetzea, baldin eta barkamena eskatu eta emateko asmo sendorik ez badugu. Mendi erdi bat iraganda, Herzog presidenteak bizirik gelditu zirenei eskutitz bana bidali zien Alemaniak Gernikaren suntsipenean izan zuen inplikazioa onartzen zuela adierazteko.

Ekintza sinboliko hark abian jarri zuen prozesu eredugarri bat, Bakerako Bidea zabalduko zuena: Gernikarrak euren erasotzailearekin adiskidetzea.

Bakea lor daitekeela esatean, bea iristeko gogo soila baino zerbait gehiago da esan nahi dudana. Nahi dugun zerbait lor daitekeela esateak, itxaropen alderdia sartzea esan nahi du.

Bakoitzaren eta guztion ahalegina bideratuko duen, eta gure nahi hori lortzera eramango gaituen itxaropena sartzea.

Joan den asteko ekintza ere bai oso sinboliko zen: Pforzheim hiriko udal ordezkariak barkamena eskatu zuen “alemaniar guztien” izenean Gernikan orain dela 68 urte gertatu zenagatik. Eskerrak ere eman zizkien Gernikako herritarrei eta Bakearen Bidea martxako partehartzaileei.

Iluntasunean sarturik bizi bagara ere, badugu arraizoirik bakea lor daitekeela esateko. Bakea egiten ahalegintzen bagara, lortuko dugu bakea. Bainan gure bakearen aldeko lana justizian eta zuzentasunean azalduko da.

Bakea edota bakerik eza gizarteko gorabehera da. Gu gara hori sorteen dugunak geure jokaerekin eta guk egiten edota egin gabe uzten ditugunen ondorioz. Bakegintzan hitzez eta ekintzaz adierazitako adiskidetze borondateaz laguntzen dugu. Guztiok daukagu zerikusirik eta

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zereginik alor honetan. Bainan gure museoek beren eragin sozialagatik erantzukizun berezia daukate. Gizarte komunikabideek ere bai eginkizun handia daukate burutzeko, bakearen zerbitzuan.

“IRAGANA GOGOAN, ORAINA ETA GEROA ERAIKITZEKO”

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“Bakegileak” dira bakea egiten dutenak, hau da, beren baitan bakean egonik eta egiazko bakegintzarako bideak ibiliz, bakegintzan lan egiteko gai direnak. Nere Donapaleuko etxean ipini nuen gela guztietan Joxean Artzeren bertso ospetsu : « Bere baitan bakean denak, bakez kutsatzen ditu denak ».

Iritis behar den helmuga da adiskidetasuna. Ahazten dakien barkamendua izan daiteke, denon artean egin behar dugun etorkizun horri begira, gizarteko indarrak bateratzeko abiapuntu.

Herriek eskuartean hartu behar duten lana, da historiagintza. Baita gure herriak ere. Gizarte adiskideturantz aurrera egin nahia ez da amets hutsa. Guztiontzat esana dago Desusen agintzaria: “Zorionekoak bakegileak”.

Bakerako hezi Bakerako eta adiskidetzeko heziketa ematen saiatu izan dira eta saiatzen ari dira bake museoak. Hala ere, bide luzca dugu oraindik bake osora iristeko; horregatik, etsi ordez, bizkortu egin behar dugu geure heziketa-lana. Bakerako heziketan, lehendaizi, suhardura politikoa humanizatzen jakin behar dugu, pentsaera kritikoa izateko gaitasuna eskuratuz. Gai honetan heziketa egokia eman nahi bada, gure elkartearen iraganaz eta gaur egun gertatzen ari denaz informazio zuzen etan zehatza eskaintzea eskatzen du horrek. Aldi berean, gaurko egoera gatazkatsu honen egiazko gakoa ikusten lagunduko liguke, eta analisi mitiko, simplista eta interesatuak saltasen.

Bakerako heziketak, lagun hurkoa ezberdin izatea onartzeko jarrera eskatzen du nahitaez.

Elkarrizketarik ezak konpondu gabe uzten dite arazoak, edota irtenbidea indarkeriaren nahiz agintekeriaren bidez bilatzera garamatzake. Benetako bake historikoa da guk nahi duguna. Ez da, beraz, bake utopikoa.

Bake museoek bakez kutsatzen dituzte denak Guztiz beharrezkoa dugun, eta denok erakutsi ohi dugun bakearen gogoak bakegintzara eragin behar digu guztioi. Gogo honek bizirik eutsi behar dio gure itxaropenari. Bakegintzari buruz eta bakea lortzeko bideei buruzko gogoeta funtsezko eta irekiak, norberaren autokritika zintzoarekin batera, jarrera absolutuak erlatibizatzera eraman beharko gintuzke.

Bake soziala ez dute politikoek bakarrik, eta agintearen baliabidean beren esku dauzkatenek bakarrik egiten, ezta egingo ere. Bizikidetza soziala, onerako edo txarrerako, denon artean ari gara egiten, “bakeraren kultura” edota “indarkeriaren kultura” deritzatenaren espirituaren eraginez. Guztiok dugu zerikusirik asko kultura horien moldaketan. Horregatik kongresu hontako lema: “Bake Museoak: Oroimen, adiskidetza, arte eta bakearentzako ekarpen bat”.

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OTROS

FOTOS

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