Crusade for a Christian Civilization (Magazine) 1982 by Nestor

#3 1982 Price: $2.50

►V

V. -1 > t

;fM^

jitiMm- #6i#. **

T.'^i

4'rr:

Wl^Il^poi^Sel^^

Socialism

Mean for Communism:

A Barrier? Or a Bridgehead? H

Plinio Correa de Oliveira

In France:

The Victory of the Socialist Party

Puts the Majority of Centrist and Rightist Voters at a Crossroads

in the West:

The Socialist Party's Victory Gives It

Ample Publicity and Diplomatic Means to Step up Revolutionary Psychological Warfare in All Countries

A Message from the Societies for the Defense of

Tradition, Family and Property - IFF of the United States • Argentina • Bolivia • Brazil Canada • Chile • Colombia • Ecuador • France • Portugal Spain • Uruguay • Venezuela

The socialist

goals for France Confirmation of State secularism — marriage put on the same level as cohabitation — complete sexual freedom — "rehabilitation" of homosexuality — unrestricted access to free contraceptives — freedom of abortion for both adults and

minors — the gradual death of private education — State education starting at age two.

Nationalization of large and medium-sized companies — progressive sociaiization of rural life — the "self-managing way" — the workers' assembly, the supreme power in every company — the role of managers and technicians in selfmanaging enterprises: to obey — ciass warfare — consumer participation in business management.

The self-managing model for the family: self-managing children, class struggle against parents — for the school: selfmanaging students, class struggle against teachers. Self-managing society molds a new type of man: agnostic — with an anti-Christian morality — with a very low ceiling on individual advancements — subject in everything to the majority in committees in which he also votes — committees which "help" him by planning even his leisure, entertainment and home decoration.

The radical application of the trilogy Liberte—Egalite— Fratemite: levelling of social classes — dissolution of the State — a galaxy of micro-communities — the overthrow of

monarchy complete only when there are no corporate ownermanagers left in France.

Socialist self-management: an international goal to whose ser vice the Socialist Party has vowed to commit the government, wealth, prestige, and worldwide influence of France.

EDITOR: Edward Parrot

Volume 12, Number 3

April-June 1982

ASSOCIATE EDITORS:

Thomas Bell

Eugene Kenyon Murillo Callie/

PHOTOGRAPHY:

What Does Self-Managing Soclalisni Mean for Communism: A Barrier? Or a Bridgehead?

Edward Thompson Gary Isbell

2 CIRCULATION DIRECTOR:

• I. The center and the right in the face of French Socialism: optimistic illusion, scope of the defeat, and the crossroads

Gerald Campbell 4 FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS:

• II. Doctrine and strategy in the Socialist Program for France

8 Paris: Arturo Hlebnikien Rome: Paulo H. Chaves

• III. The doctrinal core of the Socialist Program: secularism — "liberte,

egalite, fraternite"

Montreal: Michel Renaud

Sao Paulo: Jose Lucio A, Correa • IV. Is this interference in France's internal affairs?

• The glorious future of France according to Saint Pius X

Buenos Aires: Jorge M. Storni Caracas: Pedro Morazzani

France: The Fist Crushes the Rose

Santiago: Jose A. Ureta Montevideo: Raul de Corral

Bogota: Julio Hurtado Plinlo Correa de Oliveira

Quito: Juan M. Monies La Paz: Julio Bonilla

"In periods of great crises, there are two kinds of men: those who

allow tliemsclves to be overwliehned and devoured by the crises and those who oppose them and change the course of history."

Crusadefor a Christian Civilization. P.O. Box 176, Pleasantville, N.Y. 10570. Issued quarteriv SubscnptioiK U.S.A. $9.50, Foreign $10.50(Foreign Air Mail $17.00). Make check or money order payable to: The Foundation for a Christian Civilization, Inc. When changing your address olease send both new and old addresses. Some back issues available.

Cover: With rose in fist — symbol of the Socialist Party — Mitterrand appears before his partisans In Montpellter, with an enormous poster of himself as background. Crusade 1

'n December 9, 1981, a striking six-page public interest advertisement appeared in the Washington Post and the Frankfurter Aligemeine Zeitung, the first two in a series of such publications to appear throughout the West. In the advertisements, the Societies for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property(TFP)jointly addressed the public of their respective nations in a Message entitled "What Does Self-Managing Socialism Mean for Communism; A Barrier? Or a Bridgehead?" The Message was writ ten by Prof. Plinio Correa de Oliveira, the founder and president of the Brazilian TFP. It exposes Fran cois Mitterrand's program of self-managing socialism and its ambitious designs for the West.

The Message was subsequently published in other leading newspapers in 18 countries of the Free World, bringing the total number of papers in which it ap peared up to 44. To date, it has been published in the following countries: the United States, Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia,

Ecuador, England, Germany, Italy, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Uruguay and Venezuela. The scope of the campaign against self-managing socialism was extended when a one page summary of the Message was published in six of South Africa's

major newspapers. Later, an advertisement sum marizing the Message and its world-wide repercus sions was published in three papers in Germany, two in Ireland, one in Austria, two in Australia, two in New Zealand, one in Costa Rica, and one in the

Philippines.

A Far-Reaching Message with Even FartherReaching Effects What have been the effects of this weighty docu

ment since it was first published in December? The amount of correspondence the TFP centers and bureaus have received is astounding, with thousands of letters and coupons requesting copies of the work to distribute to relatives, friends, libraries and universities. The majority of people expressed enthusiastic support for the campaign, while the very few who showed disagreement sometimes couched it in insulting terms and almost always remained anonymous.

We can say that socialism, recently proud of the

This Message has been published in the following newspapers:

promotion it had been receiving abroad and its suc cesses in many countries, has now taken a discreet and reserved attitude. Something has changed in the

politico-ideological scene of the whole West. What happened in France surprised and confused the optimistic and the naive. Since French self-managing socialism boasted of being democratic and open-minded in politics, the Message published without the slightest difficulty in the democratic press of the whole West should have encountered no obstacle in the major French

newspapers of the center and right. But when the thir teen TFPs contacted the six largest Parisian dailies they received dry and inexplicable refusals. Of these

papers, one of the most important that had signed a contract to publish the document broke it abrupt ly soon afterwards. The unanimous conduct of these papers is all the more inexplicable since the Message is a very large paid advertisement that no publishing company would normally refuse. With the publication in France thus prevented, the thirteen TFPs had to content themselves with a mass-

mailing of 300,000 copies of the Message all over the country. This drew a large and enthusiastic response and, according to many observers, played an impor

tant role in enlightening French public opinion. There followed the significant defeat of the socialistcommunist coalition in the recent regional elections. The refusals to publish the Message gave rise to the Communique entitled "France: The Fist Crushes the Rose," also by Prof. Plinio Correa de Oliveira. Published in 23 papers of 11 countries, it de nounced to world public opinion the presumable in terference of the French socialist government in the strange and despotic curtailment of the TFPs' freedom of speech.

The Communique pointed out that since a socialist government can deprive any company owner of his rights, reduce him to a mere worker, and even expel him from his own company, the newspaper-owner's independence from the government is only an illu sion. This finding has a far-reaching scope: Except for the promise of freedom, all that is left to the selfmanaging regime is its similarity to communism. Crusaders readers will find the texts of both the

Message and the Communique published here in their entirety. Brazil: Folha de S. Paulo; Ultima Hora

(Rio Janeiro),/! Tflrde(Salvador),ÂŁ5' de Minas (IBelo Horizonte), Jomai Commercio (Recife), OEstado do Parana

United States: The Washington Post, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times and Dallas Morning News',

(Curitiba), O Popi//flr(Goiania)and Jornal

Canada: The Globe and Mail (Toronto) and La Presse (Montreal); Germany:Frankfurter Aligemeine Zeitung;

Chile: El Mercurio (Santiago);

Italy: II Tempo (Rome) and II Giornale

Nuovo (Milan); England: The Observer (London); Poilugal; COm^rcio do Porto(Oporto)and

Didrio de Notfciqs (Lisbon); Spain: La' Vanguardia (l^aj^elona) and Hqja del Lunes (Madrid, Bilbao, Seville and Valencia); Switzerland: La TriJjune de Genikve; Australia: The Austfqlidh (Sydney);

de Santa. Catarina (Blumenau);

Argentina: La Nacidn (Buenos Aires); Uruguay;ÂŁ/ Pals (Montevideo); Bolivia: ElDiario(La Paz)and El Mundo (Santa Cruz); Ecuador: El Tiempo and El Comercio

(Quito) and El Universo (Guayaquil); Colombia: El Tiempo (Bogota), El Pais (Call) and El Colombiano (Medellin); Venezuela: Diario de Caracas, El

Universal and El Mundo (Caracas)* El Impulse (Barquisimeto) and Panorama

(^aFacaibo); Peru: El Cornereiq (Lima).

The Message

Plinio Correa de Oliveira

The Double Game of French Socialism:

Gradual in Strategy, Radical in Goal

What Does Self-Managing Socialism Mean for Communism:

A Barrier? Or a Bridgehead?

The FRENCH REVOLUTION at the end of the eighteenth century, the revolutionary tremors of1848, the Paris Commune of 1871, and the ideological and temperamental explosion of the Sorbonne in 1968 were important milestones not only in the history of France but in the annals of the West as a whole.

Indeed, these movements, each in its own way and in its own specific proportions, gave interna tional expression to aspirations and doctrines some of which arose in France and others elsewhere,

but all of which hadfermented in that country with an altogether unique capacity to spread. The historical events thus generated in France encountered and put in motion, in the spirits ofthe various peoples of the West, aspirations, tendencies and ideologies whose rise marked their psychological, cultural, political and socio-economic development in the centuries that followed. Similar effects are now being feltfrom the unbloody but no less profound "revolution,"with

its own chain of causes and effects, set in motion by the victory of the Socialist Party in last year's May 10 elections and the consequent rise of Mitterrand to the Presidency. The crises affecting (in different degrees) communist and capitalist regimes are awakening all over the world tendencies and movements that boast of being especially modern and whose adherents believe that the clear, concise and victorious expression of everything, or nearly everything, they think and desire is in herent in the self-managing socialism now ruling in Paris. Naturally, this sets them on the way to achieving, in their own countries, similar successes to the profit and joy of international com munism, of which self-managing socialism is but a trainbearer and fellow traveller. Crusade 3

I. The center and the right in the face of French Socialism: optimistic illusion, scope of the defeat, and the crossroads 1. The Illusion For the "man in the street" in most

countries of the West,the French Social

ist Party is. like so many others, the result of a mere combination of personal interests and ambitions centered around

a party program accepted with varying degrees of conviction. This is easy to understand. World public opinion is informed about social ism mainly through television, radio and the press. The image, partly implicit and

prudence and every compromise neces sary for success. This general view of socialism is not very objective. It corresponds to the optimistic illusions of many political opponents of the SP. illusions which contributed considerably to the Party's recent victory, and which have now placed the French voters of the center and the right at a critical pass.

2, A Look at the Real SP

partly explicit,of the Socialist Party(SP) projecteo by the media is usually: a) an electorate consisting mostly of blue col

lar workers imbued in different degrees with the mentality of the party, but also including many middle class voters whose conciliatory socio-economic ten dencies converge at one point or another with vague philosophical sympathies for

a "philanthropic" socialism; b) a party leadership consisting, at least on the upper and middle levels, of professional politicians concerned above all with gain ing power,and consequently accustomed to flexibility and daring, as well as to

manipulates culture, science, man and nature by resorting to sophisticated tac

tics of dissimulation. When the Party comes to power, all State agencies become instruments for achieving this goal. According to the SP. while this must be done with the slow gradualism that

circumstances almost always demand, it must be accelerated as much as possible. During this whole process, no word must be said, no step taken that does not have as its supreme goal the final anarchy (in the etymological sense) also desired by communist theoreticians.

When observed without illusion or

optimism, the SP manifests an unflag ging and monolithic ideological charac ter. It systematically deduces its entire

political, economic and social program from the philosophical principles it accepts. .-Vnd the complete and inexora ble application of this program to every individual and every nation — to France as well as to all mankind — is the final

gt^al of the concrete action advocated by the Party. To what means does it resort to attain

this gigantic objective? It gradually

This character of the SP appears clearly in its official documents, in books by authors representative of its thinking, and also in writings for internal circula tion intended primarily for the training of its members.

Besides circulating in the SP's ranks, this material is also disseminated among leftists of different hues, intellectuals

and politicians outside the left, and so on. thus gradually increasing the number of party sympathizers. The man in the street, however, knows little or nothing of this material.^

NOTES 1• This characterization of the SP is

Rather. "i7 prolongs them (a broaiten at

thoroughly documented. The French Socialist Party as it is

the same tinie their field of action and their scope"{p. 7).

fauche — Propositions .socialistes pour

today arose from the Congress of Epinay in 1971. Since then the new political organization has been publishing diverse official documents having to do with ideology and programs. Such publica

In the Party's national convention

Government of the Left — Socialist

tions are made especially during its national congresses (held every two years) and election campaigns. To these

held in Alfortviile on January 13. 1980. the Program was approved by 96% of the votes. The Manifesto of Cri^teil. of Janu

ary 24. 1981. as well as the 110 Proposi tions pour la France, which appeared along with it. took their inspiration from the Program. On the basis of these two

gramme commun dc jt ouccrnement dc la

'actualisation ("Common Program of

Proposals for Updating"). Flammarion. Pans. 1978. 128 pages, with a preface bv Fr.^N(,-ois Mittkkkami. p. 3). c) Finally, the Quin:c thi.scs sue I'autogestion (Fifteen Theses on Self-

Management). adopted by the i

Convention of the ScH'ialist Pa

are added a significant number of inter

documents, unanimously ^proved in the

June 21 and 22. 1975.(cf. L< Ponnj

nal publications intended for the forma tion of its members or adherents, or for making known the conclusions of the

Congress of Cr^teil. the Socialist Party

Rose, supplement to no. 45. November 15. 197o. 32 pages) are of particular

Since it is impossible to cite the abundance of materials thus produced, we shall give preference in our citations to three absolutely fundamental docu

launched Mitterrand's presidential cam paign (cf. Le Poing et la Rose. no. 91. February 1981). b)In 1972. the SP and the CP started negotiations to estalilish a binding agree ment for a common policy for their government. This gave rise to the Pro

ments of the SP:

gramme com man tie gourernement de la

Party's several meetings and seminars.

a)The Projet socialistv nour la

interest since in tliem the French social

ists present the perspective of a self-

managing society as "the SP's own (unitribution.for the moment on the theo

retical plane, to the hi.storg of the work ers' movement" {Documental ion

Sociali.ste, Club Socialiste du Livre. sup

gauche ("Common Program of Govern

plement to no. 2. no date, pages 42-43)

France tics annees SO ("Socialist Pro

ment of the Left"), which was valid for

gram for the France of the 80's")(Club

and claim to have given a new content to

five years. In 1977. since the two parties

had hot reached an understanding for the

the idea of self-management(idem. no. 5.

Socialistedu Livre. Paris. May 1981.380

pages) presents the ambitions of French

renewal of the agreement, the SP updated this Common Program on its

socialists for the next ten years. The

Program redefines socialist priorities

own. Early in 1978. during the election

and announces beforehand the principal

campaign, the SP published the updated

undertakings for which the SP s action will be known to the French people. It should be noted that it does not abrogate

program in order to give public opinion "the possibilitg of.seeingfor themselres" what the Party would do if it were to win

the previous texts and programs of the

the elections, as well as to permit "ererg-

Party (which will be referred to below).

one to follow its application" {Le Pro

4 Crusade

no date. p. 58). With these documents, the SP consid

ered that it was giving the ordinary reader a sufficiently broad set of notions to gain his rational support and vote. Therefore they make up. so to speak, the SP's self-portrait, a portrait whose fidel ity cannot be questioned since one must presume that a movement that has just won such an adroit strategic victory is

3. The Great Factor in the Rise of Socialism in France: Abstention Prevails in the Center and the

CHARTI

How 500,000 Votes Decided the French Presidential Elections Votes

Election of5/10/81

(second round)

Observers and analysts of the recent tain that the victorious leftist candidate

was helped by votes from considerable sectors of the center and the right. Since Mitterrand's margin over his opponent was 1.065.956 votes (3.1% of the net

valid votes not counting blank and void ballots) in the second round of the elec tions. the shift of centrist and rightist

% Valid

votes

Electorate

Right presidential elections in France are cer

%of

Registered

Registered voters Abstentions Votes cast

Blank & void ballots Valid votes

Francois Mitterrand V. Giscard D'Estaing

36:398.762 5,149,210 31,249,552 898,984 15,708,262 14,642,306

100.00 14.15 85.85 2.47 83.38 43.16 40.23

1,065,956

2.93

30,350,568

100.00 51.76 48.24

Mitterrand's margin over Giscard

3.51

votes to the socialist candidate was a

considerable — perhaps decisive — fac tor in the tight electoral race. One only need consider that a change of just half this number would have meant a tie(See Chart I — How 500,000 Votes Decided the French Presidential Elections).

This shift is shocking. Twenty years

ago, every self-respecting centrist and rightist considered it treason to vote for a candidate of the SP. particularly one who was part of an open coalition with

the Communist Party(CP).^ In 1981 this

Source:Journal Ojjiciel. 5116ISI.

Note:According to a poll by the French Institute of Public Opinion (IPG?)in (between the first and second rounds of the presidential elections), a con

conjunction with the magazine LePoint, published in the latter on May 2 siderable number of center-right voters said they intended to vote for Mitterrand in the second round. If the percentages in this poll held up, the

socialist candidate would have received 1% of Giscard's votes(82,224), 18% of Chirac's (940.652). and 21% of the votes from various parties of the right (182,373),for the total of 1.205,249 votes from the center-right. Voters from the left supposedly gave 552,513 votes to Giscard. So. balancing the shift from the center-right to the left and vice-versa. Mitterrand would have gained 652,736 votes.

A poll held by the SOFRES Institute between May 10 and 20, therefore after the second round of the presidential elections, shows a.shift of 16%

sense of consistency failed in many cen

(836,135)of Chirac's vote to Mitterrand, thus confirming the tendency pointed

trists and rightists of all ages,^ who. with

out Iw IFOP-LePoint(cf.LcMonde,6/2/81).

a sometimes indolent or thoughtless

"These data lead us to affirm that the shift of center-right votes to Mitterrand may have been decisive in his election.

NOTES able to define itself. Furthermore, the

socialists definitely assume responsibil

ity for what they "publish. One reads in the Program; "tlV (ire the ontif onea to take the ri.'tk ofexpound iiiy our tenets in black and white, and to do so in print. . . HV show oiirselresjust as we are"(p. 11). Once in office. Socialist Prime Minis

ter Pierre Maurpy presented a Declara

tion

de poli'tique j( enerale du

Gourernement ("Declaration of the Gov

ernment's General Policy") in the ses

sion of the National A.s.Wmblv of July 8th. In this Declaration and in tlie parlia mentary debate that followed, the Prime Minister confirmed the general line of the Program, thereby also making important contributions to the definition of the SP from the standpoint of its

ISP publications use the expression

this translation to designate the "Social

"Socialist Program" both to specifically

ist Program for the France of the 80's" must always be understood in its broader meaning.

designate the document. "Socialist Pro gram for the France of the 80's." as well as to more generically refer to the new socialist program that they propose for France and the world, which they call

projet autogestionnaire ("Program of

beneficiary still has to be slightly dissim

Self-Management"). In this case, the

ulated. This means that the socialists must be the ones who stand out:

expressions "Socialist Program" and "Program of Self-Management" are syn onymous. In the text of this work the same ambivalent use of the expression (sometimes specific, sometimes general)

"It is necessary for the Communist Party to accept this obvious reality of French politic.s. The majority of the French will not entrust their government

is maintained. The reader wifl easily

to the left unless it is certain that social

notice which sense is being used, all the

ism will establishfreedom for our times^

more so since the citations of socialist

"Like it or not, to achieve that, it is necessary for the Socialist Party to

sources used here leave no margin for confusion.*

* Translator's Note: As will be seen

ideology and program (cf. Journal Ojji-

on reading this work, the "Socialist

del. "Debats Parlementaires," 7/9/81

Program mr the France of the 80's" {Projet socialiste .. .) is much more than

and 7/10/81). Furthermore, the Prime

Minister expressly affirmed on that occa

sion that he had obtained "from the council of ministers authorization to

officially commit the gorernment to this Declaration ofGeneral Policy, according to article JfU ofthe Constitution"(Jo urnal

Ojfieiel. 7/9/81. p. 55).

2* Even though there is an open alliance between the SP and the CP. its

a mere program of a political party. It

encompasses a complete reform of

appear as the animating force in the (ufiance. This takes nothing away from the role the Communist Pa rty shoiM play

in it"(Program, p. 366). The communists understood

their

role very well. According to the Secre tary General of the SP, Lionel Jospin, one and a half million communist voters

human society and even of man himself. This is expressed well by the French word Projet, which has no suitable equiv alent in English. Our word Proaram. although it can be understood in a Droaa sense, also has a more restricted mean

(one fourth of the Party) voted for Mitterrand in the first round of the

presidential elections (cf. Le Poing et la Rose, no. 83, 5/30/81, p.l)

3• The references to the right in this

I Reference to the.se documents in this work will be as follows: "Program."; "Common Program — Proposals for Updating,""Fifteen Theses," and "Dec laration of General Policy" respectively.

ing, corresponding to a short or medium-

work do not include the traditionalist

term plan of action. This is the case, for example, of the above mentioned "Com mon Program of Government of the

inspiration and whose presumable action

The emphases in the quotations are ours.

mind that the word "Program" used in

Left." Thus, the reader must keep in

French right, which often has a Catholic in tne elections of 1974,1978 and 1981 is difficult to ascertain and therefore diffi cult to assess.

Crusade 5

tranquility, voted for Mitterrand. How could this have happened? But the failures of the right and the center did not stop there. Their luke warm election campaigns lacked the dynamism and force defrappe indispen sable for generating popular support. These elements were not lacking in the socialist-communist campaigns. This lack of dynamism, naturally more noticeable in the parliamentary elec tions. had yet another consequence:

CHART II

Abstentions and Dispersion in the Center and the Right Favored the Left in the Latest French Parliamentary Elections*

increased abstentions. In an election so

decisive for the future of France and the

First round

world, no less than 10,783,694 voters

Pres.

Parl.

(4/26/81)

(6/14/81)

36,393,859 6,882.777 29,516,082

36,342,827 10,783,694 25,559,133

477,965 29,038,117

368,092 25,191,041

90.422

90,422

868,444

713.582

154,862

5.225.848

23,822

8,222,432

5,249,670 4,839,294

14,316,724

10,892,968

7,505,960 4,456,922 964,200 668,057

9,432,537 4,065,540 334,674

- 391,382 - 770,566 - 333,383

13,595,139

14,026,385

-t- 431,246

1,126,254

271,688

- 854,566

Difference

(29,67% of the electorate) abstained in

the first round of voting. Significantly,

Registered voters

the abstentions outnumbered the votes

Abstentions Votes cast Blank & null votes Valid votes

for the SP(9,432,537).

The great loss in the final runoff was suffered by the center-right, whose total

56.032

3,900,917 -3,956.949 109,873

-3,847,076

vote fell from 14,316,724 in the first

round of the presidential elections(April 26)to 10,892,968 in the first round of the

parliamentary elections (June 14) â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a

loss of 3,423,756 votes in this extremely brief period. Since between the two elections the

Extreme right Miscellaneous

Center-right RPR (Chirac) UDF (Giscard)

-3,383,138

number of abstentions

increased by 3,900.917 and the total leftist vote Increased only slightly (see Chart II â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Abstendon <indDispet-nion in the Center and theRiyhl Farored. theLejl in the Recent Pdrliumenttini Elections in France), in all likelihood most of those

abstaining belonged to the center and the right. Many of them probably failed to vote because of party infighting, or

simply to spend election Sunday the way they deemed most comfortable and

Total center-right

SP (Mitterrand) CP (Marchais) Miscellaneous left Extreme left Total left

193,634

-3,423,756 -1-1,926,577

entertaining. An illusion held by the non-voters that

Ecologists

a victory by an undoubtedly leftist, but easy-going, party would not have dra

Source; Jounial Oijinel, 4/30/81 and 5/8/81; LcMonde, June 17. 23 and 24,

matic consequences accounted in large measure for their critical non-participa tion in the electoral process. Another consequence of this optimistic view was that petty personal and regional consid-

1981.

* Comparison of the vote in the presidential elections of 4/26/81 with the vote in the parliamentary election of 6/14/81).

Even in the well-to-do neighborhoods of Paris, photos of Marchais, the Communist Party leader, cover those of a center-right candidate 6 Crusade

though anything were really definitive in today's unstable world.

CHART III

Stagnation of the Leftist Electorate in Parliamentary Elections from 1978 to 1981 First round

1978

% of

Electorate

1981

% of

4. The Crossroads: WhatIs to Be Done Now that the SP Has Won?

Electorate The fact is that now the SP has the

Registered votes SP CP Miscellaneous left Extreme left Total left

35,204,152 100.00 36.342,827 6,451,151 5,870,402

100.00

18.32 16.68

9,432,537 4,065,540

25.95 11.19

894,799*

2.54

193,634

0.53

953,088

2.71

334,674

0.92

40.25 14,026,385

38.59

14,169,440

Presidency. Even without the support of

the 44 deputies of the Communist Party and 20 other deputies of small leftist

parties, it has an alisolute majority in the Chamber of Deputies, with 265 out of 491 seats. To reverse their losses, French

centrists and rightists must select an effective strategy for dealing with the SP.To do this they must make explicit to themselves what the SP is. They must

Total ecologists Leftist ecologists**

612,100

1.74

(324,413) (0.92)

281,688

0.75

choose between the somewhat cosmetic

(143,994)

(0.40)

image of an opportunistic and easy-going SP and the reality of an efficient SP

leading a gradual but unwavering march

Total left including leftist ecologists**

(14,493,853) (41.17)(I4,170.379) (38.99)

toward total collectivism.

The repercussions of the victory of the SP and tne establishment of the socialist

Source: "Lcs rledimis lc(jiiflali''es dc mars IS7S." in LrMondi'. Dti.ssiers tit Documents;L<;Afn)nir,.Iuno 17. 23and 24. 1981. * This lotid includes 3().67'R) of tlie votes listed under "miscellaneous" in the

regime in France will increase the dyna mism of socialist movements in other

Minislrj' of the Interior's bulletin. That was the percentage of opposition voters

countries. In addition, the announced

according to Lr'A/oiidc. March bland 1"), 1978.

intention of the present French govern ment to interfere abroad poses a similar

* * The decline of the left would probably be somewhat more noticeable if we

consider a.s part of their bloc the ecologists who, in certain circumstances, usually vote lor officially lefti.st candidates. According to a poll by the SOFRES Institute,.53% of the ecologists voted for Mitterrand m the second round of the presidential elections, 2i]% voted for Discard and 21% abstained (cf. LeMomlc,

6/2/81). An IFOP poll indicated figures of.50%. 26% and 24% respectively (cf. LeF<nn(. 5/2/81). Figures in parentheses were calculated on tlie basis of the

SOFRES poll.

question of strategy for the center and right in other countries. The victory of French socialism is already giving leftist politicians in Europe and the Americas the impression that their banner has suddenly acquired a new power to attract multitudes throughout the West. They

imagine the electoral power socialism erations,as well as the excitement gener ated by Mitterrand's victory, led many centrists and rightists to cast their bal

lots for the SP. This helped to bring

total electorate, now drew only 38.59% â&#x20AC;&#x201D; far from a majority (see Chart III â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Stagnation of the Leftist Eledoraie in Parliamentary Electioiv^ from 1978 to

has shown in France to be much greater than it really is, and sparks of socialist

enthusiasm are beginning to flare up in various nations. If the easy-going image of the SP is real, this .situation is not a

about-a shift similar to that which had

1981).

taken place in the presidential elections. Everything leads one to believe that

It is clear that the recent victory of the SP was due less to a real strengthening

the greatest number of abstentions and

of the left than to lack of interest and

largest leakage of votes must have occurred in the less rigidly organized

some dispersion in the center and right. As we will see later, this dispersion was partly due to the disorientation and fra^entation of a considerable portion

psychological warfare that Moscow

of the Catholic electorate.

wages so successfully all over the world,

parties, unless we were to imagine a SP or a CP softening its discipline or trying

to outdo its centrist and rightist adver saries in abstentionist apathy. So the SP won, but its victory by no means indicates any increase in the

might be very difficult to reverse. But

since it was caused by disorientation in

propaganda around the world would

the center and the right, the situation is not irreversible: the SP's victory of I98I may be followed by its defeat in future

A comparison of the 1978 and 1981

alK)Ut it; for no one knows how far a

leftist tendency in public opinion may go when manipulated by the revolutionary

If the socialist victory were due to an increase of specifically leftist voters, it

socialist electorate, as skillful leftist have it.

major threat. If. however, French social ism aims at precisely the same ultimate goals as communism, then it is necessary to enlighten and alert putilic opinion

5. Choosing a Strategy:Aspects ofFrench Socialism

parliamentary elections shows that the

elections.

leftist vote remained practically unchanged: 14,169,440 in 1978 and

May these considerations be an encour agement to those who imagine that the

14,026,385 in 1981.(In both cases these

advance of socialism is definitive and

Doubtless, the more objective and true-to-life an image the public now

are first round figures since, due to the

who, instead of making use of their

forms of the SP. the faster and more

peculiadties of the French electoral sys

political liberties to mount an orderly hut

appropriate its choice of strategy will be.

tem, that is the only round in which

fiery, unyielding and fruitful opposition,

While it is impossible to exhaust such a

comparisons are possible.) But since the

run to shake hands and collaborate with

number of eligible voters increased by 1,138,675 in this period while the total

the victors. Thus they give up the fight to halt their country's slide down the ramp

vast matter in this general summary, it seems timely to expose several charac

leftist vote stayed about the same, it is

of socialism (which they themselves call

tactics of the French SP so as to sweep

clear that the left's share of the vote

actually diminished. Thus,the left, which

slippery)toward communism(which they recognize as fatal). Their explanation:

away the optimistic illusions that may impede and slacken the fight against this

in 1978 had the support of 40.25% of the

the socialist victory is definitive â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as

grave danger.

teristic features of the doctrine and

Crusade 7

II. Doctrine and strategy in the Socialist Program for France i. "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity''in the Socialist Proyram Every motto by nature should be sub stantial and precise. This is not so with the trilogy,"Liberte, Egalite,Fratemite" of the French Revo lution. Some of the many interpretations and applications which it has occasioned have left in history marks of impiety, madness and blood that will never be erased.-'

One of the trilogy's more radical inter pretations can be enunciated as follows;

closer and closer to this radical enuncia

justice demands that there be absolute equality among men. Equality alone, by suppressing all authority, completely attains liberty and fraternity. Liberty

tiously moderate in its beginnings, suffered clearly communist spasms dur ing its last agony. As though repeating this revolutionary process in slow

can have only one limit, namely, what ever is indispensable for preventing

is completing the process of taking — the

more gifted men from setting up for their own benefit any superiority of command, prestige or possessions. Truefraternity characterizes the relations among entirely free and equal men. Inspired by interpretations of the famous trilogy, the successive revolu tionary leaders from 1789 to 1794 came

tion. The French Revolution, so ostenta

motion, the democratic world took — or

political levelling of classes to Its ulti

mate consequences, though it still pre serves markedly hierarchical aspects in its culture and socio-economic regime. One can debate which events, places and dates marked the beginning, in the nineteenth century, of the principal

movements for cultural and socio-eco-

NOTES

4. In his Apostolic Letter Notre

of the whole nation, nay. higher still, to

Charge ApoKlolique, of August 25, 1910,

those ofhumanity f/br the horizon ofthe

condemning the French movement Le

Sillon is not bounded by the frontiers of the country, it extends to all men,

Silhn, of Marc Sangnier, Saint Pius x analyses the famous trilogy as follows; "The Sillon is nobly solicitous for

even to the ends ofthe earth), the humayi

heart, enlarged by the love of the commo7i

humati dignity, but it understands that

welfare, would embrace all comrades of

dignity in the manner ofcertain philoso

the same profe.ssioji, alt compatriots, a(l

phers ofivhom the Church does not at all

men. Here is humaJi greatness and nobil

feel proud. The first element of that

ity, the ideal realized by the celebrated

dignity is liberty, understoodin the sense

trilogy, liberty, equality, fraternity.

that, except in the matterofreligion, each man is «u/o/io/hoh.s. From this funda

mental principle it draws the following

conclusions: Today the people are in tutelage under an authority distinctfi'om

"Such, in .short, is the theory — we might say the dream — of the Sillon"

{AciaApo.s-fo/ic«cSedi.s,Ty|)isPoliglottis Vaticanis, Rome, 1910. vol. II, pp. 613-

themselves; they ought to free themselves

615, English translation from The Amer

from it: political emancipation. They are dependent upon employers mho hold

ican Catholic Quarterly Review. Oct.

their instruments of labor, exploit them,

oppress them and degrade them; they ought, to shake off the yoke: economic

1910). Therefore, St. Pius X follows in the wake of his Predecessors, who ever since

Pius VI had condemned the errors sug

emancipation.Finally, theyai'e ruled by

gested by the motto of the PrenA

Pope Pius VI (1775-1799), a clear

a caste, called the directing caste, to

Revolution. In his Letter Decree of March 10,

French Revolution.

whom their intellectual development gives an undue preponderance in the direction of affairs: they must break away from their domination: intellec

1791, to Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld

and to the Archbishop of Aix-en-Prcvence on the Drinciples of the Civil

tualemancipation.The levelling down of

Constitution ot the Clergy, Pirs vi

conditionsfrom this triple point of view will establish equality amongst men, and this equality is true human justice. A

states;

political andsocial orgonizationfounded upon this double basis, liberty and equal

society, this absolute liberty that not only assures him the right of'not being di.s-

ity (to which will soon be added frater nity) — this is what they call democracy. '. .. First ofall, in politics the Sillon does not abolish authority; on the con trary, it considers it necessary; but it wishes to divide it, or rather to multiply it in such a way that each citizen will become a kind ofking.. . .

"It [the French National Assembly] has established, as a right of man

turbed in his religious ophiion. hut also of thinking, speakuig, writing, and even miblishing whatever he fancies about

Religion. It proclaims that these mon strosities derive and emanate from the

equality and the liberty natural to all

men. But who could think of anythitig more insane than to establish such

"Proportions being preserved, it will

equality and liberty among all. thus

be the same in the economic order.

disregarding reason, with which nature

Taken aivayfrom a particular class, the

has especially endowed the human race

mastership will be so well m ultivlied that each worlcingman will himself become

and which distinguishes itfrom the other

a sort of master....

him in the Paradise of delights, did He

animals? When Uod created man and put

"We come now to the principal ele

not at the same time Ih featen n im with the

ment, the moral element. . . . Snatched

penalty ofdeath ifhe were toeatoflhelree ofthe knoivledge ofgood and evil? Did God not restrict Ids liberty right from the beginning ivith this first precept? And

away from the narroumess of private interests, and raised up to the interests of the profession, and. even higher, to those B Crusade

voice amidst the cacophony of the

when he became guilty thmugh his di.sobe-

dience, did God not impose on h precepts through .Moses? And ■ God 'left it up to his free will' .so ,

>■<' ,

could merit good or evil. He nererlln li ss

gave him 'commandments and precepts so that if he would obey them, they might save hint" (Eccl. XV. 15-16).

"Where then,

is this freedom of

thought and action thai the decrees of the

National Assembly attribute to man in

society «.f being an iinmutnhle right of nature itself? . . . Since man right from his infancy is obliged to be subject to his

elders in order to be governed and iimtrucled by thern. and to order his life according to the xonu.s of reason, of human nature and of Religion, then it is certain that this much-trumpeted equal ity and libi')-ty among men is null and void from the moment of birth. 'Be subject of necessity" (Rom., XIII, 5), Therefore, so that men might gather in civil society, it was necessary to consti tute a fomn of government in which the

rights offreedo'm would be circumscribed

nomic levelling. But the fact is that by the middle of the century these movements had spread to many countries and had become solidly established in several, even to the extent of inspiring events such as the Revolution of 1848 in France and the Paris Commune of 1871. Fur

thermore, in our century they were clearly present among the profound

revolutions and agitation which have shaken various parts ofthe world,includ ing the explosion of the Sorbonne in May 1968.

The SP's platform in the latest elec tions is presented explicitly and even

proudly as part of this general move

liberty and fraternity will supposedly rise."' According to this program, the main purpose of power is to prevent liberty from producing inequalities.^ True, it calls the total suppression of authority Utopia. But it implies that this Utopia is not a void beyond which one

causes of the Russian Revolution of 1917

ment. It is tne Projet Socialiste pour la France des annees 80 ("Socialist Pro gram for the France of the 80's," which

toward which one must ever reach, using

and the consequent propagation of com

we will henceforth refer to as the "Pro

every means to come as close as possible

munist regimes in countries behind and beyond the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.^ This, not to mention all the communist

gram," cf. footnote 1).® Upon reading it one clearly verifies that its ultimate goal is complete equality, from which full

sion of an evil deemed necessary but so unpleasant; authority.^

plunges into the chaos of anarchism. On the contrary, it views it as a horizon

to the unattainable, that is, the suppres

NOTES by laws and by the supreme power ofthose who govern. Whence follows that ivhich St. Augustine teaches with these words:

'It is therefore a general agreement of human society to obey its kings'(Confes sions, book III, chap. VIII. opera, ed. Maurin, p. 94). This is why the o)-igin of this power should besought less in a social contract than in God Himself, author of

ivhat is right andjust"(Pii Vf Font. Max. i4c/a, Typis 8. Congreg. de Propaganda Fide, Rome, 1871, vol. I. pp. 70-71). Fits VI repeatedly condemned the false conception of liberty and equality.

Verde Islands (1975), Santo Tome and Principe Islands (1975), Mozambique (1975), Laos (1975), Angola (1975), Grenada(1979), and Nicaragua(1979).

The leftist governments which have been in power in Afghanistan since 1978 gave rise to strong popular reactions which prompted Russian troops to enter

shown how the inequalities which the leading classes present as'natural,'could

be progressively overcome" ("Fifteen Theses,'p. 10).

"The present division of labor will

find itselfprogressively questioned, along with all that it implies by wau ofexploUation and alienation .,, the hierarchical

the country the following year. Never

values established by capitalist society

theless, the anti-communist guerrillas control most of the country.

ing relations bettveen men and women,

One should also keep in mind the more

children and adults, those who teach and

or less disguised Marxist governments in power in various parts of the world.

those who are taught, workers and those on welfare, etc," ("Fifteen Theses," p.

In the Secret Consistory of June iV,

affecting all sectors ofsocial life, includ

10).

1793,confirming the wordsof the Encyc

"Prejudices will be done aivay with:let

6. "There haiw been privileged

barriers and hierarchies between physi

"These most perverse philosophers go

moments in our histoiy which remain engraved in the collective memomj:(the

the other so-called intellectual activi

on to dissolve all links by which men are bound together and to their superiors and by which they are held to the 1111111101011 of

Commune,and more recen tly the Popular Front, the Liberation (from the Nazi

lical Inscrutabile Divinae Sanientiae. of December 25,1775, he stated:

revolutions ofj 1789, 1848, the Paris

their duties. They cry and proclaim ad nawseam that man is horn free and

occupation]and May 1968"(Program, p.

subject to no one. and that therefore society is nothing more than a group of

"It[the SP]has drawn on a good part of the energy and positive aspirations of

stupid men whose imbecility bows to priests(who deceive them)and kings(who

23).

oppress them); in such a manner that

concord between priesthood and empire is nothing but a monstrous conspiracy against man's innate liberty." And he went on: "These boastjul protectors of

mankind have linked thisfalse and lying word Liberty

another equally falla

cious leord. Equality. That is. as though

157).

the explosion ofMay 7.96S"(Program, p. "This diffuse extreme leftism (which

appeared before the eyes ofpublic opinion especially after May 1968) has the merit of posing some troublesome questions to everybody, which is useful"(Documenta tion Socialiste, no. 5, p. 36).

ing the sixties, and of ivhich a certain

ideology claiming to stem from [the revolution of] May 1968 was the French version, the coming of a 'Leftist critique ofProgress'"(Program, pp. 30-31).

force would prevail, oblige and govern, as well as call to their duties tho.se whose

anarchy, and dissolve completely. If is like harrnony, composed of the conso

nance of many sounds and which, if not made up of an appropriate balance of chords and voices, dissolves into disor derly and completely dissonant noi.ses" (Fii VI Font. Max., Acta, Typis S. Con

greg. de Propaganda Fide, Rome, 1871, vol. 11. p. 26-27).

5. In addition to the countries

7. "... equality itself[is] one ofthe most important demands of the workers' movement"(Program, p. 127). "The idea ofequality continues to be a new and powerful one" (Program, pp. 113-114).

"Not only the inspiration of French socialism, but also that of Marx, calls to mind the seizure ofpower by the immedi

ate producers and the blotting out of the distinction between the work oftho.se who direct and (hose who perform, between manual and intellectual work, and, ajler

the Paris Commune, evokes the withering away ofthe State"("Fifteen Theses," p.

inside the Iron and Bamboo curtains,

6).

communism has also been implanted in: North Korea (1945), North Vietnam

"A renewed questioning of the system ofdiffere7it pay scales should logically be

(1945), Guinea (1958), Cuba (1959),

accompanied by attaching a new value to

South Yemen (1967), Congo (1968), Guyana (1968), Ethiopia (1974), GuineaBissau (1974), Benin (1974), Cambodia

(1975), South Vietnam (1975),, Cape

"—manned economy; "—But... there are so manyfeatures that make it clear that the Eastern

societies have nothing to do with social ism.

"These societies continue to be inegali-

taken onforms that are not substantially different from those that exist in the capitalist countries...

in civil society, on account ofthefact that

impetus of innumerable pa.ssion.s, into

"—legal appropriation of the essential means ofproduction by the collectivity;

bosom of the left saw, in the 'Cultural

they are subject to varied states of mind

eonduct is disorderly,so that society it.self notfall under the rash and contradictoij)

8• "Atfirst sight the societies ofthe East can claim features that make them seem like the 'traditional socialist pro file'...:

tarian...Thesocial diinsion oflabor has

Revolution'that arose in California dur

ways,each according to the impulse ofhis desire, someone who by authority and

ties be abolished"(Program, p. 302).

"Thus, a new sen.sitU'ity in the very

there should not be among men gathered and move in differing and uncertain

cal, playful, and sports activities, , , and

manual labor and ^ developing a job

rotation system"("Fifteen "Dieses," p. 10). "The socialist theoreticians have

"In the name of the proletariat, the rulers have a dictatorship ... over the proletariat...Not only has the State not

withered away, but it has become an extremely efficient machine ofsocial and police control. .. "This is why, even if the values they

affirm are those ofsocialism(and this, by the way, is important), we cannot con sider the Eastern societies 'socialist' societies. "The existence of different .social classes and the maintenance of a

coercive State apparatus.. .are inherent to the very relations ofproduction"(Pro gram, pp. 67-69, 71).

"Someone may say to me: You

speak of self-management but fail to

clearly define how it will work; you raise it as an abstract goal, a chimerical path

toward a vague earthly paradise. That is

true. But there is a reason for it. We do not want to build a new utopia so perfect on paper that it is impossible to achieve. Self-management is a continuous and

never completed work . .. In saying this we remain faithful to the spirit of Marxism:Marx never pretendea that the Crusade 9

■'n!tit!i3:i:f,:;3'!!i 'ih

2. The SP, the Center

and the Right \m.. The global perspective presented in the last paragraph is the key to under standing the whole Program.'"

The Program accepts and adopts in its entirety the radically egalitarian political heritage that was built up in France starting in 1789. It considers useful the various laws hitherto applied to reduce socio-economic inequalities. It further intends to resolutely move today's France toward the most radical applica

ita

tion of the controversial trilogy.'' The difference between the SP on one

hand, and the center and right on the other is that the latter two — for the most

part — accept the trilogy, but not with the radical interpretation of the SP. Thus, instead of expressing the desire to reach the ultimate egalitarian goal, they say or imply that they would like to stop at some undefined distance from it.'-

3, The SP and Communism —

The Strategy of Gradualism Is there a clear difference between the

stratew of the SP and that of commu

nism for reaching the ultimate goal of total equality? Yes: a)The SP fears that immediate implementation ofa regime of

The French Revolution: The abolition of iridlyidually*owned private property began with rabble attacking Royalty (see Chap. II, 4).

NOTES end ofcamialism would ipso facto entail

yneanbig if not withm a global perspec

the establishinent of an eternally perfect

tive" (Program, p. 234). "The Socialist Program is fundamen

regime"(PlKKKE MaL'ROY, Heritiers de I'Avenir. Stock, Paris, 1977, pp. 278-

tally a eultwal program . . . culture is

279).

global. That is. it . . . has to do with all

"The crisis of authority is one of the

sectors of human activity" {Program, p.

andfar the values of the rights of man, of

fraternity. . . "("DeclarationofGeneral Policy," p. 55).

12. Our general references to the

most important dimensions of the crisis of advanced capitalism. (The Sorbonne

280).

right do not include the traditionalist

devolution of] May 1968 in France was

llr ■ 'Let us declare right a way thai we consider as ours, by right of inheri-

its rejection of the trilogy.

the most spectacular revelation of this. The schoolmaster, the employer, one's father, one's husband, one's superior, whether greater or lesser, whether they

have or want to ac<p(ire historic status: Here are the enemies from now on.

tance, the heritage of the political democ

racy inaugurated by the bourgeois de

robe at tlie time oj King Louis XVI"

(Prog^ram, p. 15).

trol their own work . . . sometimes con

May 1968. hut which echo a long tradi

reach the maximum all at once. Maximal-

meaning to the workers' struggle to con

one with the least authority is for that very reason contested, if not discred ited. In the eyes ofthe Socialist Party the

fused struggles, which multiplied afier

existence of this crisis is a positive

that was once fulfilled in the Commune.

new deniocracy Program, pp. 123-124). "One thing is certain: We will 7iot turn back;the traditionalforms ofauthority will not be restored. And that is true

tion, a moral atid material requirement

Finally, it is enriched by the specifically

French tradition of the citizens' accumu

lated respoyisibihiy. a I'esponsibility

(Docinnentatiofi Socialisle, supplement "Through all its actions, France will

10 Crusade

tionSocialiste. no. 5, pp. 32-33).

inanagemenl program as conceived by the

to no. 2, p. 43).

application of self-management has no

measures and jumps right into complete

socialism. It confuses the final objective with intermediate reforms'" (Docinnenta' 7 refuse to enter the debate between

the couple"(Pro^dLxn, p. 125).

"Whatever field one considei's. the

ism disdains and rejects ti-ansitional

reform and revolution. That is a purely foimial discussion, because he who accepts temporary improvements in the

of I789-I793 and 181,8. The self-

SP is inseparable from the full blossom ing ofmdividual and collective liberties"

10. "The Socialist Program is a

wanting to skip the intermeiiinic stages to

whose bearers were the revolutionaries

particularly in the family; the contra ceptive revolution,for example, has cre ated co7idUionsfor a new equilihHwm of

global and radical programfor the reo?-ganization of society, even if it has to be gradual"(Program, p. 121).

13, "The socialists hold neither

these willful solutions of leftism no/ the

reformists' policy of little .ifcps, nor the myth of the union of p' . . . Lejlism is that particular i willful ness called maxmiiUsm who ■ nsistsin

"The .seif-monagbig perspective gives

Every [exercise of] power is more and more re.sentcd as manipulation ... Any

development. .. provided that it goes all the way to itsfinal term: the coming ofa

French right, which goes much farther in

condition oJ (he workers is a reformist,

and he who deems necessary a funda mental change ofsociety, a revolution ary. The French unions and (he large

reassume. in history, a role ivhich to a great extent explains its mjluence in the world. France's radiant influence . . . cannot be separated from its culture and its past. Abroad, France is first of all

French workers' parties have always admitted this [distinction]; they make it

that of the revolution of 1789, that of

I'Avenir, p. 274).

audacity. . . . We want our country, by reasstoning its traditio7i, to bear high

the basis ofthei r everyday policy. They do not play ike irresponsible game of'all or nothing'"(PierreMavroy. Rentiers de

"TkerealsignificanceofMay}968. . . is that the transformation of society

total equality would stir up undesirable

ment of the Revolution of 1789 in

elected to form a directorate(something

reactions; b) For this reason, which is purely a question of circumstances,

business enterprises.

of a soviet). The employee-managers will

The whole Program appears to find in employer-employee relations a residual

be mere executors of the directorate's

opportunism and strate^, the SP holds that communist principles must be applied gradually, and in stages so

gauged as to avoid excessive shocks. * A certain initial moderation of the French socialists in the transition to total

equality is not the result of kindness, compassion or indulgence for a defeated adversary,but rather the consequence of a strictly utilitarian calculation made long before their victory. However,it should be emphasized that

in its radical egalitarianism the French SP draws on the socio-economic experi ence — which we know to be harsh and

disappointing — of all the countries in which communism is or has been put into

practice. Thus, to a great extent the SP avoids the nationalizations so character istic of old-fashioned communism and

aims to establish, in all or nearly all

enterprises that have hitherto been pri vate, another form of democratic and radical egalitarianism: self-manage ment.

4. Corporate Self-Management: a Socio-Economic Revolution

will.

image of the relations between the king

This system is defined as self-manag

and the people.It aims to"dethrone" the "king," eliminate his sovereignty in the

ing and affirmed as the logical socio economic consequence of the people's

business enterprise, and transfer all power to the plebeians," that is, the employees, and particularly to the man

political sovereignty. According to this notion, a republic is a politically self-

ual laborers. The Revolution has

employed various means to prevent the resurgence of different types of aristoc racy in the political sphere. Similarly,the Program endeavors to preventcorporate managers and technicians from surviv

ing as an aristocracy in "republicanized" firms. In "large" coiporations the indi vidual proprietor disappears immedi ately. The traditional concept of a business is itself broadened. Not only do those employed by a particular concern

share real rights over the company and what it produces, but those rights extend, via representative organiza tions, to consumers, purveyors, and so on. In fact, these rights belong to society

as a whole, represented by delegates of organizations or groups more closely related to the enterprise(see Chart IV Th£IdealSelf-Managing Enterprise Pro posed by the Socialists). Like a democratic republic, each com pany ultimately will be ruled by a voting majority of its workers. The company

managing nation. A self-managing regime entails the "republicanization" of the socio-economic structure.'® In other

words, it is the establishment of a corpo rate regime in which the orientation

given by specialists and technicians is subject to assemblies and organizations made up mostly of people with less intellectual development.

5. Self-Management MustEncompass Society and Man as a \^ole This "republicanization" must include

not only corporations and businesses but the whole social structure as well.

Indeed, according to the Program the full implementation of self-management presupposes a profound transformation in man and the application of the most radical interpretation of the triIog>- Lib erty, Equality. Fraternity in all fields of

will hold assemblies to keep the workers

activity comprised in society; including

Self-management is the implementa tion ofthe principles and form of govern

informed about all of its business."Rep resentatives" or "deputies" will be

corporations, the family, culture, teach ing. and even leisure itself.

requires a program aiming at all that can

calling into question ... the social divi sion oflabor {"Fifteen Theses," p. 11).

their application and results" ("Com

possibly be accomplished. To change society... is to reject the illusion or a revolution that would be an instanta

neous upheaval. There is neither instan taneous upheaval nor a quick and definitive solution.It is necessary to work on a long term basis,following aline that I would call 'tough reformism'. "For us, revolution is the gradual

change of the structures of the existing system"(ibid., p. 295-296).

14. "The notion of self-

management. . .is at the crossing ofways between scientific socialism ana Utopian socialism (for which Marx and Engels had more than respect, even though they criticized it)"(DocumentationSocialiste,

supplement to no. 2, p. 42).

Today...it is harder and harder to build socialism on a centralized rnodel.

Socialism must set other goalsfor itself.

15. "French democracy is largely

manipulated. It is also carefully limited. It stops at the threshold ofthe company" (Program, p. 231). "We are determined to promote a

decisive progress ofeconomic and social democracy. The French, citizens in their communities, must also be such in their

places ofwork.Employers should neither fear nor oppose this desirable and neces sary cvo/ution"("Declaration of General Policy," p. 49). "In our Western societies, democ

racy is more or less^ tolerated every where, except in business. Whether uw

employer is an independent industrialist or a high-ranking government official, he holds the essential powers to the detri ment ofall... A business is a monarchy

Departing from collective ownership of the principal means of production and from planning, the selj-management pro gram is the inversion ofthe logic that up

with a pyramidal structure. At every level the representative of the hierar chy is all-powerful; his decisions are final. The simple worker becomes a

until now has characterized tM evolution

powerless man entitled neither to speech

of industrial societies" ("Fifteen The

ses,'^.6).

nor initiative"(PiERRE Mauroy, Heritiers de VAvenir, p. 276.

"This program of self-management utility. Breaking away from an exces

not limited to the field of production. It attacks immense socio-cultural problems .. . The program of self-management links its egalitarian goal ... to the

implementation of democratic mecha nisms which wiil once again permit

Socialiste, supplement to no. 2^^. 145). "The socialists want the French to

stop being under tutelage. Decentraliza tion will be the heart ofthe experiment of

the government of the left, which, during thefirst three months of its accession to power will undertake the most significant

reform ofthese uncertain times by giviyig the power to the citizens. Finally the Republic will be liberated from the mon archy" (Pierre Mauroy. Hmtiers d> VAvenir, p. 295).

17. "For man to be liberatedfrom the alienations that capitalism imposes on him,for him to cease being an object ... it is necessary that he rise to [posi tions of] responsibility in businesses and universities, as well as in communities at

all levels"(Party Statutes. Declaration of Principles, in Documentation Socialiste, supplement to no. 2. p. 48).

"A global and decentralized strategy

ofeducational and cultural action...is a

gives a new content to the notion ofsocial

sively 'economic view of socialism, it is

mon Program — Proposals for Updat ing,"!). 50). "Economic democracy and social democracy are indissociable from political democracy" (Documentation

decisive dimension of our struggle for

16. "Economic democracy and political democracy are indissociable; their joint development reguires that every worker, every citizen have, at all levels, the possibility and the means of taking an active part in making deci sions, choosing the means, controlling

self-management. It is one of the first conditions for making the change of mentalities possible . . . [Selfmanagement] will bring about a change in current conceptions ofthefamily and

the role of worneTi"("Fifteen Theses." p. 21). Crusade 11

^Al_ IW8 lA Win ti iu UMic«ao CH^ (RXW/TS f«f» feHa^rirof

m l«

t«iii

II RAh^ The French Socialist Party says self-managing socialism derives from a long historical process. Here, walls of the Sorbonne plastered with photographs of the insurgents' heroes: Trotsky, Lenin and "Che" Guevara.

6, Why Corporate

Reform Requires a Reform ofMan

sarily drops, and indolence and misery prevail in all of society.

Every man seeks, both by the light of reason and by a continuous, powerful and fruitful instinctive movement, to provide first for his personal needs and those of

When it comes t(] reformin^^ mankind,

the Program runs into exactly the same difficulties encountered by .statist com munism.

Although they may have lent themsel

his family. When self-preservation is at stake, the human intelligence fights more easily against its limitations and

grows in both sharpness and agility. The will overcomes laziness more easilv and

ves to abuse, the economic principles in

confronts obstacle.s and struggles with

force in the West emanate from human nature itself. In brief, the common char

greater vigor. In short, the worker

work force drops and becomes weak and

insufficient, as so obviouslv happens in Russia and its satellite countries. This

also happens, though perhaps less obvi

ously, in Yugoslavia. And analogously, this is what is going to happen in selfmanaging Franee.

Here we stress the strength of incen tive provided by inequality and the

depressive effect of both general equal ity and microscopic inequalities.

The wage ceiling in an egalitarian society will inevitably be equal for all, or

acteristic of these principles is the affir

attains a level of productivity quantita tively and qualitatively commensurate

only slightly unequal, as can be verified

mation of the legitimacy of private

with the real necessities and decorum of

property, initiative and profit.

society. From this initial impulse imbued

nist countries with those in the West.

The socialists, however, propose to establish another economic system

with legititnate love of himself and his

own.a man's love of his neighbor extends

directed toward other ends and stimu

like concentric waves that should ulti

lated by other incentives(cf. Program, p.

mately encompass society as a whole. In this way. far from benefitting only his small family group, his activity assumes a scope proportional to society. Socialism instills discouragement in every worker by abolishing this powerful

173). What they call profit only (or some must be gradually replaced by the crite

ria of social utility, determined by the sovereign will of the people. In other words the socialists, like the commu nists. hold that the individual exists for

society and should produce, not for his

own good, but directly for the good of the community to which he belongs.

Under this system, the best incentive for work disappears, production neces-

and natural initial incentive to work and

by replacing it with an increasingly egalitarian wage system that fails to

reward the more capable proportion ately.

Thus, the whole impulse of a nation's

i)y comparing wage ceilings m commu By the very nature of things. capacity varies immen.sely from m, man. The overall productivity of a iiai.. presupposes the full stimulation of all capacities, especially those of the

extremely,capable. The legitimate ambitions of the extremely capable can be almost unlim

ited in the socio-economic regime of the West. Once set in motion, ihev succes

sively stimulate the whole hierarchy of necessarily lesser capacities which also

have before them proportionate possibili

ties of success. Once the rise of the very capable or the capable is limited, their productive drive decreases. Further-

NOTES

18. This negative psychological

effect is intrinsic to self-management. However, this does not mean that each

and every self-managing undertaking 12 Crusade

will fail. In one exceptional case or

another, this effect of self-management may be counterbalanced or attenuated by psychological or other factors. But

such sporadic exceptions are by no rneans sufficient to form a stable founda

tion for all the business undertakings of a whole nation.

more, when the very capable work below .MGaG'

capacity, the capable also become dis couraged. and the overall production level drops.

Thus, egalitarianism necessarily leads

iOUPUSC

to a production inferior to the sum of a country's work capacities. The more radical the egalitarianism. the lower the level of productivity. Now, it seems that the ceiling allowed

by the Program responds only to the modest aspirations of the average. I

«' 4 -• -

7. The Self-Managing

Societg and the Family The Program's authors apparently

imagine that the family — the immediate object of man's love and the intermediate step between him and society — dampens his love for the latter instead of multiply

ing it. Therefore, without banning the family (which would of course be shock ing and not exactly gradual), the Pro

Graffitti proclaims "Down with the State — Neither God nor master."

gram declares in a veiled way that it is unnecessary to the common good and places it on the same level as free love

any other union. One of the walls sup

and homosexual unions.'^The Program

will thus crumble. As we will see later,

separates the procreative function intrinsic to the family from its natural

the Program also aims to deliver the

end and considers it a mere fulfillment of

proper to the family to a preferably monopolistic, secularist and socialist

the individual. The sterility of this func

tion is permitted and facilitated in every possible way. Equality between men and women must be as complete as possible both in their access to the most

porting every individual's personality entire educational mission so naturally school system, and that from the child's first years.

So. all alone, cut off from the family

diverse professions and in their perform

(which is reduced in fact to a mere couple), man is left with only one environ

ance of domestic tasks.2'

8. Leisure To complete this absorption, a SP as totalitarian on behalf of the self-manag ing society as communism is on behalf of the Party, likewise strives to organize and utilize human leisure,

In fact,the Prograrh also covers leisure which, if unregulated, would be the last haven of human freedom in a self-manag ing world; for man finds in leisure

ment, the self-managing enterprise,

singular possibilities to know and

Under self-managing socialism the

which is thus given the most favorable

family will become unstable and sterile, lose its identity, and be confounded with

conditions to absorb him entirely, quite in the socialist style.

express himself, and to establish rela tionships and friendships. Gradualistic as always, the SP states

NOTES 19. "While considering thai the

lishments, especially to ensure that clos ing hours are obeyed) and the files on

narps on women's particular aptitudes,

homosexuals (whose existence, by the

of their interior world .. . In brief, one

way. the police department absolutely denies — of. Le Monde. June 28 and 2'S,

finds here again the idea of a 'feminine

the existence of other forms ofprivate

life (celibacy, free unions, unwed

1981).

has always served tojustify the inargino-

family plays a very important role in the

possibilities of expanding personal life, the SocialisL Party certainty recognizes

the strength oftheir instinct, the richness

nature' dijfhenl from thai of men, that

fatherhood or motherhood, and com-

Uzntion and domination of women"(pp.

munities). Finally, it lakes its stand o^ams^ repression or discriminations affecting homosexuals. Their rights and dignity must be respected. "It is notfor it [the SP]to legislate on

50-51). This difference between men and women, which is so natural, is precisely what the SP is denying.

20. "The poor diffusion of contra ceptive methods, the conditioius restrict

ing voluntary interruption of pregnancy

how each one umits to run his oicn life"

and the poor application of the Veil Law

(Program, pp. 151-152). The current socialist government

(on abortion)are such that the majority of

affirms, in an implicit but shocking man ner. a radical equivalence between mar

women do not have control of their own sexuality, nor of their maternity . . . Putting an end to this situation means

riage and other forms of sexual relations.

having sexual education in the schools

Even before the legislative session

and unrestricted access to free contra-

started, it already began to fulfill its campaign promises to homosexual groups whose support it received: a)The Ministry of Health decided that

ception"(Program, p. 247).

For this reason, according to the SP,

"the school must encourage the two sexes to have the same ambitions regarding their studies and professional careers. A truly mixed eduealion is necessary to eliminate practical arts courses, for example, in which the girls are relegated to learning sewing or .secretarial .skills

while the boys are the majority in the technical, industrial and commercial

classes. The goal must be that all options

be »iijcd"(P"rogram. p. 249). Finally, the Program affirms that

in Marseille in May 1979, the Program

participation in domestic chores "must

Health Organization's classification of

21. Citing a speech of Mitterrand

begin very early since the child under

homosexuality as a mental illness {Le

affirms: "One cannot . .. be .socialist

Monde,.June 28 and 29. 1981).

without beingfeminist "ip. 45).

stands them ana can participate in them from an early age. Once this participa tion is achieved while they are young, the

France will no longer apply the World

the Minister of the Interior pve orders

But the" "Program's feminism is opposed to recognizing and glorifying

to eliminate the branch of the Paris

the qualities of women as such; for this

Police called "groups for repression" of homosexuals(consisting of inspectors in charge of controlling homosexual estab

would be considered "the old notion of

reach adulthood. And veiy naturally this

femininity,' hidden under a modernist

participation will be maintained in old <xge"(Program, p. 307).

b) At the request of the homosexuals,

and falsely liberal discourse ... that

boys' share must not Se permitted to dim in ish nor the girls'to inerca.se as they

Crusade 13

that it recognizes man's right to leisure. The average reader becomes favorably

SP aims to weaken and finally destroy

right; c)rigid planning of the exercise of

the family, the preeminent natural ambi

impressed and does not realize that the

ence for true leisure. To this end the SP

SP — fundamentally organizing and demanding as far as work is concerned — professes a new concept of leisure which

this right using the pretext that it must fulfill this social function; d) the conse

encourages the creation of neighborhood organizations and the like which are

quent absorption of this right by the planning authority.

eliminates the distinction between lei

sure and work, making both subject to simultaneous planning. The SP disap proves of individual and personalizing leisure. It desires collective leisure and

plans leisure even inside people's own

apparently expected to play a decisive role in the distribution or dwellings and the non-segregative reassignment of people to existing or planned neighbor hoods. Moreover,it will even take care of

the interior arrangement of the homes. Furthermore, company-related organ

homes in order to better manipulate and

izations will favor the socialist plan by

prepare them for the rough and sterile drudgery of self-managing life.22

absorbing the moments,the remnants of energy, the very breath of life not taken up by the company's activities.

9. Control of

Lifestyles In a self-managing society the com pany organizes work-leisure in a

totalitarian way. Who will organize lei

The victim of this whole process is the individual,regimented and fitted into the self-managing communities and entirely absorbed by the company-related organi zations combination.23

The outline of the argumentation with

10, Education We turn now to the formation of

children and youth. Self-managing education, according to the Program, begins no later than two years of age, when it is most desirable

that the child be handed over to a preprimary or nursery school. But complete preparations must be made to receive those children whose mothers choose to

deliver them to socialist education at any age,even when newborn. How well all of this fits in with the

sure-work? In this field the establish

which the SP tries to justify this gigantic absorption is always the same: a) the

ment of strict regulatory organizations becomes necessary precisely because the

the affirmation ofa social function of this

planned sterility of the self-managing family!24 Some schools may still remain in pri vate hands for a period of "gradual"

global one. It is bg changing life. e.sne-

proclamation of an individual right; b)

NOTES

22. "ll'orA* in tiol the oulif lliiu</ in

life. This will neces.sitate. for e.rample.

life. The creation ofthe Ministry ofFree

developing light collective equipment for

ciaUy at work, that one changes the caare

time is a great (iwbilio)i for bringiiiy il

various uses. Such leisure is one of the

de vie"(Francois Mittkrrani), preface

about thatfree time be the timefor lirtiig. the liberated time. The soeietg offreetime must be a .soeietg ofculture. ... "Cultural exfiausiou irill be one of the

ta.sks of local communities" ("Declara tion of General Policy." pp. 82-83).

means ofhaving a familial, cultural and

to the book. Changer le Cadre de vie. by

militant life:

Jkan Glavany and PniLinrK Martin,

"— weekend lei.su re...

Club Socialiste du Livre, Paris, 1981, p.

"— leisure after retirement...

viii).

"No doubt the content of free time

"It is nfce.ssarg to put an end to one of the most inadmi.s.sible .segregations: The cities ... are becoming more and more cities of the more affluent while suburbs are becoming suburbs of the poor. It is necessary to make the city become, in an

"Theeurrent separation between work

will also be profoundly modified bg the proposals made for ofher fields: the

andfree time will itself be guestioneil. ..

.school, continued educatian. familg.

The soriali.st enterprise will thus endre

decentralization, as.siwiative Iife.'.sports, the media, health, and consumption. Theg will progressiveig pemnit making free time a self-managed time. In ang

exemplary wag .. . a fuace where (he different social milieux will rub shoul

case, there must be room in the siwialist

ders with one another"{Pw.HHE Mai Rov,

into forms of life more and more com munitarian in their core.. . as well as in

their peripherg (social serriees. leisure, culture, formation, etc.I" (Program, p.

apgliances or certain leisure gear .. . Likewise, a sgstema tie effort irifl be tnade

Program for a free time conceived as one that breaks loo.se from restraints and permits evcriione to e.vpand. be it bg individual effort or bg participation in collective activities"(Program, pp. 307-

them in the building and managing of

to tran.sform and enliren the urban enri-

309).

their cadre de vie . . . Local communities

ronment to make it more eotnmutiitarian

and to improre the eondilitais- ofeolleetire housing. .4 considerable effort leill be

"... a global conception of social life in which the time ofeducation, the time of work and theti)nc ofleisure are no longer

means the end ofsfwculation. and will be

made to render the latterasattraetiee. . .

considered isolated mianents of individ

ning. .. We will give the inhabitantsfull

as row houses, which a re great consumers

ual and collective e.ristence but rather <is

ofspace and CHcryy"(Program, p. 177).

elements of a consistent eyisemble" {Tro-

powers over their owt( cadre de vie. Livingconditionsandcadre de vie leill fu

158).

"Let us citefor e.ra tuple the po.ssibilitg of common u.se of household utensils and

Debates on the Declaration of General

Policy, JoiO'Hn/ Officiel. 7/10/81, p. 81). "To makeFreii'chmen onceagain mas ters of their daily lives is alsu ti> involve will rule the real estate markets, which

able to carry out voluntarg toivn plan

"The a.ssoeiatire niorement will be the

gram, p. 289). Tlii.s "consistency," of

the promi.sed land of the to w cr

privileged support of the new eitizenrg. partleula rig tit give value tofree titne . . . It will befor us espeeiallg to erase social

course, will not be that of the poor "selfmanaging" worker but rather that of the

("Declaration of General Policy.

.segregatiotis in the realtn offree titne. H'c will undertake . . . the development of

SP.

This is the "paradise" of liberty and democracy of the self-managing socialist

24. "The government trill lokt llo necessary measures to make it possible for all children from two to six years of age to have access to nursery schools.

social forttis of leisure and tourisitC' ("Declaration of General Policy," p. 51). "So. another wag ofliving is: " — first of all to seriously modify

regime.

the content of work so that eventually

life," in the sense of all ambiences.

the distinction between work and let-

activities and relationships surrounding

sure will no longer have the same meaning that it does today. But while it

people's lives] is part of fhosi new con cepts which appeared in IhefiO's. bnrstini/

Updating." p. ,30).

is true that this goal can omg be achieved, fir.st and above all through the transfor mation of work, the .socialists must also propose a parallel tran.sformation of

forth in .Mag UWS. . . This cast coneepi. winch encompasses.so mang things, rang

pieces in the initial system. This is the stage where the struggle against social

ingfrom the environment and transpor

inequalities and .segregation begins"

tation to urban renewal and architecture

(ibid.. i>. 287).

leisure. . .

and even an all-too-ojien forgotten free time, has never been defined in its

nursery [^school]"(ibid., p. 311).

"But it is neces.sarg to delve more deepig into the other concejds ofleisure: '— leisure after the workdag. close to oyie's home or in the home it.self, will permit a progre.ssive e.stablishment of new rhgthms oflife and a change ofdailg 14 Crusade

23* "The 'Cadri'lie rif'{"i'mino(d

entirety. . . .

. . . It leill experintent leith the organiza-

tooi of ch ild-ca re centers accejrfing infants from birth to six i/ears ot age^'

("Common Program — Proposals for "Child-care centers . . . will b> keg

"Tne fight for equality begins in the "But now can the democratic sen.se.

"The cadre de vie cannot be isolated

today anesthetized, be awakenedFirst

ayid cut off from economic and social

realities. Whatframefor what lifeI One

through the .school. c(aiceired as the plan par e.irellence for apiirentici.ship In .si lf

sees well that tkean.swer is a potitical and

management"{Program, p. 132).

transition. But even they will be tied to the State educational machinery, which

will encompass all levels, from preprimary through university and post graduate school.Principals,teachers and other staff members in public or private schools will have roles very similar, though not identical, to those of man agers and technicians in self-managing companies. According to the principle of

and power only to a small and uncertain degree,if at all.2® Isn't this educational network totali

tarian? The Program tries to evade this embarrassing question by citing an edu

cation plan to be prepared democrati cally so that each and every one may be able to express his opinion. Supposedly, this plan would thus represent the will of

many imagine) of the self-managing regime.It dso brings out the gradualism of the SP's strategy.

Now let us analyze the self-managing

enterprise in more detail. A reader conversant with today's busi nesses may imagine that the application ofthe standards of political democracy to the economic and social life of self-

all.

managing businesses is more rhetorical

"democratic planning," fathers and mothers and other interested persons will likewise participate in the process of

On the basis of this sophistry, the socialists claim that the unified system of education is not a monopoly. Even

than real. This is an illusion.

education. The "commoners" of the

though this system is unified, they con tend that everyone is invited to partici pate in it. So how can anyone brand it a monopoly? One sees very well that the Program achieves "Liberte, Egalite, Fratemite" quite in its own way. At the moment of the collective decision, everyone is equal

school, that is, the students, will have —

to all imaginable degrees,and even to an unimaginable degree — rights analogous to those of the workers in the self-

managing company.25 But that is not all. In the school as well

as in the family, child or adolescent "plebeians" will be motivated and encouraged to wage a systematic class struggle against educational and domes tic authorities, and will hold their own

assemblies, tribunals, appellate courts and so on.25

In nationalized or self-managing schools, the curriculum, the whole teach

ing staff, and the secularist and socialist formation of the intellect will be subject to the State.27

The Program does not make entirely clear which schools will be allowed to go

on surviving — or dying — in private hands to the degree that the gradualist strategy determines. Nevertheless, it is

not hard to conjecture that they will manage to evade the State's influence

As mentioned previously, the sover eign power deciding all important mat ters in the self-managing enterprise is

really the workers' assembly. This assembly will determine the organization of governing bodies and elect their mem bers (an important detail; the Program does not speak of a secret ballot). At meetings, the governing bodies will apparently supply information and pro

because the power of decision belongs to the majority, which decides all educa

of which will guide the voters in their

tional matters. It is for the minority to obey. When, then, is individual liberty

choices. Their idea, it seems,is that each workers' assembly will try to reenact

achieved? At the very moment of the voting,because every one is free to arme and to vote as he likes. But only at that

somehow the direct democracy of the

moment...

deliberations should be held in conjunc tion with consumers or clients and repre sentatives of the community (see Chart IV — The Ideal Self-Managing Enter

11. The Right of PropeHy in the Self-Managing Regime Everything expounded up until now clarifies the global socialist meaning(and not merely the application to business,as

vide the opportunity for discussion, both

ancient Greek cities.

Naturally, in certain matters these

prise Proposed by the Socialists). Will private property survive in the regime contemplated in the Program? Beware. From the Program's language one sees that if you question a French Socialist his answers may be very reas suring...and utterly empty.

NOTES

25. "Trifxirtite niinidgctnenl(pnrehls and rhildreti. .'ilaJJ. itud public collcctiritics (sic) tuusi libcrnU' iuifiiitires <ni(l permit, alter free fliseusxiau, the definiliau and eralualiau in eannnan nf the goahand re.^pan.^ibilities which it entails for each person. ..The spirit ofresponsi

bility demands .. . the disappearance of

prior hierarchical control"(Program, p. 286). "The ba.sic liberties in schools and

universities, as well as in the army, are

26. "The Socialist Program recog nizes the child's full place in society: equality, liberty and responsibility are not reserved for adults. The rights to expres.sion. creative activity, and decision-making must be recognizedfrom one's schooling on "(Program, p. 311). "Youth also has a specific place: [in modern society) it is under tutelage .. .

through grammar,secondary and profes

whatsoever and little control over their

are now entitled to do in society"(Pro

them: right of the students to participate in the physical organization oftheir nigh school or college;. . . student control of the organization of the university and ofthe curricula ... the establishment of

a real student statute"(Program, p. 314). "We will undertake a profound trans

formation of our educational system. Everyone must participate in it; parents, those who are elected, associations, repre

teachersfor all disciplines encompassing the whole schoolingfrom nursery school sional schools"("Common Program — Proposals for Updating," p. 35). "All parents may have the religious or

and a.ssembly in the schools, nigh schools homes run directly by high-.school and college students; effective participation ofthe students in the life and manage ment of their school; right of cla.ss representatives to participate in every class council and ofthe students to attend

establishing a single and exclusivebody of

to. youngsters have no real responsibility

f)wn lives. There is a con.siderable gap

universities: socio-educational

tion service"(Program, p. 284). "The government will set the goal of

No matter what .social cla.ss they belong

equally part of the requirements of the Socialist Program:freedom ofexpression and

27. "...generous and aggres.sive conception of the socialistsfor [bringing about] a great, unified, laicist aiid democratically-managed public educa

between their capabilities and what they gram, pp. 311-312). "Nothing is more important today

philosophical education of their choice

given to their children offschool premises and without the assistance of public funds"(idem, p. 32).

that to recognize the right ofyoung people to be them.selves.

"Within the family, the right of youngsters to be themselves means:the possibility for a young person to

appeal a decision concerning him (rela tive to his choice ofcour.se or profe.ssion, the way he lives ... ): the democratiza tion and development ofyouth homesfor young people in conflict with their families; . . . the facilitation of apart

ment rental for young people ...; the

28.,"All sectors ofinitial teaching and an important part of continuing education will be consolidated in one

national and laicist public service con trolled only by the Ministry of National Education.

"The establishment ofa public service of national education will be dealt with

starting in thefirst session ofthe legisla ture. ..Asa general rule, state-a.ssisted private schools will be nationalized

free right to contraception and the

whether they be employer-sponsored,for

elimination of parental consent for

sentatives of employees and employers,

profit, or religious ... Necessary trans

minors'voluntary interruption oftheir

fers of premises will exclude any spolia

and above all the teachers. .. The unifica

own pregnancies, a considerable devel

tion of the public educationa l system will be the result ofgeneral agreement and of negotiation" ("Declaration of General

opment of sexual education in schools,

"The situation ofpremises or staffs of

and a revision ofsystematically repres sive attitudes concerning the sexuality ofminors"(Program, pp. 313-314).

private schools not receiving publicfunds

Policy," p..51).

tion.

may be the object, at their request, of a survey in view of their eventual integraCrusade 15

Chs

The Ideal Self-Mi

Proposed by

moment the impact of the current economic.

I — General Outline of the Self-Management Program

Large investments must be decided according forecasts. . . . As the socialists see it, thepU to the market, is the overall regulator of tht What is left of free enterprise in this pict — "Put briefly, the general direction is plann plan leaves off, there the initiative ofindusl

• The goal of the self-management program is: a) that"the workers themselves organize the control ofproduction and the distribution ofthefruit of their work;"

b) "and, more generally, that the citizens decide in allfields everything that concerns their lives" (Documentation Socialiste, no. 5, p. 57). • The self-management program has a threefold basis*. a) "socialization of the principal means ofproduction;" b)' 'democratic planning;'' c) "transformation of the State"("Fifteen Theses," p. 11).

11 — Socialization of the Means of Production The Socialist Program calls for the "nationalization"ofcertain types ofenterprises which will then be gradually integrated into the self-managing regime.

To attain this objective "many options are conceivable": a) ' 'tripartite management"by' 'elected representatives ofthe workers, representatives ofthe State(or regions), and representatives of certain types of consumers;" b) "a management council elected entirely by the workers in the enterprise;" c) "the coexistence ofa management council elected by the workers and a supervisory council which would be made up ofrepresentatives ofthe State . . . and certain types ofconsumers" Fifteen Theses," p. 12).

The SP claims that this "nationalization" is not synonymous with "state takeover"(cf "Fifteen Theses," p. 12), nor does it result in "collectivism" crushing human liberty, because "workers and consumers are. . . called to sit on the boards ofnationalized enterprises,''so that "the national\\zcd\ corporations will have. . . all the autonomy of management that they will (Mauroy,"Debates," p. 81).

and the role of the market comes into servu

IV ~ The Thmsfformation of the Stai • The Marxist myth of the disappearance o of self-management as an expression of h that "thefunction and the nature of the State i • In order that this may be achieved,"a re is envisioned.

— "Certain functions which now depend dir

autonomous national agencies or offices. Bi ®

V — Anarchic Functioning • There will be no hierarchy or real autho — ."It should be quite clear that the new legit responsible to, the workers;''

— "The relationship between principals and ( between directors and directed. The Yugoslc experience . . . This is why control must

III — Democratic Planning According to the SP, the self-managing society vill not bring about a restraint of freedom, but rather the opposite, since it presu .poses the participation of all in the planning of all spheres of life: —' 'Planning is made compatible with self-management by a democratic and decentralized procedure that presupposes a broad popular participation before the definitive choices on the different political levels are made through universal suffrage"("Fifteen Theses," p. 16). — "The new society will be worthwhile only through the rigor of its principle. We aim to achieve unanimity but do not claim to start outfrom it . . ."(Program, p. 139). The purpose of the enterprise must no longer be profit or the "egotistic" reflexes of the workers, but rather the "social goals" set by "democratic planning": — "The pursuit of profit must no longer be the sovereign decisive factor in investments and

[ownership of]goods. It must give way to the reasormbleness ofcitizens democratically affirming their needs through planning arid the market"(Program, p. 172). — "Self-management is not. . . a simple method of management destined to replace capital with labor as the directing agent ofenterprises and to utilize the egotistic reflexes of basic worker units and their members to perpetuate the mechanisms and economic strength ofcapitalism. Production units must bear in mind the social goals set by national, regional and local plans"("Fifteen

Theses," p. 15). Through "democratic planning" the workers will choose the model of development — how, by whom and for whom to produce: — "Produce, work, yes! Butfor whom, why, and how? The success ofthe business depends on the

kind of answers the workers get, or above all that they give, to these questions. The model of deoebpment mustfirst ofall become an affair of the workers themselves"(Program, p. 176). Consumers will also give their opinions and make their requirements known: — "Theadqptationofproduction to the consumers'wishes. . .will be made. . . on the basis ofan

organized and constant dialogue between the producers indicating their technical andfinancial constraints and the consumers making known their requirements regarding quality and price" (Program, p. 177).

Therefore, the Plan resulting from this ample democratic dialogue is what really regulates the economy: "The socialists . . . emphasize thai investments based on prices and profits amplify at a given

16 Crusade

to local, departmental and regional levels Even the' 'organisations de quartiers''(block of the State, which will thereby crumble

("Fifteen Theses," p. 13 ®

Some practical measures are proposed t( — "job rotation;" — "optional recall of elected representatives ii • In the self-managing enterprise everythii — *'For thefirst time, debate about the general and its social behavior will take place befor designated representatives"(Program, p. — "It is necessary to lay down the principle i whom they may call to their assistance to a. wall ofsecrecy is, infact, nothing but the r

pp. 241-242). • As can be seen, these proposals establis technicians to assemblies and committee

made up of people witl

intellectual -

VI — Tactical Gradualism • The implantation ofa self-managing soci^ "The SP will adopt a gradualist method: — "To successfully carry out thisfearsome an must not lend an ear to those . . . who pre^ right away, always and everywhere: a per course, to those whoflatter these impulses tc transformation"(PTO^ram, p. 33). — "It behooves us to go toward the ideal ant Policy," p. 46).

— "Rigor, ofcourse, callsfor prudence. TheSi (ibid., p. 48)

VII — The Period of Thinsltlon to Sc

* The gradualist method presupposes an'

rtIV

naging Enterprise

the Socialists

uation and are ill-adapted to preparefor thefuture. 0 a plan based on the public interest and on periodic while leaving thefine tuning ofsupply and demand ronowy"(Program, pp. 185-186). •e? The Program answers:

•

d'entreprise" (joint production committees): — "The committees. . . will necessarily be consulted bfore[X2iIls\n^ any measure having to do with ■ hiring, firing, assigning and changing posts, classifying workers, determining work rythym and

but not the details of implementation. Where the iljsls and the spirit ofenterprise take up their rights a^ai«"(Program, p. 188).

the whole of working conditions in general" ("Common Program — Proposals for Updating," p. 53). ^ — "The joint production committees . . . will be fully informed about the principal aspects and results of the management of the enterprises" (ibid.,, p. 53). — "Thejoint production committees will be informed in advance and consulted about all economic andfinancial plans, investment andfinancing programs, the plans of the company and its policy regarding pay, training and promotion of personnel" (ibid., p. 53). — "In order to submit this information to the discussion of all workers, the joint production committees. . . may hold a meeting of the personnel at theirplace ofwork. . . during one working

he State comes up once again in the program

)e for "the appearance of newforms ofpower"so <y be transformed"(Fifteen Theses," p. 19). iction in the attributes of the central power"

ly on the government . . . should be transferred to

he greatest possible responsibility should be returned 'Fifteen Theses," p. 22). rganizations) will receive some of the pOwers 'Fifteen Theses," p. 22).

Theses," p. 14) during which the workers will little by little take over the enterprises that are still left in the private sector. This will be done by gradually increasing the power and importance of the "comites

•

• y in the self-managing enterprise: acy isfounded upon an authority delegated by, and

hour per month" (jhid., p. 53). During this "period of transition to socialism" the State will intervene especially to ensure, through laws, the continuity of the process: — ' 'For socialists, it is an essential responsibility of the State to intervene by law in order tofight every legal aspect of labor relations that weakens either the individual's job security or the collective organization of workers in the com/>a«y" (Program, p. 227) In this stage of the process, the State will impose a series of measuresL supposedly favoring the workers, such as: — ' 'Contracts of indefinite duration which will be the basis of normal labor relations'' (Program,

P-227). .

— Prohibition of "enterprises based on temporary employment (Program, p. 227). — "Union of the worker community . . . facir^ the holders of capital" (Program, p. 227). — Prohibition of "every partial or total closure of an enterprise by the employer as a means of

■nts may recreate, at least partially, the relationship have openly verified this after more than 20years of

r exercised autonomously through joint production

pressure or sanction ("Common Program — Proposals for Updating," pp. 52-53). — Prohibition of "raort/in^, in files . . . non-professional information, data or evaluations that might be harmful to the worker" (ibid., p. 53). — Right of veto over ' 'decisions to hire andfire and decisions concerning the organization of work, and the company's training program" (Program, p. 242). — Right of' 'control over all company expenses related to salaries, social security, budgetfor training program, housing assistance, etc. "(Program, p. 242). — Technological innovations must not be an occasion to fire a worker but rather to

irevent the reestablishment of hierarchy: ("Fifteen Theses," p. 10). is decided by and made known to everyone: licy of the company, its investments, its organization II employees, and their decisions will be enforced by 39). ree access of workers' representatives and of experts he sources of information in the company . . . The

part ofpower. It must be torn

shorten his workday: "Technologicalprogress will be imposed in France only with the workers, not against them. Th^ must be its beneficiaries and not its victims" (Program, p. 174).

" (Program,

— "Firing will no longer be a right of the employer left to his own discretion. For this end, the law will reestablish a requirement of requesting prior authorization in all casesfrom the labor inspector, under pain of civil and criminal penalties" ("Common Program — Proposals for Updating," p. 51).

i complete subordination of specialists and 1 which the decisive majorities are normally /elopment.

will not, however, be effected immediately.

randiose task [of transforming society], it [the SP] the savage liberation of all desires — 'everything, nent and generalized trance' — and even less, of Her deviate energy and willsfrom the goals of social

nderstand the real" ("Declaration of General forms will be slow, but our determination is great"

alism itial period of transition to socialism" ("Fifteen

VIII — The Final Goal: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity •

The self-managing society is a radical fulfillment of the motto of the French Revolution, "liberti, egaliti, fratemite":

— "There is no liberty but that of socialism" (Program, p. 10). — "Self-management, extended to the whole of society, means the end of exploitation, the disappearance ofantagonistic classes, real democracy" (Documentation Socialiste, no. 5, p. 57). — "Self-management is democracy generalized at all levels-, it is democracy achieved through and in wcia/wm"(ibid., p. 57).

I If you own a business, if you are part of upper, middle or lower level management, or if you are an experienced and sensible worker, we ask you: Do you believe that such a system of self-management can work? To answer this question, imagine your company reorganized tomorrow according to this blueprint. Would it work?

Crusade 17

In current language, state property is distinct from private property.-® There

fore, from a certain standpoint the self-

distinctfrom that of a nationalized enter

prise.

vate), but not belonging to any individual either, for in a general way the owner's

managing enterprise can be considered

The Program calls the self-managing

attributes will be transferred to the

enterprise "socialized," that is, not

private,for its relationship to the State is

belonging to the State (therefore pri

workers'assembly. Will, then, private property survive

Sedis, Typographia Polyglotta S.C. de

individual owning it in a position to

NOTES lion"("Common Program — Proposals for Updating," pp. 31-32).

29. According to the traditional doctrine of the Church, the right of property is a consequence of the natural

order created by God. Animals, plants and minerals exist for the use or men.

Every man has then, by virtue of the human condition itself, tne right to sub

mit any of those goods to his dominion.

This is appropriation. Appropriation has something exclusive about it in the sense

that a good that has been appropriated cannot be used by another who is not its owner. In his Encyclical Quadragesimo Anno of May 15,1931, Pius xi states:

"The original acquisition ofproperty

takes place by first occupation and liy

industry, or, as it is called, specification. This is the universal teaching oftradition and the doctrine of Our Predecessor, despite unreasonable assertions to the

contrary, and no wrong is done to any

Propaganda Fide, Rome, 1890-1891, vol. XXIII, p.642.

Finally, property may also be acquired by succession. Children, who are the continuation of their parents, naturally inherit their goods. Regarding this family-related character of prop erty, Leo XIII affirms in the Encyclical Rerum Novannn:

dominate the State itself.

The remaining goods belong to the

Srivate domain, and not to the public

omain. A private proprietor maybe an individual, a group, or an association of

individual owners.

Naturally, this doctrine and this ter

minology, which exist implicitly or explicitly in current language, are not

we have shown to be llestowed on individ

those of the Program. The Program does not affirm the

ual persons by nature, must be assigned to

natural right of property given by God to

man in his capacity as head ofajamily. Nay rather, this right is all the stronger, since the human person in family life

erty of social groups, transforming each

"Thus, the right of ownership, which

embraces much more.

man.It hypertrophies the collective prop of them into a totalitarian mini-state in relation to its members; and it calls self-

"It is a most sacred law oj'nature that

managed property private, even though

thefatherofafamily see that hisojfspring are provided with all the necessities of

this be institutea — to a large degree imposed — and even regulated by the

life, and nature even prompts him to

State as it wishes.

desire to provide and to Jurnish his

children, who, in fact rejlect and in a certain sense continue his person, with

In mid September,just as the writing of this Message was coming to an end, the Encyclical Laborem Exercens of John

man by the occupation ofgoods which arc unclaimed and oelong to nobody. The only

the means ofdecently protecting themsel

form of labor, however, which gives tfie

other way than by owning JruitJuI goods

media of the West gave it widespread

to transmit by inheritance to his chil

and favorable coverage.

working man a title to its fruits is that which a man exercises as his own ma.ster,

and by which some newform or new value is produced" (Ada Apostolicae Sedis, TypisPolyglottis Vaticanis, Rome, 1931, vol. XXIII, p. 194).

Property also derives from work. Being by nature his own master, man is

ves against harsh Jortune in the uncer tainties oflife. He ca n do th is su rely in no

dren"(Acta Sanctae Sedis vol. XXIII, p. 646).

Property,like every right, has a social

his radio message ofSeptember 14.19.52.

stances allowed news reports about the according to John Paul II:

tion for the service that he renders.

emphatically champions the right of the

the fruit of his work belongs to him. This

individual to own property. Herein aiso

what Leo Xlii teaches in riis Encyclical RerumNovanim of May 15, 1891: "Clearly the es,sential reason why those who engage in any gainfid occupa

lie the deeper motives why the Pontil'fs of the social encyclicals, and also We'Ouf-

tion undertake labor, and at the same time the end to which workers immedi

ately look, is to procure property for thpnselves and to retain it by individual right as theirs and as their very own.

selves, have declined to deduce, directly or

indirectly, from the labor contract the right ofthe employee to participate in the oumership of the operating capital, and its corollary, the right of the worker to

participate in decisions concerning oper ations ofthe plant(Mitbestimmung). This

When the worker places his energy and

had to be denied because behind this

his labor at the disposal of another, he

Question there stands that greater prob

does so for the purpose of getting the

lem — the right of the individual and of

means necessaryfor tivelihooa. In return

thefamily to own properly, which stem's

for the work done, he accordingly seeks a

immediatelyfrom the human person. It is

true andfull right not only to demand his

a right of personal dignity; a right, to be sure, accompanied by social obligations; a right, however, not merely a social function"(Discorsi e Radiomessaggi di Sua Santitd Pio XII, vol. XIV, p. 314, English text from The Catholic Mind.

wage but to dispose of it as he sees Jit. Therefore, if he saves something by restricting expenditures and invests his

savings in a piece ofland in order to keep thefruit ofhis thrift more safe, a holding

ofthis kind is certainly nothing else than his wage under a different form; and on this account land which the worker thus

buys is necessarily under hisfull control as much as the wage which he earned by his labor. But, as is obvious, it is clearly in this that the oumership of movable and

immovable goods con.sisis. Therefor-e. inasmuch as the Socialists seek to trans

fer the goods of private persons to the

community at large, they make the lot of all wage-earners worse, because in abol ishing the freedom to dispose of wages

they take aivayfrom them by this'ver'y act the hope and the opportunity of increas

ing their property and of.securing advan tages for themselves" (Acta Sanctae 18 Crusade

doctrinal and practical implications are laid out.

Thus, what he acquires individually with

quently, he is entitled to ask a remunera

The Encyclical undoubtedly contains new teachings, not all of whose ultimate

function, but it is not limited to its social function. This is what Pu s xii teaches in

to the Katholikentag of Vienna: "It is for this reason that Catholie social teaching, besides other things, so

also the master of his work. Conse

Paul II was published. The principal

Jan. 1953).

From this standpoint, public property is distinguished from private property. The former normally consists of the goods that the State has for accomplish ing its mission. Without exceeding its

specific function, the State also may possess and administer some thing for the common good, as for example, when

More often than not. these circum

document to spread the impression that

a) It is not an imperative of the nature of things that private property (and therefore non-state property) be usually owned by an individual; b) In principle(and notably in modern

conditions of economic life), it is legiti mate and even preferable that the right of property be normally exercised by groups of persons instead of individual

proprietors, thus better fulfilling its social function. This would

the

"socialization" of property.

If one were to accept this understand

ing of John Paul II's document, the necessary conclusions would be:

a) that this "socialization" sharply contrasts with the above-cited pr

of the traditional Papal Magisi which teaches that private properl\ i - a logical consequence of the personal nat ure of man and the natural order of

things; . b)that the socialized regime advo

cated by the French SP finds important support in Laborem Exercens. It would be painful for any zealous

Catholic to shoulder the responsibility

for these affirmations regarding the Encyclical ofJohn Paul II. for they would haye incalculable consequences in the religious and socio-economic spheres.

Indeed, if one were to admit such opposition between the recent pontifical

it takes over the exploitation of an

document and the traditional documents

underground resource in order to lessen the taxes born by the citizen with the profits derived from it. But this must be

of the Supreme Magisterium of the

done only in a limited way and in special circumstances. The State may also do

this in relation to a certain type of wealth which of its nature woula place the

Church, the theological, moral and canonical consequences would be innu merable.

As Chapter II of this Message shows, the French SP affirms the logical connec tion between the self-managing reform

maintains its individual character amidst

his own parents, who probably will also

a wholly socialized system. Hence it

be strangers to each other since their union was unstable? These questions make it quite clear how property, even

under the socialist regime? As far as large enterprises are concerned, for a very short time, the Program answers. Medium and small-sized enterprises will

gradualism will be the complete extinc

continue somewhat longer,depending on

tion of all private property

the circumstances.'"'

Indeed, the Program's gradualist strategy rejects the immediate extinc tion of all private properties but provides

What determines what a small,

medium, and large business enterprise is? We have notions about this matter based on common sense and in accord ance with mental habits formed in the

follows "that the end result of socialist

society does not fit these mental habits; it

will generate other habits. So. the "size"

latter two will be moribund categories.

of an enterprise will be determined by

"gradually" pare down the amount of

Who can say. considering the logic of its iron-fisted egalitarianism. that the selfmanaging State does not intend to elimi

property a person may own."^' Within a lew years enterprises now considered

away with medium-sized and large ones?

the law, and the State will be able to

medium-sized will have to bear the

nate small properties after it has done Furthermore, how can the worker in a

severe taxation now imposed on large enterprises, and enterprises now consid

self-managing regime rise to proprietor

ered small will be deemed medium-sized.

of his earnings after providing for his

As a result, the number of small private properties (now faviired in the fiscal

subsistence? How many years of work

plan) will be ever more limited.

property for only a few years? Is he going

Of course, considered in the overall

vives only as long as gradualistic tactics reiiuire;'-'

for stages leading to tlieir gradual extinc tion. According to the Program, the selfmanaging regime will temporarily permit small, medium-sized and even large properties, but. to say the least, the

present order of things. But the new

though it be small, is really extraneous to the self-managing world, where it sur

ship by accumulating only what remains will that take? And all this to enjoy his

to leave it to the offspring of one of his

12, RuralProperty in the Socialist

Program The Program is apjiarem much more in its goals than in the stage.-^ it allows or tolerates out of strategic necessity. In this perspective, how does rural property — that is. the small family-sized property — stand in a society molded by

the SP? This question presupposes the previous elimination of large and medium-sized properties. Both the Program and the Declaration

of the Government's General Policy made by Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy are vague and ambiguous on thi.s point.

context of the Program, private property

unions, a child handed over in earliest

appears contratlictory even when

infancy to the State which alone molded

The Program jtroposes measures that

reduced to meager proportions, for it

his mentality and made him a.stranger to

at first seem to bo inspired tw common

NOTES of business that it advocates, and the

reform of the economy in general, of education, of the family, and of man himself. For the French socialists these

multiple reforms are nothing more than aspects of one single glohai reform.

And right they are; nhijftxii m invocdt" — "Der/i cills u'nfo ticfji'(Ps. 41:8). One does not see how a Roman Pontiff could ()[)en the flood gates to the self-management advocated by French

socialism and thus implicitly or explicitly support this global reiorm,

30. "Thr ••ior/o/ishsyiircr the iirinciple nj n'lciiiliz'ili")! »f the menna nf

production in oil sectors irhcrc the socin}izatiov of productive forces Inis otreodij become a reality. On the other hand. Ihi.s

John Paul II greeted

means that small and medium-sized pri vate enterprises irill continue to exist, though eerlainly in a profaundty modi fied context, and with nor ahligaliiDis"

"(Program, p. 153-1.54).

31. According to the socialists, one of the goals of "democratic plan ning" is to determine "hoic and to what degree the reduction of ine(iualilips is brought alxiul"("Fifteen Theses." p. 15). In other words, the government's Plans,

to be elaborated on uie national, regional and local levels, will already aim at

gradualistic levelling.

32. This affirmation does not include a worker's ownership of his tools (an artisan's, for example), or of durable

objects he has actjuired with his earnings. But for the worker's eventual heirs, this modest individual patrimony will be of

smiling

Marchals.

fortunes, but greatly reduced [taxesl o»

ety. And socialism il.self began its march

small bequests in direct line innerilance.

in the most advanced (•iii)italist vonnlrivs onlyin theiniddleoflhclnsi century. . .

permitting the transmission of the . . . family home . . . farm or shop" (Pro gram. p. 154).

"One may consider that the mainte nance ofprirate property is a response to

certain needs — especially psychological ones — for security.,

33. "There can he no self-

"But we aim also at progrcssircly

management in a capifali.sl regime: a

developing other praeliees (leasing land

prirate enterprise cannot he self-

to the tillers. nuta)nalir readjustment of

managed" {Documentation Socialiste),

the ralue of sacings according to thr injlalion rate, developing rental housing,

no. 5. p. 57).

Believe me, before long our decendanls will regard private ownership of the key means [of production] of the national economy as a curiosity as out of place as the feudal regime now appears to us"(Statement of socialist

encouraging family tourism to the coun

tryside. etc.)"(Program, pp. 153-1.54),

"TheSocialist Party not only docs not

question the right ofcrery one hi possess

his own durable goods acquired by. or useful to. bis work, but it guarantees him

the exercise [of that rightj. In turn, it

deputy Jkan PoI'KRKN, "Debates on the Declaration of Genera! Policy," p. 77).

proposes to progrcssircly replace capital

little or no importance when one con siders the limitations that the Program

"Is this to .say that ur rcjnidiate

ist property with socihl property tlnit

private property^ By no means. We know

imposes on inheritances. "The question of inheritance . . . will

may take many diffrrnilforms,for irhosi management the workers must premur them.selres" (Statutes of the Party, Dec

be treated in the same spirit: strongly

very well that oneform ofsociety diws not replace another in one day or even in one generation. It took capitalism centuries

laration of Principles, in Dornmc'niotioo

progressive (inheritance taxes] on large

to emerge from the bosom offeudal .soci

Socialiste. supplement to no. 2. p. 48). Crusade 19

sense and a desire to protect the farmer: increased productivity, organized mar kets, restoration of the farmer's status

and Che guarantee of his land. The sole exception is a price-protection system

for agricultural products which will almost certainly benefit only the small producers. Let the other producers, tol erated out of gradualism,survive as they can. or wither.

What do the rights of the small land owner amount to? The principal element of the socialist propositions is the crea tion of land offices which, among other

things, will organize the markets and be "in charge of ensuring a better distribu tion and utilization oftliesoil." Furthermore, these land offices will be

elements of a collective self-management

of all arable land by both small land owners and consumers. This would con

tinuously subject the small property to divisions, changes in size, or amalgama tions in a situation of permanent land

reform under dictatorially regulated prices for agricultural products;^' When one considers what the Program

as a whole lays down for the selfmanaging society, some questions come to mind: What is the essence of its

does it say about religion? This is what

The self-management of rural property will lead to permanent agrarian reform through "land offices," which will also dictate

we will see now.

prices for farm products.

inspiration? Is it really liberal? What

The

huge

aeronautical

firm Dassault, builder of the

Mirage fighter jet, has also been affected

by nationaliza tion

help

with the

its

owner, Marcel

Dassault, who handed over 26% of his

company's shares to the Government.

NOTES

34. "Tenure and guarantee of the land. —/I'i instruincnl(firark. hunl will be pratccted ago in.'it real estate spera-

iation by .setting in operation a palinj based on the creation of land ojfice.-< charged with ensuring belter di.striSiilion and utilization of the soil. It icill also he protected agaitisl overuse. e.chaustion resultingfro7n intensirecullivalion. and

the abuse oftechniques hai-mful to nature

•I'❖

❖ *l» *1''1**1*•%*"l* -l*

-I* -I*

"Mtinaged by 7-epresentatives of the fair77iers.fa ymnvorkers and the local co7n-

7ieither

collectiris7n

nor

consti-nint.

assu77U'especially the followingfiuictions:

There can be no good land policy but one which is discussed, agi'eed upon, and accepted by lhcdijfc)-eni pindies involved.

They. . . will i)iterrene in renting

fa7')7ie7's. local co)n7nunities. and the

munities, [the land offices] .. . udll pi'ocedures. . .

"— They will have a pe7nnanenl p7-eemptive right (to buy] all la7id for sale. The lands so acquired 77iay be either resold or leased to farmiers who need

(id/7iinistralion.

"It is therefore thejinnners tluanselves

who ivill (id7ninister the 7-egio7iol offices a7id coo7'di7iatc land policy, discuss if together. a7id 77iakc decisions rega/'ding

and the environment"(Progr-dm. p. 208).

them"("Four une agriculture avec les

thedi.stribulion and zoning ofla. d desir

"The market irill be organized under

socialistes" in Les cahiers de Docu7nenta-

able to maintain an active agricultio-al

offices. These will ensure fartners a just

tionSocialiste, no. 2, April 1981, p. 20) Mitterrand describes the functioning

remuneration for their luork thanks to

guaranteed prices, taking into account production costs within the limits of a

of these land offices as follows;

quantum"(Program, p. 206).

to believe, these offices will establish

20 Crusade

"Co7itrai'y to what some want people

popuhilion and a niaxiniu/n [number] of installations" (apud Fk.a\{'ol< MittIlR R.ASh — L'homme. les idees. Ic pivQ)-amme. by M.anckron and B. Pinuai i\

Flammarion. Paris. 1981, pp. 107-108).

III. The doctrinal core of the

Socialist Program: secularism **liberte, egalite, fraternite'' 1. The Rights of

firmed. Indeed, if llln'rlii means having

Man in the

consequently doing anything one wishes

Self-Managing Society: to Become

Informed, Dialogue and Vote

nothing and no one above oneself, and — for this is the radical and anarchical

sense of the term — the self-managing citizen is only apparently free. But at no moment of his life will he he really free.

The self-managing citizen will inid the

mittees and other agencies of society until it finally roaches the State — that is. until self-management heads for the final

realm of his purely individual choices, in which he manifests the unique and

tion of its powers to small, antonomous

unmistakable character of his personal

communities.-^'' The worker could envi

ity, ever more restricted. Both at work

sion the power structure in the shape of a diamond. At one end is his own company, in which he is a speaking and voting

and at leisure he will he free to become

We have a!re<uiy seen that the SF plans

informed, to dialogue and to vote. But

to educate the citizen from the cradle to

decisions will xnritiiilh/ he nnulc hi/ the

the grave, molding his soul at work ami

vimniunitij. His freedom will he limited

leisure, in culture and ai't, and intluenc-

ing even the arrangement of his own

to saying what he wishes in public debutes and to voting as he likes. As a

home. How will itiis affect individual

voter, he is free to choose names and cast

freedom?

his ballot in the decision-making assem

At this point what was said in the

mechanism comprising business and nonbusiness self-managing groups. The real power structure in the selfmanaging society starts out from the assemblies, moves up through the com

beginning about the relationship

blies. As an individual, he is pushed by the Program to the very limits of iiori-

between lUwrtii and in ihe trllog\- of the French Revolution is con

helng;"''This is not done directly by the State, hut rather by a social fabric or

dissolution of the State and the distribu

molecule. At the opposite end is the

Slate. But the State would he at the top of the diamond and the workers" assem

bly at the bottom.

We are not suggesting here that seJfmanagement. once established, would he a mere facade behind which the State

would manipulate everything. That could happen. But we are not <liscussing. the deformations that a self-managed soci-

3111

Mitterrand with fellow socialists on inauguration day. On his right, Prime Minister Mauroy: extreme leftis Willv Brandt, president of the Socialist International.

NOTES

35. 'dill' nf Ihr jiiiniilnliniis of the

as well: Ihe ejdsleiicr ofcoiiimunily inter-

'iijxitinti <ij sinull siiriiil groups tnulcouso-

esl must definitely he translated into a procedure. This is why the sncinli.sis . . ,

■si-ll-iiiaiKiijiiiii s'irialisi siirii'fi/ is tlw I'cc-

ijUPiitly oj rolh-rlire iutpri'sts ri'.rxj close to Ihe iiiiliriilu'il 'itid eiisy to gmsp Ijhmily.

shop, school class, associalioii. iieighhor-

hood. etc.). Decisions must he inane here

aflirnt that in Ihe last resort legiliinacy can only be derired. tomorrow a.s tudaf

from universal suffrage. Common good and deniorraey are not at war with each

other. Theeoiiimongood siinpltiraiiiiot he defined ereept by dewormci/" (Program

p. 131).

36. Just like the French socialists,

the communi.sts have the selfmanagement of society as their final Crusade 21

ety could suffer once established. We are

only considering what the genuine social ist mirage would be if applied in its entirety. So, it would be consistent with the

Program to suppose that: a)Once the self-managing society is established, the powers of the State will "gradualistically" wither; b)But in establishing it by law, the State is omnipotent. As long as the law serves as the foundation and rule of that

society, it will live by virtue of the omnipotence of that act which organized and established it. And at least as long as the State exists, it may at any time abrogate or expand this act as it wishes; c)In the societies of the West, the State does not exercise such ample powers.Countries in both East and West

have generally adopted the principle of the sovereignty of universal suffrage. But in the West this sovereignty is selfrestrained by the recognition of greater or lesser individual liberties. In the East

the principle of government by the peo ple has no practical value, and it is clear that it will have none in the self-manag

ing society, where the liberty of the individual is restricted to speaking and voting in the assemblies. The State decides everything in a selfmanaging society. It annihilates the fam ily and supplants it. It allots to the

self-managing molecules the tatters of rights that will remain for them in society. It has unlimited power to legis late on all self-managing undertakings, whether they be businesses, schools, or what have you. It teaches. It forms. It levels. It fills one's leisure time. In short, it installs itself in the mind of the individual. All that is left to him is his

condition as a robot whose only signs of life are becoming informed, dialoging, and voting. This trilogy would be the

concrete implementation of the other: "Liberty,Equality,Fraternity."

every letter of the Program is laicist. There is no thought of God in it. For it, the source of all rights is not God but man, society. The Program entirely ignores the next life, Revelation, and the

Church as the Mystical Body of Christ.^" b)Religion, or rather, religions — as far as the Program is concerned, since it does not recognize the supernatural character of any of them — are merely social realities which have always existed and still exist. They are realities extrin sic to the self-managing society that clash head-on with its laicism.

In a word, the self-managing society

This leads one to foresee that the self-

has its own morality and its own philoso-

phy,3' which the robotized worker will

managing society, which tends to destroy everything extrinsic and contra

inhale even in the air he breathes.

dictory to it, will work to extinguish

2. Religion and religions in the Program The self-managing society does not confine itself to eliminating or restrict

religions "gradualistically." True, the Program guarantees free dom of worship. But this freedom is restricted to a bare minimum in a world

opposed to the Church in everything that society conceives and implements regarding the economy, social organiza

ing the individual's liberties but, as we

tion, political totalitarianism, perpetua tion ofthe human species,the family,and

have seen, it even seeks to form his very

even man himself.39

conscience.

These considerations naturally prompt

The Program implies such a global

vision of society that it necessarily pre

one to ascertain to what extent the

supposes — although not explicitly — a

Program mutilates the rights of Reli

global vision of the Universe. For the Universe is, in a certain way,the context of society. A global, laicist and self-

gion:

a)One could say that every word.

NOTES goal. In the preamble of the Russian Constitution one reads: "The supreme objective ofthe Soviet State is the buildina

ofa communist classless society in which communist social self management will

develop" {Constitiicion — Ley Funda mental de la Union de Republicas

turn, the strengthening of political

power. Hence there is no opposition between solicitude to strengthen the Socialist State and the perspectives ofits extinction; they are two sides ofthe same coin.

Socialistas Sovieticas, October 7, 1977,

"From the standpoint of dialectics, the problem ofthe extinction oftheState is

Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1980, p. 5).

the problem ofthe transformation, from

There is, therefore, no doctrinal dis

the socialist State, into the communist

crepancy between communists and socialists on this point. A discrepancy

self-management of society. Some social functions analogous to those tioiv

appears only in their conceptions of the

fulfilled by the State mil subsist under

dis^pearance of the State.

communism. But their character and

TTie Institute of Philosophy of Soviet

their application ivill not be the .same as

Russia's Acaderm' of Sciences defines

they are in the current stage of develop

the role of the State in the period of transition to self-managing society as

ment.

follows:

1) the disappearance of the necessity of

"The development of sociali.st democ racy strengthens the power of the State and at the same time oaves the wayfor its

state coercion and ofthe organs applying

extinction along with a step to a social regime in which society may be run without the needfor a political apparatus

"The extinction of the State means:

it;2) the transformation ofthe organiza tional, economic and educational-

cultural functions now fidfilled by the State into socialfunctions;;i) the integra tion of all citizens into the running of

or state coercion. ...

public affairs and the disappearance of

"Now then, to call for a more rapid disappearance ofthe State on the pretext

the needfor public agencies. "When all traces of the division of

of fighting bureaucratism and to proclaim. at the same time, the need to renounce state power amounts, in the

(present] conditions of socialism while the capitalist world.still exists(and what is even more grave, during the period of

transition to socialism), tddisarming the workers in theface oftheir class enemy. "The process of the extinction of the

State cannot be accelerated by any kind of artificial measures. The Stale will not be

abolished by anyone, rather it will gradu ally fade away when political power cea.ses to be necessarj). This will be

possible when the socialist Statefulfills its historical mission, but it requires, in 22 Crusade

37. "One does not adJiere to social ism without a certain view of man, of what he wants, ofwhat he is able to do, of ivhat he must do, of his rights and of his rrccessi7ie.s"(Program, p. 10).

society into cla.sses have been erased, when communism has definitively tri

umphed, and when the forces of the old world opposed to communism leave the scene, the necessityfor the State will also

disappear. Society will no longer need special contingents of armed men to guarantee social order and discipline. Then, as Engels has said, the State

38. "The Socialist Party does not aim at self-gratification or at bearing witness to the beyond but rather at

transforming the structures of society" (Program, p. 33). "The explanation ofsociety . . . is one

thing, the ultimate destiny of man is anomer," the Program affirms, as if

anything could be explained without considering its end. But, under the guise of consolation,

the program slickly adds, "to the degree that

clericalism

erased, anti-

clericalism loses its ju.stificatioii Thin is

an enrichment oflaicism and a / acquisition of the socialist strugg

< r

the last few years"(Program, p. 29). In fact, more than clericmism, it is the

clergy and the Church that are thus "erased"in the Prog^ram.

39. Catholics are frequently more sensitive to transgressions of the Law of God having to do with the institution of the family than to those respecting the

institution of private property. So it is

possible that some Catholic reader more or less complacent with the idea of selfmanagement in business will try to

imagine an application of the Program

machinery can be put into the museum of

antiguilies with the spinning-wheel anil

strictly limited to that field without touching the individual, the family, or

the bronze ax" (INSTITI'TE of Philoso

education. But this would be an illusion,

PHY. Academy of Scie.nce of the USSR, Fundamentos de la Filosqfia Marxista, F. V. Konstantinov, Editorial Grijalbo, Mexico, 2nd, ed., 1965, pp. 538-539.

family and property makes such a sepa ration impossible. The mere reading of

because the natural correlation between

this work makes it clear that business

sufficient society corresponds to an anal

ral order(such as the distinction between

warning about the country's peril in

ogously global, laicist and self-sufficient

the mission of men and women, the

universe,

family, marital authority, patria poles-

elections capable of bringing the mentors and leaders of the SP to power and

las, as well as the principle of authority

threatening the Church and the still

at all levels and in all fields, private

living remnants of Christendom. Indeed,

property and the right of inheritance). The Program, warring against the work

(February 10 and June 1. 1981), the

of the Creator, aims at reconstructing a

Standing Committee of the French Epis copate expressed its neutrality toward

human society diametrically opposed to the God-given nature of man.

in the two statements that it released

all candidates, affirmed that it did not

"wish lo influence the personal deci sions" of French Catholics, and made an

appeal for the electoral campaign to take place in a climate of "respectfor men and

groups, including adrersaries" (State ment of February 10, 1981);''' In their statement of June 1, entitled

"On the Occasion of the Parliamentary

Elections." the bishops pointed out that Lech Walesa

In turn,avision of the Universe implies either an affirmation or a denial of God. a

denial perfectly real even though expressed by silence.-'" The Program is therefore "a-theist." without God, athe ist.

It is licit to ask whether or not the

Program's silence about God is merely a "gradualist" stage leading to some kind of a plausibly evolutionist pantheism. This reference to a possible pantheism is made because the Program attributes a kind of redemptive function to society

Mitterrand: the French Walesa?

All of this presupposes that nature, which the SP holds to be indefinitely

his very condition as an individual puts him. It is the path to the solution of all problems." The reference to evolutionism is. in

turn, related to the arbitrary, anti-natu

.• I

malleable, can be molded by man as he wishes. This is suggestive of evolution ism.

as a whole. There the individual is

rescued from the shipwreck into which

I f? A. Who will be the American

3, The A ttitude of the French

Walesa?

^iscopate Toward the SP

"it is proper to a democratic soclcij/" to

reformism, and even more closely

In view of all this, we as Catholics

related to the fundamental relativism

that it holds;'- On the basis of very

cannot fail to express our astonishment — an astonishment that will be shared by

choose between "opposing" projects and programs. Thus, the Catholic Church was presenting "her own reflections on the near future of our sucietg .. . not to

obscure philosophical concepts with

all nations until the end of time once the

support a group or to oppose fniyniie. hut

whose influence it is nevertheless thor

present confusion in people's minds is

lodraivat'tention totheessential ralucsof

oughly permeated, the Program denies

dispelled — that the French Bishops'

the personal and communitarian li fe "j

most fundamental principles of the natu-

Conference uttered not a single word of

men." In so doing, the bishops wanted to

truth. With others it is their exaggerated

implies rcclificalion and even cniitinuou.-rrcon.struction of reality ros ire it.

ral and artificial character of socialist

NOTES self-management as described in the Program is inseparable from its philo sophical and moral foundations. Once

accepted, these conceptions necessarily affect all the aspects oi human life.

idea of yuan that causes their faith to

kyiou'ledge can never be said lo hare been

layiguish; they are yyiure prone, it would seem, to affirm ynan than lo deny God.. . .

attained ayid must conslanllu be ques

There are also those who yiever enquire

tioned"(Program, pp. ISG-lSt).

40# The Pastoral Constitution

about God; religion yiever seeins to trouble or infere.sf them at all. nor do they see why the}/ should bother aboyit it"(apud Vaty-

Gaudium et Spes contains a quite syn

cayi Council II. The Conciliar ayid Post-

trality toward the elections was emphati

thetic description of modern atheism

Cone iliar Documents, Scholarly

with various nuances. From this stand

Resources. Inc., Wilmington, Del. 1975, pp. 918-919).

cally reaffirmed by Msgr. Jean-Marie Lustiger, the new Archbishop of Paris, when speaking about an open letter addressed to Rim. In this letter, pub

41, "To our understanding, collec tive is synoyiymous with grayideur,

lished in AciV/o«dc(May lOand 11,1981), a Catholic Action organization (the JEC — Catholic Student Youth)asked him to

beayity. profunaity and the joy ofliving"

confirm or deny reports that he suppos

point. it is useful to q^uote it here: "The word atheism is used to .signify things

that differ considerably from one another.'Some people expressly deny the existence of God. Others maintain that man cannot make any assertion whatso ever about him. Still others admit only

(Program, p. 157).

miestions about God. Many, trespassiyig

heyond the houndari-es of the positive .sciences, either contend that everything can be explained by the reasoning proce.s.s used in such scieyices, or, on the contray~y, hold that there is no such thing as absolute

edly had taken a personal position in

favor of the outgoing president. In his

such methods of inuesliyation as would, make it seem quite mea.niyigless to ask

43. Thi.s position of evasive neu

42. "The whole movemeyit of sci encefits iyito a peymianeyit queslioyiing of the postulates of the preceding phase ' (Program, p. 135). "In our view there could be no knowl

edge constituted once andfor all. Since it

statement, the Archbishop expressed

shock at the report, which he formally denied, and affirmed his agreement with

the position expressed by the Episcopate as a whole on February 10(cf. La Croix. 5/12/81). In the context of these declarations, Crusade 23

contribute "to fhe dign ity and generosity ofthedebate."'^'^

This attitude of the bishops is consist ent with the document "For a Christian

Practice of Politics." which they

approved almost unanimously in

Lourdes in 1972(cf. "Politique. Eglise et Foi" \nLe Centurion. Louraes, 1972. pp. 75-110). In this document the prelates state that "French Cntholics today cnn be

found through the icholcjhn of Ike (toliticai chessboard [sic]"(op. cit.. p. 80). That

is to say. in the SP and CP as well. In face of this monumental fact, the bishops

merely affirm the legitimacy of pluralism and comment with obvious sympathy on the commitment of "numerous Chris

tians" to the "roilectire morement of liberation" animated by Marxistinspired class struggle, which they do not condemn clearly.'^'

In view of these precedents, the fact — astonishing in itself — that for ten years now socialist doctrine has been penetrat

ing with impunity into the fold entrusted by the Holy Ghost to the zeal and

vigilance of the French Shepherds, is no

longer a matter of great surprise. Now. the votes of Catholics who have strayed

\ X - S"

into the ranks of the socialist electorate

contributed considerably to the victory of self-management in the recent elec tions.-"'

Considering these facts -- and there

are so many more in today's world — one

better undersiamlshow true it is that the

Holy Church finds Herself, as Paul \'I noted, in a mysterious process of "self destrnrti'Dd'(Allocution of 12/7/(i8) and

penetrated by tiie "snmkv if Sulan" (.■\llocution of (>/2t»/72).

Freedom of worship? — Perhaps, but only In churches laid waste by a secularism and abandonment. With State "education" beginning at age two

NOTES

and the family equated with concubinage, who will fill the Immense cathedrals?

some

vague

promises

of combative

action made by Msgr. Jean Honors.

are or perceire themselves to be solidary

in their daily lives. The bishops of the

ques Internnlianales{no. 563. June 1981)

affirms: "Everyone agirv.'C one-fourth of those considered to bv practicing Catho lics are infavor ofMitterrand, and Ihree-

Bishop of Evreux and President of the Episcopal Commission for the Educa

Commission of the Workers

tional World, appear rather inadequate.

working document iyi which (hey inform us about (hefirst phase of their conversa

fourthsareforOiseard . . . The fact that

tions with workers who have opted for socia/ism "(op, oil., p. 88). "Today, a new fact has come to the

for Mitterrand is of decisive political

He said that the Catholic school is not the

"oriority of priorities" for the Church.

Trie bishops wish to reserve their words "for the day udien (he Catholic school will

h'e in danger" {Informations Calholigucs Intey-nalionales, no. 563, June 1981.

World,

among others, hare expressed this in Ike

fore. Christians in diverse milieux — bluccollar workers, farm workers, iyitellectuals — are expressing their experi

44. For the sake of brevity, the full

ence with a vocabulary of 'class

text of the statements of the French

"Obviously, this analysis in terms

bishops on the recent presidential and

struggle'. . .

one out of four of those Catholics voted

importance. Many more than a million

votes went to swell the camp of th. I, it. Now. . .. if only half ofthese ( alhoi votedfor the outgoing president. ii

have been enough to reeled him. Fran^ tns

Mitterrand owes his success to. among

other causes, the movement that led

part of the Catholics to the left. "

parliamentary elections is not repro duced here. A leaflet reproducing their

militants to define with more precision

Note that the magazine singles (uit only the "practicing Catliolics." One

complete text, transcribed from La Doc

and inequality. U'c must also note that,

practicing Catholics wlm consider them

umentation Calholiguc, no. 1803, 3/1/81, p, 248 and from Le Monde, 6/3/81, respectively, with an English transla tion, is available for $1.00 postpaid from the American TFP, P.O. Box 121, Pleasantville, New York 10570.

of 'class struggle' has helped many

the structural mechanisms of injustice to a greater or lesser degree, they do

this taking as a reference point ele

ments of tne Marxist analysis of class struggle.

' 'A n ejfort ofI ucid ity andd iscern men t is required so that their anibilion of achieving a more Just and fraternal

45. In this document, the French

society not be degraded along'the wag. and so that all along the wag it may

makes us witnesses to the evangelical

benefit from positive impulses derived

bishops state: "Our pastoral ministry imperative that animates numerous Christians in all .social milieux, and to

the hope which moves them os they participate in the collective movement

of liberation, with those with whom they

24 Crusade

from the evangelical meaning of man" (op. cit. p. 89).

46. The well-known progressivist

Catholic magazine Informations Calboli-

should ask how many baptized but non-

selves

Catholics

could

have

been

influenced by a firm and enlightening

word from the bishops and thus have refused to vote for the socialist candi date.

In pointing out the reasons for Mitter rand's victory, prestigious organs of the

press, whose testimony in this matter is not suspect, comment that the most

significant advance of the left took place in the Catholic provinces of Western, Eastern, and Central France (cf. La Croix, semi-official organ of the Archdio cese of Paris, 5/12/81; L'Erprc.'s-.s. 5/5-11/ 31 and 5/12-15/81, and evenL 'Humnnite,

IV. Is this interference in France's internal affairs? The elections of a chief of state and

tional influence to achieve this goal."*^

representatives to the Chamber of Depu

Thus,for the twelve foreign associations

complications into which the Socialist Program's predominantly ideologico-

ties are internal affairs of each country. Freedom to do this without foreign

to take a position alongside the esteemed and promising French TFP on the goals

imperialistic approach to international politics may entangle them.

interference is a fundamental element of

and action of the SP in a document

its sovereignty. So,an objection could be

published in France and in their respec

such a position among the nations of the

tive countries, is not to interfere in

West that issues and debates arising there are, more often than not, related to

raised: How can thirteen associations, twelve of them from countries other than

France, judge that they should publish throughout the West a commentary whose essential theme is the recent

exclusively internal affairs of another country but rather to take precautionary action to safeguard the future of their own countries. By publishing this pro

Providence has conferred on France

universal problems. The French genius,

agile in coming to grips with pr^lems, lucid in thinking, brilliant in expression, has shown in numerous historical junc

French elections with the object of fos tering the choice of a strategy in view of

ciations of the United States, Argentina,

their outcome?

Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia,

tures that it knows how to discuss these issues on a level that relates them to the

This objection is conceivable only in someone unaware of the full scope of the Socialist Program, of the nature of the

Ecuador, Portugal, Spain, Uruguay and Venezuela, in conjunction with the TFP

Thus, in dealing with France's current

French SP and of the inevitable and

exercising their legitimate right of self-

extensive repercussion of the socialist victory in the political and cultural life of

defense.

the various nations of the West.

tions from twelve Western countries to

hastened, or even thrust, to a critical

The Program actually states that one of its goals is interference in the internal politics, and more particularly in the

address their fellow-countrymen, alert

point as a consequence of the worldwide repercussion of what may happen in France in the coming months(cf. Chap. I,

nouncement, the "FFPs and similar asso

of France, are doing nothing more than It is therefore appropriate for associa

universal thoughts of the human mind.

situation, the societies signing this Mes sage clearly realize that many issues presently in varying stages of fermenta tion in their own countries may be

fore, since the SP has risen to power, we

ing them to the problems that can be expected from the rise of the French Socialist Party. It is also proper for these associations, with the support of their

must fear that it will use the resources of

French brothers-in-ideal, to make the

that self-managing socialism represents a grave threat not only to France but also

the French State and France's interna

French people aware of the internal

to the whole world.

ess of Catholics to socialism is not some

tury, Leo XIII in Rome and the Sillon among us began the turnaround. The

class warfare, of other countries. There

no. 4). This is one more reason to affirm

NOTES official organ of the Communist Party,5/ 15/81).

Furthermore,as the Program joyfully

notes. Catholics not only vote for the SP but even join it, apparently without any major problems of conscience: "The Socialist Party has always aimed to gather, without distinctiott ofphilosophi cal or religious belief, all workers who

thing new. but dates from the middle of the last century,as Mitterrand himself is pleased to register in his abovementioned book:

"From the beginning, my efforts hare been to make Chri.stians,fattliful to their faith, recognize themselves in our Party, that the multiple sources of.socialism may

First World irar accelerated the evolu

tion. The camaraderies ofthefront, death

everywhere and for all', the'country in danger, taught everyone to recognize in each other the values they subscribed to.

even if their laicist or religious tran.slations remained different, if not antago

flow towards the satne river. In the

nistic. The initial appeal again rose up from the depths of the Church and the

Christians who not onlyjoin the Party

middle of the nineteenth century, except for the vanguard ofpeople like Lamen-

'Christian world. The personalism of

but adopt socialist[methods of] analy

nais, Ozanam, Lacordaire, and

sis themselves without thereby renouncing their faith .. (Program, p. 29). This fact, by the way, is public and

Arnaud, French Catholics belonaed to the conservative camp. The Church,

Emmanuel Mounter ftnished giving Christian socialism its title of nobil

ity"(op. cit., pp. 14-15).

shaken by the first French Revolution, concerned about the progress of the Vol tairian spirit, had closed ranks along

painted so much in accordance with

find in socialism their ideal and their principles. So there are more and more

notorious in France.

In the face of this historical panorama socialist taste and style, but unfortu

Lest there be any doubt about the meaning of the verb "join "in the citation above. Mitterrand makes it clear in his Conversations avec Guy Claisse:

side the power of the bourgeoisie, the

"Militant Catholics are not a cover-

home[in it]. There are very many ofthem

and now, a state ofaffairs delivering you

demned the Sillon movement (cf. foot

in the Party . . .

from slavery, misery and humiliation.

note 4) so reverently recalled by

Are they among the grassroots

By a natural inclination, a majority of

Mitterrand.

militants? Yes. But also in the national

the socialists adopted theories that

up for the Socialist Party, They are at

power oj a narrow-minded, egotistic social class,ferocious when necessarif. . .

nately not lacking many elements of truth*, one would expect the French bishops to imitate the mettle and courage

"With Christ obscured, the Church an

of Saint Pius X. who in his Apostolic

accomplice, there was no way out but to wage a manly struggle to achieve, here

Letter Notre Charge Apostolique of

rejected the Christian explanation.. .. "A deepening rationalism and the rise

leadership and in the local executive boards" (Fran(.-ois Mitterrand. Ici et

of Marxism accentuated in the proletar

Maintenant - Conversations avec Guy

iat the rejection of the Church and her teaching. Socialism, which was made

Claisse, Fayard. Paris, 1980, p. 12). Therefore, the bishops' failure to

enlighten these Catholics is entirely inex plicable.

Finally, we must note that this open-

without her, began to be made against her. But also, what a silence of Christianity! What a long silence!. . . "Nevertheless, at the end of the cen

August 25. 1910, vehemently con

47. "There could be no socialist program for France alone. The dilemma, 'liberty or servitude,' 'socialism or barbarism' is one that

goes beyond our country" (Prosram, p. 108).

"The Socialist Party is a Party at one and the same time national and Crusade 25

The glorious future of France according to Saint Pius X

m Pope Saint Pius X

We close these considerations beseeching Our Lady, the Mediatrix of All Graces, to confirm with events the words of prophetic resonance of the holy and unsurpassable Pontiff Saint Pius X concerning France: "A day will come, and we hope it is not far off, when France, like Saul

NOTES internalional" {Dorumevtatio)}

Socialiste, supplement to no. 2, p. 50). "Socialism is international bu nat

ure and vocation"{Program, p, i26). "The Socialist Party adheres to the Socialist International"(Statutes of the SP, article

2, in

Documentation

Socialiste. supplement to no. 2, p. 51). "The moment it no longer identities with a universal message. France ceases to exist. France is either a collective

ambition or it does not exist" (Pro gram. p. 163).

"Franee, therefore, can he the pole of attraction of a new internationalism^' (Program, 164).

ratization of (he [European Economic]

with (he exploited <7ti.s'.sc.s"(Program, p.

Community, it will use its institutions to

339).

favor directing social struggles toward a common i/oa/"(Program, p. 352), "The Socialist Party . .. aims at a socialist transformation of interna

tional socecri/"(Resolution of the Con

f)residents of the Socialist International cf. L 'Express. May 22 to 28. 1981). He is also a founding member of the

1977, in

International Committee for the Defense

DocumentationSorialiste.supplement to

of the Sandinist Revolution (cf. Le

gress

Nantes

no. 2. p. 130).

"Socialism is either international by nature or it denies itself" (Documenta

tion Socialiste. supplement to no. 2 p 153).

"The search for the autonomy of our

"A country like ours . . . has immense

development is inseparable from the

possihilities for carrying high and far,

internalional verspeclivcs of self-

in Europe and in the world, the univer

managing socialism. In guiding our

sal message ofsocialism"(Program p

action abroad as well as imide our

18). "France will contribute to the democ-

international cooperation on solidarity

26 Crusade

In this regard, it should be remem bered that Mitterrand is one of the vice-

borders, it bases our participation in

Figaro. 6/26/81). This makes it easy to understand how Comandante Arce, of the Sandinist National Liberation Front

greeted Mitterrand as "a militant of the Nicaraguan cÂŤÂŤ.s<'"and a "friend of the Sandinist revolution" whose victory in France has "an immense political value for Nicaragua and Latin America"(cf. 'LeMonde. 5/13/81). On the day of his inauguration. Mit terrand chose to pay homage, with a luncheon in the Elysee Palace, to Euro pean socialist leaders and chiefs of state.

on the road to Damascus, will bew enveloped in a celestial light and hear a voice that repeats to

her:'My daughter, why dost thou persecute me?* And to her response, 'Who art thou. Lord'the voice will reply: 7am Jesus, whom thou persecutest. It is hard to thee to kick against the goad, because in thine obstinacy thou destroyest thyselfAnd she, trembling and filled with wonder, will say; 'Lord, what wouldst thou have me do?'And He: 'Arise, wash away the stains that have disfigured thee, awaken in thy breast the dormant sentiments and the pact of our alliance and go, first-born daughter of the Church, predestined nation, vessel of election, go as in the past, bear my name before all the peoples and the kings ofthe earth"(Consistorial Allocution Vi ringrazio, of November 29, 1911, in Acta Apostolicar Sedis, Typis Poliglottis Vaticanis, Rome, 1911, p. 657). "In the end my Immaculate Heart will triumph," Our Lady promised at Fatima. This is what we ask Her for France and for the world.

On the 64th anniversary of the last apparition of Our Lady at Fatima,

Sao Paulo, October 13, 1981

American Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property Association Frangaise pour la Defense de la Tradition, Famille et Propriete Centro Cultural Reconquista (Portugal) Sociedad Argentina de Defensa de la Tradicidn, Familia y Propiedad Sociedade Brasileira de Defesa da Tradigdo, Familia e Propriedade Sociedad Chilena de Defensa de la Tradicidn, Familia y Propiedad Sociedad Colombiana de Defensa de la Tradicidn, Familia y Propiedad Sociedad Ecuatoriana de Defensa de la Tradicidn, Familia y Propiedad Sociedad Uruguaya de Defensa de la Tradicidn, Familia y Propiedad Sociedad Venezolana de Defensa de la Tradicidn, Familia y Propiedad

Young Canadians for a Christian Civilization Jdvenes Bolivianos pro Civilizacidn Cristiana Sociedad Cultural Covadonga â&#x20AC;&#x201D; TFP (Spain)

NOTES as well as to representatives of the Latin American left. At his express desire, the widow of Marxist ex-president Aliende sat at his right (of. El Espectador,

Bogota. Colombia. 5/24/81). As President. Mitterrand declared

France's support of the fight of the Salvadoran people as an "urgent prior-

itji "and he bromised to help Nicara^a

">n Us difficult job of reconstruclion. Latin A merica does not helona to anyone. It is trying to belong to itself and it is important that France and Europe assist in the realization of this goal," Mitter

Thanking Fidel Castro upon receiving his congratulations, Mitterrand sent him

More recently, the French and Mexi can governments signed a Joint commu

a telegram expressing his joy at the

nique categorically supporting the

personal ties uniting him to tne commu nist tyrant and manifested his hope to "strengthen the friendship between France and Cuba''(cf. Le Monde, 6/3/81).

"Farabundo Marti National Liberation

Confirming that intention, Antoine

Paris and m Mexico, was delivered to the

Blanca, personal assistant of Prime Min ister Mauroy and the man in charge of relations between his Party and Latin

countries(cf. Folhn deS. Paulo, 8/29/81)

Front." a guerrilla organization made up of five Marxist groups working to over throw the regime in El Salvador. The

communique, released simultaneously in UN for distribution among member

and provoked a strong reaction from

America and the Caribbean, declared

twelve Latin American countries, which

that the French SP will not tolerate any

declared the attitude of France and

agjgression, economic blockade or dis

rand declared (cf. Jomal do Brasil, Rio

crimination against Cuba(cf. Folha de S.

de Janeiro, 7/19/81).

Paulo, Sao Paulo, 7/27/81).

Mexico a "flagrant interference" in El

Salvador's Internal affairs(cf. Jonial do Bro.si/, 9/4/81). Crusade 27

The Communique

France:

The Fist Crushes the Rose

Â§Thefistandtherose.

they are juxtaposed in this way. Do they symoolize the Marxist working

Venezuela.

class leading a country flourishing in

The TFPs found no obstacles to the publication of their Message as a paid advertisement in any of these

the stem of a rose, ready to crush it.

The rose opens on the tip of the

stem, as light and gracious as if it were in a porcelain vase. It is not easy to make the meaning of these heterogeneous "heraldic"

symbols explicit, especially when

1.The promise promise liberty? Perhaps. In any case, had they been conceived to mean just

that, they could hardly be more appropriate. They well express the hopes of freedom that'socialism with a human face" does its best to awaken.

But there is also something obscure and contra dictory in these symbols. The aggressive and brutal fist seems as incompatible with the rose as a punch. One would say that such a fist could not fail to start crushing the rose. And if the rose could understand a fist like this, it would be shock-

cd, stop smiling, and begin to wither.

The relations between socialism and an authentic and harmonious freedom are no

different; no

Socialist Party promised to commit France in the 1981 elections. A gradual reform, yes, but also total, demol ishing the right to own land, businesses and private schools, invading the family to organize children against their parents, and, in its end term,sparing not even leisure, the interior arrangement of homes, and the very person of every Frenchman. The Message was published in Argentina, Bolivia. Brazil. Canada, Chile. Colombia, Ecuador, England. Germany, Italy, Portugal, the United States, Spain, Uruguay and

A fist, rather like a boxer's, holds

matter

countries. The newspapers opened up to them all the way. At no time did they feel that, by publishing the Message, they were committing themselves to views partially or totally not theirs. In so doing, these news papers were strictly consistent with the democratic principles they proclaim as their own. It would have been natural for the TFPs' Message to

be published just as easily in the large French dailies, which pride themselves on professing the same demo cratic principles. But this time the TFPs had bitter ex perience to the contrary. They feel obliged to inform not only the English-speaking public about this,

but also that of each countr\ w here the Message has been published. ÂŤ

how

Leaving aside avowedly .socialist or communist newspapers, the serene and elevated Message of the TFPs was successively submitted for publication to 6

emphatically it promises freedom, socialism, wherever

established, begins to strangle

French

dailies

with

circulation

over

100.000.

However, all these papers refused to publish it. This attitude is inexplicable for .several reasons, since;

This, one can fear, may now

be happening in glorious and belovea France, well before

the end of the first year of selfmanaging government. This is

the opportune moment to

Âť

a) Newspapers which pride themselves on their democratic line, and which moreover are at variance

with each other on important points, in this particular

0 ThpHmihi 2. The doubt

make this clear, for the Mitter rand Government, with the support of the socialistcommunist coalition, is actively making propaganda for self-management all over the West. A concrete example seems to adequately illustrate the apprehension that the fist may he crushing the rose. It concerns precisely one of those freedoms that the naive most expect the Mitterrand Government to

preserve: the freedom of the press.

It is well known that since December 9 of last year the thirteen Societies for the Defense of Tradition.

Family and Property (TFPs) have been publishing, in large newspapers of fifteen countries, a Message warning of the incompatibility between the perennial principles of Christian Civilization on one hand, and,

on the other, the self-managing reform to which the

case are disconcertingly unanimous in tiieir refusjil to publish the document. Thus the thirteen TFPs are

(curtainisbeingdrawnaroundto

b) Furthermore, two of these newspapers had for

socialist regime. This should lead every citizen of the Free World to fear for his own personal freedom if selfmanaging socialism is implanted in his country.

mally agreed to publish the TFPs' Message on

Thus,one is led to believe that a

deprived of having their viewpoint, which opposes selfmanaging socialism, published on French soil. December 15 of last year. (At the last minute the French TFP decided to postpone the publication because the attention of the public was then strongly

day's France. Not an iron curtain, nor one of bamboo. It is, as it

December 11. All this notwithstanaing, on January 6

were, an impalpable curtain of silence of the press, which will inevitably march toward becom ing total.

this agency advised the TFPs that the two dailies had just refused to abide by their agreement. The reason:

bringing to the knowledge of

none.

the

attracted by the events in Poland.)This contract was so firm that, by mutual agreement, the agency nego tiating the advertisement received payment in full on

This fact is what the TFPs are

the company which owns both newspapers to a suit for loss and damages. But not even the perspective ofsuch a predicament was enough to prevent their refusal.

refusal, the TFPs hope that the spreading of this Communique outside France may succeed in making it known to a large part

and the other companies which refused to publish the

publication particularly inviting. So,the refusal is con trary to the very nature of these journalistic enter prises as such.

West. The samei

even if there is a new collective

d) Advertisements are one of the most common sources of income both for this publishing company document. The size of this Message would make its

whole

French newspapers will be asked to publish this Communique. But

c)Naturally, an arbitrary breach of contract exposes

4.The

French people. They also

disappointment hope that it will open the eyes of the West to all that is contra

dictory and impracticable in the self-managing pro mise of socialism-with-freedom.

At this point one has to ask; What is the reason for this united front of refusals curtailing the freedom of

the TFPs in France? Far away on the horizon,only one explanatory hypothesis takes shape. As private organ izations, the publishing companies which own these various papers can be placed at any moment on the list

of self-managing enterprises by a legislative decision of the socialist-communist parliamentary majority. If that were to happen, their present owners would nor mally become mere managers or even lose any role in the company whatsoever. Is it so surprising that these publishers deny the TFPs freedom of expression when their own freedom, at least potentially, has been so profoundly shaken? What is the real freedom of expression in a regime where a Damocles'sword hangs over the head of every

publishing company owner, a sword hanging from a string held by tne (Government? Whatever heat the opposition newspapers may de

facto be permitted to show, their situation is, de jure, that of Damocles under the sword.

Incidentally, it is altogether possible that a heated

opposition may not be as annoying to a government as another which courteously and serenely focuses on

certain delicate topics which not all currents of opinion have noticed.

This finding has a far-reaching scope:Except for the promise of freedom, all that is left to the selfmanaging regime is its similarity to Communism.

The Message of the thirteen TFPs about selfmanaging socialism is making its way far and wide in the world. Along its course, it has met everything: furious hatred, baseless criticisms, inexplicable omis sions,longstanding and luminous support from friends who have never let themselves be dishonored by fear, and innumerable new adhesions, some of them unex

pected and magnificent. This Communique is one more great step along this road. Consistent with the Message, it has to do not on ly with self-managing socialism, but also with Com munism. All of this — and that which is yet to happen

— will one day be written into History; the epic History of one of the supreme efforts undertaken In tiigno Cmcis(in the sign of the Cross)to steer our agonizing

Western civilization away from the final shipwreck toward which it is letting itself drift. After the great campaijms of the TFPs against Com munism — campaigns wmich have always been doc trinal and orderly — the communists keep silent. A lit tle later, furious media attacks based merely on distor

Now,the Messap of the thirteen TFPs puts a finger

tions or calumnies with no doctrinal content have been

on certain painful wounds unknown to the Catholicelectoral bloc, which weighed decisively on the

once again? As the French popular saying has it, he

socialist side in the 1981 elections. Such is the case, for

unleashed against the TFPs. Will this now happen who lives will see."

instance, when it focuses on how a compulsory self-

Sao Paulo, February 11,1982 Feast of Our Lady of Lourdes

man^ng regime is absolutely incompatible with the true Doctrine of the Church about the character of the

right of property, which inheres by nature in every individual. The same applies when it points out how the doctrine and program of the Socialist Party place marriage, free unions and even homosexual unions on

For the Brazilian TF'P and, by express delegation, the TFPs and similar organizations of the United States, Argentina, Bolivia, Canada, Chile, Colombia,

the same level. It is not the intention of the TFPs to start a debate

Venezuela,

with newspapers so conditioned by the socialist selfmanaging Moloch. With this publication, the TFPs ain solely at making the public in the largest countries of the Free World see how confined freedom already ap pears to be at the beginning of the self-managing

Ecuador, France, Portugal, Spain, Uruguay and Plinio Correa de Oliveira

President of the National Council

of the Brazilian Society for the Defense of lYadition, Family and Property

Crusade 29

Plinio Correa de Oliveira process of preparation. Since then its ideals have been projected throughout practically all of South America,

the United States, Canada, Europe and South Africa. Since 1977 the TFPs have had a representative office in Rome, the Ufficio Tradizione, Famtglia, Proprieta, and another in Washington since last year. A number of ac tivities of the TFP have had surprising repercussions behind the Iron Curtain.

According to the myth â&#x20AC;&#x201D; frequently accepted

unquestioningly â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the egalitarian Revolution finds,in new countries without tradition, a more fertile ground than in those where tradition still powerfully

impregnates the laws, institutions and customs. In other words, the Americas would theoretically be more

fertile ground for the Revolution than Europe.

The spread of the TFPs has shaken this cliche. Formed initially in Sao Paulo, the "New York of Brazil," the TFP was made up of middle-aged men,

many of whom came from old established families and from the upper middle-class. Their Christian, antisocialist and anti-communist proclamation was received enthusiastically by young students and white-collar workers, most of them descendants of working class

immigrants from the most varied origins. Thus, spreading throughout the so-called under developed world, poor in tradition and resources but enriched with the gift of the Faith, the movement in favor of Tradition, Family and Property paradoxically reached super-industrial North America and traditional Europe.

In the booming city of Sao Paulo, Brazil, Prof. Plinio Correa de Oliveira visits a street campaign against progressivism in the Church.

The ideals of the Brazilian TFP, the same as those of

the other TFPs, are set forth in the book Rcvohninn

Many statesmen of our time, as well as highly-placed businessmen and prominent figures in science, culture and art, pride themselves in being prophets and

apostles of the immense secularist and egalitarian Revolution which embraceiall of today's world.

In the midst of this ubiquito.us and apparently victorU)US laiclst and egalitarian revolution appears the figure of Plinio Correa de Oliveira who has developed and lived ideals diametrically opposed to the current

dominant tendencies. His great accomplishment is the Brazilian Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family

and Counter-revolution, published by Plinio Corre. Oliveira in 1959, shortly before the founding of ii,. Society. This book shows how certain forces and ideological currents began to unite in the Fifteenth Century to exterminate Christian Civilization and destroy the Catholic Church, and thus do away with the fruits of the Redemption of Our Lord Jesus Christ.

Basically, these forces manipulate man's unbridled passions, especially pride and sensuality, and use sophistry, political intrigue and economic pressure to achieve their destructive end.

and Property (TFP), the direct result of an entire life

The first great and, so to speak, collective social

of activity as a writer, university professor, journalist

explosion of these passions occurred in the Sixteenth

and orator.

Century with the Renaissance, affecting the cultural

Plinio Correa de Oliveira, born in Sao Paulo, Brazil,

and artistic field, and with the Protestant Reformation,

on December 13, 1908, began his activities as a

which affected the religious field. The action of pride as a revolutionary force in the religious field provokes

Catholic militant in 1928, at the age of 20. The TFP was founded only in 1960, after a long and careful 30 Crusade

the rejection of the supreme authority of the Pope as

monarch of the Church, and that of the bishops as its

Counter-revolution, as Plinio Correa de Oliveira sees it,

hierarchs. In the humanist movement of the Renaissance the fanatic admiration for Greek and

is much more than a book: It is an ideal that invites

Roman art became a pretext to introduce naturalism, nudism, and immorality in general into the social

laicist and egalitarian Revolution and to restore the Christian order, the concretization in the temporal and religious spheres of the redemptive work of Our Lord

customs of Christian Europe. The cumulative effect of all these factors, nourished

by pride and sensuality, resulted in another explosion, the French Revolution of 1789. This sbcond revolution

modern man to completely reject all the aspects of the

Jesus Christ.

Every TFP fights in its respective country for this Counter-revolutionary ideal.

consisted mainly in raising the standard of equality,

liberty and fraternity in order to force transformations in the hierarchical structure of the State analogous to

those provoked by Protestantism in the structure of

Plinio Correa de Oliveira is a descendant of long-

the Church.

established families from the states of Pernambuco

Egalitarianism, and its corollary, liberalism, did not tarry in reaching the only sphere of Christian order

de Oliveira, and Sao Paulo â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the most important

whence came his father, the lawyer Joao Paulo Correa

Professor Plinio Correa de Oliveira during a recent interview. that had remained more or less intact, the socio

Brazilian state â&#x20AC;&#x201D; whence came his mother, Lucilia

economic field. The germs of Utopian socialism,

Ribeiro dos Santos. He attended high school in the Colegio Sao Luis run by the Jesuit Fathers of S. Paulo, and received his law degree from the famous Law School of the University of Sao Paulo. At an early age he became interested in the philoso phical, religious, and practical analyses of the contemporary crisis, its genesis and its consequences. He is a militant Catholic of profound conviction whose

already present in the French Revolution, rapidlv spread through Europe until the middle of the nine teenth centur)', when they produced scientific social ism, or

communism: the

third

revolution. This

materialistic, atheistic and ctimpletely egalitarian revo

lution is now reaching its zenith and is already de veloping into a fourth: the proclamation of the free dom of all instincts. The rebellion of the Sorbonne

in 1968 was a howling and characteristic preview of this fcjurth revolution.

tongue and pen have alwaj-s been at the service of causes where the interests of the Church and of

Christian Civilization have been at stake. On leaving the

In his book, Plinio Correa de Oliveira emphasizes that the great global Revolution, whose final phase we

at the same time becoming prominent as the most out

are now witnessing, is not above all a ptÂťlitical or socio

standing leader of the Catholic youth movement of Sao

logical phenomenon, but even more profoundly a

univcrsit)- he began his professional and public career,

Paulo, which he entered in 1928.

moral and religious transformation which radiates its

At 24 he was elected to the Federal Constituent

effects into all the aspects of the human personality.

Assembly by the Catholic Electoral L.eaguc, becoming its youngest member and the one receiving the greatest

Whence the revolutionary germ spreads into the Church and the State, into social customs, art and

culture, and into the political, social and economic order of today's life.

In the face of the revolutionary dragon, the

number of votes in the whole country. Shortly thereafter, he accepted the chair of the

History of Civilization in the University of Sao Paulo, and later also accepted the chair of Modern and Crusade 31

Contemporary History in the Pontifical Catholic University of Sao Paulo. He was the first president of the Archdiocesan Board of Catholic Action of the State of Sao Paulo.

In 1951, the then Bishop of Campos, Dom Antonio de Castro Mayer, founded the cultural monthly Catolicismo, Brazil's principal antiprogressivist and anti-

See declares the doctrine expounded by the author a "most faithful echo" of the Pontifical Magisterium. This essay has been translated into English, German, Spanish, French, Hungarian, Italian and Polish. It has gone through 36 editions and was published in its entirety in 38 newspapers or magazines of 13 different countries.

leftist publication, on whose editorial staff Plinio Correa de Oliveira held an outstanding place from the beginning.

• Unperceived Ideological Transhipment and Dialogue (1965) — This work describes the subtle process whereby many Catholics, through an irenic dialogue,

He also writes for the Folha de S. Paulo, one of the

are inadvertently transformed into communists. Five editions of this essay have been published in

great Brazilian newspapers. There he takes up political,

sociological and religious issues that have notable repercussion all over the country. These articles are also published in various other organs of the Brazilian

Portuguese, one in German, four in Spanish, and one in

Italian. It has been published in its entirety by six newspapers of four countries.

press and of other countries in the Americas. In addition to Revolution and Counter-Revolution,

Plinio Correa de Oliveira wrote the following books: • In Defense of Catholic Action (1943) — This work,

• The Church in the Face of the Rise of the Commun ist Threat — an Appeal to the Silent Bishops (1976) — A history of the forty years of the progressivist and

"Catholic leftist" crisis in Brazil. It cites scandalously pro-communist poetry by Dom Pedro Casaldaliga, Bishop of Sao Felix do Araguaia. The book also

with a preface by Cardinal Massella, then Apostolic Nuncio in Brazil, is an acute analysis of the first beginnings of progressivist and leftist infiltration in

contains a resume of the work of the Chilean TFP, The

Catholic Action. The book received a warm letter of

Church of Silence in Chile — The TFP Proclaims the

praise, written in the name of Pius XII, by the then

Whole Truth (*), which denounces the action of

Substitute of the Secretariat of the Holy See, Msgr.

Cardinal Silva Henriquez and many bishops and priests of that country who systematically favored commun

Montini, the future Paul VI.

• Agrarian Reform: A Question ofConscience {\960)

ism. Four editions.

with Dom Geraldo de

• Indian Tribalism, the Communist Missionary Ideal

Proenca Sigaud, Archbishop of Diamantina, Dom Antonio de Castro Mayer, Bishop of Campos, and the

for Brazil in the Twenty-first Century (1977) (*) — Denounces a new facet of the progressivist onslaught

economist Luis Mendonca de Freitas, this book criticiz

ed socialist and confiscatory agrarian reform and

Seven editions besides its publication in Catolicismo.

—

Written in collaboration

affirmed that it violated the Commandments "Thou

Brazil: Communist-Scructuralist neomissiology.

shalt not steal" and "Thou shalt not covet thy

• I am Catholic - Can I Oppose Land Reform? (1981) — Analyzes the document The Church and

neighbor's goods." This study provoked enormous

Problems of the Land approved by the 18th General

debates in Brazil, and became a best seller going

Assembly of the National Conference of Brazilian

through four printings in twenty months. Political commentators affirmed that the book was responsible for the failure of the agroreformist aims of the Joao Goulart government. Translations were published in Ar gentina, Spain and Colombia.

Bishops (CNBB), showing how that organ of the bishops is fighting for a land reform that favors the implantation of communism in Brazil. The book also contains a critique of the bishops' document from the economic standpoint by the economist Carlos Patricio

• The Declaration of Morro Alto (1964) — Written in

del Campo. Three editions.

collaboration with the same authors mentioned above,

and following the principles laid out in Agrarian Reform: A Question of Conscience, this study presents a program of affirmative agrarian policy aiming to stimulate rural production, thus benefitting rural proprietors, laborers, and the nation in general. • The

Church

and

the

Communist

State-,

the

Impossible Coexistence (1963) (*) — This work defends the thesis that it is impossible for the Church to coexist with a government which, while granting Her freedom of worship, prohibits Her from teaching that it is not licit to abolish private property, founded as it is on two precepts of the Decalogue. This work receiv

As an intellectual, Plinio Correa de Oliveira holds an undeniably outstanding place on the Brazilian scene. As a man of action, he is the most dynamic anticommunist leader in the country. His personality now

projects all over Brazil and abroad as that of one of the most notable men of thought and action in our epoch of achievements and crises, of apprehensions, of

catastrophes, but also of splendid affirmations of the Christian conscience.

ed a letter of praise signed by Cardinals Pizzardo and

(*) Available in English. Request from Foundation for

Staffa, from the Sacred Congregation for Seminaries and Universities, in which that high organ of the Holy

a Christian Civilization, P.O. Box 249, Mount Kisco,

32 Crusade

N.Y. 10549.

TRADITION FAMILY PROPERTY:

is. Centui\y op Gpic

y^rj11comin UT?Ism A complete history of the remarkable achievements of the Brazilian Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property .. . and of the extraordinary career of its founder and President — Professor Plinio Correa de Oliveira — in their successful ideological struggle

against communism and progressivism.

A "Must" reading for all those who want to understand the History of the last twenty years and to be prepared for the coming crisis in our hemisphere.

Demonstrates clearly the strategic importance of South America for the continued strength and vitality of the United States — a fact that has not gone unnoticed by the communists. Invaluable not only for specialists but for all informed observers of the world scene.

Over 500 pages — 180 photographs — 8 full color pages including outstanding pictures of the Pilgrim Statue of Our Lady of Fatima. /

A great apprehension; "... Russia will spread her errors throughout the world" A great hope:

".. .In the end, My Immaculate Heart will triumph"

INTRODUCTORY PRICE: ONLY $12.95

(Please add $1.00 for postage and handling.)

ORDER FROM: THE FOUNDATION FOR A CHRISTIAN

CIVILIZATION,INC. P.O. BOX 249

MT. KISCO, NEW YORK 10549

tmeis The Double Game of French Socialism:

Gradual in Strategy,Radical in Goal

iJi JW t- .V-.:

^WhatDoes Self-Managing Socialism *' •"'rii

Mean for Communism:

''a Barrier? Or a Bridgehead? Plinio Correa de Oliveira

il A Message front the Societies for the Defense of

Tradition, Family and Property - TFP from the United States • Argentina • Bolivia • Brazil Canada * Chile * Colombia • Ecuador • France

Portugal • Spain • Uruguay • Venezuela