Spaces of Culture. New Cultural Venues in Amsterdam. Research and Strategies.

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SPACES OF CULTURE New Cultural Venues in Amsterdam Research and Strategies Marjo van Schaik

nai010


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Marjo van Schaik

Spaces of Culture New Cultural Venues in Amsterdam Research and Strategies

naio1o publishers


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Table of contents

1

part i

introduction 1.1 How it all started 1.2 Leading question 1.3 The importance of the book 1.4 Structure of the book

Theoretical reflections 2

the value of arts and culture 2.1 Defining ‘arts and culture’ 2.2 Dimensions of legitimation: prism of artistic, social and economic values 2.2.1 Source of inspiration, innovation and imagination 2.2.2 Economic profitability 2.2.3 Participatory art 2.3 Conclusion

3

network developments and cultural processes 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

4

Network developments according to Castells Urban processes and creative clusters Shifts in cultural practices Conclusion

cultural placemaking 4.1 Dimensions of Space; Lefebvre and Soja 4.2 The sense of cultural places 4.2.1 Ownership 4.2.2 Status and identity 4.2.3 Transition of artistic practice to open works of art 4.3 Conclusion

Westergasfabriek Podium Mozaïek Bimhuis & Muziekgebouw aan ’t IJ

9 9 12 13 14

17 19 20 21 22 24 26 30 31 31 32 34 37 38 38 41 42 42 43 44 46 50 52


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part ii

Policy on development of cultural venues 5

cultural venues and city development 5.1 Historical overview 5.2 From a compact city to a network city; a new golden age 5.2.1 IJ banks: anchors and long-cherished dreams 5.2.2 Westergasfabriek area; temporality and flexibility as key concepts 5.2.3 Bijlmer area: ‘light, air and space’, from storing boxes to Ziggo Dome 5.2.4 Art factories policy; stimulating young talent and gentrification 5.3 Conclusion

6

part iii

57 59 59 66 67 71 72 75 76

cultural policy on development of venues

77

6.1 From ‘divide and rule strategy’ to ‘pipe dreams defeating realistic visions’ 6.2 Wandering dreams on the flea market 6.3 Dominant force of urban policies over cultural policies 6.4 Conclusion

78 81 84 84

Pakhuis de Zwijger Bijlmer Parktheater DeLaMar Theater

86 90 92

Mapping of the venues in Amsterdam

95

7

perceived space: facts & figures 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6

8

Introduction to the field research Overall impressions Construction costs, operating costs and ownership Time span Twice as many activities and visitors Conclusion

conceived space: design & image 8.1 Cultural and architectural concepts: inspiration and flow 8.2 Cultural, architectural and political identity 8.3 Conclusion

97 97 100 102 105 107 107 109 109 113 117


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9

lived space: look & feel 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 9.6

Architecture: impressive and intimidating Location: more a matter of chance than choice The impact of city planning Target audience versus local community More effort for venues in newly developed areas Conclusion

eye Tolhuistuin Theater Amsterdam

part iv

Key issues 10 cultural strategies 10.1 Strategies 10.2 Structuring scheme 10.3 Conclusion

118 118 119 121 122 123 125 126 130 134

137 139 139 146 148

11 sense of belonging: the importance of architecture

& leadership

149

11.1 Social values endangered in the interaction between artistic and economic values 11.2 Geographical position 11.3 Architecture and cultural strategies 11.4 Leadership 11.5 Leadership and cultural strategies 11.6 Conclusion

150 151 152 154 156 157

12 final reflections 12.1 A plea for contemporary cultural and urban policy 12.2 More awareness of pronounced identity 12.3 Quality assessment challenged by local community? 12.4 Coping with the danger of marginality of the cultural sector 12.5 getz revisited

158 158 159 159 160 161

Acknowledgements

163

References Interviews Documents & reviews Online sources Bibliography

165 165 166 168 169


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1

Introduction

1.1

How it all started In January 2006, I started a new job as managing director of zo ! Cultuur Zuidoost, better known as getz , a brand-new arts and culture platform in Amsterdam Zuidoost. The organization had big plans and an exciting remit to build a large new theatre complex modelled on arts centres in the United States. The new building should invite local people to participate and feel at home. The preparatory policy documents spoke of ‘a cultural epicentre setting an example stretching well beyond our national borders’ as well as ‘a local centre of international prestige’. The centre should be ‘more than just a theatre’; it should facilitate ‘mutual synergy’ by means of community outreach programmes and by creating ‘entry points’. ‘Ownership’ was to become the key to success (la group 2003, 3 and 4). The central assumption in these documents was that culture acts as an engine for economic development. The way to take these plans forward was to enter into public-private partnerships. It was an inspiring ambition, especially at a time when professional performing arts companies and venues in Amsterdam were struggling to open themselves up to new perspectives, different approaches or other cultures. When I was still working in the commercial world and only visited performances as a member of the audience, I cherished a romantic ideal of the world of the theatre. It had always been my dream to work in this world some day. Which did not come true, as I became managing director at the National Opera and Ballet. I had expected that this beautiful theatre and its fantastic performances would fill me with a wealth of inspiration, creativity and passion. I was completely taken in by the myth of making art, so my disappointment was all the greater when I found out that it was an extremely hierarchical and exclusive organization. At the same time as excluding the world outside, a fantasy world was cultivated behind the theatre's closed doors, a world that is almost exclusively populated by white, highly educated, middle-class people. Clearly this was brought about by a variety of different factors, ranging from the relatively elitist and inaccessible character of the programming to the theatre staff's skin colour being predominantly white. This might have been acceptable in the worlds of opera and dance, but it wasn't acceptable to me. I felt we had a moral duty to open up this beautiful building with its fantastic facilities and its great performers to as many people as possible – to other theatre makers, musicians, singers, and the general public. The crux of my disappointment was the lack of consideration for engagement 9


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spaces of culture

and collaboration with the world outside, which I had felt even more at my previous job in the commercial sector. Very much in the spirit of the times, I really wanted to do something meaningful, to contribute something would stretch beyond my own small world. I decided that I no longer wanted to be a mere spectator, watching the outside world go by from my safe and comfortable surroundings, but wanted to be part of this other world, the real world, and work with the people living in it. From my perspective and experience, the plan for zo ! cultuur Zuidoost (2005) seemed to represent an ideal model: it had been drafted by people from different ethnic origins, a mix of business people and creatives, professionals and local people, civil servants and politicians. Also, a preliminary research study had been carried out, there were widespread political support, ambition, a shared interest and purpose, an artistic leader had been appointed and a large part of the funding needed had been found. Moreover, the plan was ‘smart’ and had been through a swot analysis. In short, all the requirements that I found important at that time were met. The artistic end result would be brought about by synergy, cross-disciplinary collaboration and intercultural exchange in a hybrid form – phrases which kept cropping up as a sort of magic formula to take the place of worn-out ideals from the previous decades. On closer inspection, the plan seemed to have been based on an ideal from the 1970s, which the Dutch author Heijne (2007, 32 and on) wrote about in his essay ‘Onredelijkheid’ (Unreasonable Reasoning), displaying a preference for the other’s identity over one's own identity, while insisting that others keep their own identity. It’s a position which is infused by a sense of keeping a safe distance, so that ‘the strange, unassimilated “Other” held at arm's length could be experienced as an exotic treat without touching the core of people's lifestyles’ (Wood & Landry, 2008, 11). Rereading the policy documents, I started to have more and more doubts, not so much about the implementation, the process or the structure of the plan, but about the premise, the core concept of the project. I was starting to doubt whether the assumptions made were correct. Why were the targets for zo ! not yet met? Was it bad luck? The wrong people? Or was there something else? What assumptions did the project rely on to be successful? The raison d’être of the project consisted of a number of observations with a matching conclusion: an area with a certain size of population does need a cultural venue to express its identity. I started to question whether a theatre was the right tool for these people in this area at the time to create a feeling of social cohesion and underlying connectedness – this was why politicians and the local council supported the project. The more I started to explore the problem, the more questions cropped up in my head. I discovered that the place, the building where the art or culture is actually produced and put on stage, has more dimensions and plays a much larger part in the process than I ever realized, in relation to artistic development as well as economic value and social context. I grew aware of ‘the simultaneity and interwoven complexity of the spatial, historical and social’ (Soja, 1996, 3). In today's digital global society, the role of cultural venues seems to be growing rather than dimin10


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part i

theoretical reflections Researching the formation of cultural venues requires an understanding of cultural and urban developments. These topics are described in Part i. The transitions in the legitimation of the arts and the tension between autonomous expression, public support and economic profitability are outlined in Chapter 2. In Chapter 3, these transitions are then related to the wider context of the changing relations between place (‘spaces of places’) and flow (‘spaces of flows’), based on Castells’ work (Castells, 407 and on), discussing the ensuing global urban development and the emergence of creative clusters. This development is then linked with the effects it has on the semi-public space and community building through a combination of virtual network connections and domain creation in physical places. Following on from this, the transition in the identity of cultural venues is described, introducing a model that applies the various shifts within the value prism for the legitimation of arts and culture. Subsequently, in Chapter 4 the significance of cultural venues will be approached from the corresponding changes in philosophical and sociological views on the notion of place and the significance of cultural venues as semi-public spaces. Special attention will be paid to Soja’s trialectics of spatiality, since this model will be used to explore the newly developed venues in Amsterdam. Together, these three chapters form the backdrop to my research.

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Westergasfabriek

Function: Gross floor area: Size:

Multifunctional cultural area 130,000 m2 13 buildings with heritage status, 7 event venues, including two large spaces that can be configured as 1,000-seat and 2,100-seat theatres Facilities: Several restaurants, cinema, bakery, film studio, offices Structures were in use until 2000 and from 2003 onwards. Opening: Construction costs: € 31 million Architect: Braaksma en Roos In Westergasfabriek: MC (500-seat theatre, 1,775 m2, 4 million in construction costs, architect Moko Omaha and subsequently bureau Koldeweij) Location: Amsterdam West Distance to Dam Square: 2.7 km

The Westergasfabriek lies to the west of the city, bordered by the railway tracks on one side and the road and canal to Haarlem on the other. A public park surrounds the buildings. On the east, west and north sides one can enter the area through the park. There are two small bridges on the south side. The area is part of the Brettenzone, a green area in the district. There is limited public transport, and no car parks within a walking distance of 5 minutes. This beautiful city park, with its historic factory buildings surrounded by expanses of green space, also contains workplaces, venues for large and small events, and a range of catering, film, theatre and exhibition facilities. One of the cornerstones of the plan became the hosting of cultural activities with an innovative and temporary or ad hoc character. ‘Creative people got a lot of freedom. New projects came to us … The only way to survive is to create a daily flow of visitors.’ (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015c) ‘You need patience. Nothing goes quickly. It takes time and you need to create a platform.’ (Mab, 2015a) ‘The project team was a good team; the cultural project leader was a connector and had access to a large cultural network.’ (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015b) ‘You need a good story that matches the buildings.’ (Mab, 2015a) A competition for ideas was held, and there were two winners. One was a project inspired by the concept of a rhizome, allowing multiple independent and conected creative initiatives. In addition, the idea was to find a large cultural venue to attract money and audiences. ‘It was the cliché of that time; we needed a spearhead.’ (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2015b). The ambition of the IJsbreker for a professional contemporary music centre was chosen as the other winner. However, two years later, the IJ banks also needed a spearhead, and in a crucial phase the mayor and aldermen decided to move IJsbreker to the IJ banks. In the urban and hip-hop music world, mc stands for Master of Ceremony, but it also stands for ‘multicultural’ and ‘Made in da Shade and Cosmic’. The programme offered a mixture of urban music and theatre. 46


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westergasfabriek

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part ii

policy on development of cultural venues Part ii shows the development of cultural venues in the past throughout the city, followed by an exploration of city developments including the formation of the new venues in the past two decades. Following this, the municipal cultural policies are discussed in the context of the city development, as well as the way these two policies are mutually connected and to what degree. These historical backgrounds and policy topics belong to the conceived space of Soja’s model as described in Chapter 4. For reasons of clarity it is chosen to present this as a separate part.

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5

Cultural venues and city development

In this chapter a short overview is given of the development of cultural venues in the past throughout the city, followed by an exploration of city developments, including the formation of the new venues in the past two decades.

5.1

Historical overview From a long-term perspective, cultural venues seem to be part of changing urban space. In physical spatial development, Amsterdam used to follow the same pattern as many western European cities, with a concentric structure as explained by Burgess (2013, 94). The city shows clustering of the same functions (wedges of activity) connected to the development throughout history. In this concentric structure, traditional performance arts centres are placed in the inner circle. In 1664 the Leidse Poort was built after the expansion of the canals. In 1774 the Stadsschouwburg was rebuilt (after two great fires at the former building on Keizersgracht) on this site, just inside the city walls. Felix Meritis (concert hall) and the Kleine Komedie (theatre) were built in the inner city in the same period (1777 and 1786 respectively) and have remained there until today. In the nineteenth century, European cities such as Paris and Brussels were transformed by city developments inspired by Hausmann. However, Amsterdam, being the capital but not the seat of the national government, didn’t get any national governmental money for such redevelopments, and the city was very poor, thus no such redevelopments were carried out (Wagenaar, 2003, 11 and on). Finally, in 1866 the national government decided to build the Noordzeekanaal and in 1869 a new Central Station. This was the beginning of a new era, giving the city a new spirit. The Noordzeekanaal (opened in 1874) created new business, and a new elite of entrepreneurs formed new meeting clubs, such as the Societeit de Groote Club (1872) and the Concertgebouw in 1888. Thus, the end of the nineteenth century became the ‘second golden age’. During this century, the local politicians were confirmed in their conviction that unrestricted market mechanisms gave the best results in relation to city development (Wagenaar 2003, 16). Not only the successful private development of new living areas such as the Plantage, but also the private development of cultural venues such as the Paleis voor Volksvlijt, Concertgebouw and Stadsschouwburg reinforced this standpoint. In 1894 the Stadsschouwburg was rebuilt, financed by an elite group chaired by a merchant banker. In 1864, Paleis voor de Volksvlijt, a multifunctional cultural 59


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spaces of culture

Map 1

Amsterdam, 1875

area was developed as part of a city development plan. In the same period CarrĂŠ was built in the inner city (opening 1887). Also, the national heritage art museum, Rijksmuseum, was built just inside the city perimeter (opening 1885), and next to this the city modern art museum, Stedelijk Museum (1895). In the same period (opening 1886), the Concertgebouw, was built on the initiative of a group of wealthy citizens, just outside the legal city border, close to the new Rijksmuseum and Stedelijk Museum. The choice of location for the Concertgebouw by the private investors seems to suggest an act of economic land development. Eighteen 60


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part iii

mapping of the venues in amsterdam The relationship between culture and place, and more specifically between venues and their artistic programmes, the economic positioning and the social context, is complex and multi-layered. Soja’s trialectics of spatiality were used as a framework for mapping the cases. In the next chapters the findings are described following Soja’s logic of perceived, conceived and lived space as described in Chapter 4. This part presents the findings of my field research. Chapter 8 presents as perceived space an overall impression and contextual data on the increase of activities and audiences during the period of my research in the Amsterdam region. This will be followed by an exploration of conceived space of the venues in terms of function and mission statements, the way cultural partners, architects and principals express them in their plans, on websites and in their programmes (Chapter 9). In Chapter 10 the different processes and practices leading to the formation and subsequent operation of each venue are described. These mappings include artistic, social and economic practises and more specifically examine the connection between programme, audience and community, as well as location and architecture. Analysis of these explorations reveals several patterns and leads to some structuring schemes that will be described in Part iv .

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7

Perceived space: facts & figures

In this chapter the venues are explored in terms of material aspects such as function, size and location, architecture, facilities, costs and duration. Before this, a short introduction will be given to the background of the field research.

7.1

Introduction to the field research The field research was carried out in Amsterdam, amongst 14 new cultural venues built in the period between 2000 and 2015. Only 10 of these are included in this book as illustrations. The choice for Amsterdam was based on several arguments: first of all, Amsterdam developed numerous large urban planning projects during this period, including a many real estate developments and cultural venues. Moreover, in order to compare the creation of these buildings not only in terms of perceived space but also in relation to Soja’s conceived space, including the city development and cultural policy plans, I decided to confine the research to Amsterdam. It would be interesting, however, to conduct comparative research in other cities in the Netherlands as well as abroad at a later time. As a starting point for the cases, I used an overview by the City of Amsterdam, an addendum to Kunstenplan 2013-2016. This shows the creation, renovation and expansion of cultural real estate in Amsterdam in the period 2005-2012 and the projects scheduled for 2013-2016.25 This overview lists 31 venues scattered all over Amsterdam.26 Between 2000 and 2015, 19 new cultural venues were built, five of which are not included in this research: three of those are merely a rehearsal place with limited public performances, while the other two are not included because they are large-scale commercial venues focusing on large public events without a specific cultural aim. At the same time, large-scale renovations have been completed at Stedelijk Museum, Scheepvaartmuseum, Van Gogh Museum and Rijksmuseum. Over the same

25 26

This list doesn’t include the Amsterdam Theater and Ziggo Dome; the former I presume because it wasn’t known yet at the time of publication, why the Dome is not included is not clear. Thirteen new theatre/music venues were being cofinanced by the city: Muziekgebouw aan ’t IJ, Podium Mozaïek, Pakhuis de Zwijger, a small stage in oba , M-Lab, Conservatorium Amsterdam, Rabo-zaal (Stadsschouwburg and Melkweg), Bijlmer Parktheater, MusyQ, mc Theater, expansion DeLaMar Theater, Majellakerk and Tolhuistuin. New venues in the same period being solely financed by the private sector are Ziggo Dome, Heineken Music Hall, Theater Amsterdam and Splendor.

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spaces of culture

Map 7

Amsterdam 2012 cultural real estate developments

period, five small venues closed down. Not all of these appeared to be interesting within the scope of this research. The venues were selected on the basis of either being a new artistic concept (such as Pakhuis de Zwijger), or being situated in a new location (such as Muziekgebouw aan ’t IJ).27 In the end, I decided to include

27

Stedelijk Museum, Scheepvaartmuseum and Rijksmuseum were not included, being renovations/expansions and not presenting new artistic concepts or moving to a new location or setting. The Rabozaal (the new hall between Melkweg and Stadsschouwburg) is included as a case study, even though in practice it didn’t become more than an extension of each of the venues. However, in advance it presented itself as a possibility for new concepts. Splendor is also included as a case study, even though it’s very small, whereas Mlab, Q Factory (former MusicQ) and Arcam are excluded because their orientation is mainly on talent development or information/knowledge centre and public performances are a ‘byproduct’. Ziggo Dome and Heineken Music Hall are not included since these large-scale commercial live music venues are only focusing on large public events with commercial earning capacities and do not have a specific artistic identity.

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part iv

key issues Combining the theoretical reflections with the findings from my field research shows that essential aspects in all cases appear to be related to different types of strategy, connectivity, architecture and leadership. The venues adopt different strategies in the interaction between place, audience and community. The connectivity of a venue is dependent on the exact position, and the architecture. Yet the capacity of the leader to act as a connector between the different networks of the peer group, power networks, audience groups, makers, and local community turns out to be of essential impact. Depending on the personality and capacities of the leader, the interaction between audience, community and spatial location can be more developed or try to repair mistakes in the design or position. These topics will be explored more in depth in this part.

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11 sense of belonging: the importance of architecture & leadership

11.6

Conclusion In the whole development process of cultural venues, connectivity and ‘sense of belonging’ receives little attention. The research shows that economic and artistic value reinforce each other, while social value seems to be marginalized. There is attention for the specific position of the building, yet no specific interest in the relation with the surrounding local community. Architects indirectly pay attention to aspects which relate to social aspects such as the entrance, atmosphere and programme. Yet there seems to be no relation between these aspects, as is the case with cultural strategies. Another issue is the relation between architecture and cultural strategies. For example, a venue built with a specific aim of connecting to the local community requires different architectural qualities than a stand-alone venue. The latter allows an outstanding, iconic architecture, the former requires an inviting and open atmosphere to audience and local community. The cases show great variety in conditions, in how they were established and how they are operated. Much depends on how the leadership is able to deal with these conditions and to link the socio-economic and artistic value of the venue with the specific characteristics of the local situation. Finding a trajectory adapted to the complex combination of the venue with its specific architectural, social and economic characteristics is one of the difficult questions for the management. The capacity of the leader to act as a connector between the different networks of the peer group, power networks, audience groups, makers and local community turns out to be essential. Depending on the personality and capacities of the leader, the interaction between audience, community and spatial location can be better developed. In the end, leadership is the key aspect in creating a ‘sense of belonging’.

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12

Final reflections

The central question in this book concerns the impact of the dynamics of the network society on the formation of cultural places. The research was initially guided by the idea that the increased dominance of economic values in our network society is changing the artistic significance of cultural places. To answer this question, the study set out to explore the changing notions on the value of culture during the last decades, showing a shift in relations between culture and the economy as well as between culture and society. This shift was related to the development of the network society, as described by Castells (2010), the foremost theorist of the concept of the network society. His analysis of the technological, cultural and institutional transformation towards the network societies inspired me to research the development of urban cultural venues in a broader perspective, related to the social and economic dynamics of the information age. To me it was highly relevant for understanding contemporary forms of urban transformation. Furthermore, theories on placemaking were used to explore the meaning of cultural places. These theories were helpful in recognizing specific patterns. For more background information on the methods and methodology used, I refer to the scientific edition on which this book is based (van Schaik, 2018).

12.1

A plea for contemporary cultural and urban policy The study identifies a disconnection between cultural and urban planning policies in Amsterdam, and more specifically a lagging behind of cultural policies. This observation leads me to ask: What is the impact of the lack of strategic cultural policy in relation to these urban developments? Cultural policy seems to be lagging behind both urban developments and societal processes, leading to different connections between venues, artists and audience. This raises issues on how cultural policy can relate more pro-actively to urban and social developments, stimulating the circulation and production of artistic qualities with an open, innovative and entrepreneurial attitude. Is the top-down organization of subsidized arts still able to meet with the increasing demand for flexibility and specific local characteristics? Can local cultural policy enhance, or at least be part of, urban and social development policies, thus safeguarding the cultural values, instead of responding to these developments and thus becoming sidetracked? Urban policy could appear to answer Healey’s plea with regard to placemaking for ‘grasping the fine grain of interactive dynamics between situational specificities 158


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Colophon

The publication of Spaces of Culture was made possible by financial support from the Amsterdams Fonds voor de Kunst and the Van Eesteren-Fluck & Van Lohuizen Stichting.

EFL STICHTING

Author Marjo van Schaik Editing Billy Nolan Design Studio Tint, Huug Schipper Lithography Bert van der Horst Printing Wilco Art Books, Amersfoort Publisher Eelco van Welie, nai010 publishers

nai010 publishers is an internationally orientated publisher specialized in developing, producing and distributing books in the fields of architecture, urbanism, art and design. nai010 books are available internationally at selected bookstores and from the following distribution partners: North, Central and South America – Artbook | d.a.p. , New York, usa , dap@dapinc.com Rest of the world: Idea Books, Amsterdam, the Netherlands, idea@ideabooks.nl For general questions, please contact nai010 publishers directly at sales@nai010.com or visit our website www.nai010.com for further information .

© 2018 The author and nai010 publishers, Rotterdam Printed and bound in the Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Image credits p. 50 Podium Mozaïek, p. 53 (lower right image) Jarko Aikens, p.63 Kadaster Apeldoorn, p. 91 Zuidoost.nl, p. 93 (upper image) Freek Nijenhuis, p. 135 Maarten Nauw. All other images Iryna Yakovchuk and Anastasiya Ponomaryova. For works of visual artists affiliated with a cisac organization the copyrights have been settled with Pictoright in Amsterdam. © 2018, c/o Pictoright Amsterdam Every effort has been made to obtain the necessary permissions to reproduce all copyrighted material contained in this book. Should copyright have been unwittingly infringed in this book, interested parties are requested to contact nai010 publishers, Korte Hoogstraat 31, 3001 ax Rotterdam, the Netherlands, info@nai010.com

isbn 9789462084988 nur 648 www.nai010.com bisac arc 011000 bisac 2 soc 052000



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