OPUS Fall 2015

OPUS online publication of undergraduate studies

Department of Applied Psychology Fall 2015

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2009 by undergraduate students in NYU Steinhardt’s Department of Applied Psychology. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

online publication of undergraduate studies

OPUS

Volume VII | Fall 2015

EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Kaya Mendelsohn Hope White

STAFF WRITER

LAYOUT DIRECTORS

Christie Kim

Amelia Chu Christie Kim

CONTRIBUTORS Lauren Banker Mary Murphy Corcoran Gabrielle Gunin Rebecca Moser Nina Passero

PROGRAMMING DIRECTOR Regina Yu

COMMUNICATIONS DIRECTOR Devonae Robinson

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Adina Schick

SPECIAL THANKS NYU Steinhardt Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Gigliana Melzi

Contents LETTER FROM THE EDITORS | 5 STAFF ARTICLE The Gendered Landscape of Self-Silencing Christie Kim | 8

SUBMISSIONS Non-Suicidal Self-Injurious Behavior in Adolescents across Gender and Sexual Orientation Rebecca Moser | 16

The Impact of Eating Disorders on Sexual Functioning in Women Mary Murphy Corcoran | 19

Effects of Participation in Sports on Men’s Aggressive and Violent Behaviors Nina Passero | 23

The Major Influences of Self-Regulation Development in Early Childhood Gabrielle Gunin | 28

The Effectiveness of Music Therapy in Treating Symptoms of Alzheimer’s Disease Lauren Banker | 32

BIOGRAPHIES | 38

LETTER FROM THE EDITORS New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, has been a part of the NYU community since 2009. During those years, it has provided undergraduate students with a forum through which they can share their independent work. OPUS is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the nation.

The themes of the Fall 2015 issue reflect the clinical and research interests of our writers.

Several of our contributing writers have examined the manifestation of psychiatric disorders across social identities. Christie Kim’s staff article looks at the gendered elements and effects of self-silencing. Rebecca Moser explores how Non-Suicidal Self-Injurious Behavior manifests across gender and sexual identity, while Murphy Corcoran examines the effects of eating disorders on sexual functioning in women. Nina Passero also addresses gender, speaking to the influence of athletic participation on male aggression. In addition, Gabrielle Gunin examines the major influences of self-regulation in preschool children, while Lauren Banker explores the effects of music therapy on patients with Alzheimer’s Disease.

All of these explorations into psychological constructs illustrate the varied and inspiring abilities of our writers, making for a diverse and engaging issue. We would like to thank our incredibly enthusiastic and talented writers for their contributions to the journal and Dr. Gigliana Melzi for her continuous support of OPUS. Finally, we would like to thank our faculty mentor, Dr. Adina Schick, for her mentorship and dedication to OPUS, without whom this edition would not be possible.

Best wishes and thank you for reading,

Kaya Mendelsohn

Hope White |5

STAFF ARTICLES

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2015, Volume 7, Issue 1

SELF-SILENCING AND GENDER

The Gendered Landscape of Self-Silencing Christie Kim Self-silencing, the restriction of selfexpression within intimate relationships, is the product of a gendered society (Jack, 1991).

The concept of gender implicates a set of ideals and expectations for men and women, particularly within the context of interpersonal relationships. The construct of self-silencing, which represents concern for the other above the self, was originally developed among women whose experiences of depression were attributed to the silencing of their authentic selves in relation to men (Jack, 1991). Despite its gender-specific origins, self-silencing has been found to manifest in both men and women throughout psychological literature, though in significantly different ways (Cramer & Thoms, 2003; Gratch, Bassett, & Attra, 1995; Ussher & Perz, 2010). The distinction between men and women’s self-silencing may be symptomatic of the societal roles that are ascribed to gender.

The foundation of the gendered landscape of self-silencing was championed

by Carol Gilligan, who identified a gendered division of morality between the masculine and the feminine. The masculine voice is individualistic and rational, free from the nuance of emotion; in contrast, the feminine voice is relational, dependent and considerate of others, characterized by a moral obligation to maintain harmony within a network of relationships (Gilligan, 1982). Through her work examining political, societal, and individual spheres, Gilligan identified an alarming lack of women’s voices. Women were not only omitted from patriarchal public discourse, but were found to have internalized the inequality by silencing themselves (Gilligan, 1993). Gilligan identified women’s lack of voice as products of interpersonal discordance.

This process of internal restriction, labeled as self-silencing by Dana C. Jack (1991), and has since been empirically linked to depression, anxiety (Ussher & Perz, 2010), low self-esteem (Page, Stevens, & Galvin, 1996), perfectionism (Flett et al., 2007), disordered eating (Locker,

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Heesacker, & Baker 2012), and a loss of self (Jack, 1991).

Within the gendered landscape of society, self-silencing manifests as a symptom of the roles and expectations assigned to men and women. Self-silencing must be considered on both macro and individual levels as it is born of cultural dogma (Jack, 1991), and can determine the quality of interpersonal relationships (Harper & Welsh, 2007). This review sought to explore the underlying gendered elements of self-silencing (e.g., gender roles), and identify the ways in which self-silencing manifests differently between men and women.

Gender Differences within the Silencing the Self Scale Because self-silencing was first identified among women, the Silencing the Self Scale (STSS; Jack & Dill, 1992) was developed based on a sample comprised entirely of women.

Nevertheless, numerous studies have found that men report higher levels of self-silencing in comparison to women (Cramer & Thoms, 2003; Gratch et al., 1995; Harper, Dickson, & Welsh, 2006; Ussher & Perz, 2010). The elevated scores among men remain consistent across each of the four subscales: Silencing the Self (Ussher & Perz, 2010), Divided Self, which measures the dissonance between the external and internal self (Page et al., 1996), Care as Self Sacrifice, which represents prioritizing the needs of others in order to secure attachments (Locker et al., 2012), and Externalized Self-Perception, which reflects self-judgment according to external standards (Flett et al., 2007), although one study found the latter subscale to be higher for women than men (Lutz-Zois et al., 2013). The overall pattern of men’s higher self-silencing does not directly refute theoretical implications of selfsilencing for women, but rather indicates that important distinctions between genders must be considered. These findings call for further investigation of the tradition of gender within

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society and its influence on the manifestation of self-silencing.

Patriarchy and Gender Roles Jack’s (1991) initial theory that selfsilencing was specific to women was attributed to the inferior status of women in the context of patriarchy (Gilligan, 1993). The imbalanced valuation of masculinity and femininity elicits different consequences for men and women, especially in relation to voice. Jack (1999) posits that self-silencing in women is culturally enforced as their expressions of discordance will often have a negative impact on their lives financially, physically, and throughout their relationships. In line with this theory, research has shown that the perception and experience of gender discrimination plays a critical role in undermining women’s voices. Women who experienced a higher frequency of sexist events throughout their lifetime (Hurst & Beesly, 2013) and presented higher sensitivity to gender-based rejection (London, Downey, Romero-Canyas, Rattan, & Tyson, 2012) were significantly more likely to engage in selfsilencing as a method of coping. These findings were interpreted through the relational-cultural theory, which posits that cultural messages and expectations influence the ways people experience meaning and growth through relationships (Hurst & Beesly, 2013). The significant relation between perceived sexism and higher levels of self-silencing further supports the understanding of self-silencing as influenced and propagated by cultural norms.

Research has demonstrated that selfsilencing in women is strongly predicted by the level of women’s adherence to traditional gender norms. For example, women who displayed passive acceptance of the oppression of women (Witte & Sherman, 2002), and were less inclined to respond to a sexist remark as opposed to a nonsexist remark (Swim et al., 2010), were far more likely to engage in higher levels of self-silencing. The qualities that comprise traditional gender roles can more powerfully influence the presentation of selfsilencing, far beyond explicit sexism.

Masculinity. Within a patriarchal society, traditional masculine qualities are upheld as ideal for both men and women. Those who present as more assertive, independent, and dominant are deemed stronger than those who appear more feminine, or more sensitive

and expressive of emotions. The rift between masculinity and femininity creates a societal environment which allows for the silencing of one’s own thoughts, feelings, and needs (Gilligan, 1993). In support of this claim, a study by de Medeiros and Rubinstein (2015) found that men’s self-silencing practices were largely influenced by the desire to appear stoic and stable. Men tended to restrict their conversations to small or superficial topics, emotionally isolating themselves from others, in order to appear more independent and therefore more respectable (de Medeiros & Rubinstein, 2015).

While the endorsement of traditional masculinity is predictive of self-silencing, research indicates that masculine qualities are generally more protective against self-silencing practices than feminine qualities. Studies found that stronger adherence to traditional masculine qualities yielded significantly lower levels of self-silencing for both men and women (Cramer, Gallant, & Langlois, 2005; Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002). Subsequently, men who identified more strongly with traditionally feminine attributes were found to score significantly higher on the Divided Self subscale (Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002). In contrast, among women, greater acceptance of traditional feminine roles did not significantly correlate with self-silencing scores (Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002), which suggests that selfsilencing manifests more powerfully when men deviate from the masculine role, or in other words, when men step outside their patriarchal privilege.

Differing Effects of Self-Silencing Between Men and Women Self-silencing is predictive of negative mental health symptoms for both men and women (Page et al., 1996), yet the impacts of self-silencing vary between them. Despite the findings that men reported higher selfsilencing, women scored significantly higher on both depression and anxiety measures than men (Gratch et al., 1995). These distinctions may be indicative of the different motivations behind men and women’s self-silencing, as well as the varying purposes it may serve between them (Jack, 2011; Jack & Ali, 2010).

Depression and loneliness. The relation between self-silencing and depression as first posited by Jack (1991) has been found

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among both men and women (Cramer et al., 2005; Flett et al., 2007; Harper & Welsh, 2007; Lutz-Zois et al., 2013; Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002). Depressive symptoms are more likely to manifest in men and women who engage in high self-criticism (Besser, Flett, & Davis, 2003), are more sensitive to rejection (Harper et al., 2006), and display low self-esteem (Cramer et al, 2005), all of which have been identified as predictors of self-silencing as well. Furthermore, loneliness in both men and women is predicted by high levels of selfcriticism and depressive symptoms, through the mediating factor of self-silencing (Besser et al., 2003).

Overall, however, self-silencing is more strongly correlated with depression among women, as compared to men (Harper et al., 2006). Moreover, the internalizing and interdependent nature of self-silencing may be explained by women’s increased susceptibility to interpersonal stress, and the repression of negative emotions (Morrison & Sheahan, 2009), rendering them at higher risk for depression (Frost, Hoyt, Chung, & Adam, 2015).

In contrast, research found that men’s higher levels on the Care as Self-Sacrifice subscale served as a protective factor for depression, a link that was not significant for women (LutzZois et al., 2013; Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002).

This suggests that the men who do not fully comply with the traditional roles, but instead work to foster their close relationships, benefit from the intimacy, and may be less likely to have depressive symptoms.

Disordered eating. Self-silencing is significantly linked to disordered eating among both men and women (Locker et al., 2012). Men, however, are less likely than women to report body dissatisfaction and a drive for thinness, and are less likely to report bulimic behaviors (Morrison & Sheahan, 2009). This may be reflective of different societal expectations of men and women’s physical appearance, where the thin-body ideal is not as strong for men as it is for women (Locker et al., 2012; Morrison & Sheahan, 2009). Furthermore, women’s selfsilencing predicted their emotionally-driven eating habits (i.e., eating when angry, anxious, and depressed) and bingeing, a relation which was not significant for men (Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002). The inauthenticity and internal division caused by women’s selfsilencing (Jack, 2011) impede the support and

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healing found in interpersonal connections, which in turn can manifest as external modes of regulating emotional distress, such as disordered eating (Lutz-Zois et al., 2013; Morrison & Sheahan, 2009).

Self-Silencing in Women Research has widely supported Gilligan’s original claim that women are relational beings, finding that women are predominantly driven to engage in self-silencing in order to preserve or foster an intimate relationship (Remen, Chambless, & Rodebaugh, 2002).

A study by Besser et al. (2003) found that higher self-silencing is significantly related to higher interpersonal dependency.

The same researchers found that women currently in romantic relationships were more dependent than both single women and men in relationships. The quality of such intimate relationships also plays a crucial role in women’s silencing: adolescent girls who report low levels of romantic relationship satisfaction engage in higher self-silencing; this relation was not found among adolescent boys (Harper & Welsh, 2007). Higher levels of dependency suggests that women may be more invested in and therefore more affected by their relationships than men.

Elevated dependency within relationships may render women more likely to derive their self-concept from the views of other people.

One study found women to score higher than men on the Externalized Self-Perception subscale (Lutz-Zois et al., 2013), suggesting that relationships and the thoughts of others impact women’s sense of self more powerfully than men’s. The positive correlation between self-silencing and self-criticism (Besser et al., 2003) gives way to the finding that high levels of perfectionism predicted self-silencing in women, a link which failed to reach significance among men (Locker et al., 2012). Higher levels of perfectionism are more strongly predicted by socially prescribed perfectionism, performing according to other’s ideals, rather than their own (Flett et al., 2007). Such strong endorsement of perfectionism reflects the impact of external feedback on the women’s internal sense of self.

Societal influences of women’s selfsilencing. Women’s self-silencing can be attributed to the societal belief that women possess an inherent responsibility to care

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for those around them (Jack, 1991). Starting in childhood, both men and women are conditioned to think of women as relational beings, as daughters, sisters, wives, and mothers. Research found this conditioning to be propagated not only on a societal level, but within the family as well. Mothers begin talking to their daughters about dating and marrying men prior to adolescence, a cultural norm that was found to persist when girls reach young adulthood (Packer-Williams, 2009).

Furthermore, traditional gender roles for women were endorsed by both young boys and girls, yet boys report stronger adherence to the belief that women should be subordinate and self-silence in order to maintain harmony (PiñaWatson et al., 2014). The finding that societal expectations for women to silence themselves were sanctioned by boys in childhood reveals the powerful effect of men’s views on the behavior of women. The gendered messages communicated to girls during childhood quickly yield manifestations of inauthenticity (Theran, 2010; Tolman, Impett, Tracy, & Michael, 2006) and self-silencing in early adolescence (Thomas & Bowker, 2013). While gender roles provide explanation for women’s self-silencing, they are found to influence the behavior of men as well.

Remen et al., 2002). For example, one study demonstrates that men who reported their wives to be highly demanding were more likely to be dissatisfied in the marriage, and thus engage in self-silencing and withdrawn communication (Uebelacker, Courtnage, & Whisman, 2003). Such findings offer support for the theory that men’s silence is used to move away from interaction or intimacy, distinctly contrasting the motivation for women’s silence.

Uebelacker et al. (2003) also suggest that men who self-silence as a means to withdraw are reflective of the greater cultural norms which value and attend to a man’s needs before a woman’s.

Despite men’s desires to maintain social dominance, researchers theorize that their self-silencing can be better explained by the cultural expectations for men to be inexpressive (Duarte & Thompson, 1999). Rather than using silence as a means to withdraw, men may instead lack the emotional language to acknowledge or express their feelings in interpersonal relationships (Gratch et al., 1995).

Therefore, gender roles may undermine men’s emotional experience or expression, but also imply that such silence is a mode of power.

Self-Silencing in Men

The literature to date provides support for the impact of societal gender roles on the manifestation and effects of selfsilencing. Although self-silencing was initially conceptualized as a construct specific to women (Jack, 1991), high levels of self-silencing have been found in men, as well. In fact, research has consistently shown higher levels of self-silencing in men than women (Cramer & Thoms, 2003; Gratch et al., 1995; Ussher & Perz, 2010), necessitating an examination of gender roles within the greater societal context. Social structures qualified by gender inequality (Gilligan, 1993) are reflected in the distinct motivations behind self-silencing: women widely self-silence out of fear, where as men do so in order to maintain dominance (de Medeiros & Rubinstein, 2015; Jack & Ali, 2010).

While existing research has identified consistent trends between men and women, a more robust examination of men’s selfsilencing in particular may enrich the current understanding of self-silencing as a gendered construct. For example, one study found that

Self-silencing in men is ascribed to a pervasive adherence to masculine ideals (de Medeiros & Rubinstein, 2015). Men report higher self-reliance than women (Besser et al., 2003), and intentionally isolate themselves from those around them in order to appear more stoic and stable (de Medeiros & Rubinstein, 2015). One study showed, for example, that single men display higher levels of dependency than men in romantic relationships (Besser et al., 2003), which may indicate that for men, intimate attachments elicit the need to establish a sense of independence and emotional distance. Not only does this suggest that men may be less socially dependent than women, but it may reflect the influence of traditional patriarchal gender roles as creating distance within a romantic relationship could be a mechanism through which men try to claim power in a relationship (Babcock et al., 1993; Jack, 1999).

Research suggests that men use selfsilencing as a way to withdraw from relationship conflicts, rather than prevent them (Jack, 1999;

CONCLUSION

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the integrity of the Silencing the Self Scale may be ineffective for measuring the intent behind men’s self-silencing (Remen et al., 2002).

Low variance in men’s scores were found to be due largely in part to the emergence of a new factor, which identified autonomy and concealment as meaningful components of their self-silencing. The consideration of gender differences regarding the function of self-silencing will potentially allow for nuance in measurement.

In addition to further investigation among populations of men, future research should seek to account for greater diversity particular with regards to gender and sexual orientation.

Throughout the literature, samples were reduced to include only those who identified as a man or a woman, creating a profound lack of individuals who identify as transgender or gender non-conforming. The translation, or possible discordance, of traditional gender roles in non-heteronormative cultures may influence self-silencing in ways unaccounted for among existing samples.

Finally, the body of research on selfsilencing remains rather confined to patriarchal and western cultures. Considering the powerful impact of patriarchy and gender roles on the manifestation of self-silencing, an exploration of societies and subcultures that are qualified by matriarchy or themes of egalitarianism would serve to benefit the understanding of voice, interpersonal sacrifice, and selfsilencing. As self-silencing is positioned upon the fundamental belief that interpersonal relationships are essential to well-being (Jack, 2011), research must account for the complex and contrasting modes of connection and the diverse world of individuals who sustain them.

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CONTRIBUTOR ARTICLES

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2015, Volume 7, Issue 1

NON-SUICIDAL SELF-INJURIOUS BEHAVIOR

Non-Suicidal Self-Injurious Behavior in Adolescents across Gender and Sexual Orientation Rebecca Moser Suicide is the third leading cause of death for youth between the age of 10 and 24, with approximately 4,600 young people dying by suicide each year (Centers for Disease Control [CDC], 2014). One of the greatest risk factors for suicide attempts in young people is a history of non-suicidal self-injurious behavior (CDC, 2014). The DSM-5 defines non-suicidal selfinjury (NSSI) as 5 or more days of engaging in self-injurious behavior that is performed with the anticipation that the injury will result in some bodily harm, but lacks suicidal intent (5th ed.; DSM–5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013). NSSI in adolescents has been linked to a decrease in psychosocial functioning over time and is associated with numerous other negative long-term outcomes, such as high levels of overall body dissatisfaction, low selfesteem, frequent interpersonal problems, and higher rates of psychiatric disorders than in adolescents who do not engage in NSSI (Barrocas, Giletta, Hankin, Prinstein, & Abela, 2015; Claes et al., 2015; Tatnell, Kelada, Hasking, & Martin, 2014).

Prevalence rates of NSSI among adolescents ranges from 15-30% (Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Claes, Luyckx, & Bijttebier, 2014; Jacobson & Gould, 2007; Muehlenkamp, Williams, Gutierrez, & Claes, 2009; Swannell, Martin, Page, Hasking, & St John, 2014), and varies in manifestation across different demographic groups during adolescence, particularly gender and sexual orientation.

Specifically, adolescent girls are more likely than adolescent boys to engage in NSSI. In addition, sexual minority youth (i.e., LGBT youth) engage in higher rates of NSSI than heterosexual teens and are at a greater risk for suicidality. This literature review, therefore, examined how NSSI in adolescents manifests across gender and sexual orientations.

Differences in NSSI Behaviors across Gender Girls are more likely to engage in NSSI and have a higher probability for their NSSI

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behaviors to become chronic than boys (Barrocas et al., 2015; Muehlenkamp et al., 2009). Over time, females tend to show little decline in NSSI, while NSSI among males tends to taper off slowly throughout adolescence (Muehlenkamp et al., 2009). Yet, research also suggests that boys are less likely to report NSSI behaviors to parents, teachers, or friends as compared to girls, which may contribute to the gender difference in prevalence rates (Baetens et al., 2014). Nevertheless, when NSSI is reported, there is a noticeable difference in the methods of NSSI employed by boys and girls.

NSSI, which includes an array of behaviors that are done to intentionally cause pain to oneself, is expressed differently in boys and girls throughout adolescence (Muehlenkamp et al., 2009). While most stereotypes indicate that cutting or slashing are the most common type of NSSI, this is only true for adolescent girls (Baetens et al., 2014; Claes et al., 2015; Swannell et al., 2014). For adolescent boys, self-battery (i.e., hitting or burning oneself) is the most frequent method of NSSI (Baetens et al., 2014; Claes et al., 2015). Thus, engaging in NSSI during adolescence typically presents differently by gender in terms of frequency, chronicity, and method. (Barrocas et al., 2015; Baetens et al., 2014; Claes et al., 2015; Muehlenkamp et al., 2009; Swannell et al., 2014) This notion about NSSI behaviors differing within demographic constructs also holds true for adolescents who identify as LGBT. NSSI Behaviors across Sexual Orientations Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) adolescents engage in higher levels of NSSI overall as compared to their heterosexual peers (Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Reisner, Biello, Perry, Gamarel, & Mimiaga, 2014). Out of the LGBT community, bisexual and transgender adolescents are the most likely to engage in NSSI (Bakken & Gunter, 2012). In terms of transgender youth, trans men engaged in

Moser, R. (2015). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(1), 16-18

NSSI significantly more than trans women (Claes et al., 2015). It is unknown why LGBT youth engage in NSSI more frequently than heterosexual youth; however, there are some theories as to why this gap exists.

Adolescence is already a time of great confusion, and struggling with sexual identity on top of other pubertal issues may lead to the use of NSSI as a coping strategy (Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Claes et al., 2014). If the path to sexual identity is egodystonic (dissonant) with one’s sense of self, then NSSI could be utilized as a form of self-punishment or as an emotional release from feelings of confusion or even selfhate (Claes et al., 2015). In addition, adolescents who experience bullying are more likely to selfinjure. This is particularly true for LGBT youth who experience victimization from their peers as a result of their sexuality (Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Liu & Mustanski, 2012). NSSI may also be used as a coping mechanism to suppress or avoid suicidal ideation by LGBT youth (Claes et al., 2015). Although LGBT adolescents are more likely than their heterosexual peers to engage in NSSI, there is variability in the frequency of NSSI behaviors depending on the sexual orientation one identifies with (Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Claes et al., 2015; Reisner et al., 2014).

not fully describe why some adolescents do or do not engage in NSSI, even when presented with similar risk factors, such as sexuality or gender. In addition, existing studies do not operationalize NSSI consistently. For instance, not all studies follow DSM criteria when defining NSSI within their study, while other studies do not distinguish between non-suicidal selfinjury from self-injury with suicidal intent; thus, drawing conclusions from comparisons across studies should be done with caution.

Despite these limitations, the recent expansion of research on NSSI has allowed for increased dialogue about the topic, especially in regards to its connection to future suicidality. With more research than ever being conducted about NSSI, psychologists are more equipped to help patients struggling with it and more effective treatments can begin to be tested, which will allow psychologists to tailor treatments based on an individual’s gender and sexuality in an effort to produce the greatest results. NSSI can no longer be ignored, and researchers should continue to study the phenomenon, in order for the psychological community to become more knowledgeable about how to combat these behaviors.

CONCLUSION

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Non-suicidal self-injury. In Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders. (5th ed.). Arlington, VA.: American Psychiatric Publishing.

Baetens, I., Claes, L., Onghena, P., Grietens, H., Van Leeuwen, & K., Pieters, C. (2014). Non-suicidal selfinjury in adolescence: A longitudinal study of the relationship between NSSI, psychological distress and perceived parenting. Journal of Adolescence, 37(6), 817-826.

Bakken, N. W., & Gunter, W. D. (2012). Self-cutting and suicidal ideation among adolescents: Gender differences in the causes and correlates of selfinjury. Deviant Behavior, 33(5), 339-356.

Barrocas, A. L., Giletta, M., Hankin, B. L., Prinstein, M. J., & Abela, J. R. Z. (2015). Nonsuicidal self-injury in adolescence: Longitudinal course, trajectories, and intrapersonal predictors. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 43(2), 369-380.

Claes, L., Bouman, W. P., Witcomb, G., Thurston, M., Fernandez-Aranda, F., & Arcelus, J. (2015). Nonsuicidal self-injury in trans people: Associations with psychological symptoms, victimization, interpersonal functioning, and perceived social support. Journal of Sexual Medicine, 12(1), 168-179.

Claes, L., Luyckx, K., & Bijttebier, P. (2014). Nonsuicidal self-injury in adolescents: Prevalence and associations with identity formation above and beyond depression. Personality and Individual Differences, 61-62, 101-104.

NSSI presents itself differently across genders and sexual minorities in terms of frequency, chronicity, method, and function (Barrocas et al., 2015; Baetens et al., 2014; Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Claes et al., 2015; Muehlenkamp et al., 2009; Reisner et al., 2014; Swannell et al., 2014). Girls are more likely to have chronic NSSI and use techniques such as cutting or slashing (Barrocas et al., 2015; Muehlenkamp et al., 2009; Swannell et al., 2014). LGBT youth, particularly bisexual and transgender teens, are more likely to self-injure than heterosexual youth (Bakken & Gunter, 2012; Claes et al., 2014; Claes et al., 2015; Reisner et al., 2014). The increased risk of NSSI in LGBT youth may be due to the added stress and confusion of grappling with one’s sexual identity.

There are several major limitations to the research on NSSI in adolescents. Few studies have examined the effects of NSSI on sexual minority youth and the existing literature does

REFERENCES

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Moser, R. (2015). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(1), 16-18

Jacobson, C. M., & Gould, M. (2007). The epidemiology and phenomenology of non-suicidal self-injurious behavior among adolescents: A critical review of the literature. Archives of Suicide Research, 11(2), 129-147.

Liu, R. T., & Mustanski, B. (2012). Suicidal ideation and self-harm in lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 42(3), 221-228.

Muehlenkamp, J. J., Williams, K. L., Gutierrez, P. M., & Claes, L. (2009). Rates of non-suicidal self-injury in high school students across five years. Archives of Suicide Research, 13(4), 317-329.

Reisner, S. L., Biello, K., Perry, N. S., Gamarel, K. E., & Mimiaga, M. J. (2014). A compensatory model of risk and resilience applied to adolescent sexual orientation disparities in nonsuicidal selfinjury and suicide attempts. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 84(5), 545-556.

Suicide Prevention. (2014, January 09). Retrieved April 6, 2015, from http://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/ pub/youth_suicide.html Swannell, S. V., Martin, G. E., Page, A., Hasking, P., & St John, N. J. (2014). Prevalence of nonsuicidal selfinjury in nonclinical samples: Systematic review, meta-analysis and meta-regression. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 44(3), 273-303.

Tatnell, R., Kelada, L., Hasking, P., & Martin, G. (2014).

Longitudinal analysis of adolescent NSSI: The role of intrapersonal and interpersonal factors. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 42(6), 885-896.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2015, Volume 7, Issue 1

EATING DISORDERS AND SEXUAL FUNCTIONING

The Impact of Eating Disorders on Sexual Functioning in Women Mary Murphy Corcoran In the United States alone, approximately twenty-four million people suffer from eating disorders and the number of hospitalizations as a result of eating disorders has significantly increased in the past decade (von HausswolffJuhlin, Brooks, & Larsson, 2015; Zhao & Encinosa, 2009). According to The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, eating disorders include anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder (5th ed.; DSM-5, American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Due to a persistent, distorted view and fear of food, individuals with anorexia nervosa maintain a significantly low body weight through severe caloric restriction (Vaz-Leal & Salcedo, 1991; Wiederman, 1996). In contrast, people with bulimia nervosa often consume large quantities of food quickly, and then engage in compensatory behaviors, including self-induced vomiting and an overuse of laxatives. Despite these compensatory behaviors, individuals with bulimia tend to display average or slightly above average body weight (Wiederman, 1996). Similarly, individuals with binge eating disorder also experience uncontrollable, repeated periods of overeating, but do not engage in compensatory behaviors. As a result, individuals with binge eating disorder are often overweight (Castellini et al., 2010). Though these eating disorders are characterized by distinct differences, all are associated extremely negative body image and an obsession with appearance (von Hausswolff-Juhlin et al., 2015).

Approximately 90% of eating disorder cases occur in females, and disorders are more prevalent during adolescence and young adulthood (Ghizzani & Montomoli, 2000).

During this developmental period in which sexuality is explored, females tend become especially aware of their appearance. This awareness may be heightened because a woman’s sexual appeal tends to depend on her level of sexual attractiveness as perceived by potential male partners. Feminist theorists

argue that this awareness is particularly problematic as most women determine their self worth based on whether they are deemed sexually attractive by men (Woertman & van den Brink, 2012). Women’s views of themselves as sexual objects likely stem from American media’s sexualized portrayal of women (Calogero & Thompson, 2008). By exclusively presenting slim women, the mass media promotes a beauty ideal that leads to many women feeling ashamed about their bodies (Woertman & van den Brink, 2012). Women who internalize this beauty ideal are more likely to develop body dissatisfaction, and thus, engage in harmful behaviors, including disordered eating, in order to control and modify their appearance. As a result, these women can experience dysfunction and dissatisfaction in their sex lives (Yean et al., 2013).

It has been suggested that women with eating disorders experience disturbed sexual functioning in both the physiological (e.g., lubrication and ability to orgasm, fulfilling interpersonal sexual experience, such as having sexual partner; Castellini et al., 2012), and psychological (e.g., sexual anxiety; Castellini et al., 2012) dimensions of sexuality (Ghizzani & Montomoli, 2000). In an effort to understand the relation between eating disorders and sexual functioning, this paper examined the physiological, emotional, and behavioral effects of eating disorders on sexual functioning in women.

Physiological Effects Eating disorders negatively impact women’s physiological sexual functioning, resulting in symptoms such as a lack of libido and vaginal lubrication (Morgan et al., 1995; Pinheiro et al., 2010). Retrospective reports reveal that many women experiencing a lack of libido had a normal sexual appetite prior to developing an eating disorder, suggesting that eating disorders may lead to this decrease in sex drive, also known as loss of libido (Ghizzani

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& Montomoli, 2000). While most eating disordered women report a loss in libido, this effect is especially prevalent in women with anorexia nervosa. This phenomenon may be due to anorexic women’s low body mass indexes (BMI), a factor that is associated with a loss of libido in the general population (Pinheiro et al., 2010). Researchers believe that the lack of sex drive in women with anorexia is largely caused by changes in ovarian steroids and central nervous system neurotransmitters that occur as a result of malnutrition (Ghizzani & Montomoli, 2000). In addition to decreased libido, women with eating disorders often have difficulty reaching orgasm during sexual intercourse (Castellini et al., 2012).

Women with eating disorders often report symptoms of vaginismus, a condition involving painful, involuntary vaginal tightness, which may contribute to an inability to orgasm (Haimes & Katz, 1988). Women with anorexia are particularly vulnerable to vaginismus, as low body weight impairs the physiological functioning of sexual organs (Pinheiro et al., 2010). Women who restrict their food also tend to have lower levels of lubrication compared to women with bulimia or binge eating disorder, meaning anorexic women have more difficulty reaching orgasm (Castellini et al., 2012). Because women with disordered eating have difficulty reaching orgasm, they often experience less sexual satisfaction than healthy individuals (Abraham, 1996; Casetellini et al., 2012; Morgan et al., 1995). Altogether, these negative physiological effects on sexual functioning, such as vaginismus and lack of libido, may prevent eating disordered women from pursuing sexual activity and experiencing sexual satisfaction (Pinheiro et al., 2010).

Emotional Effects In addition to sexual dysfunction and decreased libido, women who suffer from eating disorders may also avoid sex due to emotional disturbances (Pinheiro et al., 2010). Women with eating disorders often have such severe body dissatisfaction and self-consciousness that they are too anxious to engage in sexual activity and feel as though they are sexually unappealing to their partner (Pinheiro et al., 2010; Wiederman, Pryor, & Morgan, 1996).

Anorexic women, compared to women with bulimia or binge eating disorder, exhibit the highest levels of sexual anxiety because they

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do not feel as sexually competent and this stress can manifest itself somatically (Haimes & Katz, 1988; Morgan et al., 1995). For example, women with anorexia report experiencing uncomfortable sensations as a result of their anxiety, such as “bugs” crawling on their skin when they are being kissed (Haimes & Katz, 1988). This sexual anxiety can inhibit eating disordered women from having an interest in sex (Wiederman, 1996).

Studies have also found that weight and nutrition also have a large impact on an individual’s sexual interest, such that being a healthy weight can allow for a healthy sex drive. While researchers are unsure as to the reason for this correlation, results demonstrate that eating disordered women have especially disrupted interests in sex compared to healthy women (Pinheiro et al., 2010). Both anorexic women and binge eating disordered women have particularly low sexual desire and experience more symptoms of depression, anger, and disillusion. Additionally, women who habitually binge-eat are often so insecure about their lack of control that they shame themselves out of having any sexual interest (Castellini et al., 2012). Bulimic women can have brief moments of sexual impulsivity, but generally lack sexual interest (Morgan et al., 1996). Because eating disordered women have disrupted sexual interests, they engage in less frequent or consistent sexual behavior, one of the behavioral effects of the disorders (Castellini et al., 2012).

Behavioral Effects Women with eating disorders often have fewer normative sexual experiences relative to healthy women (Morgan et al., 1995). Female eating disordered patients report having intercourse 80% less frequently than the normative female population (Wiederman, 1996). However, compared to anorexic women, women with bulimia or binge eating disorder report having more sexual experience, and at a younger age (Haimes & Katz, 1988).

This difference may occur because women with bulimia or binge eating disorder show more impulsivity, which is associated with hypersexuality, the engagement in unprotected sexual behavior with strangers (Castellini et al., 2010). These women may have sex with strangers because eating disordered women often have difficulty maintaining sexual

Corocan, M. M. (2015). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(1), 19-22

partners and romantic relationships (Ghizzani & Montomoli, 2000; Pinheiro et al., 2010).

Not only do eating disordered women have fewer sexual partners, they also have fewer sexual relationships (Pinheiro et al., 2010). Anorexic women have the least number of sexual partners or relationships compared to women with bulimia or binge eating disorder (Morgan et al., 1995). However, bulimic women who have sexual partners experience more tension, instability, and less intimacy in their relationships (Castellini et al., 2012; Pinheiro et al., 2010). Furthermore, bulimic women who are married are more likely to get divorced compared to healthy women (Abraham, 1996).

Taken together, the existing literature suggests that all three of the most common eating disorders are associated with fewer healthy sexual relationships (Vaz-Leal & Salcedo, 1991).

Sexual behavior also includes behavior with oneself, as well as with partners. Women with eating disorders report lower frequencies of masturbation compared to women who do not have eating disorders, which may be due to their severe body dissatisfaction (Calogero & Thompson, 2008; Morgan et al., 1995).

Specifically, anorexic women engage in the least amount of masturbation compared to women with bulimia or binge eating disorder.

Researchers suggest that anorexic women may refrain from masturbation because they tend to deny themselves any form of self-pleasure, such as food and sex, as a way to punish themselves (Morgan et al., 1995). In contrast, bulimic women are twice as likely as anorexic women to masturbate, as well as achieve orgasm through masturbation, because bulimic women do not deny themselves the right to feel pleasure (Abraham, 1996; Morgan et al., 1995). Overall, women with bulimia, anorexia, or binge eating disorder do not exhibit normative sexual self-pleasure behaviors compared to healthy women (Calogero & Thompson, 2008).

CONCLUSION The existing literature on the relation between eating disorders and sexual functioning demonstrates that eating disordered women exhibit impaired physiological, behavioral, and emotional sexual functioning. Eating disordered women experience more sexual dysfunction, such as decreased vaginal lubrication and libido, as well as more sexual

anxiety and sexual dissatisfaction compared to normative women (Morgan et al., 1995; Pinheiro et al., 2010; Wiederman et al., 1996).

Additionally, eating disordered women have fewer sexual experiences and relationships than healthy women, depending on the eating disorder (Castellini et al., 2012; Haimes & Katz, 1988). These findings have serious implications for the development of future eating disorder treatments. Future psychological treatments for eating disorders should include an examination of patients’ sexual functioning during their overall assessment in order to determine the severity of their disorder (Castellini et al., 2012; Raboch & Faltus, 1991).

While the current research is significant, it has limitations. Many of the studies include samples that are small and homogeneous, and therefore lack strong statistical power and external validity (Calogero & Thompson, 2008; Castellini et al., 2010; Wiederman, 1996).

Secondly, most studies are cross-sectional, meaning causal inferences cannot be made (Pinheiro et al., 2010; Wiederman, 1996).

Additionally, researchers have examined selfreported symptoms, which means women’s responses could have been affected by memory bias or a discomfort with talking about sex (Pinheiro et al., 2010). Future research should investigate possible factors, such as personality characteristics, the family of origin’s culture, and history of sexual abuse, that could act as mediators in the relation between eating disorders and sexual functioning (Wiederman, 1996). Furthermore, future research should also focus more on the potential influence of cultural norms on the relation between eating disorders and sexual functioning, as sexual functioning in women from different cultures or geographical areas may be affected differently due to different cultural views on sex and female sexuality (Calogero & Thompson, 2008).

Understanding the role of eating disorders on sexual functioning in women is vital, as it has the potential to influence the development of effective interventions for eating disorders.

REFERENCES American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.).

Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.

Abraham, S. (1998). Sexuality and reproduction in Bulimia Nervosa patients over 10 years. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 44(3), 491-502.

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Corocan, M. M. (2015). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(1), 19-22

Calogero, R. M., & Thompson, K. (2008). Sexual selfesteem in American and British college women: Relations with self-objectification and eating problems. Sex Roles, 60(3), 160-173.

Castellini, G., Lorenzo, L., Lo Sauro, C., Fioravanti, G., Vignozzi, L., Maggi, M., ‌ Ricca, V. (2012). Anorectic and bulimic patients suffer from relevant sexual dsyfunctions. Journal of Sexual Medicine, 9(10), 2590-2599.

Castellini, G., Mannucci, E., Mazzei, C., Lo Sauro, C., Faravelli, C., Rotella, C. M., ‌ Ricca, V. (2010). Sexual function in obese women with and without binge eating disorder. Journal of Sexual Medicine, 7(12), 3969-3978.

Ghizzani, A., & Montomoli, M. (2000). Anorexia nervosa and sexuality in women: A review. Journal of Sex Education & Therapy, 25(1), 80-90.

Haimes, A. L., & Katz, J. L. (1988). Sexual and social maturity versus social conformity in restricting anorectic, bulimic, and borderline women.

International Journal of Eating Disorders, 7(3), 331341.

Morgan, C. D., Wiederman, M. W., & Pryor, T. L. (1995).

Sexual functioning and attitudes of eatingdisordered women: A follow-up study. Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy, 21(2), 67-77.

Pinheiro, A. P., Raney, T. J., Thornton, L. M., Fichter, M. M., Berrettini, W. H., Goldman, D., & Bulik, C. M. (2010).

Sexual functioning in women with eating disorders.

International Journal of Eating Disorders, 43(2), 123-129.

Raboch, J., & Faltus, F. (1991). Sexuality of women with anorexia nervosa. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 84(1), 9-11.

Vaz-Leal, F. J., & Salcedo, M. S. (1991). Sexual adjustment and eating disorders: Differences between typical and atypical anorexic adolescent females.

International Journal of Eating Disorders, 12(1), 11-19. von Hausswolff-Juhlin, Y., Brooks, S. J., Larsson, M. (2015).

The neurobiology of eating disorders: A clinical perspective. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 131(4), 244-255.

Wiederman, M. W. (1996). Women, sex and food: A review of research on eating disorders and sexuality.

Journal of Sex Research, 33(4), 301-311.

Wiederman, M. W., Pryor, T., & Morgan, C. D. (1996).

The sexual experience of women diagnosed with anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 19(2), 109-118.

Woertman, L., & van den Brink, F. (2012). Body image and female sexual functioning and behavior: A review.

Journal of Sex Research, 49(2), 184-211.

Yean, C., Benau, E. M., Dakanalis, A. Hormes, J. M., Perone, J., & Timko, A. (2013). The relationship of sex and sexual orientation to self-esteem, body shape satisfaction, and eating disorder symptomatology.

Frontiers in Psychology, 4(1), 1664-1078.

Zhao, Y., & Encinosa, W. (2009). Hospitalizations for eating disorders from 1999 to 2006. Retrieved from http://www.hcup-us.ahrq.gov/reports/statbriefs/ sb70.pdf

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2015, Volume 7, Issue 1

EFFECTS OF SPORTS PARTICIPATION ON MEN’S AGGRESSION

Effects of Participation in Sports on Men’s Aggressive and Violent Behaviors Nina Passero Violent and aggressive behaviors, 85% - 95% of which are committed by men, are frequently reported in the news (Wykes & Welsh, 2008). Much of the violence that has received media attention is violence committed by male professional athletes against their children, peers, partners, and animals. For example, National Basketball Association (NBA) player Kobe Bryant was charged with sexual assault in 2003 (Tuchman & Cabell, 2003). In 2007, Michael Vick, a quarterback in the National Football League (NFL), was found guilty of engaging in illegal and gruesome dog fighting (Serrano, 2007). In 2014, fellow NFL player Adrian Peterson was arrested for brutally beating his son, and, in the same year, another NFL player, Ray Rice, was caught on video knocking his fiancé́ unconscious in an elevator (DiMatteo, 2014; Martin & Almasy, 2014), and a third NFL player, Greg Hardy, was arrested for violently assaulting his girlfriend (Bradley & Deery, 2014). These cases comprise only a small portion of the violent and aggressive acts committed by men in the professional athletic community.

In general, men are exposed to masculine gender norms that emphasize aggression, success, competition, emotional strength, inexpressiveness, independence, and dominance over women (Chu, 2005; Cournoyer & Mahalik, 1995; Oliffe & Phillips, 2008). The socialization that men and boys experience necessitates adherence to these norms and expectations, while implicitly communicating ramifications for non-adherence, as well as engagement in behaviors deemed feminine.

These norms are present in sports teams, which often promote a competitive, tough, and emotionally inexpressive mentality, in accordance with the expectations of manhood placed upon all boys and men (MacArthur & Shields, 2015; Steinfeldt, Vaughan, LaFollette, & Steinfeldt, 2012). Organized sports also serve as a setting to demonstrate proper masculine behaviors and prepare boys and

men for life off the field (Fine, 1987; MacArthur & Shields, 2015). Furthermore, research has shown that men who participate in organized sports exhibit more aggressive behaviors, in both athletic and non-athletic contexts, than those who do not. These behaviors include bullying, sexual violence, and physical aggression (Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, & White, 2006). Athletes also tend to hold more positive attitudes toward violence than do non-athletes (Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, & White, 2006). Their increased aggression and propensity toward violence is likely due, in part, to the aforementioned masculine social norms that are established on sports teams (Boeringer, 1999; Coulomb-Cabagno & Rascle, 2006; Koss, 1993; Sonderlund et al., 2014; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). This literature review sought to explore the ways in which men’s participation in organized sports influences their engagement in violent and aggressive behaviors, as well as factors related to the variations in types of violence committed.

Masculine Social Norms The masculine social norms imposed upon men and boys in organized sports contribute to a culture of violence, both within the sport and in other contexts (Boeringer, 1999; Brewer & Howarth, 2012; Fine, 1987; Steinfeldt et al., 2012).

Research shows that men who participate in sports are more likely to conform to traditional norms of masculinity (Gage, 2008).

An aggressive, win-at-all-costs mentality is enforced in sports teams, thus establishing standards of manhood to which the athletes must adhere (Steinfeldt et al., 2012). In other words, the positive regard toward aggression in organized sports, as well as the strong adherence to masculine social norms, breeds a culture of violence. Boys are also taught to take risks and compete aggressively, which assists in establishing violence and aggression as requirements of masculinity (CoulombCabagno & Rascle, 2006).

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This aggression is often learned through observation of fellow teammates’ behavior (Coulomb-Cabagno & Rascle, 2006). In team settings, boys form peer networks that establish social hierarchies and, in turn, increase interpersonal aggression and violence (Steinfeldt et al., 2012). These hierarchies are established based on the extent to which one exhibits competitive behavior, aggression, and domination on the field, or the extent to which one adheres to masculine social norms (Chu, 2005; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). In addition to peer relationships being key in instituting norms, coaches’ attitudes and expectations are influential to players, as well (Lyndon, Duff, Smith, & White, 2011). Fellow teammates, their adult coaches, and their fans reward athletes for domination, intimidation, and aggression on the field, thus encouraging it in other settings (Bandura, 1978; Steinfeldt et al., 2012).

Therefore, as athletes are socialized by their peers, coaches, and the nature of their sport, their tendency toward aggression increases.

Violence and aggression are also reinforced by jock culture, which is defined by heavy alcohol consumption and aggressive behaviors (Sonderlund et al., 2014). Jock culture’s endorsement of excessive drinking, which has been shown to predict increased aggression, contributes to violent behavior off the field (Koss, 1993). Additionally, alcohol consumption mediates the relation between athleticism and violence (Sonderlund et al., 2014). Ultimately, sports teams are social sites that promote masculine norms, which contribute to a culture of violence, risk-taking, competition, and aggression. However, the encouraged aggression is exhibited by varying forms of violence.

Types of Violent and Aggressive Behaviors Committed by Athletes Athletes engage in different violent acts, including social and sexual aggression (Koss, 1993; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Social aggression often takes the form of bullying or positive attitudes toward bullying (Steinfeldt et al., 2012). In general, bullying is motivated and maintained by the norms in one’s peer group and endorsed by peers’ positive reactions to the act (Espelage & Holt, 2012). For athletes in particular, research shows that players who perceive their team to have low moral standards are more likely to endorse bullying, because

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they view it as acceptable behavior (Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Additionally, the perceived high social status of athletes contributes to the increased frequency of their bullying behaviors (Dane-Staples, Lieberman, Ratcliff, & Rounds, 2013; Vaillancourt, Hymel, & McDougall, 2003).

Sexual assault, or the act of forcing someone to engage in sexual acts, is also commonly associated with participation in organized sports (Gage, 2008; Koss, 1993). Sexual assault is more prevalent in communities where one perceives that his peers have positive attitudes toward sexual assault, which is often the case on athletic teams. This acceptance of sexual assault could be partially due to the fact that participation in organized sports is associated with more negative attitudes toward women, as well as more positive attitudes toward using violence in intimate relationships (Gage, 2008; McCauley et al., 2014). These attitudes typically arise from the masculine norms, including an emphasis on dominance over women, which are established and consistently perpetrated in athletic settings (Boeringer, 1999; Dardis, Murphy, Bill, & Gidycz, 2015; Steinfeldt et al.

2012). The social environment on sports teams also has implications for behavior, as well as attitudes. Research suggests that the belief that one’s peers are accepting of sexual assault is associated with a history of committing sexual assault (Dardis et al., 2015). It is important to note, however, that coaches also influence an athlete’s ideas regarding women, sex, and aggression. Unfortunately, coaches often lack the training necessary to prevent intentionally or unintentionally imparting beliefs that condone sexual aggression upon their players (Lyndon et al., 2011).

Additionally, the prevalence of sexual aggression in the athletic community is likely to be related to the sense of entitlement seen in athletes, particularly in terms of their relationships with and expectations of women.

Entitled attitudes are correlated with positive attitudes toward sexual assault (Bouffard, 2010; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Athletes’ sense of entitlement is reinforced by the fact that women often rate men as being more attractive when they know that they participate in sports, particularly if they are aggressive (Brewer & Howarth, 2012). This external endorsement of aggression and domination can contribute to increased off-field violence (Bouffard, 2010; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Ultimately, the

Passero, N. (2015). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(1), 23-27

competitive environment fostered on sports teams contributes to players’ attitudes toward women, sense of entitlement, and propensity to commit acts of aggression, sexual and otherwise. While this seems to be the case in many athletic settings, the severity, amount, and type of aggression exhibited by athletes often differs depending on what sport they play (Gage, 2008; Guilbert, 2006).

Sport Type and Engagement in Violence and Aggression Sport type is closely linked to an athlete’s participation in aggressive behavior (Gage, 2008; McCauley et al., 2014; Messner, 2002).

In other words, aggression exhibited off the field often reflects the forms of violence in the sport itself (Guilbert, 2006; Pappas, McKenry, & Catlett, 2004). For example, football players are typically more aggressive because of the violent nature of the sport, which routinely includes tackling, hitting, running, and blocking other players (Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Similarly, athletes who participate in sports like basketball, karate, and shooting typically exhibit more physical violence and aggression because of the nature of their sport (Guilbert, 2006). Research shows that expressing aggression or violence does not act as catharsis, but rather encourages feelings of aggression and aggressive acts in the future (Bushman, 2002). Thus, the more aggressive an athlete is on the field, the more likely it is that further aggression will be exhibited in athletic and non-athletic contexts. Additionally, men who behave aggressively in their lives are often attracted to sports that condone, encourage, and even require similar acts of aggression and violence. For example, mixed martial arts, or MMA, is historically appealing to working class American men who adhere to violent norms of masculinity and also to men who find this archetype appealing (Channon & Matthews, 2015). In contrast, athletes who play sports like table tennis and swimming, which require fewer acts of physical dominance, exhibit less physical aggression and more psychological or verbal aggression (Guilbert, 2006).

In addition to the difference between physical and psychological aggression, there is also a distinction to be made between center sports and marginal sports (Gage, 2008; Messner, 2002). Center sports, like football, are those that have a long-standing historical

position in an institution, thereby generating a large amount of revenue (Messner, 2002).

Conversely, marginal sports, like tennis, are less historically relevant and often make less money, thus rendering the athletes who participate in them less popular and socially powerful (Messner, 2002). Due to their historical longevity, the masculine social norms that are established in center sports also are longstanding, thus leading to more aggression and violence. Therefore, athletes who play center sports, like football, are more likely to exhibit aggressive behavior than those who play marginal sports (Gage, 2008; Messner, 2002; Steinfeldt et al., 2012).

Research supports this assertion, in that athletes who play sports like football and basketball display higher levels of hypermasculinity and sexual aggression and hold stronger beliefs in gender inequality than did athletes who play marginal sports, like swimming and tennis (Gage, 2008; McCauley et al., 2014). Hockey, another center sport, yields similar results. Hockey players, who admit to engaging in violent behavior in their personal lives, report that doing so seems to be a logical continuation of the aggression that is encouraged during the game (Pappas et al., 2004). Ultimately, it is a challenge to restrict the violence that is endorsed on the field from taking place in other settings.

CONCLUSION The body of literature focusing on the associations between participation in organized sports and aggressive and violent behavior has revealed several trends. The masculine social norms that exist in society are endorsed by teammates and coaches in sports teams and promote attitudes and behaviors consistent with the norms of aggression, competition, and dominance (Boeringer, 1999; Brewer & Howarth, 2012; Fine, 1987; Lyndon et al., 2011; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). This reward system leads to increased violence outside of the athletic context (Steinfeldt et al., 2012).

Additionally, these masculine norms endorse excessive drinking, which is also associated with both increased aggression and increased victimization (Koss, 1993; O’Brien et al., 2012; Sonderlund et al., 2014). While this culture exists in most athletic communities, the amount and variety of aggressive behaviors

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committed by athletes varies by type of sport (Gage, 2008; Messner, 2002). Sports that are more aggressive in nature are more likely to produce aggressive athletes (Guilbert, 2006; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Also, sports that are more historically founded, as well as higher paid, produce athletes who are more popular and powerful in their social settings, and thus are more likely to behave aggressively (Messner, 2002). Finally, research has shown that athletes engage in various types of violence, including bullying and sexual aggression (Gage, 2008; Koss, 1993; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). These types of violence are more commonly seen in athletic communities where they are perceived to be more socially acceptable (Boeringer, 1999; Lyndon et al., 2011).

However, the existing research on this topic is limited, namely because the majority of the studies have been conducted on young populations. Most of the research has examined the aggressive behaviors of high school and college athletes, which, while valuable, leaves out a population that is very frequently publicized as committing violent acts: adult male professional athletes. Future research should focus on the power dynamics and values that exist among professional athletes and their coaches in the National Football League, National Basketball Association, and Major League Baseball. This would provide a greater understanding of the causes of the seemingly high levels of violence and aggression in these communities.

Additionally, the current research indicates that organized sports are sites in which players establish a set of values and beliefs that exist outside the athletic context. When they are used to propagate negative male gender norms, the outcomes are very serious. Therefore, organized sports provide an opportunity for young and adult men to learn healthy coping strategies and a strong set of moral values.

Joe Ehrmann, a former professional football player in the NFL, has adopted this philosophy.

Ehrmann views sports as an opportunity to redefine what it means to be a man and establish that masculinity is about trust, dignity, and integrity, rather than competition and aggression (Tedx Talks, 2013). He explains that as a culture, we must reframe sports and redefine coaching so that sports teams can teach positive values and help boys become emotionally secure and developed men, which

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would then reduce the level of violence in the athletic community (Tedx Talks, 2013). The literature on this topic supports Ehrmann’s assertions by showing that violent behavior is encouraged when athletes perceive it to be a viable and acceptable option in the eyes of their peers and coaches (Lyndon et al., 2011; Steinfeldt et al., 2012). Therefore, restructuring sports teams as sites for the transmission of positive values could have lasting effects on the culture of violence in which we live.

REFERENCES Bandura, A. (1978). Social learning theory of aggression.

Journal of Aggression, 28(3), 12-29. doi: 10.1111/ j.1460-2466.1978.tb01621.x Boeringer, S. B. (1999). Associations of rape-supportive attitudes with fraternal and athletic participation.

Violence Against Women, 5(1), 81-90. doi: 10.1177/10778019922181167 Bouffard, L. A. (2010). Exploring the utility of entitlement in understanding sexual aggression. Journal of Criminal Justice, 38(5), 870-879. doi: http://dx.doi. org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2010.06.002!

Bradley, J. & Deery, J. (2014, July 16). Panthers’ Greg Hardy found guilty on 2 counts of domestic violence. WSOC TV. Retrieved from www.wsoctv. com Brewer, G. & Howarth, S. (2012). Sport, attractiveness, and aggression. Personality and Individual Differences, 53(5), 640-643. doi: 10.1016/j.paid.2012.05.010 Bushner, B. J. (2002). Does venting anger feed or extinguish the flame? Catharsis, rumination, distraction, anger, and aggressive responding.

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28(6), 724-731. doi: 10.1177/0146167202289002 Channon, A. & Matthews, C. R. (2015). “It is what it is:” Masculinity, homosexuality, and inclusive discourse in mixed martial arts. Journal of Homosexuality, 62(7), 936-956, doi: 10.1080/00918369.2015.1008280 Chu, J., Porche, M. V., & Tolman, D. L. (2005). The adolescent masculinity ideology in relationships scale. Men and Masculinities, 8(1), 93-115. doi: 10.1177/1097184X03257453 Coulomb-Cabagno, G. & Rascle, O. (2006). Team sports players’ observed aggression as a function of gender, competitive level, and sport type. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 36(8), 1980-2000. doi: 10.1111/j.0021-9029.2006.00090.x Cournoyer, R. J. & Mahalik, J. R. (1995). Cross-sectional study of gender role conflict examining collegeaged and middle-aged men. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 42(1), 11-19. doi: 0022-0167/95/S3.00 Dane-Staples, E., Lieberman, L., Ratcliff, J., & Rounds, K. (2013). Bullying experiences of individuals with visual impairment: The mitigating role of sport participation. Journal of Sport Behavior, 36(4), 365-386.

Dardis, C. M., Murphy, M. J., Bill, A. C., Gidycz, C. A. (2015). An investigation of the tenets of social norms theory as they relate to sexually aggressive attitudes and sexual assault perpetration: A

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comparison of men and their friends. Psychology of Violence, 1-9. doi: 10.1037/a0039443 DiMatteo, S. (2014). A timeline of the Adrian Petersen child abuse case. SB Nation. Retrieved from www. sbnation.com Espelage, D. L., & Holt, M. K. (2012). Understanding and preventing bullying and sexual harassment in school. APA Psychology Handbook: Individual Differences and Cultural and Contextual Factors, 2, 391-416. doi: 10.1037/13274-016 Fine, G.A. (1987). With the boys: Little League baseball and preadolescent culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Forbes, G. B., Adams-Curtis, L. E., Pakalka, A. H., & White, K. B. (2006). Dating aggression, sexual coercion, and aggression-supporting attitudes among college men as a function of participation in aggressive high school sports. Violence Against Women, 12(5), 441-455. doi: 10.1177/1077801206288126 Gage, E. A. (2008). Gender attitudes and sexual behaviors: Comparing center and marginal athletes and nonathletes in a collegiate setting.

Violence Against Women, 14(9), 1014-1032. doi: 10.1177/1077801208321987 Guilbert, S. (2006). Violence in sports and among sportsmen: A single or two-track issue? Aggressive Behavior, 32(3), 231-240. doi: 10.1002/ab.20121 Koss, M. P. & Gaines, J. A. (1993). The prediction of sexual aggression by alcohol use, athletic participation, and fraternity affiliation. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8(1), 94-108. doi: 10.1177/088626093008001007 Lyndon, A. E., Duffy, D. M., Smith, P. H., & White, J. W. (2011). The role of high school coaches in helping prevent adolescent sexual aggression: Part of the solution or part of the problem? Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 35(4), 377-399. doi: 10.1177/0193723511426292 MacArthur, H. J. & Shields, S.A. (2015). There’s no crying in baseball, or is there? Male athletes, tears, and masculinity in North America. Emotion Review, 7(1), 39-46. doi: 10.1177/1754073914544476 Martin, J. & Almasy, S. (2014, September 16). Ray Rice terminated by team, suspended by NFL after new violent video. CNN. Retrieved from http://www.cnn. com McCauley, H.L., Jaime, M. C. D., Tancredi, D. J., Silverman, J. G., Decker, M. R., Austin, S. B., Jones, K., & Miller, E. (2014). Differences in adolescent relationship abuse perpetration and gender-inequitable attitudes by sport among male high school athletes. Journal of Adolescent Mental Health, 54(6), 742-744. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2014.01.001 Messner, M. A. (2002). Taking the field: Women, men, and sports. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.

Murner, S. K. (2015). A social constructivist approach to understanding the relationship between masculinity and sexual aggression. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 16(4), 370-373. doi: 10.1037/a0039693 O’Brien, K. S., Kolt, G. S., Martens, M. P. Ruffman, T., Miller, P. G., & Lynott, D. (2012) Alcohol-related aggression and antisocial behavior in sportspeople/athletes.

Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport, 15(4), 292297. doi: 10.1016/j.jsams.2011.10.008 Oliffe, J. L. & Phillips, M. J. (2008). Men, depression, and masculinities: A review and recommendations.

Journal of Men’s Health, 5(3), 194-202.

Pappas, N. T., McKenry, P. C., & Catlett, B. S. (2004).

Athlete aggression on the rink and off the ice: Athlete violence and aggression in hockey and interpersonal relationships. Men and Masculinities, 6(3), 291-312. doi: 10.1177/1097184X03257433 Serrano, A. (2007, July 17). Michael Vick indicted by grand jury. CBS News. Retrieved from www.cbsnews.com Sonderlund, A. L., O’Brien, K., Kremer, P., Rowland, B., De Groot, F., Staiger, P.,...Miller, P. G. (2014). The association between sports participation, alcohol use and aggression and violence: A systematic review. Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport, 17(1), 2-7. doi: 10.1016/j.jsams.2013.03.011 Steinfeldt, J. A., Vaughan, E. L., LaFollette, J. R., & Steinfeldt, M. C. (2012). Bullying among adolescent football players: Role of masculinity and moral atmosphere. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 13(4), 340-353. doi:10.1037/a0026645 Tedx Talks. (2013, February 20). Be a man: Joe Ehrmann at TEDxBaltimore 2013 [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jVI1Xutc_Ws Tuchman, G. & Cabell, B. (2003, December 16). Kobe Bryant charged with sexual assault. CNN. Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com Vaillancourt, T., Hymel, S., McDougall, P. (2003). Bullying is power: Implications for school-based intervention strategies. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 19(2), 157-176. doi: 10.1300/J008v19n02_10 Wykes, M. & Welsh, K. (2009). Introducing violence, gender, and justice. Violence, gender, and justice (1-8). London: Sage Publications.

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SELF-REGULATION DEVELOPMENT

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2015, Volume 7, Issue 1

The Major Influences of Self-Regulation Development in Early Childhood Gabrielle Gunin In recent years, research in developmental psychology has given much attention to the construct of self-regulation in early childhood.

In short, self-regulation is the ability to modify one’s behavior in order to meet situational demands (Kopp, 1982). These skills are exhibited when children delay immediate gratification, internalize societal rules, and utilize attentional, emotional, and stress responses in their fulfillment of goal-directed actions (Blair, Urasche, Greenberg, & VernonFeagans, 2015; Kopp, 1982). While the study of self-regulation is important throughout childhood, it is especially critical during the preschool years (Karreman, Tuijl, van Aken, & Dakovic, 2006).

Children experience the most rapid gains in self-regulatory behaviors from the ages of three to five (Karreman et al., 2006; Kopp, 1982; McClelland et al., 2007). The demands of the classroom context, which children first experience in the preschool setting, require that children inhibit socially undesirable impulses, such as disobedience and aggression, in order to succeed (Garner & Waajid, 2012). Preschoolers who are effective self-regulators also show advances in emergent math, vocabulary, and literacy abilities, relative to their peers with weaker self-regulatory capabilities (Blair & Razza, 2007; Blair et al., 2015; McClelland et al., 2007). Evidently, self-regulation is critical in both classroom behavior and academic success in preschool-age children.

Although self-regulation tends to follow a developmental timetable, the skills are sensitive to environmental influences, such as poverty, parenting practices, ethnic background, and school-based interventions (Colman, Hardy, Albert, Raffaelli, & Crockett, 2006; Li-Grining, 2012). Given how predictive self-regulatory abilities are of academic success, understanding the contextual influences on these skills is imperative in bolstering academic achievement (Li-Grining, 2012). Thus, this review of the literature explores the major influences of self-

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regulation development in early childhood.

Fixed factors, such as poverty and culture, and malleable factors, such as parenting practices and in-school interventions, will be discussed.

The Influence of Poverty on Self-Regulation Development Extant research demonstrates a host of negative outcomes associated with poverty, including its detrimental impact on selfregulatory skills in children (Blair, 2010; Evans & Kim, 2013; Evans & Rosenbaum, 2008). Povertyrelated stressors negatively impact the neural networks associated with self-regulation (Blair, 2010), and thus poverty hinders children’s acquisition of the skills needed to manage situational demands (Evans & Kim, 2013).

Controlling impulses, for instance, is especially difficult for low-income preschoolers, as research shows that this component of selfregulation is inhibited when children have high neural reactivity, as tends to be the case in poverty (Blair, 2010; Evans & Kim, 2013).

In a study that tracked the effects of moving in and out of low-income neighborhoods (Roy, McCoy, & Raver, 2014), the association between poverty and selfregulation was strong. Children who moved out of economically advantaged communities and into high poverty neighborhoods during early childhood demonstrated poorer selfregulation, when compared to peers who did not move away. Conversely, children who moved out of high poverty neighborhoods and into economically advantaged communities faired better in their regulation, compared with children who remained in those areas (Roy et al., 2014). This finding has been frequently replicated in the literature, indicating a clear association between poverty and poor selfregulation (Bernier, Carlson, & Whipple, 2010).

However, other empirical work has shown that environmental mediators, such as parenting practices, may buffer the negative impact of poverty on self-regulation (Evans & Kim, 2013).

Gunin, G. (2015). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(1), 28-31

The Influence of Parenting Practices on SelfRegulation Development

The Influence of Ethnic Background on SelfRegulation Development

While poverty is a relatively fixed influence on self-regulation, parenting practices are more fluid (Li-Grining, 2012). Good selfregulation development starts in the home, as parents act as role models of self-regulation for their children. By utilizing problem-based situations as a means of practicing personal awareness and understanding the needs of others, parents can explicitly teach selfregulatory skills to their children (Boyer, 2012).

Beyond specific teaching moments, parenting practices are also predictive of different selfregulatory outcomes in the preschool years (Choe, Olson, & Sameroff, 2013). For instance, positive control by parents promotes good self-regulation development (Karreman et al., 2006). This positive control is created through high levels of warmth and responsiveness, and low levels of harshness (Colman et al., 2006). Additionally, parents who encourage autonomy by allowing their children to take the lead in decision-making tend to have children with well-developed self-regulation (Bernier et al., 2010; Karreman et al., 2006).

While some parenting practices are predictive of high self-regulatory skills in preschoolers, others may negatively impact the development of self-regulation. For instance, high levels of maternal distress tend to be associated with less warm parenting styles, and in turn, inhibit the development of self-regulation for preschoolers (Choe et al., 2013). When parents face stress, they may spend less time on cognitive development with their children, resulting in low self-regulatory abilities (Bernier et al., 2010). Parents who utilize high assertions of power, set high levels of control for their children, and utilize extreme harshness (e.g., physical punishment) also tend to have preschoolers with poor self-regulation (Colman et al., 2006; Karreman et al., 2006). The literature suggests that high levels of control do not allow for children to make their own decisions in either behavioral or cognitive selfregulation (Bindman, Pomerantsz, & Roisman, 2015). Overall, this body of work indicates that parent-level factors can have either a positive or negative influence on the development of self-regulation in early childhood, depending on the type of parenting practice or style.

Parents’ behaviors and practices are influenced by macro-level factors such as ethnic identity and cultural background. Culture involves the values that shape an individual’s interpretation of the world, and different cultures vary in their expectations of children (Boyer, 2013). Parents utilize norms from their native culture to create regulatory standards for their children, beginning in infancy and continuing throughout early childhood (Meléndez, 2005). With this influence, children make decisions about how they will comply with the demands of their surroundings (Boyer, 2013). Thus, self-regulation development is dependent on culturally driven norms regarding children’s behavior (Boyer, 2013; LiGrining, 2012).

Differences in self-regulation across nations also expose cultural differences in the development of these skills. While American girls tend to have higher levels of self-regulatory skills than boys (Matthews, Ponitz, & Morrison, 2009), for example, research conducted in Korea has found no gender differences in selfregulation (Son, Lee, & Sung, 2013). Further, though highly predictive of early literacy and numeracy skills for American children (Blair & Razza, 2007), self-regulation is not predictive of academic outcomes in Korean populations (Son et al., 2013). Researchers hypothesize that these discrepancies may be due to the culturally driven expectations of children (Son et al., 2013). Given different standards and expectations for behavior, children from different cultures regulate their behavior in different ways.

In-School Influences Development

on

Self-Regulation

Beyond family-level influences that preschoolers experience, the school setting is also valuable in the development of their selfregulatory skills. Given the mounting evidence that self-regulation develops rapidly during the preschool years, and that it is predictive of academic success (e.g., McClelland et al., 2007), research has started to examine the effectiveness of teaching it explicitly in schools.

Various forms of self-regulation training in the school setting have been found to be effective, such as mindful yoga, circle time games, and

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explicit teaching of self-regulatory strategies (Pears, Kim, Healey, Yoerger, & Fisher, 2015; Razza, Bergen-Cico, & Raymond, 2015; Tominey & McClelland, 2011). In one study that examined the effectiveness of a year-long, mindful yoga intervention in preschool classrooms, children who participated showed significant increases in self-regulation compared to children who did not receive the intervention (Razza et al., 2015). Most impressively, the children who were deemed most at-risk in their self-regulation development given out-of-school factors (e.g., poverty status) made the greatest gains in this intervention (Razza et al., 2015). Additionally, an in-school playgroup-based intervention also found significance in the gains made by preschoolers, particularly those most at-risk for poor self-regulation when considering other factors such as poverty (Tominey & McClelland, 2011). Even interventions that focus on the direct teaching of self-regulatory skills through an explicit classroom curriculum have been found effective at improving selfregulation (Pears et al., 2015). As research has demonstrated the efficacy of school-based interventions, educators have many evidencebased options when considering ways to scaffold, teach, and improve the self-regulatory skills of their preschoolers.

CONCLUSION Given the social and academic implications of self-regulation (Blair & Razza, 2007; McClelland et al., 2007), the study of its influences and developmental trajectory aim to understand these skills and how children can develop them. Based on the research conducted to date, the most prominent influences appear to be poverty status, parenting practices, ethnic background, and in-school interventions.

While some of these influences are relatively stable (i.e., poverty status and culture), others are much more malleable and subject to change (i.e., parenting practices and in-school interventions). A relation also seems to exist amongst all of these influences. Yet, even for children who face a host of risk factors, such as those associated with living in poverty (e.g., less access to academic resources, less quality time with parents), gains in self-regulation can be made if children are exposed to certain parenting practices or in-school interventions (Evans & Kim, 2013; Tominey & McClelland,

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2011).

Though much is known about selfregulation and its development, the research still lacks many complexities. Overall, selfregulation proves to be a difficult construct to capture, as there are many definitions for it and a broad range of data collection styles (Karreman et al., 2006; McCabe & Brooks-Gunn, 2007). This poses a limitation on the majority of self-regulation research, which tends to assess self-regulation in quiet spaces, unlike realistic school settings where self-regulation skills are challenged. Research on self-regulation may also be confounded by a lack of variation in samples, as few studies examine lowincome and ethnic-minority groups (Bernier et al., 2010; Karreman et al., 2006). For these reasons, future research should continue to examine self-regulation and how these skills translate to academic success through the use of diverse assessment techniques and samples, particularly in preschoolers as this time period is crucial in understanding how children learn to regulate their behavior and emotions (Kopp, 1982).

REFERENCES Bernier, A., Carlson, S. M., & Whipple, N. (2010). From external regulation to self-regulation: Early parenting precursors of young children’s executive functioning. Child Development, 81(1), 326-339.

Bindman, S. W., Pomerantz, E. M., & Roisman, G. I. (2015).

Do children’s executive functions account for associations between early autonomy-supportive parenting and achievement through high school?.

Journal of Educational Psychology, 107(3), 756-770.

Blair, C. (2010). Stress and the development of selfregulation in context. Child Development Perspectives, 4(3), 181-188.

Blair, C. & Razza, R. P. (2007). Relating effortful control, executive function, and false belief understanding to emerging math and literacy ability in kindergarten.

Child Development, 78(2), 647-663.

Blair, C., Ursache, A., Greenberg, M., & Vernon-Feagans, L., (2015). Multiple aspects of self-regulation uniquely predict mathematics but not letter-word knowledge in the early elementary grades. Developmental Psychology, 51(4), 459-472.

Boyer, W. (2012). Cultural factors influencing preschoolers’ acquisition of self-regulation and emotion regulation. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 26(2), 169-186.

Boyer, W. (2013). Getting back to the woods: Familial perspectives on culture and preschoolers’ acquisition of self-regulation and emotion regulation. Early Childhood Education Journal, 41, 153-159.

Choe, D. E., Olson, S. L., & Sameroff, A. J. (2013).

Effects of early maternal distress and parenting on the development of children’s self-regulation

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and externalizing behavior. Development and Psychopathology, 25, 437-453.

Colman, R. A., Hardy, S. A., Albert, M., Raffaelli, M., & Crockett, L. (2006). Early predictors of selfregulation in middle childhood. Infant and Child Development, 15, 421-437.

Evans, G. W. & Kim, P. (2013). Childhood poverty, chronic stress, self-regulation, and coping. Child Development Perspectives, 7(1). 43-48.

Evans, G. W., & Rosenbaum, J. (2008). Self-regulation and the income-achievement gap. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 23(4), 504-514.

Garner, P. W., & Waajid, B. (2012). Emotion knowledge and self-regulation as predictors of preschoolers cognitive ability, classroom behavior, and social competence. Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, 30(4), 330-343.

Karreman, A., van Tuijl, C., van Aken, M. A. G., & Dakovic, M. (2006). Parenting and self-regulation in preschoolers: A meta-analysis. Infant and Child Development, 15, 561-579.

Kopp, C. B. (1982). Antecedents of self-regulation: A developmental perspective. Developmental Psychology, 18(2), 199-214.

Li-Grining, C. P. (2012). The role of cultural factors in the development of Latino preschoolers’ self-regulation.

Child Development Perspectives, 6(3), 210-217.

Matthews, J. S., Ponitz, C. C., & Morrison, F. J. (2009).

Early gender differences in self-regulation and academic achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology, 101(3), 669-704.

McCabe, L. A. & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2007). With a little help from my friends? Self-regulation in groups of young children. Infant Mental Health Journal, 28(6), 584605.

McClelland, M. M., Cameron, C. E., Connor, C. M., Farris, C. L., Jewkes, A. M., & Morrison, F. J. (2007). Links between behavioral regulation and preschoolers’ literacy, vocabulary, and math skills. Developmental Psychology, 43(4), 947-959.

Meléndez, L. (2005). Parental beliefs and practices around early self-regulation: the impact of culture and immigration. Infants & Young Children, 18(2), 136-146.

Pears, K. C., Kim, H. K., Healey, C. V., Yoerger, K., & Fisher, P. A. (2015). Improving child self-regulation and parenting in families of pre-kindergarten children with developmental disabilities and behavioral difficulties. Society for Prevention Research, 16, 222232.

Razza, R. A., Bergen-Cico, D., & Raymond, K. (2015).

Enhancing preschoolers’ self-regulation via mindful yoga. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 24, 372385.

Roy, A. L., McCoy, D. C., & Raver, C. C. (2014). Instability versus quality: Residential mobility, neighborhood poverty, and children’s self-regulation.

Developmental Psychology, 50(7), 1891-1896.

Son, S., Lee, K., & Sung, M. (2013). Links between preschoolers’ behavioral regulation and school readiness skills: The role of child gender. Early Education and Development, 24(4), 468-490.

Tominey, S. L. & McClelland, M. M. (2011). Red light, purple light: Findings from a randomized trial using circle time games to improve behavioral self-regulation in preschool. Early Education and Development, 22(3), 489-519.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2015, Volume 7, Issue 1

MUSIC THERAPY AND ALZHEIMER’S DISEASE

The Effectiveness of Music Therapy in Treating Symptoms of Alzheimer’s Disease Lauren Banker Estimates suggest that, as of 2011, almost five million Americans over the age of sixty-five have Alzheimer’s disease (National Institutes of Health [NIH], 2012). Alzheimer’s disease (AD) is a gradual, neurodegenerative disease in which cognitive, behavioral, and emotional processes deteriorate due to suspected plaque growth, neuron decay, and neurofibrillary tangles throughout the brain (NIH, 2012). Among individuals with moderate to severe AD, the most prominent and pervasive symptoms are those that affect cognitive functioning, such as memory and language (Alzheimer’s Association, 2014; NIH, 2012). However, the scope of symptoms in patients with AD is not limited to cognitive processes. Other welldocumented symptoms target behavioral, psychological, and emotional functioning (Alzheimer’s Association, 2014; NIH, 2012).

Medications are predominantly cited as the most common method for treating AD symptoms (Consumer Reports, 2012). However, these medications are often accompanied by unwanted side effects, including nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, muscle weakness, and weight loss (NIH, 2014), and many medications treat only specific symptoms at a time (Bishara & Taylor, 2014; NIH, 2014). Furthermore, these drugs can be costly, making it difficult for patients or their caregivers to afford treatment (Consumer Reports, 2012). These concerns have led researchers to explore alternative therapies for treating symptoms of AD that are less expensive and less invasive.

One such alternative therapy is music therapy. Music therapy is a non-invasive intervention that utilizes music in various ways to treat the cognitive, behavioral, emotional, and social needs of individuals (American Music Therapy Association, 2015). Music therapy typically takes one of two forms: it can be characterized as either Interactive/Active, in which participants sing, hum, move along with music, or play an instrument, or Passive/ Receptive, in which participants listen to live

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or recorded music (Vink, Bruinsma, & Scholten, 2003). The increasing interest in music therapy as a treatment for AD specifically can be attributed to early case studies. These studies found that patients with AD were able to perform musical acts that had been forgotten after musical interventions (Cowles et al., 2003; Crystal, Grober, & Masur, 1989). Since then, a growing amount of literature on music therapy and AD has shown the therapy’s effectiveness in treating both the most recognized symptoms of AD—memory and language functioning (Brotons & Koger, 2000; Dassa, 2014; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Prickett & Moore, 1991; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995; SimmonsStern, Budson & Ally, 2010)—as well as other common symptoms of AD, such as agitation, mood, or delusions, that affect behavioral (Brotons & Pickett-Cooper, 1996; Chen et al., 2014; Gerdner, 2000; Jennings & Vance, 2002; Ledger & Baker, 2007), psychological (Chen et al., 2014; Raglio et al., 2013; Sakamoto, Ando, & Tsutou, 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda, Suzukamo, Sato, & Izumi, 2013), and emotional functioning (Clément, Tonini, Khatir, Schiaratura, & Samson, 2012; Gerdner, 2000; Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013). Given the extensive literature on music therapy as a potential treatment for patients with AD, the purpose of this literature review was to address the following question: To what extent is music therapy effective in improving symptoms of Alzheimer’s disease?

Music Therapy in Treating Major Cognitive Symptoms of AD Improved memory. As stated previously, one of the most prevalent and pervasive symptoms of AD is memory loss (Alzheimer’s Association, 2014; NIH, 2012). Incredibly, studies have shown that old memories in patients with AD were greatly improved when treated with music therapy (Dassa, 2014; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Prickett & Moore, 1991; Sambandham &

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Schirm, 1995). When patients with AD sang along with familiar songs, they were able to not only recall the words to the old songs, but also recall both semantic and emotional facts about themselves or others; patients were able to recall the date of their birth and facts about their past memories (Ledger & Baker, 2007; Prickett & Moore, 1991; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995), as well as old feelings and thoughts associated with the old songs (Dassa, 2014; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995). While music therapy was able to revive old memories, researchers found that it was also successful in helping form new memories (Prickett & Moore, 1991; Simmons-Stern et al., 2010). For example, patients exposed to music therapy were more likely to learn and remember new words and lyrics from a new song than if the new material was simply spoken (Prickett & Moore, 1991; Simmons-Stern et al., 2010). Even patients who were unable to recall the words from the song still attempted to hum or sing along with the newly learned melody (Prickett & Moore, 1991). These findings indicated that music therapy acted as a catalyst for remembering old memories and for forming new memories in patients with poor memory recollection.

Improved language functioning and communication. Like memory, music therapy improved other cognitive processes, such as language functioning and communication (Brotons & Koger, 2000; Dassa, 2014; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995). Impaired language functioning is a major symptom of AD, as it hinders the ability of the individual to comprehend and produce language (Cohen-Mansfield, 1997). Often times, the individual has trouble understanding what is happening, which is often associated with comprehension, or expressing himself or herself, which is often associated with production (Cohen-Mansfield, 1997). However, both comprehension and production are greatly improved in patients with AD after music therapy. When patients with AD sang in the therapy session, they were able to comprehend topics of conversation better, as shown by engaging more in verbal conversations related to the topic of the songs (Dassa, 2014) and staying on topic more frequently (Brotons & Koger, 2000; Dassa, 2014). Regarding the production of language, after music therapy, patients with AD talked more and were more fluid in their speech

(Brotons & Koger, 2000). Additionally, patients increased communication and interaction with others (Dassa, 2014; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995). Further, patients who sang along to music and played instruments showed increased positive verbal and social interactions with other patients in the form of greeting and complimenting others, sharing memories, and joking (Ledger & Baker, 2007; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995). Overall, these findings suggested that language functioning and communication were greatly improved when patients with AD participated in music therapy. This is indicated by the findings in which patients were able to comprehend conversations better, and engage in conversations more frequently. Improving language functioning and communication is particularly important for patients with AD who may also suffer from behavioral symptoms, such as agitation, as patients with AD are most likely to become agitated or express themselves behaviorally when they have difficulty articulating their thoughts, needs, or desires (Cohen-Mansfield, 1997).

Music Therapy in Treating Other Symptoms of AD Improved behavioral symptoms. Music therapy was successful in reducing various types of agitated behaviors (Brotons & Pickett-Cooper, 1996; Chen et al., 2014; Gerdner, 2000; Jennings & Vance, 2002; Ledger & Baker, 2007). In patients with AD, agitated behaviors can include pacing or aimless wandering, verbal and physical aggressions, grabbing, repetitive sentences or questions, and complaining (Cohen-Mansfield, 1997). Patients who engaged in interactive music therapy by singing along to music and playing instruments showed markedly reduced agitated behaviors (Brotons & Pickett-Cooper, 1996; Chen et al., 2014; Jennings & Vance, 2002; Ledger & Baker, 2007). Additionally, patients who listened to music showed a reduction in agitated behaviors as well, including a decrease in insulting, grabbing at others, or complaining (Gerdner, 2000; Ledger & Baker, 2007). Furthermore, patients who listened to music that was specifically unique to their lives or backgrounds exhibited fewer agitated behaviors than patients who were exposed to typical relaxation music (Gerdner, 2000). While music therapy was successful in improving

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behavioral symptoms, other symptoms of AD, such as psychotic or psychological symptoms can accompany behavioral symptoms (Chen et al., 2014; Raglio et al., 2013; Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013). Therefore, it is important to investigate the extent to which music therapy is effective in targeting and treating psychological symptoms of AD. Improved psychological functioning.

According to the literature, music therapy is also able to improve psychological symptoms of AD (BPSD) (Chen et al., 2014; Raglio et al., 2013; Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013). BPSD symptoms can include paranoia and delusional ideations, hallucinations, activity and affective disturbances, and anxiety (Reisberg, Auer, & Monteiro, 1997). Overall, patients who participated in either form of music therapy (i.e., Interactive/Active vs. Passive/Receptive) saw reductions in these BPSD symptoms compared with patients who were not treated with music therapy (Chen et al., 2014; Raglio et al., 2013; Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013). Across the two music therapy modalities, patients exposed to interactive music therapy saw a greater reduction in BPSD symptoms than patients treated with passive music therapy (Raglio et al., 2013; Sakamoto et al., 2013).

Patients showed the greatest reductions specifically in the BPSD symptoms of anxiety, aggressiveness, and activity disturbances (Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013). Noticeable decreases in psychotic symptoms, such as hallucinations and delusions, were also present (Chen et al., 2014).

Improved emotional symptoms. Finally, music therapy helped improve emotional symptoms of AD (Clément, et al., 2012; Gerdner, 2000; Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013).

Specifically, music therapy reduced negative affect (Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013) and stress (Sakamoto et al., 2013). At the same time, music therapy elevated positive emotions. At the end of music therapy sessions, patients’ mood improved (Clément et al., 2012; Dassa, 2014; Gerdner, 2000, Sakamoto et al., 2013), and they reported feeling more positive overall (Clément et al., 2012; Sakamoto et al., 2013).

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Additionally, patients felt an increased sense of belonging and accomplishment at the end of the therapy sessions (Dassa, 2014). Overall, these findings contribute to the consensus that music therapy is an effective treatment in improving symptoms of AD.

CONCLUSION As the literature has shown, music therapy is an effective alternative treatment for improving many symptoms of AD (Brotons & Koger, 2000; Dassa, 2014; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Prickett & Moore, 1991; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995; Simmons-Stern et al., 2010; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006). A review of the literature indicates that music therapy is not only beneficial in treating the hallmark, cognitive symptoms of AD, such as memory and language functioning (Brotons & Koger, 2000; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Prickett & Moore, 1991; Simmons-Stern et al., 2010), but is also effective in improving behavioral, psychological, and emotional processes as well (Brotons & Pickett-Cooper, 1996; Chen et al., 2014; Jennings & Vance, 2002; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006; Ueda et al., 2013).

Additionally, interactive music therapy in the form of singing or playing instruments is found to be more effective in improving symptoms of AD than passive music therapy (Dassa, 2014; Ledger & Baker, 2007; Sakamoto et al., 2013; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006). Overall, this body of research emphasizes that music therapy is a valuable therapy for treating symptoms of AD, as its effectiveness is strong. Additionally, its relatively low cost and low risk methods make it attractive to patients and family members compared to medication (Koger, Chapin, & Brotons, 1999; Sambandham & Schirm, 1995; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006). With its success in treating symptoms of AD, music therapy has the potential to be effective in treating other populations, such as populations that typically have high levels of anxiety or agitation, as well as other neurodegenerative disorders, which should be the focus of future research.

However, despite an overwhelming interest in music therapy as an effective treatment for treating symptoms of AD, a major limitation of the therapy is its longevity. More specifically, literature suggests that music therapy is most effective for treating AD symptoms short-term (Clément et al., 2012; Ledger & Baker, 2007;

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Sambandham & Schirm, 1995; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006). However, there is conflicting data on how effective long-term music therapy is. The majority of studies suggest that music therapy is not an effective long-term treatment for patients with AD, as symptoms return two to four weeks after the end of treatment (Ledger & Baker, 2007; Svansdottir & Snaedal, 2006). Some studies find otherwise: music therapy is shown to be effective in reducing symptoms of AD long term (Clément et al., 2012; Sakamoto, et al., 2013; Ueda et al., 2013).

In some cases, reduced symptoms lasted up to eight weeks after ending treatment (Clément et al., 2012). Conducting more longitudinal studies should help to address the discrepancy in music therapy’s long-term effectiveness.

Finally, while these studies suggest that music therapy is effective in treating AD symptoms in their sample of patients, in most studies, sample sizes were small, indicating another major limitation of the past and current research (Brotons & Koger, 2000; Prickett & Moore, 1991). Additional and future research on music therapy should be conducted with larger sample sizes and longer studies in order to determine its true potential as an effective, alternative, low-cost, and low-risk treatment for improving symptoms of AD.

REFERENCES Alzheimer’s Association. (2014). 2014 Alzheimer’s disease facts and figures. Retrieved from https://www.alz. org/downloads/Facts_Figures_2014.pdf American Music Therapy Association. (2015). What is music therapy. Retrieved from http://www. musictherapy.org/about/musictherapy/ Bishara, D., & Taylor, D. (2014). Adverse effects of clozapine in older patients: Epidemiology, prevention and management. Drugs & Aging, 31(1), 11-20.

Brotons, M., & Pickett-Cooper, P. K. (1996). The effects of music therapy intervention on agitation behaviors of Alzheimer’s disease patients. Journal of Music Therapy, 33(1), 2-18.

Brotons, M., & Koger, S. M. (2000). The impact of music therapy on language functioning in dementia.

Journal of Music Therapy, 37(3), 183-195.

Chen, R., Liu, C., Lin, M., Peng, L., Chen, L., Liu, L., & Chen, L. (2014). Non-pharmacological treatment reducing not only behavioral symptoms, but also psychotic symptoms of older adults with dementia: A prospective cohort study in Taiwan. Geriatrics & Gerontology International, 14(2), 440-446.

Clément, S., Tonini, A., Khatir, F., Schiaratura, L., & Samson, S. (2012). Short and longer term effects of musical intervention in severe Alzheimer’s disease. Music Perception, 29(5), 533-541.

Cohen-Mansfield, J. (1997).Conceptualization of agitation: Results based on the Cohen-Mansfield agitation inventory and the agitation behavior mapping instrument. International Psychogeriatrics, 8(Supplement S3), 309-315.

Consumer Reports. (2012). Evaluating prescription drugs used to treat: Alzheimer’s disease. Consumers Union of U.S. Cowles, A., Beatty, W. W., Nixon, S. J., Lutz, L. J., Paulk, J., Paulk, K., & Ross, E. D. (2003). Musical skill in dementia: A violinist presumed to have Alzheimer’s disease learns to play a new song. Neurocase, 9(6), 493-503.

Crystal, H. A., Grober, E., & Masur, D. (1989). Preservation of musical memory in Alzheimer’s disease. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery, and Psychiatry, 52(12), 1415-1416.

Dassa, A. (2014). The role of singing familiar songs in encouraging conversation among people with middle to late stage Alzheimer’s disease. Journal of Music Therapy, 51(2), 131-53.

Gerdner, L. A. (2000). Effects of individualized versus classical “relaxation” music on the frequency of agitation in elderly persons with Alzheimer’s disease and related disorders. International Psychogeriatrics, 12(1), 49-65.

Jennings, B., & Vance, D. (2002). The short-term effects of music therapy on different types of agitation in adults with Alzheimer’s. Activities, Adaptation & Aging, 26(4), 27-33.

Koger, S. M., Chapin, K., & Brotons, M. (1999). Is music therapy an effective intervention for dementia? A meta-analytic review of literature. Journal of Music Therapy, 36(1), 2-15.

Ledger, A. J., & Baker, F. A. (2007). An investigation of long-term effects of group music therapy on agitation levels of people with Alzheimer’s disease.

Aging & Mental Health, 11(3), 330-338.

National Institutes of Health, National Institutes on Aging. (2012). Alzheimer’s disease fact sheet. (NIH Publication No. 11-6423). Retrieved from http:// www.nia.nih.gov/alzheimers/publication/alzheimersdisease-fact-sheet National Institutes of Health, National Institutes on Aging.

(2014). Alzheimer’s disease medication fact sheet.

(NIH Publication No. 08-3431). Retrieved from http://www.nia.nih.gov/alzheimers/publication/ alzheimers-disease-medications-fact-sheet Prickett, C. A., & Moore, R. S. (1991). The use of music to aid memory of Alzheimer’s patients. Journal of Music Therapy, 28(2), 101-110.

Raglio, A., Bellandi, D., Baiardi, P., Gianotti, M., Ubezio, M. C., & Granieri, E. (2013) Listening to music and active music therapy in behavioral disturbances in dementia: A crossover study. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 61(4), 645-647.

Reisberg, B., Auer, S. R., & Monteiro, I. M. (1997). Behavioral pathology in Alzheimer’s disease (BEHAVEAD) rating scale. International Psychogeriatrics, 8(Supplement S3), 301-308. Sakamoto, M., Ando, H., & Tsutou, A. (2013). Comparing the effects of different individualized music interventions for elderly individuals with severe dementia.

International Psychogeriatrics, 25(5), 775-84.

Sambandham, M., & Schirm, V. (1995). Music as a nursing intervention for residents with Alzheimer’s disease in long-term care: Music may be a memory trigger

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for patients with Alzheimer’s and provide a means of communication. Geriatric Nursing, 16(2), 79-83.

Simmons-Stern, N. R., Budson, A. E., & Ally, B. A. (2010).

Music as a memory enhancer in patients with Alzheimer’s disease. Neuropsychologia, 48(10), 3164-3167.

Svansdottir, H., & Snaedal, J. (2006). Music therapy in moderate and severe dementia of Alzheimer’s type: A case–control study. International Psychogeriatrics, 18(4), 613-621.

Ueda, T., Suzukamo, Y., Sato, M., & Izumi, S. (2013). Effects of music therapy on behavioral and psychological symptoms of dementia: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Ageing Research Reviews, 12(2), 628641.

Vink, A. C., Bruinsma, M. S., & Scholten, R. J. (2003). Music therapy for people with dementia. The Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, 4, 1-48.

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BIOGRAPHIES

KAYA MENDELSOHN

HOPE WHITE

Editor-in-Chief

Editor-in-Chief

kayamendelsohn@nyu.edu

hope.white@nyu.edu

Kaya Mendelsohn is a senior in the NYU Applied Psychology program, minoring in Creative Writing. She is a research assistant on Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community and Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E.) team, helping on a project that implements a creative writing intervention to incarcerated youth. She has also worked with Alcance, an organization in her hometown of Santa Cruz, California, that helps at-risk youth find employment, enjoying the experience of working one-on-one with clients.

Kaya is a member of NYU’s premier all-female a cappella group, the Cleftomaniacs. In the future, she hopes to work as a therapist for adolescents.

Hope White is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. She is currently a research assistant on Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community Oppression and Research Engagement (C.O.R.E.) Team, which implements and evaluates interventions for juvenile justice systeminvolved youth. Under the mentorship of Dr. Javdani and Chloe Greenbaum, Hope is conducting an honor’s thesis on the combined influence of parenting and early puberty on Disruptive Behavior Problems in African American adolescent girls. Previously, Hope worked as a counselor at the NYU Child Study Center’s Summer Program for Kids, a behavioral treatment intervention for children who have ADHD and related disorders. In the future, she intends to pursue a Ph.D. in clinical psychology.

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AMELIA CHU | Layout Director ameliachu@nyu.edu Amelia is a senior in the Applied Psychology Program and is pursuing a minor in Anthropology and Business Studies. She currently holds an internship at the Michael Cohen Group where she has contributed to projects including the ABCD Total Learning Initiative and Project UMIGO, a U.S. Department of Education’s Ready to Learn program. Her research interests include Human-Computer Interactions, User Experience methods and childhood education strategies, particularly those that involve interactive technologies. Amelia is also currently the Vice President of Communications of the NYU Inter-Residence Hall Council.

CHRISTIE KIM | Layout Director & Senior Staff Writer christiekim@nyu.edu Christie Kim is a senior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Web Programming and Applications. She is a member of Dr. Selcuk Sirin’s research team, having a hand in the Meta-Analysis of the Immigrant Paradox (MAP) project, research on Syrian refugee children and the media, and is conducting a secondary data analysis on immigrants’ attitudes towards psychotherapy. Christie also serves as an Intake Counselor at The Door, a youth empowerment agency in New York City, provides crisis counseling through Crisis Text Line, and supervises an academic support program at the NYU Child Study Center.

Previously, she provided support and referrals as a Helpline Intern for the National Eating Disorders Association. With great interest in the relational context of couples and families, Christie hopes to pursue graduate studies in counseling psychology.

REGINA YU | Programming Director reginayu@nyu.edu Regina Yu is a senior in the Applied Psychology program at NYU with a minor in politics. She is currently working as an intake counselor at The Door, a Manhattan-based organization that provides young people with an expansive array of services, resources, and support. Regina has always been fascinated by psychology and plans to use her undergraduate studies in pursuit of a career in law. She hopes to work in international law with a special interest regarding human rights and social justice.

Regina’s research passions include social welfare, education, and child development.

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DEVONAE ROBINSON | Communications Director devonae.robinson@nyu.edu Devonae Robinson is a senior in the Applied Psychology program at Steinhardt. She is currently a member of Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s research team, R.O.S.E.S., and also serves on the e-board of the Minority Pre-Law Association. Prior to her work with R.O.S.E.S. she held an internship with Brooklyn’s District Attorney Office, worked with America Reads, and volunteered with Publicolor to explore her interest in both children as well as the legal system. Other interests include domestic violence, cognitive distortions following sexual abuse, and alternative sentencing within the juvenile justice.

LAUREN BANKER | Contributing Writer lauren.banker@nyu.edu Lauren Banker is a senior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Web Programming and Applications. She is currently a research assistant for Dr. Clayton Curtis at the Curtis Lab, where she studies working memory and attention, utilizing eye tracking, brain imaging, and brain stimulation techniques.

Previously, Lauren worked as a summer research intern for Dr. Lauren Y. Atlas, Chief of the Section on Affective Neuroscience and Pain at the National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health (NCCIH), part of the National Institutes of Health (NIH). During her time at the NIH, Lauren studied how expectations and learning influence pain and emotion. After graduation, Lauren will continue to work with Dr. Atlas at the NIH as a Post-Baccalaureate Fellow. In the future, Lauren intends to pursue a Ph.D. in Cognitive Neuroscience.

MARY MURPHY CORCORAN | Contributing Writer m.murphycorcoran@nyu.edu Mary Murphy Corcoran is a senior in the NYU Applied Psychology Program. She works as an intake counselor for the Employment Program for Recovered Alcoholics, a vocational rehabilitation program that provides services to individuals who are recovering from drug and alcohol abuse. Murphy is also a member of Dr. Grossman’s research team, which examines the risk and protective factors of suicidality regarding lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) youth. Additionally, Murphy is an organizer with the Incarceration Education Coalition, a group of New York University community members working to end discrimination against formerly incarcerated NYU applicants and applicants with criminal records. In the future, Murphy hopes to pursue a Ph.D. in clinical psychology.

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GABRIELLE GUNIN | Contributing Writer gabriellegunin@nyu.edu Gabrielle Gunin is a senior in the Applied Psychology program.

She is currently a research assistant on Dr. Melzi’s research team, L-FELD (Latino Family Engagement and Language Development), where she has volunteered for approximately three years. Under the mentorship of Dr. Melzi, Gabrielle is currently conducting an honors thesis on Latino parenting practices and preschoolers’ self-regulation skills. She is also a peer mentor through Inside Scoop!, the mentor program for Applied Psychology freshmen and transfer students.

REBECCA MOSER | Contributing Writer rm3263@nyu.edu Rebecca Moser is a senior in the Applied Psychology department with a minor in American Sign Language. She is currently a member of Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community and Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E.) team, which focuses on implementing research-based interventions to incarcerated youth around New York City. Rebecca has also worked as an intern with the NYU Child Study Center in their autism spectrum disorder department. As for long term goals, Rebecca hopes to receive a Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology and work with adolescents in a counseling setting, dealing specifically with issues of self-harm and suicidality.

NINA PASSERO | Contributing Writer ninapassero@nyu.edu Nina Passero is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. She is currently working as an intake counselor at the Employment Program for Recovered Alcoholics, a vocational rehabilitation program that provides services to individuals who are recovering from drug and alcohol abuse. She also works on a marketing team at Fabled Films, a media and entertainment company that is currently producing a series of children’s books. In the past, Nina has worked at The Representation Project, a Bay Area based production company that uses documentary films as a platform for cultural transformation, with a specific focus on overcoming limiting gender stereotypes. After graduation, Nina intends to pursue a graduate degree in counseling psychology or throw all caution to the wind and attend culinary school in Italy.

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