NON REGULATORY by Nicole Rochette

NON REGULATORY

A framework for self-built areas in contemporary urban centres. Case study: Tangier, Morocco

NICOLE ROCHETTE GARMENDIA UCL | The Bartlett School of Architecture MArch Urban Design 2012/2013

UCL | The Bartlett School of Architecture | MArch UD

DOUBLE PAGE PHOTO BEFORE INTRODUCTION

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Territory as a physical condition: the case of non-regulatory housing neighbourhoods in Tangier, Morocco.

“Political theory lacks a sense of territory; territory lacks a political theory. Although a central term within

political

geography

and

international

relations, the concept of territory has been underexamined”.1

urban

the traditional administrative and political aspects

phenomena defies fixed conceptions of territory:

(and scales) but also the mechanisms and logics

urbanity appears to constantly surpass boundaries,

of production of territory that are made possible

and this fragility of definitions evidences the need

within specific physical contexts. The case of

to understand events at a larger - territorial -

margin territories in Tangier allows us to read both

scale. Territorial in this sense calls for a concrete

the political and economic driven mechanisms

reading of a particular condition rather than an

through their direct relationship to land conditions.

explanation of its constituents, something closer to

This

an immanent than an external influence. Despite

importance of looking back at territory through its

the evident relevance of political, economic

material manifestations.

The

extent

some

contemporary

and cultural analysis, territory has a physical component that is a concrete manifestation of itself and hence more suitable for examination. An interesting terrain of analysis is the situation that marginal territories present, territories which have not yet been effectively incorporated to the urban realm, and can then be better observed through their material reality. Phenomena such as the spread of housing in the city of Tangier (an example of what occurs in many other North African and Moroccan urban centres) [1] allow us to read territory taking into consideration not only

1 Elden, S., Land, terrain, territory. Progress in

Human Geography. 34, 799-817. 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://dro.dur. ac.uk/6850/1/6850.pdf. p. 1.

text

will

attempt

demonstrate

the [1] Proliferation of self built houses in Tangier.

CASE study: Tangier, MOROCCO. Migratory movements The north of Morocco is both a place of immigration and emigration. Flows of migrants from sub Saharan Africa pass through Morocco2 in the hope of reaching Europe and when they are confronted with restrictive European borders are forced to stay in Morocco for a relatively long period. The relationship between the existing and the migrant population becomes then crucial, mainly when

2 de Haas, H. International migration and regional

development in Morocco. Workshop New Moroccan Migrations, Institute of Development Studies, Sussex Centre for Migration Research, University of Sussex, 2005. Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

137

they attempt to settle more permanently in urban areas. Fahs-Anjra

These international migratory movements are a

Tanger-Assilah

significant cultural component of the growth of

Tetouan

urban centres, yet they are less numerous than the internal migrations between rural and urban

Larache

Chefchaouen

zones, attracted by the work available in the area. The Tangier-Tétouan region [2] receives an important amount of rural migrants from its

20 KM

Administrative divisions of Tangier Tetouan region, 2004

[2] Administrative divisions of Tangier Tétouan region, Province/Prefecture limit Commune limit

Urban commune

2004

of the urban realm become contested territories.

neighbouring regions [3], and is thus seen as a transit platform, where migration routes cross tourist itineraries and the exchange and circulation typical of a port city, making the region a place of confluence of people who are in transit. However in reality this results in an accelerated growth of the urban areas. Even migrants who are in transit in Morocco have a tendency to stay there for long periods of time, and the need for permanent residency is confronted with a saturated and degraded urban fabric and insufficient offer of adequate low-cost housing.4 The areas of the

Irregular expansion of Tangier The city of Tangier is the main destination of migratory movements in the region, receiving around 40% of the migratory flux of the Region.5 However, “the region’s urban poles are not prepared to receive these populations. The cities are sprawling during the last years, mainly because of an excedentary migratory result. Since this movement is not accompanied by a planning of the building or services, it results in dysfunctions in employment, housing and infrastructures”.6 After Tangier lost its international status and was annexed to Morocco,7 the city expanded beyond the limits of the international period, while the relevance of migration in the urban growth of Tangier was 26 % during the 60s, 40 % during the 70s, 33 % during the 80s and 45 % during the 90s.8 The entire region observed an intense population growth9 [4] [5] [6] precisely while the

region which are still not urbanised come therefore 0

20 KM

into tension because of the forces that hover over

Tangier urban commune Urban limit Built fabric Areas open for urbanisation

[3] Tangier’s urban commune

it, and when the existing urban structures become surpassed by the demands, the territories outside

5 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans

3 “Once across the Sahara, the Subsaharian trans-

[4] Town plan of Tangier, 1942

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migrants stick to the Maghrebi societies by grafting their own circulations on those of the local populations. In Morocco, the populations who deal with the passing and the more or less durable settling of these newcomers are the ones living in socioeconomic relegation areas, such as the poorer suburbs of Rabat, Casablanca or Tangiers; these populations know what migration is about, as they are themselves the product of a continuous arrival of inland migrants”. Mehdi Alioua, Nouveaux et anciens espaces de circulation internationale au Maroc, Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée [Internet], 119120. 2007, online since 02 March 2012. [Accessed 24 May 2013]. Available from: http://remmm.revues. org/4113. Author’s translation from the French for all quotations of this text. 4 Amzil, L., Debbi, F., and Le Tellier, J. La Mobilité Urbaine dans L’Agglomération de Tanger: Evolutions et Perspectives. Sophia Antipolis: Plan Bleu, 2009. p. 60. Author’s translation from the French for all quotations of this text.

le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. p. 83. Author’s translation from the French for all quotations of this text. 6 Ibid. p. 181 7 Tangier was made an international zone in 1923 under the joint administration of France, Spain, and Great Britain, statute that was maintained until 1940. Between 1940 and 1945 however Tangier was incorporated into the Spanish zone of Morocco but was then restored to its international status. Tangier loses its international statute in 1956 and is then joined to the Kingdom of Morocco. 8 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. p. 128 9 By 1960 the entire region had 811,517 inhabitants (RGPH 1960), which has grown to 2,460,220 in 2004 (RGPH 1960) and particularly the current Prefecture of Tangier (roughly corresponding to the limits of the international zone) grew from being a small medina with an initial development in 1942 into a city of 436,227 inhabitants in 1982 and then to 756,964 inhabitants in 2004 Haut-commissariat au Plan et direction de la Statistique. Recensement général de la population et de l’habitat, [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://www.hcp.ma

city did not have any plans or orientations for the

TERRITORIES

development. “The first sectorial urban orientations

REGULATORY HOUSING

were launched starting in 1948 in face of the random development of Tangier. These plans were never approved but served as reference and have permitted to fill the void for the urban orientations for both the international and post-international administrations whenever they wanted to”.10 This random expansion of the city refers not only to a lack of planning but mainly with a resulting uneven territory, a city that is heavily polarised between a compact centre and a dispersed periphery. The sense of dispersion is amplified by the topography: scattered pieces of the city attempt to function as a whole in what is an uneven piece of land, with infrastructures laboriously attempting to connect it and with a noticeable lack of basic

THE

MARGINS:

NON

The main component of the sprawl The random development mentioned above refers to the increasing rate of construction of individual family units without referring to urban regulations, which were practically inexistent in Tangier for most of the city’s development period. In 1982 the first “Schemas Directeurs d’Amenagement d’urbanisme” for Morocco were realized by the group Huit, but the plans were not approved until 1993, for when the city of Tangier presented “a

2002 2011

[5] Tangier’s urban growth 1919 - 2011

referred to (among other less adequate terms)

growth in the 80s and 90s. By 1981, this type of

appears especially marginalised and numerous.

dwelling housed 10% of the urban population and

The most peripheral and hilly areas are covered

by 1993, 286 ha were occupied by the NRH, which

with a blanket of single family housing units, with

represented 17% of the urban area and 30% of the

a visible homogeneity that contributes to the

overall housing stock.13

they form an impressive territory.[7]

1948

This phenomenon of clandestine habitation is

Within this scenario, a particular type of habitation

randomly placed over the ground, and together

1 KM

1919

very oriented towards the clandestine habitation”.11

as Non-Regulatory Housing (NRH).12 Its advance

the rest of the city. The constructions appear to be

0,5

Urban growth 1919-2011

chaotic urban reality and the urbanism was already

services.

impression of something existentially different from

dates back to the 1970s and presented a strong

These developments are located mainly around the south and south-east areas of the city: neighbourhoods such as Beni Makada, Bir Chifa, Moghogha, Sania, Tanja balia, etc. represent different relevant products of this process14 [8]. The

11 Ibid. 12 The significance of the various terminologies is

[6] Aerial view of Tangier showing the periphery.

discussed later on in the text.

13 Amzil, L., Debbi, F., and Le Tellier, J. La Mobilité

10 Bekkari, H. Tanger Post Internationale, article in

Urban generations : post-colonial cities / ed. by David Richards, Taoufik Agoumy, Taeib Belghazi. - Rabat : Faculty of Letters of Rabat, 2005. - 471 p. : ill., krt. ; 24 cm. - (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Rabat Série: Colloques et séminaires, ISSN 1113-0377 ; 126). p. 273. Author’s translation from the French for all quotations of this text.

Urbaine dans L’Agglomération de Tanger: Evolutions et Perspectives. Sophia Antipolis: Plan Bleu, 2009. p. 67. 14 The neighbourhoods or quartiers represent a social cohesion unit: “The majority of households buy their land individually, but families from the same village acquire large patches of land in the same area in order to reconstruct forms of family and clan in portions of the neighbourhood (derbs)”. Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. p. 392. In most cases too, the oldest inhabitants, belonging to the ancient rural douars, have

[7] The repetition of a formula.

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20 KM

[8] Recognition of the location of Tangier’s non regulatory neighbourhoods

direction that the urban growth took in absence of

since for maximum profitability every bit of land is

enforced regulations was heavily influenced by the

utilized for construction. This density of built form

terrain conditions in these areas. While the flat,

achieved without development plan hinders the

secure and easier to develop areas closer to the

introduction of the infrastructure equipment, which

coast were under stronger control, flood zones,

would require the destruction of houses prior to

steep terrains and agricultural areas [9] were kept

the installation of network services and roads. The

with a looser hand, which gave way to unrestricted

absence or deficiency of network services (water,

construction. The architect Hanae Bekkari points

sanitation, electricity) gives these neighbourhoods

out that “the Administration did not acquire the

the more frequent name of habitat insalubre

zones non ædificandi and the green areas that

(unhealthy habitat), which is commonly used

had been and still are the prey of speculators.

by the Moroccan authorities. However, most

These terrains [were] transformed in the Plans

inhabitants manage to make up for the deficient

d›Amenagement into urbanisable areas or given

access to service networks by either connecting

away to the informal habitat, sold by little lots for

illegally to them or relying on open water sources

people generally issued from rural exodus».15

and fountains. The lack of public facilities such as schools and clinics is however more persistent.

Non regulatory conditions The

resulting

growth

was

collection

significantly populated neighbourhoods scattered around the city’s hills and former agricultural areas. The logic of addition of single family units into neighbourhoods created a condition where vast zones are dormitory areas, with a high dependency to the central parts of the city and 0

20 KM

Site Constraints Slopes > 15% %

Non regulated neighbourhoods

Slopes op > 20%

Urban limit

without network services [10]. These types of constructions are easily recognisable since they

Flood o areas Forest areas Fore Waterways ys

[9] Topographic and terrain constrains

this particular form of access to urban land has significant effects in the resulting urban fabric and its configuration. The need to “secure” property promotes a fast building procedure, and this necessity explains the proliferation of uniform building techniques and housing typologies. Morocco has a very low land registration rate and most plots of non regulatory buildings are not

economic logic, and space qualities, together with

registered in the cadastre.16 The farmlands go

a common isolation condition and a particular

through a process of illegal subdivision of property

legal framework.

[11], and the “mother” titles are fragmented into

because of their lack of basic infrastructure. These areas are often dense and excessively tight,

existing urban laws. This is not only a legal issue:

homogeneity is based upon structural principles,

appellation of “under equipped” neighbourhoods

with a common “irregular” condition regarding

share a very particular typology: their typological

Regarding their urban condition, they are given the

The designation of non regulatory has to do

several individual plots that do not have property titles registered with the cadastre and land conservation services. In many cases, the mother terrains from which they were subdivided do not necessarily hold property titles either.17 Most

20 KM

Connectivity and Transport ranspor Roads

Non regulated neighbourhoods

ain i roads and highways Main

Urban limit

Bus us routes Taxi routes Tax Point of connection to roa road network

[10] Connectivity in relation to NRH.

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become an authority in the place. 15 Bekkari, H. Tanger Post Internationale, article in Urban generations : post-colonial cities / ed. by David Richards, Taoufik Agoumy, Taeib Belghazi. - Rabat : Faculty of Letters of Rabat, 2005. - 471 p. : ill., krt. ; 24 cm. - (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Rabat Série: Colloques et séminaires, ISSN 1113-0377 ; 126). p. 274.

16 Hyunjin, K. The Study and Example of application for the Establishment of Cadastral Methodology in Morocco. TS 5K – Cadastral Projects. FIG Congress 2010 Facing the Challenges -Building the Capacity. Sydney, Australia, 11-16 April 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from http://www.fig.net/pub/ fig2010/papers/ts05k%5Cts05k_kim_4150.pdf 17 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans

dwellers do not hold a property title (moulkia), but

waterways, which summed up with strong slopes

many hold some kind of right to inhabit through

give way to dangerous landslides. The buildings›

actes adoulaires.18 This complex situation is

transgressions are also regarding land use, since

aggravated by Morocco’s intricate land property

in some cases, areas designated for agriculture or

system: the existence of private land, state

infrastructure are sold for housing.

property (terrains domaniaux), collective land (terrains communaux), and religious property (biens habous) without clear information regarding their individual domains or limits. The illegal dwellings are not built on state owned land but mostly on private land (unlike the bidonvilles or slums, which are frequently built over public terrains thus assuring that the State takes care of their relocation), and do not constitute illegal occupations, since have been granted permission to live there either through a contract or acte adoulaire. They are not imposing themselves nor occupying the land by force. Finally, the buildings themselves hold and irregular status: the absence of a preceding building permit (or the attainment of one despite not complying with the requirements to do so) is accompanied with a subsequent transgression of other construction regulations when existing, such as footprint and height. Non-ædificandi areas are overlooked and as a result, most dwellings end up being built on what is considered to be non-buildable terrains. The outskirts of Tangier have a rugged topography [12], and terrains with strong slopes (higher than 15% and 20%) leave gaps within the built fabric that are then filled up by occupants that take advantage of its state of neglect. Flood areas are also used for building, together with

Restructuring procedures Regarding the state’s approach towards this kind of development, from 1974 to 1975 the

[11] Land division.

first organismes publics de l’habitat (OPH) were created, that later became organisms under the Ministry of Housing (OST). They were in charge of overseeing the restructuring of NRH and coordinating the various actors involved. In the non-regulatory areas, the direct interventions of the OST were of two types: restructuring procedures regarding equipment infrastructure such as sanitation and roads (water and electricity networks theoretically remain the responsibility of the owners), and land regularization.19 In 1984 a specialized agency called National Agency against Unhealthy Habitat (ANHI) was created. The ANHI from January 2004 joined the holding Al Omrane, whose two major objectives of their 2004-2007 quadrennial plan were doubling the production of social housing (especially the less expensive ones) and reducing the deficit in housing and equipment through a program for urban regeneration and improved infrastructure in rural communities.20 Tangier’s authorities in particular have recently carried out a series of changes over the urban legislation, attempting to contain the non-regulatory phenomena. This includes a modification of construction regulations in what they refer to as “rural centres”, allowing for a more dense built fabric in order to encourage rural population to stay in their douars (rural villages)21 instead

le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. p. 128 18 “A sale agreement, a domicile certificate and a certificate of construction are adoulaire acts that can be authenticated by the municipal services. These documents represent occupancy permits, a step in the long process of regularization of illegally purchased or tenure of land. They are not valid as property titles but they protect (in part) of a possible expulsion.” Le Tellier J., Ibid. p. 189

[12] Topography of Tangier in relation to NRH.

19 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans

le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. 20 Ibid. p. 204 21 Minimal land subdivision in rural centres was reduced from 1 hectare to 300 sqm. (data from Agence Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

141

of moving to the city, together with a study of a

The

possible expansion of the urban limit, in order to

restructurings.

contain the already dense built neighbourhoods.

introduce the lacking services gradually, however

The Moroccan programme “Villes sans bidonvilles” launched in 2004 also contemplated these kinds of developments within their objectives.23 However, unlike from the bidonvilles or slums, these dwellings are rarely subject to relocation procedures, since they are not built on state owned land but on legally acquired agricultural land, and have the quality of being solid brick buildings and spread widely enough to justify a different kind of action. In a beginning, as with slums, the inclination of state authorities was towards demolishing buildings that were outside the law (processus de relogement). However, this consequently burdened the state with the responsibility of providing a new dwelling to the families being evicted, and as the phenomena spread, this alternative would have evidently become economically non-viable.24

alternative

was State

carry

programs

out

in-situ

attempt

people are sometimes reluctant to start paying for them. Since the buildings are not legal, they are not subject to any type of taxation, and when regulatory campaigns are carried out, strict regulations are accompanied by the taxation of household (residential tax), which explains why the “regular” status is not necessarily sought for by the dwellers.25 Since the construction of homes precedes the urbanisation, the infrastructural layer of the neighbourhoods has to be introduced at a later stage. As mentioned before, this sometimes requires the demolition of some dwellings, and in most cases makes it impossible to serve all dwellings with road access or services. In the end, most restructuring procedures cannot attain complete servicing and are accompanied by the painting of facades and planting of vegetation to make the overall image change more dramatically.26 Being as it may, the resulting equipped areas are considered to be successfully “normalised” and added to the city’s urban realm. Concerning their precarious legal condition,

Urbaine). 22 Going back to the issue of ensuring circulation, when asked for the main reason why they were trying so hard to halt the expansion of the city, Mr. Abdellatif Brini explained that it was to prevent increasing traffic congestion towards the central city. “It is to take the pressure off the city, in terms of transportation, and the environment … You have seen the topography in the outskirts of Tangier, it’s very hilly, so in the end it turns out very expensive to introduce infrastructure!” Author’s translation from the French for all quotations of this conversation. 23 Programme des Nations Unies pour les Etablissements Humains – ONU-HABITAT Mission d’appui. Evaluation du programme national «Villes sans Bidonvilles» Rabat, 2011. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/ docs/11592_4_594598.pdf 24 As the geographer Jullien Le Tellier points out “more responsibilities are left to the inhabitants: purchase of plots, building process and participation in restructuring costs. In the end, doesn’t non-regulatory housing turn out to be relatively cheaper for the state than the slums, which could explain the tolerance towards this type of habitat? Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. 142

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many plans “provide facilities for the residents to get building permits even if their houses are already built”.27 Instead of giving fines to people that build outside regulations, according to Mr. Abdellatif Brini of Tangier’s Urban Agency28 some

p. 195 25 Ibid. 26 “Mise à niveau urbaine de Haoumat Chouk” powepoint presentation of the project put together by the Wilaya de Tanger, the Ministere de l’Habitat, the Holding Al Omrane, the Commune Tanger Ville, Associations des habitants, Fondation Tanger Medina, Association DARNA and the Atelier d’Architecture Hanae Bekkari. 27 Restructuring operation of the Korret Sbaâ neighbourhood in Tétouan conducted by the Agence Urbaine, mentioned in Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. p. 405 28 Meeting held on 28th February 2013 with the

local governments and municipalities (Commune-

the strategies through which power extends its

Mairie) have a series of 5-6 variations of house

domains, ignoring differences and assimilating

plans and are selling them out “at a symbolic

them into an apparent regulatory entity. The

price”, in order to encourage the population to

case of NRH in Tangier and its restructuring

regularize their condition.29

programmes are a paradigmatic case which

This encouraged process of regularization and the different mechanisms for restructuring have resulted in a permanent condition, an essential component in the production of space that could be considered the main social housing programme in Tangier. This programme involves private

shows a way in which the territory is managed through territorial scopes. In front of a condition that appears to be outside from political control, various aspects from the restructuring procedures evidence an attempt of extending the governance into otherwise ungoverned areas.

investment in the provision of homes; a procedure

The

elsewhere considered a positive formula and that

phenomena is addressed within the Moroccan

represents the less expensive option for the state.

society are very eloquent in containing in

different

terminologies

which

the

themselves the particular attitudes that are then engaged towards them: quartier marginalisé31, POLITICAL TERRITORIES AND TERRITORIAL POLICIES

habitat sous-équipé, bidonville, zone de baraques, habitat non réglementaire, habitat dégradé, habitat spontané, habitat précaire, habitat anarchique,

Political territories “Discipline

habitat insalubre32 are the most common, but also

centripetal,

while

security

centrifugal; discipline seeks to regulate everything while security seeks to regulate as little as possible, and, rather, to enable, as it is, indeed, laissez faire; discipline is isolating, working on measures of segmentation, while security seeks to incorporate, and to distribute more widely”.30 As Stuart Elden exposes, Foucault identified

habitat clandestin, habitat marginal, quartier sous-intégré, quartier sous-équipé, quartier nonréglementaire(…).33 The emphasis is either put on its structural qualities or on its relation to the normal city, against which these neighbourhoods appear as anarchic. The restructuring processes themselves also take names worth mentioning: mise

niveau,

réaménagement, restructuring,

restructuration, normalization

absorption,

résorption, (upgrading,

redevelopment,

normalisation). Even though the non regulatory neighbourhoods differ in their state of isolation, origin of the migrant Chargé de Mission of Tangier’s Agence Urbaine, Mr. Abdellatif Brini 29 “In 2001, only one out of ten built terrains of the [Korret Sbaâ] neighbourhood was registered and on the cadastre. More than 80% of the population, however, declared being owners during the studies before the restructuring works. The restructuring plan launched in 2003 seeks to facilitate the procedures for registering property in land conservation and reporting to the Ministry of Finance” Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. p. 393 30 Elden, S., Governmentality, calculation, territory. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2007, volume 25, pages 562-580. p. 565

31 Première phase du projet Korret Sbaâ, avril 2001, p. 2

32 As the names of the main organisations deal-

ing with the issue: ANHI : Agence nationale de (lutte contre) l’habitat insalubre (établissement public du ministère de l’Habitat) and PARHI : Programme national d’action pour la résorption de l’habitat insalubre 33 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. p. 187 Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

143

population, and level of equipment, among others,

way, identity is not opposed to but an element

the way of approaching their incorporation to the

contributing to the construction of the new territory.

urban reality is to encircle them under a single

As Elden clarifies, when referring to Foucault’s

definition that allows them to be identifiable and

differentiation between safety and security, “(…)

thus dealt with (as Foucault would name it, it is the

mechanisms shift from exclusion to inclusion,

appearance of a case):

to sending the victims outside the bounds of the

“(…) one of the fundamental elements in this deployment of mechanisms of security, that is to say, not yet the appearance of a notion of milieu, but the appearance of a project, a political technique that will be addressed to the milieu”.34 It should be noted that the present methods of dealing with the illegal housing issue is through a mechanism of “inclusion”, since the state seeks to incorporate them as part of the urban realm. A different kind on procedure of dealing with these places could erase all these subtleties. However, the “inclusion” paradigm considers taking into account these particularities and brings them into the system: adoules, mocqadems35 and walis36 are respected in their distinct importance and are taken as a working part of the apparatus, as part of the assemblage, “finding support in the reality of the phenomenon, and instead of trying to prevent it, making other elements of reality function in relation to it, in such a way that the

polity, to a mechanism for spatial partition that allows them to be contained within”38 and by doing this (as was openly commented by Tangier’s Urban Agency Head of Mission, Mr. Abdellatif Brini) putting themselves in a situation where they are now obliged to consider them as part of the city.39 This obligation entails the “levelling” of these neighbourhoods in terms of infrastructure and services.40 This new urban territory now has to comply with the same regulations and be served equally to the rest of the city, otherwise it is not acceptable. The normal condition is seen as an objective to be attained, thus normalisation procedures need to be carried out.41 These normalisation procedures, interestingly enough, have a strong emphasis on the incorporation of infrastructure. Roads, sewage, electricity, water and waste collection are the means to achieve the desired absorption of otherwise marginalised neighbourhoods into

phenomenon is canceled out, as it were”.37 In this

38 Elden, S., Governmentality, calculation, territory. 34 Foucault, M., Senellart, M., Ewald, F., & Fontana,

A. Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-78. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. 2007. p. 23. 35 “Moqqadem is a “local authority agent, based on proximity, under the responsibility of a caïd (Ministry of Interior). In urban areas, it is official and its responsibilities cover a neighborhood. Its role is to monitor, control and report to the caïd”. Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. p. 15 36 Wali is a “governor of province / prefecture capital of region (Ministry of Interior)” Ibid. p. 16. 37 Foucault, M., Senellart, M., Ewald, F., Fontana, A. Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-78. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. 2007. p. 59. 144

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Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2007, volume 25, pages 562-580. p. 564 39 Meeting held on 28th February 2013 with the Chargé de Mission of Tangier’s Agence Urbaine, Mr. Abdellatif Brini 40 “The inclusion of non-regulatory neighbourhoods is illustrated by the creation of public schools; Quranic schools in these newly integrated neighbourhoods close and are gradually replaced by private structures that host the younger children (kindergartens)”. Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. p. 395 41 We could consider in this case the coexistence of procedures of “normation” and “normalisation”. Foucault, M., Senellart, M., Ewald, F., Fontana, A. Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-78. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. 2007. p. 55-63.

the formal city. The geographer Jullien Le Tellier

legalised as proof of having bought a terrain.45

even carries out a qualitative categorisation of

The same is true regarding construction permits.

the neighbourhoods according to their various

What is important to note is that this is not only

conditions of inclusion and exclusion in relation to

an encouraged process of normation, but also a

the city, and of their susceptibility to being included

post-facto one.

according to their various topographic, social, and location particularities, among others.42 In

terms

provision

services,

It is interesting to interrogate the role of the “Agence Urbaine” in Morocco: Le Tellier considers

Veolia

the creation of the agency as an act of regaining

Environnement43 together with the Al Omrane

central power46, “centralising” the decision-making

Group are the new messiahs of the inclusion: their

and re-territorialising the region: “The recent

mission is seen as the only means of “redemption”

creation of urban agencies in Morocco can be

of societies that look up to them as the providers

interpreted as a form of recentralization of power.

of a droit de cité (right to the city). The population

It is for the State, a way to control municipalities

rightly regards these operations as a permanent

and interfere in local affairs, especially in terms

validation from society, and it is not so much

of urban planning and development”.47 In this

the opening of standpipes but the home water

sense, the introduction of infrastructure is a crucial

connection which is significant of a real right of

factor to be analysed: one can’t only see it as a

citizenship”.44

generous action by the state. These populations

This is a very key subject, since the authorities are careful to not give the “droit de cité” to anyone: they cannot send a wrong message, as if anyone who takes matters into their own hands and builds illegally, anywhere, will eventually be granted property and “habitation” rights. A legal framework has thus been constructed in order to regulate the requirements for the inclusion of a determined housing type to the legal boundaries of the city. This framework is interesting as it accepts as valid proofs or evidences credentials

were already functioning without it. Circulation infrastructure is, in fact, a way of regaining (or rereigning) a territory that was otherwise considered to be completely out of control. This is again a matter of security: referring to Foucault’s Security, Territory, Population, Elden notices how “while discipline operates through the enclosure and circumscription of space, security requires the opening up and release of spaces, to enable circulation and passage”.48 The

modifications

mentioned

beforehand

such as “actes adoulaires”, purchasing certificates given by adoules (traditional notaries that operate through elderly male witnesses) that can now be

45 “If the parcelling of parent titles such as carried

42 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans

le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006 43 Veolia Environnement via its holding company Veolia Services à l’Environnement Maroc (in charge of Moroccan water, wastewater and electricity services, and operated by concession companies Redal and Amendis) 44 De Miras, C., Le Tellier J., Gouvernance urbaine et accès à l’eau potable au Maroc. Partenariat Publicprivé à Casablanca et Tanger-Tétouan, L’harmattan, Villes et entreprises, Paris, 2005.

out by the owners are usually illegal, most are still backed by the municipality that legalises the selling acts” Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. p. 393. 46 Mr. Abdellatif Brini said that it puts the Directrice de L’Agence Urbaine at the same level of power as the Governeur. 47 Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. p. 403. 48 Elden, S., Governmentality, calculation, territory. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2007, volume 25, pages 562-580. p. 565 Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

145

regarding changes in rural regulations and

way of incorporating that part to Tangier, the “white

possible extensions of the urban limit, are an

city”.53

example of “(…) how the territorial sovereign became an architect of the disciplined space, but also, and almost at the same time, the regulator of a milieu, which involved not so much establishing

Territorial policies: territorialisation

limits and frontiers, or fixing locations, as, above

The concept that is constantly present and

all and essentially, making possible, guaranteeing,

underlying all these conflicts is territoriality. Urban

and ensuring circulations”.49 Mr. Abdellatif Brini

policies have proven to understand the region from

also commented on a process of demarcation and

a more abstract perspective, leaving aside the

recognition of each one of the neighbourhoods

particular physical realities and the mechanisms

having needed to be carried out, which again

through which they were produced. The problem of

responds to “the delimitation of phenomena within

the poor understanding of the territory (which is an

acceptable limits, rather than the imposition of a law

inherently unequal space) and its confusion with

that says no to them. So mechanisms of security

territoriality (that attempts and homogenisation

are not put to work on the sovereign-subjects axis

of it) is at the base of the perpetuation of urban

or in the form of the prohibition”.50 Infrastructure can then be understood as a deployment of

conflicts and tensions.

security, a way of procuring sovereignty over a

To take this even further, actions of de-

risky population.

territorialisation

The resulting built space of the non-regulated phenomena and its gradual incorporation into the urban fabric is evidence the mechanisms of territoriality being deployed. To give an example, the Agence Urbaine directed what was called an

“opération-modèle

restructuration”

the Monghoha neighbourhood, and the state procedures

over

the

neighbourhood

“restructured” are very evidently marked through

and

re-territorialisation

are

constantly mentioned in regards to territory. This displacement procedure would allegedly explain the processes taking place in the globalised world, where territory is subject to a constant redefinition beyond its bounds and suggesting that it is affected by thoughts and meanings originated from different locations. The peripheral areas of Tangier are subject to de-territorialisation and re-territorialisation procedures54, through which the central government attempts to redefine their

a territorialisation mark, a signature: the white painting of the buildings.51 The same can be seen on the urban upgrading of the Haoumat Chouk neighbourhood.52 The painting of the facades is a

49 Foucault, M., Senellart, M., Ewald, F., Fontana, A.

Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-78. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. 2007. p. 29. 50 Ibid. p. 66. 51 Presentation on 28th February 2013 given by the Chargé de Mission of Tangier’s Agence Urbaine, Mr. Abdellatif Brini 52 “Mise à niveau urbaine de Haoumat Chouk” powepoint presentation of the project put together by the Wilaya de Tanger, the Ministere de l’Habitat, 146

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the Holding Al Omrane, the Commune Tanger Ville, Associations des habitants, Fondation Tanger Medina, Association DARNA and the Atelier d’Architecture Hanae Bekkari. 53 It is an interesting coincidence, the opposition between the white city and the red city (the city in “sin”). One could almost extract a moralising attitude from the entire restructuring procedure. 54 We could describe a restructuring procedure as a re-territorialisation in itself: it attempts to evenly transform the existing spatial and social configurations of neighbourhoods that were born through various and particular rural migration processes, and have a local internal functioning (proper to the Rifains, Casaouis, Rabelais, Arabic or Muslim cultures, to name just a few).

existence and status. However, a more sensible

The first confusion has to do with the proximity with

approach would be to recognise them as a

the concept of space. The simplest, more basic

territory in themselves, contiguous but different

and unfettered way of looking at the place where

from the pre-existing Tangier, since they have

things move and exist seems to be the obvious

been produced through very different political,

base upon which to construct the idea of territory.

economic and social processes, and are built over

This is a reasonable approach, considering that

different topographic and terrain conditions. These

it attempts to grasp the physical reality of it,

particularities press the importance of re-thinking

endowing it with a sensitive quality that can be

what territory means and what significances that

perceived and understood. However, space lacks

should convey to the urban discussion.

the depth of territory, and in order to approach

How do we define a territory? The idea of territory is a multi-layered concept, and while it commonly defines a potential area or domain, its definition varies according to the field of study. Territory comes from the Latin word territorium, formed by the root terra (earth, land) and of the suffix orium (denoting place). According to Stuart Elden,”territorium is an extremely rare term in classical Latin that becomes common in the Middle Ages. The standard definition is the land belonging to a town or another entity such as a religious order”.55 The notion emerged mainly as a political-administrative concept, and has since been stretched into other (political-economic and political-strategic) domains. Elden argues that territory is rarely theorised or defined in itself, and is normally substituted with other notions which could be close or adjacent but which are not identical to territory. “Where it is defined, territory is either assumed to be a relation that can be understood as an outcome of territoriality, or simply as a bounded space”.56

territory to space, the term needs to be invested with additional dimensions. Claude Raffestin for example reflects on territory as being a space transformed by human work,57 and Edward Soja comments on territory as space that can be divided and traded as a commodity.58 Raffestin even says that “territory is generated from space, through the actions of an actor, who “territorializes” space”.59 When assimilated as space, territory loses the potential active qualities and resonances it may have and is flattened to signify only the surface that holds space. The confusion with territoriality is even more frequent. It is true that territory is something that is being produced and not a fixed entity. In this sense, it is something which is always in a state of production; it is in movement and to record its movement means to record the territory. It can then be considered an action which could comprise movements of territorialisation. However, this does not mean that territory is territorialisation, even though most definitions of territory resort to it. Robert Sack’s view on territories requiring

Most definitions of territory do slide into either space or territoriality very easily, making it hard to distinguish a straightforward understanding of the term.

57 Raffestin C., Ecogénèse territoriale et territorialité,

55 Elden, S., Land, terrain, territory. Progress in

Human Geography. 34, 799-817. 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://dro.dur. ac.uk/6850/1/6850.pdf. p. 10. 56 Ibid. p. 1.

in Auriac F. et Brunet R. (eds.), Espaces, jeux et enjeux, Paris: Fayard, p. 173-185. 1986. 58 Soja, E. W. The Political Organization of Space, Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No 8, Washington: Association of American Geographers, 1971. 59 Raffestin cited in Elden, S., Land, terrain, territory. Progress in Human Geography. 34, 799-817. 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://dro. dur.ac.uk/6850/1/6850.pdf. p. 5. Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

147

“constant effort to establish and maintain”60 is

technical notions of territory back down into a closer

an example of this transposition of territory into

relation to the actual land conditions or terrain they

territorialisation. Deleuze and Guattari are closer

are being drawn over will necessarily enrich these

to an dynamic understanding of the concept when

understandings by adding a sort of ground layer

they say that “the territory is in fact an act that affects

to them. Each way of understanding a territory

milieus and rhythms, that “territorializes” them.

can be then read as a moving phenomenon

The territory is the product of a territorialization

occurring over a transforming physical canvas,

Despite this proximity,

and the superposition of all these layers results in

Elden explains how even though territory is in

a moving palimpsestic notion of territory. Despite

fact one of the products of territorialisation, it still

the consensus on territory being an almost supra

needs a definition of its own since it is “logically

territorial concept in the globalized era63, I argue

prior to territoriality, even if existentially second”.

following Elden that physical geography is an

of milieus and rhythms”.

[6] Territory should have an emphasis on physical conditions.

Geological map of Morocco. / Sources: Atlas of Morocco, available at http://www.hoeckmann.de/ karten/afrika/marokko/index-en.htm

unavoidable condition for the definition of territory.

[13] Geological map of Morocco

The determinateness of territory: the role of physical geography in the definitions of territory There is something about the word territory that suggests the existence of a down-to-earth entity. Notions of spatiality, materiality, and physicality would need to prevail in such an idea. However, when looking at the primary definitions of territory and its contemporary derivation to notions of de-territorialisation, there is something which is constantly being left aside: territory itself. One could argue that from an original deepening of the concept through understandings of its potential scope (particularly in political theory, social

Elden himself first suggests a return to geographic dependence by arguing that it is fundamental when attempting to explain the human occupation of the territory: “To concentrate on the political-economic risks reducing territory to land; to emphasise the political-strategic blurs it with a sense of terrain. Recognising both, and seeing the development made possible by emergent political techniques allows us to understand territory as a distinctive mode of social/spatial organisation, one which is historically and geographically limited and dependent, rather than a biological drive or social need”.64

sciences and philosophy) the term has increasingly

While the de-territorialisation (the removal of the

lost attachment to the ground it is subject to.

ground component) from the classical definition

It is clear that qualifying a certain territory only by its natural specificity is rendering the term short. However, bringing the political, economic and

of territory operates from a certain poetic about information technology, circulation and non-places, hypertext,

ubiquity,

real-time

communication,

decentralized network, etc. the fact is that all these notions are ultimately based on land or ground

60 Sack, R. D. Human Territoriality: Its Theory and

History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1986

61 Deleuze, G., Guattari, F., A Thousand Plateaus:

Capitalism and Schizophrenia, trans. Brain Massumi. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988. p. 314. 62 Elden, S., Land, terrain, territory. Progress in Human Geography. 34, 799-817. 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://dro.dur. ac.uk/6850/1/6850.pdf. p. 6. 148

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63 Scholte, J. A., Globalisation: A Critical Introduction, Houndmills: Macmillan. 2000., cited in Elden, S., 2005. Missing the point: globalization, deterritorialization and the space of the world. Blackwell. 64 Elden, S., Land, terrain, territory. Progress in Human Geography. 34, 799-817. 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://dro.dur. ac.uk/6850/1/6850.pdf. p. 16.

and have a connection to the physical territory.

approach possible. However, an emphasis into

They flaunt a presumed immateriality, beautiful

making the most of their particularities would

but utopian, for cables and antennas exist in

be more appropriate67, and following this idea,

reality and have a precise location and sense

the creation of a local governance entity would

due to geography. Discussing Scholte’s argument

make sense. Looking at Tangier (and other

of the existence of a trans-world simultaneity or

sprawling cities) from this perspective would allow

instantaneity, Elden believes that “this does not

understanding that in some way, it was not the

escape the ‘logic’ of territory; rather it demonstrates

city that sprawled, but rather it was the rural areas

the importance of the temporal to understandings

that approached the city and flourished besides

of spatiality”.

it. This shift of perspective regarding the growth

Disturbingly, “the predominance of “understandings of globalisation as de-territorialisation, which claim that territory no longer occupies the foundational geographical place” have “even led to the suggestion that geography is less significant, or even that spatial considerations are not important at all”.66 My argument seeks to stress the importance of territory being a distinctive mode of spatial organisation, supporting the idea that territories have a physical manifestation of an immanent configuration that should be primary within any critical reading. This physical manifestation is

of territories in the margins68 would be beneficial when addressing their urban circumstances. The expansion of non regulatory housing is in fact re-producing the territory, pushing the urban boundaries from the outside, inverting centre and border conditions. In the same way as in the foreword to the 1997 edition of Land and Sea, Simona Draghici explains Carl Schmitt’s concept of spatial revolution as being a representational shift of boundaries69, these new territories deserve a revolution themselves: the account for their unique logic of production of the territory.

even clearer and easier to abstract when looking at fast occurring urban phenomena such as the peripheral expansions of cities, where repetition and magnitude give enough samples to identify a pattern. As we saw in the previous chapter, the recent urban sprawl of the city of Tangier is not the sole product of a particular political-economic situation, but an explicit form of territorial construction.

Rather than territorialisation practices, what should prevail is an insistence on the territory, a territorisation. Urban programmes and structuring processes attempt to keep enlarging the urban, as if prolonging roads and pipes was the only

65 Elden, S., 2005. Missing the point: globalization,

deterritorialization and the space of the world. Blackwell. p. 18. 66 Ibid. p. 1-2.

67 The architect Hanae Bekkari for example supports the idea that the disregard of the physical conditions in the planning and development of Tangier is determinant to explain it current urban situation: “In my view, the three base maps supporting any urban action or architectural action in Tangier are the Topographic Plan (plan topographique), the Geoechnical map (carte geotechnique) and the “Carte des Vestiges”. H. Tanger Post Internationale, article in Urban generations : post-colonial cities / ed. by David Richards, Taoufik Agoumy, Taeib Belghazi. - Rabat : Faculty of Letters of Rabat, 2005. - 471 p. : ill., krt. ; 24 cm. - (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Rabat Série: Colloques et séminaires, ISSN 1113-0377 ; 126). p. 274. 68 In this sense margins refers to the limits of a certain focus. Maps for example constantly avoid representing the areas outside the established limits. 69 Schmitt, C., Land and Sea [1942, 1954], trans. Simona Draghici (Washington, DC: Plutarch Press, 1997), p. XIV (foreword).

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149

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Haut commissariat au Plan et direction de la

Amzil, L., Debbi, F., and Le Tellier, J. La Mobilité Urbaine

dans

L’Agglomération

Tanger:

Evolutions et Perspectives. Sophia Antipolis: Plan Bleu, 2009.

Urban generations : post-colonial cities / ed. by David Richards, Taoufik Agoumy, Taeib Belghazi. Rabat : Faculty of Letters of Rabat, 2005. - 471 p. : ill., krt. ; 24 cm. - (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Rabat Série: Colloques et séminaires, ISSN 1113-0377 ; 126) De Haas, H., International migration and regional in

Morocco. Workshop

New

Moroccan Migrations, Institute of Development

for the Establishment of Cadastral Methodology in Morocco. TS 5K – Cadastral Projects. FIG Congress 2010 Facing the Challenges -Building the Capacity. Sydney, Australia, 11-16 April 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from http:// www.fig.net/pub/fig2010/papers/ts05k%5Cts05k_ kim_4150.pdf Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, doctoral thesis of geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006. Le Tellier, J., Relations sociales et lieux de

University of Sussex, 13 July 2005.

sociabilité urbaine autour des bornes-fontaines

Deleuze,

G.,

Guattari,

Thousand

Plateaus: trans.

F.,

Capitalism Brain

A and

Massumi.

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988.

publiques à Tanger (Maroc), in Les lieux de sociabilité urbaine dans la longue durée en Afrique, Fourchard Laurent, Goerg Odile, GomezPerez Muriel (éd.), Paris, L’Harmattan, 2009.

Elden, S., 2005. Missing the point: globalization,

Mghari, Mohamed, L’immigration subsaharienne

deterritorialization

the

au Maroc. Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for

world. Blackwell. Available at: http://dro.dur.

Applied Research on International Migration

ac.uk/1175/1/1175.pdf

(CARIM), 2008.

De Miras, C., Le Tellier J., Gouvernance urbaine

Programme

et accès à l’eau potable au Maroc. Partenariat

Etablissements

Public-privé à Casablanca et Tanger-Tétouan,

Evaluation du programme national “Villes sans

L’harmattan, Villes et entreprises, Paris, 2005.

Bidonvilles” Rabat, 2011. [Accessed 24 May 2013];

and

the

space

Elden, S., 2007. Governmentality, calculation, territory. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2007, volume 25, pages 562-580 Elden, S., Land, terrain, territory. Progress in Human Geography. 34, 799-817. 2010. [Accessed

des

Nations

Unies

Humains

pour

les

–ONU-HABITAT.

Available at http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/ docs/11592_4_594598.pdf Raffestin , C., 1977. Paysage

territorialité.

Cahiers de geographie de Quebec 21: 53-54. Available at: http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/021360ar

24 May 2013]; Available from: http://dro.dur.

Raffestin, C. Territoriality. A reflection of the

ac.uk/6850/1/6850.pdf

discrepancies between the organization of space

Foucault, M., Senellart, M., Ewald, F., Fontana, A. Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977-78. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. 2007.

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from: http://www.hcp.ma

Studies, Sussex Centre for Migration Research,

Schizophrenia,

150

et de l’habitat, [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available

Hyunjin, K. The Study and Example of application

Bekkari, H. Tanger Post Internationale, article in

development

Statistique. Recensement général de la population

and

individual

liberty.

International

Political

Science Review, 1984, vol. 5, no. 2, p.139-146 Available unige:4346

at:

http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/

Raffestin C., Ecogénèse territoriale et territorialité,

Image references

in Auriac F. et Brunet R. (eds.), Espaces, jeux et enjeux, Paris: Fayard, p. 173-185. 1986. Raffestin C., Butler S. A., 2012. Space, territory, and territoriality. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 30(1) 121 – 141 Sack, R. D. Human Territoriality: Its Theory and History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1986

[1] Nicole Rochette, 2013. [2] [3] Built upon information found in Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006 [4] University of Texas Libraries available at http:// www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/ams/morocco_city_ plans/ [5] Tangier unit group work, 2013.

Scholte, J. A., Globalisation: A Critical Introduction,

[6] View of Aouama neighbourhood available at

Houndmills: Macmillan. 2000.

http://www.tripmondo.com/morocco/region-de-

Schmitt, C., Land and Sea [1942, 1954], trans. Simona Draghici (Washington, DC: Plutarch Press, 1997), p. XIV (foreword). Soja, E. W. The Political Organization of Space, Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No 8, Washington: Association of American Geographers, 1971.

tanger-tetouan/aouama/ [7] Nicole Rochette, 2013. [8] [9]Built upon information found in Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, Doctoral Thesis of Geography, Aix-Marseille University, 2006 [10] [11] [12] Nicole Rochette, 2013. [13] Atlas of Morocco, available at http://www. hoeckmann.de/karten/afrika/marokko/index-en. htm

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151

Previous pages: view of Mghoha neighbourhood. / Annick Meiers 2013.

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TANGIER The margins of a city on the edge.

The city of Tangier is the largest urban centre of the Moroccan Mediterranean coast. It is strategically located in one of the few meeting points (or rather proximity points) between Africa and Europe across the Mediterranean Sea, rendering it heavily strategic in geopolitical terms. At the same time, a country that historically had focused its development further south is now seeing its northern regions arise as large and constantly changing urban centres. It has been subject during the last decades to strong migratory movements both from foreign and rural regions, intensely pressuring over its built capacity. These conditions allowed for the condensation of particular urban phenomena which is transversal to most southern Mediterranean cities, mainly regarding the issue of housing large quantities of new urban populations. This issue has been dealt with differently according to the diverse contexts it is confronted with, and in the case of Tangier, the political conditions favoured a vast proliferation of self-built houses extending the limits of the urban realm.

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MIGRATION INTO URBAN CENTRES The Mediterranean in movement.

Migration plays an important role in the evolution of Mediterranean cities. The north of Morocco in particular is both a place of immigration and emigration, as migrants from sub Saharan Africa pass through Morocco expecting to reach Europe, representing a significant cultural component of the growth of urban centres. Even more numerous are the internal migrations between rural and urban zones, attracted by the work available in the area. These processes result in an accelerated growth of the urban areas, since the need for permanent residency is confronted with a saturated and degraded urban fabric and insufficient offer of adequate low-cost housing. The areas of the region which are still not urbanised come therefore into tension because of the forces that hover over it, and when the existing urban structures become surpassed by the demands, the territories outside of the urban realm become contested territories.

POSSIBILITIES OF CIRCULATION The combination of multiple movement trajectories depict the potential connections across the Mediterranean, most of which are unilateral. The Mediterranean as a space of circulation, 2013.

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Tunis

100

Tangier

200 KM

Ceuta

Selouane Melilla Zaio Aklim Berkane Ahr Beni Drar Maghnia

Algiers

Main migratory routes

Oujda Rabat

Roads and highways

Fes

Casablanca

Desert path

Mohammed V InternaƟonal Airport

Unknown trajectory

Tripoli Bouarfa

Points of departure/ crossing Transit hubs

Ghardaia

Aïn Chouatèr

Main destinations Agadir

Adrar Sabha

Djanet

Tamanrasset

Zouérat

Bordj Badji Mokhtar Nouadhibou

Tessalit Tin ZaouaƟne In Guezzam Dirkou Arlit

Bilma

NouakchoƩ

Faya-Largeau

Agadez Gao St Louis

Dakar Zinder

Niamey Sokoto Bamako

Kano

N'Djamena

Conakry

Freetown

Monrovia

Lagos Accra Abidjan

Yaounde

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Bangui

MIGRATORY ROUTES IN WESTERN AFRICA There are many trans-Saharan routes, most of which arrive to Morocco through the city of Agadez. Once across the Sahara, the Subsaharan migrants remain within their Maghrebi societies.

Map according to information found in these sources: - Overland and maritime migration routes to North Africa, the Middle East and Western Europe / de Haas, Hein (2007): The Myth of Invasion: Irregular Migration from West Africa to the Maghreb and the European Union . International Migration Institute, University of Oxford - Lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;immigration subsaharienne au Maroc / MGHARI, Mohamed, 2008, Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM).

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40 35 30

26,5

20,9

20 15 10

18,1

10,6

14,2 9,5

0,3

0 Under 1 year

1 year

2 years

5-9 years

10-12 years

Length of stay of subsaharan migrants in Morocco, 2007.

Still frame from the movie “14 kilometros”

“La question migratoire au Maroc : données récentes” CARIM 2011.

ROUTE CHECKS IN THE SAHARA

http://immigrationclandestine.com/

Still frame from the movie “14 kilometros”

55,9

50 40 30 17,6 13,2

n oc nt ic

At la

(A ie r

lg er ia

)

or t rp Ai

nt fro

lf ro nt ie

7,2

5,7

Te r

ria

or t

0,1

0,3

r So (M uth au fro rit nt an ier ia )

Po rt

Place of entry of subsaharan migrants to Morocco

THE JOURNEY

“L’immigration subsaharienne au Maroc, Analyse

Route d’Adrar, panoramio.com.

AMERM 2008.

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4 years

THE START OF A JOURNEY

CLANDESTINE IMMIGRATION TRUCKS

3 years

socio - économique”

THE JOURNEY Migrants find themselves spending long periods of time in the places they traverse. The north of Morocco receives an important amount of immigrants into its urban centres.

Immigrants outside an immigration centre in Melilla

Subsaharan immigrants in the road to Ceuta, 2012.

http://www.dw.de

Type of habitation of subsaharan migrants in transit in

Men detained in Bouarfa

Morocco (% by nationality)

http://www.agora-presse.com

Source: “L’immigration subsaharienne au Maroc, Analyse

socio -

économique” AMERM 2008.

Future plan of subsaharan migrants in Morocco

Harraga (immigrants in Arabic)

“L’immigration subsaharienne au Maroc, Analyse

http://www.jansochor.com/photo-essay/haraga.html

socio - économique”

AMERM 2008.

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Tangier Prison Status: In use (2011) Location: Tangier Type: Prison Detention Timeframe: Long-term Security: Secure Management: Prison Administration (L’administration pénitentiaire)

Tétouan Prison Status: In use (2011) Location: Tétouan Type: Prison Detention Timeframe: Long-term Security: Secure Management: Prison Administration (L’administration pénitentiaire)

Oued Laou Prison Status: In use (2011) Location: Oued Laou Type: Prison Detention Timeframe: Long-term Security: Secure Management: Prison Administration (L’administration pénitentiaire)

Al Hoceima Prison Status: In use (2011) Location: Al Hoceima Type: Prison Detention Timeframe: Long-term Security: Secure Management: Prison Administration (L’administration pénitentiaire)

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TRANSITING NORTH MOROCCO The northern coast of Morocco and other north African countries are currently undergoing strong changes, 0

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Prison de Oujda Nador Prison Status: In use (2011) Location: Nador Type: Prison Detention Timeframe: Long-term Security: Secure Management: Prison Administration (L’administration pénitentiaire)

Status: In use (2011) Location: Oujda, Eastern Morocco (border with Algeria) Type: Prison Detention Timeframe: Long-term Security: Secure Management: Prison Administration (L’administration pénitentiaire)

Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

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THE TANGIER PENINSULA Administrative organisation of the region, highlighting the urban communes. According to Les évolutions du découpage administratif de la péninsule tingitane. 1956-2004 / Le Tellier, Julien: “Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord”.

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SPRAWL Urban consequences of a rapid population growth.

Tangier is currently the main destination of migratory movements in the region, and has for the last decades gone through a rapid urbanisation process. After Tangier lost its international status and was annexed to Morocco, the city expanded beyond the limits of the international period, observing an intense population growth precisely while the city did not have any plans or orientations for the development. As a result, Tangier observed an intense growth, a random expansion resulting in an uneven territory, a city that is polarised between a compact centre and a dispersed periphery. The sense of dispersion is amplified by the topography: scattered pieces of the city attempt to function as a whole in what is an uneven piece of land, with infrastructures laboriously attempting to connect it and with a noticeable deficiency of basic services. This sprawl, a result of the city bound migration confronted with a saturated and degraded urban fabric and insufficient low-cost housing has put pressure over the preexisting farm land, modifying the periphery of the city in a substantial manner. The authorities have attempted to control this sprawl, mainly through the enforcement of a limit to the urban area, without effectively reducing the rate at which the footprint of the city continues to grow. Within this scenario, a particular type of habitation appears especially marginalised and numerous. The most peripheral and hilly areas are covered with a blanket of single family housing units, with a visible homogeneity.

URBAN REGION Satellite image showing the north peninsula with its two major cities, Tangier and TĂŠtouan, facing the Spanish coast. Google earth satellite image, 2013.

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URBAN AREA Satellite image showing the surface of the urban area and its reaches. Google earth satellite image, 2013.

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URBAN LIMIT The Urban Agency of Tangier has drawn a limit for the growth of the city, attempting to incorporate land ownership and future developments into the equation. Tangierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban territory and limits / Agence Urbaine de Tanger, 2013.

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ACCELERATED GROWTH RATE

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TANGIERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S HILLS The brick predominance is evident even from afar, rendering the hills red and saturated with housing. This page: view from Aouama neighbourhood / http:// www.tripmondo.com/morocco/region-de-tangertetouan/aouama/

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HOUSING SPRAWL Recent neighbourhoods have reached a high density, leaving small isles of empty land between them that has not yet been built. This page: view of Beni Makada district. / Nina Vidic, 2013.

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NON REGULATORY NEIGHBOURHOODS The territory of self regulation

Close to 30% of Tangier is now built through a single typology. It is officially referred to (among other less adequate terms) as Non-Regulatory Housing (NRH). Its advance dates back to the 1970s and presented a strong growth in the 80s and 90s, and basically consists on a collection of significantly populated neighbourhoods scattered around the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s hills and former agricultural areas. The logic of addition of single family units into neighbourhoods creates a condition where vast zones are dormitory areas, with a high dependency to the central parts of the city and without network services. These types of constructions are easily recognisable since they share a very particular typology: their typological homogeneity is based upon structural principles, economic logic, and space qualities, together with a common isolation condition and a particular legal framework.

A REPETITIVE MODULE The self-built typology has spread rapidly and is present throughout the city, generating impressive scenarios.

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NON REGULATORY AREAS These developments are located mainly around the south and south-east areas of the city: neighbourhoods such as Beni Makada, Bir Chifa, Moghogha, Sania, Tanja Balia, etc. represent different relevant products of this process.

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A BLANKET The repetition of the module is even more evident when the slope is stronger, generating views towards the hills which are covered with similar housing blocks. In most cases, the limits of established neighbourhoods can be easily recognised.

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OCCUPATION OF FARMLAND The advance of self built housing is seen as a menace to the remaining agricultural land surrounding Tangier, even though most of it is located on the hills. This page, top: Limites entre les terres agricoles de Bousemlal et le quartier Korret Sbaâ (2003) / Le Tellier, Julien: “Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord” This page, centre: Vues du lotissement de Prévention (Tétouan, 2003) / Le Tellier, Julien: “Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord”

EVOLUTION FROM RURAL VILLAGES The non-regulatory housing neighbourhoods continue to multiply and some have grown out of a densification of previous douars or rural villages. Rural inhabitants and migrants come together in a semi-urban condition that permeates the region.

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GROWTH PROCESS These pictures show the changes occurred between 2009 and 2013 from the same point of view. Some areas that used to be slums have evolved into more permanent settlement, while the only open land left belongs to a cemetery. Unlike the bidonvilles or slums, these dwellings are rarely subject to relocation procedures, since they are not built on state owned land, are of fairly solid construction and widely distributed. This page, top: View of Bir Chifa, 2009 / http://nikoetluceontheroad.blogspot.co.uk/2009/11/aiel-kebir-acte-2-tanger.htm

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AN ESTABLISHED SITUATION The extents of this model of housing can be seen throughout the entire region. This mechanism of building has resulted in a permanent condition, which could be considered the main social housing programme in Tangier Various images / Le Tellier, Julien: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nordâ&#x20AC;?

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LAND SECURING The designation of non regulatory has to do with a common “irregular” condition regarding existing urban laws. This is not only a legal issue: this particular form of access to urban land has significant effects in the resulting urban fabric and its configuration. The first step towards attaining urban land consists in building a parapet which is allowed outside of the urban limit. Morocco has a very low land registration rate and most plots of non regulatory buildings are not registered in the cadastre. The farmlands go through a process of illegal subdivision of property, and the “mother” titles are fragmented into several individual plots that do not have property titles registered with the cadastre and land conservation services. This page, top: Réserves foncières gelées au bord de la route de Tanger (Tétouan, 2003) / Le Tellier, Julien: “Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord”

RAPID CONSTRUCTION AND ILLEGALITY The need to “secure” property promotes a fast building procedure, and this necessity explains the proliferation of uniform building techniques and housing typologies..

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CLUSTERING PROCESS Areas densify progressively, usually starting from a single agricultural settlement or through a system of plot divisions that respond to different motives. This page: Google earth satellite image of Jamaa Ben Mohamed, Tangier. 2003.

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BUILDING PROCESS This building systems is strongly embedded in the Moroccan culture. The addition of rooms and floors follows the needs of a growing and extended family, even though the current process is more standardised and structurally solid. This page, top: Les phases de l’autoconstruction (Cote, 1998) / Le Tellier, Julien: “Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord”.

STAGES OF COMPLETION Single family houses at different stages. Most houses are built progressively, adding floors as they are required. The more recent developments however immediately contemplate the upper floors.

LOCAL AND LOW TECH The prevailing building system is explained by economic reasons as well as the available building knowledge, In lack of a better or less expensive alternative, even the ceilings are built with bricks, held together by a series of concrete joists This artisanal method allows the system to be adapted depending on the particular circumstances, resulting in a very flexible but efficient system.

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SPACE FOR GROWTH Most buildings display their stages of incompletion. Some buildings are kept closed until it is sold to someone else, in a speculative trend that keeps increasing in the region.

A CONSTANT PROCESS OF CONSTRUCTION Until the built fabric has reached its maximum capacity, neighbourhoods are in an ongoing construction phase. Materials are stocked on the rooftops awaiting for the next floor to be built, as soon as the budget allows it. The historical growth of a particular neighbourhood can then be inferred from the status of the built fabric.

Portfolio 2012/2013 | Nicole Rochette Garmendia

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THE GRID: THE CONJUGATION OF SIMPLE STRUCTURAL ELEMENTS The typological uniformity is manifested through the construction technique. A 3Basel x ETH 3 mt square module is of ETH study Studio ETH of Basel Studio construction study Basel ETHof Studio study process construction Basel construction study process of construction process process ETH Studio Basel study of Studio construction process the basic building block of the non regulated areas, and can be understood as a political technology. Single building unit Single buildingSingle unit building Single building unitSingle unitbuilding unit

46 UCL | The Bartlett School of Architecture | MArch UD These types of constructions These types are easily ofThese constructions recognisable types Theseoftypes are constructions since easily These of constructions they recognisable types share areofeasily aconstructions very are since recognisable particular easily they recognisable are share typology: easily since a very they recognisable since their particular share they typological ashare very typology: since particular ahomogeneity they verytheir share particular typology: typological a very typology: particular their homogeneity typological their typology: typological homogeneity theirhomogeneity typological homogeneity is based upon structural is based principles, upon economic is structural basedisupon based logic, principles, structural upon andisspace economic based structural principles, qualities, upon logic, principles, structural economic together and space economic principles, with logic, qualities, aand common logic, economic space together andisolation qualities, space logic, with qualities, condition and together a common space together and with qualities, isolation aa common with together condition a common isolation with and isolation acondition acommon condition and isolation a and condition a and a particular legal framework. particular legalparticular framework. particular legal framework. legal particular framework. legal framework.

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PHASED CONSTRUCTION Analysis of the possible variations in the building process of a single unit. The system allows for certain flexibility but maintains throughout its variation the basic module and principles. ETH Studio Basel study of construction logic: Madinat Errahma (draft), 2008. /http://www.studio-basel. com/projects/casablanca-08/student-work/madinaterrahma.html

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RANDOM PLACEMENT When the parcelling is not strict, the resulting fabric depends strongly on the circumstantial location of roads, neighbours and networks. This is even more evident when the terrain has stronger slopes.

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LINEAR ORIENTATION Units arranged side to side and back to back, creating a more dense ensemble. This system creates long finger-like strips that originate narrow streets or paths between them, giving an appearance of order but hindering road access and reducing the amount of light that gets into the buildings and public space.

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LOW DENSITY The zones where the density is still low have large areas of land which remains undefined. Houses limit directly with this land which usually receives waste and construction debris.

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HIGH DENSITY Neighbourhoods closer to the centre of the city, and especially the older ones, have attained a high level of density and have very little open space left between buildings. This density has led the emergence of local commerce and activities that have carved within the tight fabric.

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GAPS The logic of agricultural plot divisions together with terrain irregularities and phased building times, leaves creases in the dense fabric that can be seen as opportunities.

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UNDER EQUIPPED Regarding their urban condition, these areas are given the appellation of â&#x20AC;&#x153;under equippedâ&#x20AC;? neighbourhoods because of their lack of basic infrastructure. The absence or deficiency of network services (water, sanitation, electricity) gives these neighbourhoods the more frequent name of habitat insalubre (unhealthy habitat), which is commonly used by the Moroccan authorities. However, most inhabitants manage to make up for the deficient access to service networks by either connecting illegally to them or relying on open water sources and fountains. The lack of public facilities such as schools and clinics is however more persistent.

TERRAIN The buildings hold and irregular status: the absence of a preceding building permit is accompanied with a subsequent transgression of other construction regulations. Non-ĂŚdificandi areas are overlooked and as a result, most dwellings end up being built on what is considered to be non buildable terrains. The outskirts of Tangier have a rugged topography, and terrains with strong slopes (higher than 15% and 20%) leave gaps within the built fabric that are then filled up by occupants that take advantage of its state of neglect. Flood areas are also used for building, together with waterways, which summed up with strong slopes give way to dangerous landslides.

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RESTRUCTURING PROCEDURES In the last years, a significant part of neighbourhoods have benefited from the introduction of basic infrastructure as part of restructuring programmes. The Moroccan programme â&#x20AC;&#x153;Villes sans bidonvillesâ&#x20AC;? launched in 2004 also contemplated these kinds of developments within their objectives. The direct interventions mainly contemplate equipment infrastructure such as sanitation and roads (water and electricity networks theoretically remain the responsibility of the owners), together with land regularization. In most cases, it is impossible to serve all dwellings with road access or services. In the end, most restructuring procedures cannot attain complete servicing and are accompanied by the painting of facades and planting of vegetation to make the overall image change more dramatically. This page, top images: Restructuring process in Houmat Chouk, with an emphasis on the painting of buildings. Mise Ă niveau urbaine de Haoumat Chouk / Holding Al Omrane

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UNDERSTANDING TERRITORY The non regulatory building mechanism works over the territory applying its own set of rules and regulations. The placement of single blocks onto the topography is an operation that modifies the environment with a particular objective, resulting in a superposition of one order onto another.

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NON REGULATORY URBAN FABRIC The grain of non regulatory neighbourhoods is identifiable from above. While some of the neighbourhoods are immersed in the urban footprint, large areas appear completely disconnected from it.

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ISOLATION Most neighbourhoods present a poor connectivity to the rest of the city, depending highly on a system of taxi routes to get to main roads and highways.

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GEOGRAPHIC DETERMINANTS The direction that the urban growth took in absence of enforced regulations was heavily influenced by the terrain conditions in these areas. While the flat, secure and easier to develop areas closer to the coast were under stronger control, flood zones, steep terrains and agricultural areas were kept with a looser hand, which gave way to unrestricted construction.

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THREE CITIES When distinguishing this territory from the rest of the urban footprint, it is evident that Tangier is actually composed of three main â&#x20AC;&#x153;citiesâ&#x20AC;?: the traditional Medina (with its traditional courtyard houses), the French planned city (composed of boulevards and 8 floor buildings), and the non regulated territory.

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PLANNED DEVELOPMENT The Urban Agency has recently published a document showing the areas which are “open for urbanization or development”, which reaches up to the urban limit but however disregards the “middle territory”, except for some indications regarding their future restructuring. Atlas des zones ouvertes à l’urbanisation, 2011. www.marocurba.gov.ma

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MIDDLE TERRITORY The superposition of the existing footprint and the areas destined for development leaves an area of uncertainty that could eventually serve the expansion or continuation of an undifferentiated housing development.

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POTENTIAL EXPANSION Taking into consideration the areas not yet developed, the resulting surface is a potential terrain for the expansion of housing districts, since no other destinations have been given.

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ADMINISTRATIVE PARTITION Before 2003, the Tangier-Asilah prefecture included three urban municipalities (communes urbaines): Tangier Medina, Charf and Asilah, while the urban municipality of Beni Makada (where most non regulatory neighbourhoods are found) was the head of the prefecture of Beni Makada. Since 2003, the urban district of Beni Makada becomes one of the four districts (arrondissements) of the city of Tanger and joined the Prefecture of Tangier-Asilah. According to “Evolution découpage communal Tanger” / Le Tellier, Julien: “Les recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord”.

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LOCAL GOVERNMENTS Local governments appear as a potential for the meeting of future public facilities. They hold an important role in terms of relationship between inhabitants and authorities.

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Location and scope of commercial activities Shopping centre Souk / Market Urban limit Urban footprint Non regulatory neighbourhoods

COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES While large commercial centres are mainly located in the central areas of the city, the periphery relies mostly on small scale markets.

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Location and scope of recreation activities Stadium Theatre / Cinema / Large park Green areas / Museum / Art Gallery Urban limit Urban footprint Non regulatory neighbourhoods

RECREATION The traditional areas of the city have an exceptional amount of cinemas and art centres, while the periphery shows an increasing number of sports terrains responding to a higher amount of young population.

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Location and scope of educational facilities University High School / Professional institute Primary School Nursery Urban limit Urban footprint Non regulatory neighbourhoods

EDUCATION Educational facilities are fairly evenly distributed across the city. Primary schools are promptly created in areas of medium to high density.

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Location and scope of health facilities Hospital Health centre Local health centre Urban limit Urban footprint Non regulatory neighbourhoods

HEALTH FACILITIES The location of different health facilities is mainly in the centre of the city.

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REFERENCES Amzil, L., Debbi, F., and Le Tellier, J. La Mobilité Urbaine dans L’Agglomération de Tanger: Evolutions et Perspectives. Sophia Antipolis: Plan Bleu, 2009. Bekkari, H. Tanger Post Internationale, article in Urban generations : post-colonial cities / ed. by David Richards, Taoufik Agoumy, Taeib Belghazi. - Rabat : Faculty of Letters of Rabat, 2005. - 471 p. : ill., krt. ; 24 cm. - (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Rabat Série: Colloques et séminaires, ISSN 1113-0377 ; 126) De Haas, H., International migration and regional development in Morocco. Workshop New Moroccan Migrations, Institute of Development Studies, Sussex Centre for Migration Research, University of Sussex, 13 July 2005. de Haas, Hein: The Myth of Invasion: Irregular Migration from West Africa to the Maghreb and the European Union . International Migration Institute, University of Oxford , 2007. De Miras, C., Le Tellier J., Gouvernance urbaine et accès à l’eau potable au Maroc. Partenariat Public-privé à Casablanca et Tanger-Tétouan, L’harmattan, Villes et entreprises, Paris, 2005. Direction d’Urbanisme de Maroc, “Atlas des zones ouvertes à l’urbanisation, 2011”. Available from www. marocurba.gov.ma Haut commissariat au Plan et direction de la Statistique. Recensement général de la population et de l’habitat, [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from: http://www.hcp.ma Hyunjin, K. The Study and Example of application for the Establishment of Cadastral Methodology in Morocco. TS 5K – Cadastral Projects. FIG Congress 2010 Facing the Challenges -Building the Capacity. Sydney, Australia, 11-16 April 2010. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available from http://www.fig.net/pub/fig2010/ papers/ts05k%5Cts05k_kim_4150.pdf Le Tellier J., Les Recompositions territoriales dans le Maroc du Nord, doctoral thesis of geography, AixMarseille University, 2006. Le Tellier, J., Relations sociales et lieux de sociabilité urbaine autour des bornes-fontaines publiques à Tanger (Maroc), in Les lieux de sociabilité urbaine dans la longue durée en Afrique, Fourchard Laurent, Goerg Odile, Gomez-Perez Muriel (éd.), Paris, L’Harmattan, 2009. Mghari, Mohamed, L’immigration subsaharienne au Maroc. Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM), 2008. Programme des Nations Unies pour les Etablissements Humains –ONU-HABITAT. Evaluation du programme national “Villes sans Bidonvilles” Rabat, 2011. [Accessed 24 May 2013]; Available at http://www.unhabitat. org/downloads/docs/11592_4_594598.pdf

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IMAGES All images are authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own unless stated otherwise. The Mediterranean as a space of circulation, 2013. Map produced during the horizontal workshop, MArch UD 2013. Authors: Yi Ge- Yuanhong WangShengyang Zhang - Bin Liu - Chrysanthe Constantinou- Meihui Yin - Jingyang Zhai - Annick Meiers - Ting Wen - Jing Liu - Nicole Rochette

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