OPUS Spring 2016

OPUS

online publication of undergraduate studies Volume VII | Spring 2016

Department of Applied Psychology

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

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OPUS

online publication of undergraduate studies Volume VII | Spring 2016

Editors-in-Chief Kaya Mendelsohn Hope White

Layout Director Christie Kim Programming & Communications Director Regina Yu Editors-in-Training Julia Acker Ashlie Pankonin Staff Writers Caitlyn Corradino Katie Fogarty Sarah Fox Mila Hall Nina Passero Cassie Wuest Jacqueline Yi

Contributing Writers Mila Hall Emma Rooney Laina Sonterblum Faculty Mentor Dr. Adina Schick Special Thanks NYU Steinhardt Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Gigliana Melzi Dr. Mary Brabeck

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Table of Contents Letter from the Editors

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Caitlyn Corradino Katie Fogarty

Positive Emotions and Academic Achievement

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Sarah Fox

The Emotional Experience of Breast Cancer Survivors

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Nina Passero

The Impact of Zero Tolerance Policies on the Relation between Educational Attainment and Crime

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Cassie Wuest

Teachers’ Support of Preschoolers’ Emergent Literacy through Play

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Mila Hall

Psychological Well-being of Refugees throughout the Relocation Process

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Emma Rooney

Exploring the Effects of Sexual Objectification on Women’s Mental Health

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Laina Sonterblum

Gang Involvement as a Means to Satisfy Basic Needs

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Coping During and after the Holocaust: A Case Study of Ludwig Charatan

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Sarah Fox | Gabrielle Gunin Samantha Harding | Elaine Landi Lillian Maltz | Jonathan Simmonds Laina Sonterblum | Cassie Wuest Hope White | Amelia Yang Jacqueline Yi

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Biographies

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Staff Articles

Submissions

Case Study Jacqueline Yi Mila Hall Abstracts

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Letter from the Editors New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, has been a part of the NYU community since 2009. During these years, it has provided undergraduate students a forum through which they can share their independent work. OPUS is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the nation.

This year we are thrilled to present our Spring 2016 issue at the NYU Applied Psychology Undergraduate Conference. We have featured abstracts of the independent projects and honors theses presented at the conference by Applied Psychology seniors. The varied and ambitious research projects and proposals of these seniors show what a unique program we are a part of and highlight the exciting futures of our peers.

The themes of the Spring 2016 issue reflect the diverse research interests of our writers. Our contributing writers this semester developed their interests in different social justice issues. Mila Hall and Emma Rooney both look at the mental health effects of specific marginalized populations: refugees seeking asylum and women who face sexual objectification, respectively. In addition, Laina Sonterblum examines the factors that influence youth to join gangs using Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. Education is explored by several our staff writers in this issue, with Caitlyn Corradino and Katie Fogarty’s explanation of the benefits of positive psychology in academic settings and Cassie Wuest’s exploration of how teachers can foster preschoolers’ early literacy skills through play. Nina Passero explores the effects of zero tolerance policies on the relation between educational attainmet and crime. Sarah Fox analyzes the narrative styles employed by breast cancer survivors when they share their emotional stories. Finally, our first ever case study, written by Jacqueline Yi and Mila Hall, delves into the story of a Holocaust survivor.

Each of these explorations into psychological constructs illustrate the varied and inspiring abilities of our writers, making for a diverse and engaging issue. We would like to thank our incredibly enthusiastic and talented writers for their contributions to the journal. We would also like to thank Dr. Gigliana Melzi for her continuous support of OPUS, and Dr. Mary Brabeck for her advisement on the case study this semester.

Finally, we would like to thank our faculty mentor, Dr. Adina Schick, for her mentorship and dedication to OPUS, without whom this edition would not be possible.

Best wishes and thank you for reading,

Kaya Mendelsohn Editor-in-Chief

Hope White Editor-in-Chief

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Staff Articles

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Positive Emotions and Academic Achievement

Positive Emotions and Academic Achievement Caitlyn Corradino and Katie Fogarty Seminal research on human behavior suggests that creating positive associations with the learning process is more effective than creating negative ones (Pavlov, 1928).

Subsequent studies have indicated that one way to create these effective associations is through fostering positive emotions while learning. Positive emotions are marked by contentment, enthusiasm, and enjoyment in the present moment (Seligman, 2011). In academic settings, positive emotions have been linked to the acquisition of various skills that foster academic success. Cultivating happiness in the classroom has been suggested to help students sustain a sense of resilience, mindfulness, and even physical health (Fredrickson, Cohn, Coffey, Pek, & Finkel, 2008; Waugh & Fredrickson, 2006). Additionally, brain imaging has indicated that positive emotions are vital to effective learning; instructional styles that support positive emotions have been correlated with more effective cognitive processing (Hinton, Miyamoto, & Della-Chiesa, 2008). Empirical studies have specified that all of these outcomes may inspire a tendency to think critically and flexibly (Cohn, Fredrickson, Brown, Mikels, & Conway, 2009; Fredrickson, 2001; Fredrickson et al., 2008; Waugh & Fredrickson, 2006). With a positive classroom environment, students may encounter academic challenges with more acceptance and determination.

On the other hand, negative emotions, marked by anxiety, anger, or discontent in the present, have been shown to worsen memory processing and learning efficiency (Eysenck, 1979; Fincham, Hokoda, & Sanders, 1989; McLeod & Fettes, 2007). Although negative emotions can sometimes promote achievement, such as when disappointment or failure motivates a student to try harder (Aronson, 2002; Dweck, 2007; Kannan & Miller, 2009), learning experiences that are joyous and uplifting appear to be more effectual, especially for learning that takes place in classroom settings (Reschly, Huebner, Appleton, & Antaramian, 2008). While negative emotions may occasionally prompt a student to try harder, such discontent has shown to more frequently prompt avoidance and social isolation (Elliot & Thrash, 2002), both of which may lead to academic decline in children and adolescents (Parker & Asher, 1993). This paper will explore the process by which feeling good may translate into learning well for children and adolescents and present two interventions that may promote the positive

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emotions cited to improve academic achievement.

The Mechanisms of Positive Emotions The major mechanism that may account for the influence of positive emotions in the classroom is explained by the “Broaden and Build Model” (Fredrickson, 2001).

This model proposes that positive emotions broaden an individual’s awareness and encourage more exploratory thoughts and actions, while negative emotions have a narrowing effect. While negative emotions might occasionally drive a student to work harder, the Broaden and Build Model points out that this determination is caused by the fixating effect of negative emotions, while the work ethic produced by positive emotions has shown to be driven by an expanded outlook (Fredrickson & Losada, 2005). In sum, positive emotions have been shown to broaden the mind and make an individual more likely to notice details of their surroundings, as well as generate solutions that require thinking beyond the immediate setting (Gable & Harmon-Jones, 2010). This finding may be particularly useful in the classroom. Broadening of the mind may advance a student’s skills and resources when a mindful awareness of the present environment translates into increased engagement. Over time, a student’s increased engagement may become a productive state of “flow,” defined by a state of concentration and optimal engagement in an activity (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997).

When a student’s outlook is augmented by positive emotions, they may be more likely to achieve flow. When developing this concept, Csikszentmihalyi (1997) found that when one works in a state of flow, even above his or her academic ability, they are able to continuously learn new skills and ideas. Csikszentmihalyi (1997) also outlined that the prime circumstances to produce flow are mindful attention, intrinsic motivation, serenity, immediate feedback, and a lack of attention to physical needs. A classroom that fosters positive emotions is likely to produce these conditions, according to research on the Broaden and Build Model (Cohn et al., 2009). Thus, the mechanisms of the Broaden and Build and Flow theories may work together to increase academic success.

Broadening and flow in the classroom. Research on positive emotions in the classroom suggest that the mechanisms behind Broaden and Build and flow work together to improve academic achievement. In school

Corradino, C., & Fogarty, K. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 8-12. settings, increased positive emotions are correlated with higher levels of student engagement, while negative emotions are associated with lower levels of engagement (Reschly et al., 2008). Students who experience more positive emotions throughout the school day may demonstrate greater coping skills. Research reveals that experiencing positive emotions facilitates recovery from tasking experiences, such as test anxiety (Papousek et al.

2010). Studies also suggest that a higher level of positive emotions predicts higher grades and better math and reading skills two years later in adolescents (Suldo, 2013), as well as cognitive investment and level of satisfaction in elementary school students (Um, 2007). Such research supports the idea that inducing positive emotions in the classroom eliminates the fear of failure, selfconsciousness, and other distractions in order to create the optimal conditions for flow.

The broadening effect of positive emotions can give students a sense of mindfulness, motivation, and gratification that prompts them to feel more comfortable in their environment and eliminates anxieties that may prevent them from being wholly engaged in a task (Kraemer-Naser, 2012). Experiencing positive emotions is associated with more achievement, not simply because individuals are left feeling better, but also because a broadened mindset helps them to develop the ability to achieve flow (Cohn et al., 2009). During flow, challenge is conquered by the intrigue and ability induced by positive emotions. Thus, educators may benefit from creating school cultures where students are primed to handle negative emotions by generating more positive ones. Such schools may help students broaden their mindset and increase their opportunities for peak engagement.

Interventions to Induce Positive Emotions Two interventions suggested to improve the learning experience by increasing positive emotions are Socio-Emotional Learning Programs and Mindfulness Meditation. These interventions aim to increase positive emotions by fostering students’ emotional intelligence.

Emotional intelligence has been defined as the skill of understanding and taking control of one’s own emotions (Salovey, Hsee, & Mayer, 1993). Research suggests that those with higher emotional intelligence are more prone to both feel and express the positive emotions that allow broadening and flow to occur (Tugade & Fredrickson, 2004).

Socio-Emotional Learning programs. Social Emotional Learning (SEL) programs seek to develop socio-emotional intelligence in children by focusing on five major areas: self-awareness, self-management, social awareness, relationship skills, and responsible decisionmaking (Payton et al., 2003). The curricula of these programs promote pro-social behaviors and emotional

intelligence through classroom projects, mediation exercises, skill building, and positive attending. Through promoting positive social and emotional responses, SEL programs eliminate the negative emotions caused by aggression and peer violence and put positive emotions at the forefront. Socioemotional competency allows students to recognize and manage their emotions, establish healthy relationships, set positive goals, meet personal and social needs, and make responsible and ethical decisions (Durlak et al., 2011; Elias et al., 1997; Payton et al., 2008).

These programs are inspired by the finding that students with higher levels of socio-emotional intelligence tend to have better grades (Caprara, Barbaranelli, Pastorelli, Bandura, & Zimbardo, 2000; Wang, Haertel, & Walberg, 1994). It has been proposed that SEL programs are successful because self-awareness leads students to demonstrate greater effort and persistence in the face of challenges (Aronson, 2002) and that an increase in emotional intelligence can prepare youth for future stressors by giving them increased capacity for problem solving (Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor, & Schellinger, 2011; Zins, Weissberg, Wang, & Walberg, 2004). Moreover, research suggests that SEL programming enhances students’ connection to school and teachers and promotes better classroom behavior, which are both correlated with academic achievement (Zins et al., 2004).

Research also suggests that SEL programs may build greater cognitive-affect regulation in prefrontal areas of the cortex affect (Elias et al., 1997). This is indicated by improvements in planning, inhibitory control—the ability to resist behavioral impulses, and set-shifting—the ability to disengage from an irrelevant task set and switch engagement to a relevant task set (Elias et al., 1997).

Mindfulness meditation. Another way to increase positive emotions and emotional intelligence is through mindfulness meditation. Mindfulness is defined as learning to non-judgmentally attend to one’s internal present experience (Kabat-Zinn, 1994), simultaneously balancing a relaxed and a vigilant state of mind (Wallace, 2006). During mindfulness meditation, instructors direct students to concentrate on their senses, breath, internal thoughts, momentary experiences, and body. Meditation does not stop the mind’s thoughts, but gives individuals the skills to selectively attend to their thoughts (Wallace, 2006). The practice allows students to actively disengage from distractions like anxiety and stressors (Napoli, Krech, & Holley, 2005). It also fosters the ability to recognize one’s emotions (Waters, 2016). This is a promising intervention for increasing positive emotions in the classroom, as frequent meditators have empirically shown a more positive affect (Broderick & Metz, 2009).

Mindfulness has been associated with neurological and cognitive responses that reduce anxiety. Davidson and colleagues (2003) found a large left-anterior prefrontal

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Corradino, C., & Fogarty, K. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 8-12. activation asymmetry in meditators, suggesting that meditation is responsible for negative affect reduction and increases in positive affect. People who meditate regularly also have a more flexible orienting network, possibly as a result of repeatedly engaging in interrupting thoughts while maintaining focus on present sensations (Van den Hurk et al., 2010). This routine of constantly altering one’s focus creates a shift in operation of attention and builds the prefrontal cortex (Jha, Krompinger, & Baime, 2007; Posner & Gilbert, 1999; Van den Hurk et al., 2010). Through building the prefrontal cortex, meditation increases visuospatial processing, working memory, and executive functioning, even in brief practice (Zeidan, Johnson, Diamond, David, & Goolkasian, 2010). Each time a person meditates, his or her neural pathways strengthen, improving attentional efficiency and orientation (Van den Hurk et al., 2010). In the classroom, interventions have shown to increase self regulation, attentional control, and prosocial behavior (SchonertReichl et al., 2010), in addition to reducing anxiety (Napoli et al., 2005; Semple, 2005). Therefore, students are better able to excel academically and achieve their goals without negative emotions like anxiety or frustration.

Thus, meditation may cultivate a greater capacity for students to achieve flow throughout the school day.

Conclusion Research on SEL programs and mindfulness meditation shows that supporting emotional intelligence is useful in strengthening academic outcomes. However, these results are perhaps attributable to a side effect of emotional intelligence: positive emotions. Interventions focused on emotional intelligence inspire emotions that may subsequently have a broadening effect and prime students to achieve flow (Hintze et al., 2012; SchonertReichl et al., 2010). This process may foster learning, achievement, and self-efficacy (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997; Fredrickson, 2001; Reschly et al., 2008). With this selfefficacy, students may be motivated to embrace challenges and submit their optimal effort (Zimmerman, Bandura, & Martinez-Pons, 1992). In sum, inducing positive emotions is a crucial way for teachers to maximize the outcomes of learning experiences in the classroom.

Mindfulness and SEL programs are only two of the many interventions that have been shown to increase positive emotions and achievement. However, there is not a substantial amount of empirical evidence to support the effectiveness of the other interventions. Thus, this paper has been limited to exploring only two socioemotional interventions. Additionally, there is little research on how positive emotions influence academic achievement directly. This paper draws only on a theoretical framework for how positive emotions may impact the learning

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process.

The results of existing research support the need to utilize and empirically study more educational programs that increase positive emotions. Programs like mindfulness meditation and SEL have been empirically shown to be advantageous to both academic and emotional development. Future research should explore other interventions that increase positive emotions.

Subsequently, studies should directly assess the correlation between positive emotions and academic achievement, in order to verify the application of the theoretical models of broadening and flow in the classroom setting.

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Durlak, J. A., Weissberg, R. P., Dymnicki, A. B., Taylor, R. D., & Schellinger, K. B. (2011). The impact of enhancing students’ social and emotional learning: A metaanalysis of school-based universal interventions. Child Development, 82(1), 405-432.

Dweck, C. (2007). Mindset: The new psychology of success. New York, NY: Ballantine Books.

Elias, M. J., Zins, J. E., Weissberg, R. P., Frey, K. S., Greenberg, M. T., & Haynes, N. M. (1997). Promoting social and emotional learning: Guidelines for educators. Alexandria, VA: Association of Supervision and Curriculum Development.

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Fredrickson, B. L., & Losada, M. F. (2005). Positive affect and the complex dynamics of human flourishing. American Psychologist, 60(7), 678.

Fredrickson, B. L., Cohn, M. A., Coffey, K. A., Pek, J., & Finkel, S. M. (2008). Open hearts build lives: Positive emotions, induced through loving-kindness meditation, build consequential personal resources. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95(5), 10-45.

Gable, P., & Harmon-Jones, E. (2010). The blues broaden, but the nasty narrows attentional consequences of negative affects low and high in motivational intensity.

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Hinton, C., Miyamoto, K., & Della-Chiesa, B. (2008). Brain research, learning and emotions: Implications for education research, policy and practice. European Journal of Education, 43(1), 87-103.

Jha, A. P., Krompinger, J., & Baime, M. J. (2007). Mindfulness training modifies subsystems of attention. Cognitive, Affective, & Behavioral Neuroscience, 7(2), 109-119.

Kabat-Zinn, J. (2003). Mindfulness-based interventions in context: Past, present, and future. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 10(2), 144-156.

Kannan, J., & Miller, J. L. (2009). The positive role of negative emotions: Fear, anxiety, conflict and resistance as productive experiences in academic study and in the emergence of learner autonomy. International Journal of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education, 20(2), 144-154.

Kraemer-Naser, L. A. (2012). Does a safe social climate boost academic achievement? A discussion of literature demonstrating the relationship between peer aggression, school connectedness, pro-social skill development, and academic achievement. Erie, PA: The Ophelia Project.

McLeod, J. D., & Fettes, D. L. (2007). Trajectories of failure: The educational careers of children with mental health problems. American Journal of Sociology, 113(3), 653701.

Napoli, M., Krech, P. R., & Holley, L. C. (2005). Mindfulness training for elementary school students: The attention academy. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 21, 99–125 Papousek, I., Nauschnegg, K., Paechter, M., Lackner, H. K., Goswami, N., & Schulter, G. (2010). Trait and state positive affect and cardiovascular recovery from experimental academic stress. Biological Psychology, 83, 108-115.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Narrative Expression of Breast Cancer Survivors

Narrative Expression of the Emotional Experience of Breast Cancer Survivors Sarah Fox As of 2015, 2.8 million women in the United States have a history of breast cancer, a number encompassing women currently going through treatment as well as women who have completed treatment (U.S. Breast Cancer Statistics, 2015). These women are breast cancer “survivors”—a complicated term with several definitions.

According to some sources, a survivor is someone who has completed treatment (Feuerstein, 2007; Hewitt, Greenfield, & Stovall, 2005; Leigh, 2008), while American society tends to look specifically at breast cancer survivors as those who are “triumphant, happy, healthy, and feminine.” (Kaiser, 2008, p.80). For the sake of this paper survivorship will be defined as beginning with diagnosis and continuing for the remainder of the individual’s life, regardless of whether they have successfully completed treatment or not (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007; Hewitt et al., 2005; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015; National Coalition for Cancer Survivorship, 2014).

With 1 in 8 women developing breast cancer throughout their lifetime, this number of survivors is continually increasing (U.S. Breast Cancer Statistics, 2015).

Some breast cancer survivors see these definitions of survivorship as problematic because they do not include the emotional aspects of the survivor period (Kaiser, 2008). Some women with breast cancer feel uncertainty and guilt about assuming the survivor title because they are not sure if they were sick enough to merit it (Allen et al., 2009; Kaiser, 2008). Others are uncomfortable with the title, which implies being cured, because they fear a recurrence of their cancer (Kaiser, 2008). It is often difficult for survivors to openly discuss their emotional experiences, such as difficulty with the survivor title, because survivorship is seen as a happy period of cure and not one of emotional turmoil (Kaiser, 2008; Little et al., 2002).

The societal and medical definitions of survivorship do not give women suffering from breast cancer the language to discuss their emotional experiences (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007; Feuerstein, 2007; Hewitt et al., 2005; Kaiser, 2008; Leigh, 2008; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015; National Coalition for Cancer Survivorship, 2014). However, these experiences are critical to understanding the type of emotional care

survivors need. The emotional experiences can be seen in the narratives women use to talk about their cancer (Frank, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Singer, 2004). Narrative theory posits that individuals use narratives to make sense of their life experiences, to form personal identities, and to prepare for the future (Frank, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Singer, 2004). The narrative types survivors choose to use when discussing their emotional experiences reveal how they attempt to understand those experiences, incorporate them into their identities, and envision their lives after cancer (Thomas-MacLean, 2004). In considering survivor narratives, this paper will answer the question: How do women with breast cancer experience survivorship emotionally, and what types of narrative forms do they use to express their experiences?

Survivorship and Emotional Experience Breast cancer survivors face a multitude of emotional effects as a result of their survivorship (Allen et al., 2009; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015; Ward, Viergutz, Tormey, DeMuth, & Paulen, 1992). As stated above, some women feel uncertainty and guilt in assuming the survivor title (Allen et al., 2009; Kaiser, 2008). This unease with the survivor title contributes to loss of identity. Because they are uncomfortable with the survivor title, some women cannot accept it. However, many women also feel they cannot reassume their identity before diagnosis because it does not incorporate their cancer experience, leaving them without an identity (Allen et al., 2009; Kaiser, 2008; Little et al., 2002).

Additionally, survivors fear recurrence of their cancer and, even if the cancer does not return, they still face the fear of not being able go back to their precancer lives (Allen et al., 2009). The emotional distress has also been correlated with survivors experiencing PTSD symptoms such as intrusive recollections of their cancer trauma, avoidance of stimuli or thoughts related to the cancer trauma, and hyperarousal (Amir & Ramati, 2002). The emotional distress of breast cancer survivors is influenced by a loss of identity and disruption to the life of the survivor (Little et al., 2002), which lead to feelings of depression, fear, guilt, and uncertainty (Mollica & Nemeth, 2015).

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Fox, S. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 13-16.

Despite the emotional distress of battling breast cancer, some survivors have reported positive life changes (Allen et al., 2009; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004). Many breast cancer survivors report increased resiliency, emotional strength (Allen et al., 2009), agency, and self-understanding (McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997) as a result of their cancer experience. Positive changes can also occur in the self-image of breast cancer survivors post-cancer as they come to terms with changes in their appearance after surgery, radiation, and chemotherapy (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998). As survivors learn to express their stories, these positive emotional experiences are intertwined with the negative experiences of survivorship discussed previously.

Narrative Styles In an effort to grapple with the positive and negative emotional experiences of breast cancer survivorship, women express their experiences through different forms of narratives. Three common narrative themes emerge in the literature: narratives of chaos (Kirkman et al., 2013; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Thomas-MacLean, 2004), narratives of change and self-growth (Kirkman et al., 2013; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-MacLean, 2004), and narratives of desire to return to normalcy (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004).

Narratives of chaos. Narratives of chaos express predominantly negative emotions. The term “chaos narrative,” coined by Frank (1998), is a narrative in which the breast cancer survivor talks of the formerly healthy self as distinct from the post-cancer future self (de Boer & Slatman, 2014). The future self is disconnected in the chaos narrative because the feelings of uncertainty, loss of identity, depression, guilt, and fear manifest as the breast cancer survivor believing they will not return to their normal, pre-cancer self (Frank, 1998; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015; Thomas-McLean, 2004). Narratives of chaos are key in accounting for the juxtaposition of positive and negative experiences in a single survivor’s cancer narrative (Kirkman et al., 2013; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004). Yet, other types of narratives, aside from chaos, also incorporate the positive and negative emotions inherent to the survivor experience (de Boer & Slatman, 2014; Frank, 1998; Kirkman et al., 2014; Shapiro et al., 1997).

Narratives of change and self-growth.

Quest narrative. Frank’s (1998) quest narrative embodies the idea of change and self-growth because it is a narrative in which survivors learn something from their traumatic experience by reclaiming life, bringing about positive change, and sharing this learning with others (Thomas-McLean, 2004). Breast cancer survivors who use

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this narrative to discuss their cancer experiences convey a sense of “accept[ing] life unconditionally” (Frank, 1998, p. 205). The quest narrative can be seen in the way women with breast cancer talk about their breasts. Some women who speak of their post-cancer breasts in relation to their sexuality report seeing the physical and personal changes when they look in the mirror. In order to account for this change, they cultivate a new idea of what the sexual breast, which encompasses how the breast appears and functions sexually, can look like (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Thomas-McLean, 2004). The breasts after cancer may show scarring from mastectomy or lumpectomy as well as skin damage from radiation, all of which must be re-envisioned by the survivor in order to form a new image of the sexual breast (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998).

The quest narrative and the various ways it is employed serves as a tool for survivors to gain knowledge from their cancer experience.

Redemption narrative. The redemption narrative is seen when survivors discuss a positive experience coming from the negative experience of their cancer (McAdams & McLean, 2013). This type of narrative can be seen in finding a new, positive definition of sexuality after breast cancer (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013). The use of redemption narratives to discuss and make sense of important life events is positively associated with wellbeing (McAdams, Reynolds, Lewis, Patten, & Bowman, 2001), evidencing the helpfulness of narratives of change and self-growth in dealing with the emotional experience of survivorship.

Meaning making narrative. Narratives of change and self-growth are also used by survivors to find value in their cancer experiences (Kirkman et al., 2014; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; ThomasMacLean, 2004). McAdams and McLean (2013) delineate the meaning making narrative as one in which the individual telling the narrative is able to find meaning from the event. Meaning can be found when women talk about the gendered breast post-cancer in terms of how it symbolizes femininity. Some women reported making new meaning of what gendered, feminine breasts look like, similar to finding new meaning as to what the sexual breast looks like (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998). However, some women struggled while making this meaning out of their experience because of the tension between how their new breasts look post-cancer and the social ideal of what feminine and sexual breasts look like, exhibiting chaos within their meaning making narrative (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Thomas-McLean, 2004). Some women also talked about their breasts in a functional sense as the source of nourishment for children and maternal meaning (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998).

This was often discussed in terms of mourning the loss of the functional breast post-cancer, again exhibiting the

Fox, S. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 13-16. chaos and fear of not returning to normal (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Thomas-McLean, 2004).

Despite the influence of chaos (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Thomas-McLean, 2004), the meaning making, redemption, and quest narratives show survivors’ longing to find positive experiences out of their cancer experiences (Frank, 1998; McAdams & MacLean, 2013; Thomas-MacLean, 2004).

Narratives of desire and return to normalcy.

Coherent positive resolution narrative. Breast cancer survivors express the desire for a return to normalcy and for a linear storyline in several narrative forms (Frank, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004). The coherent positive resolution narrative is based on the desire for the survivor’s cancer experience to result in a happy ending (McAdams & McLean, 2013). This type of narrative is supported by the meaning making narrative, which results in the positive resolution of acquiring new meaning, the redemption narrative, which transforms the negative experience into a positive one, and the quest narrative, which ends in positive change (Frank, 1998; ThomasMcLean, 2004; McAdams & McLean, 2013).

Back to “normal” narrative. Many women see the ideal coherent positive resolution as a return to the pre-cancer self, expressing this in the back to “normal” narrative which distinguishes the sick self from the true self, viewing the cancer as a temporary state (McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997). This narrative does not focus on change as the quest, agency, or meaning making narratives do, but simply on the return to the healthy self in a linear fashion of health to sickness and back to health (Frank, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004). This narrative can also be referred to as a restitution narrative in the literature, as it refers to the restoration of health after sickness.

The back to “normal” narrative can be viewed as a medicalized narrative where medical procedures and treatments are often discussed as events, and the cancer is viewed as the enemy (Frank, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004). Back to “normal” narratives are used when women talk about their breasts post-cancer in a medical framework (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997). Medicalized breast talk discusses the breast as separate from the body, which can be removed via surgery if that is the necessary step for a coherent positive resolution (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013). These narratives convey a desire to bring certainty to the uncertain and unclear experience of breast cancer for survivors (Frank, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015). In this effort, narratives that focus on the return to normalcy have the danger of masking the chaos that is inherent in the ambiguity of the breast cancer experience

(Frank, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015; Thomas-McLean, 2004). Still, back to “normal” style narratives are the preferred narrative for many women and society as a whole because they are seen as being able to bring a degree of control to the experience (Frank, 1998; Thomas-McLean, 2004). This is an understandable urge in women who are going through the difficult emotional and physical experience of breast cancer survivorship because it is such an uncertain, and fear-inducing situation (Mollica & Nemeth, 2015). This further evidences the purpose of narratives as a way of making sense of experiences, whether they are positive, negative, or ambiguous (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997).

Conclusion The experience of survivorship for women with breast cancer encompasses both positive and negative emotions, which can lead to significant emotional distress as they attempt to make sense of the changes in their lives (Allen et al., 2009; Amir & Ramati, 2002; Kaiser, 2008; Little et al., 2002; Mollica & Nemeth, 2015; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-McLean, 2004; Ward et al., 1992).

Survivors may express their experiences through several narrative forms in order to gain a better understanding of their survivor experience (Frank, 1998; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997). Just as a single survivor can experience multiple and conflicting emotions, a single narrative can employ multiple and possibly competing narrative types, such as chaos narratives within quest narratives, owing to the fact that all the narrative styles are different yet overlapping with each other (de Boer & Slatman, 2014; Frank, 1998; de Boer & Slatman, 2014; Kirkman et al., 2014; Shapiro et al., 1997). Because survivorship is so complex, many survivor narratives must include multiple types of narratives in order to capture the emotional experience (Allen et al., 2009; Frank, 1998; Kaiser, 2008; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Little et al., 2002; McAdams & McLean, 2013; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-MacLean, 2004).

The literature on the experience of survivorship and use of narrative forms to express the breast cancer experience is valuable in bringing much-needed attention, and thus intervention and aid, to this additional stage of recovery. However, there are several limitations to the current literature. Several of the limitations involve threats to external generalizability. A majority of the literature on narrative expressions of survivorship has small and homogeneous sample sizes, making generalizing to other populations difficult (Allen et al., 2009; Amir & Ramati, 2002; Kirkman et al., 2014; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-MacLean, 2004; Ward et al.,

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Fox, S. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 13-16.

1992). Additionally, many studies use a cross-sectional interview design, as opposed to a longitudinal design, which only allows for a single narrative at one time point, thus limiting the information which can be gathered (Allen et al., 2009; Amir & Ramati, 2002; Kirkman et al., 2014; Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Shapiro et al., 1997; Thomas-MacLean, 2004).

These limitations should be addressed in future research. This future research should also look toward how individual differences influence narrative expression, such as cultural background, age, and stage of cancer.

Further research is also necessary to identify factors that may be beneficial in assisting survivors through the transition to recovery, such as guidance from veteran survivors (Mollica & Nemeth, 2015). There is a crucial need for a greater understanding of the survival process and for methods of providing the proper support to aid these women going through the survivor process. The literature thus far has created an understanding of the survivor experience and a base for future research on how to help survivors navigate their experience.

References Allen, J. D, Savadatti, S., & Levy, A. G. (2009). The transition from breast cancer ‘patient’ to ‘survivor.’ PsychoOncology, 18, 71-78.

Amir, M., & Ramati, A. (2002). Post-traumatic symptoms, emotional distress and quality of life in long-term survivors of breast cancer: A preliminary research.

Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 16(2), 191-206.

Centers for Disease Control Prevention (CDC). (2007). Cancer survivors—United States, 2007. MMWR, 60(9), 296-272. de Boer, M., & Slatman, J. (2014). Blogging and breast cancer: Narrating one’s life, body and self on the internet.

Women’s Studies International Forum, 44, 17-25.

Feuerstein, M. (2007). Defining cancer survivorship. Journal of Cancer Survivorship, 1, 5-7.

Frank, A. W. (1998). Just listening: Narrative and deep illness.

Families, Systems, & Health, 16(3), 197-212.

Institute of Medicine and National Research Council.

(2005). From cancer patient to cancer survivor: Lost in translation. In M. Hewitt, S. Greenfield & E. Stovall (Eds.), Committee on Cancer Survivors.

Holland, K. D., & Holahan, C. K. (2003). The relation of social support and coping to positive adaptation to breast cancer. Psychology & Health, 18(1), 15-29.

Kaiser, K. (2008). The meaning of the survivor identity for women with breast cancer. Social Science & Medicine, 67(1), 79-87.

Kirkman, M., Winship, I., Stern, C., Neil, S., Mann, G. B., & Fisher, J. R. W. (2014). Women’s reflections on fertility and motherhood after breast cancer and its treatment.

European Journal of Cancer Care, 23(4), 502-513.

Langellier, K. M., & Sullivan, C. F. (1998). Breast talk in cancer narratives. Qualitative Health Research, 8(1), 76-94.

Leigh, S. A. (2008). The changing legacy of cancer: Issues

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of long-term survivorship. Nursing Clinics of North America, 43, 243-258.

Little, M., Paul, K., Jordens, C. F. C., & Sayers, E. J. (2002).

Survivorship and discourses of identity. Psycho-Oncology, 11(2), 170-178.

McAdams, D. P., & McLean, K. C. (2013). Narrative identity.

Current Directions in Psychological Science, 22(3), 233238.

McAdams, D. P., Reynolds, J., Lewis, M., Patten, A. H., & Bowman, P. J. (2001). When bad things turn good and good things turn bad: Sequences of redemption and contamination in life narrative and their relation to psychosocial adaption in midlife adults and in students.

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27(4), 474485.

Mollica, M., & Nemeth, L. (2015). Transition from patient to survivor in African American breast cancer survivors.

Cancer Nursing, 38(1), 16-22.

National Coalition for Cancer Survivorship. (2014). Defining cancer survivorship. Retrieved from http://www. canceradvocacy.org/news/defining-cancer-survivorship/ Shapiro, S., Angus, L., & Davis, C. (1997). Identity and meaning in the experience of cancer: Three narrative themes.

Journal of Health Psychology, 2(4), 539-554.

Stang, I., & Mittelmark, M. B. (2008). Social support and interpersonal stress in professional-led breast cancer self-help groups. International Journal of Mental Health Promotion, 10(2), 15-25.

Thomas-MacLean, R. (2004). Understanding breast cancer stories via Frank’s narrative types. Social Sciences & Medicine, 58(9), 1647-1657.

Quigley, K. M. (1989). The adult cancer survivor: Psychosocial consequences of cure. Seminars in Oncology Nursing, 5(1), 63-69.

Singer, J. A. (2004). Narrative identity and meaning making across the adult lifespan: An introduction. Journal of Personality, 72(3), 437-459.

U.S. Breast Cancer Statistics. (2015). Retrieved from http:// www.breastcancer.org/symptoms/understand_bc/ statistics Ward, S. E., Viergutz, G., Tormey, D., DeMuth, J., & Paulen, A. (1992). Patients’ reactions to completion of adjuvant breast cancer therapy. Nursing Research, 41(6), 362-366.

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Impact of Zero Tolerance on Education and Crime

The Impact of Zero Tolerance Policies on the Relation between Educational Attainment and Crime Nina Passero In the United States alone, there are over two million incarcerated individuals and the number continues to rise over time (The Sentencing Project, 2014). In fact, the number of people in prison has increased by 500% over the past four decades (The Sentencing Project, 2014). Seventy percent of the incarcerated population does not have a high school degree (Travis, Solomon, & Waul, 2001). This could be due, in part, to the many zero-tolerance policies that have been instituted in schools since the 1990s. Zero-tolerance policies mandate specific consequences to a variety of behaviors, which are intended to be applied without consideration of situational factors, severity of the behavior, or any other factor that could influence the decision to behave poorly (APA Zero Tolerance Task Force, 2008; Mental Health America, 2014). Because zero-tolerance policies operate under the assumption that removing students who misbehave from school will discourage their classmates from behaving similarly, often, the consequence handed down is suspension or expulsion (Teske, 2011). However, though the intention of zero tolerance policies is to ensure that the school environment is conducive to learning and is safe for every student, suspension or expulsion could predispose children to criminal behavior in the future (Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Lochner & Moretti, 2004; Maynard, Salas-Wright, & Vaughn, 2015). In fact, between 1991, when zero-tolerance policies were first implemented, and 1998, incarceration rates increased by 47% in the United States (Gainsborough & Maur, 2000), suggesting a possible link between zero-tolerance policies and students’ criminal trajectories (APA Zero Tolerance Task Force, 2008; Gainsborough & Maur; 2000).

This link is facilitated by the educational disruption caused by suspension or expulsion, which removes students from the education system and prohibits them from benefiting from the protective effects of education on crime. Therefore, policies and interventions must be developed that keep students in the school environment, while properly addressing youths’ behavioral issues and promoting the wellbeing of youth and their communities.

Zero Tolerance Policies The concept of “zero-tolerance” found its origin during the 1980s’ “war on drugs,” a State and Federal effort to address the drug problem in the United States (Teske, 2011). The ensuing increase in juvenile arrests for violent crimes that were believed to be associated with drugs in the late 1980s resulted in a societal belief that juveniles were dangerous and that zero-tolerance policies were necessary (Kang-Brown, Trone, Fratello, & Daftary-Kapur, 2013). In an effort to protect against dangerous delinquents in schools, the Gun-Free Schools Act was established in 1994. The Act required schools to expel students who brought a weapon to school for a minimum of a year (Kang-Brown et al., 2013). The public opinion of zero-tolerance policies like the Gun-Free Schools Act became increasingly positive in the wake of the Columbine school shooting in 1999, as more people began to feel that juveniles were capable of large-scale violence (Kang-Brown et al., 2013). By the late 1990s, 79% of US schools had instituted zero-tolerance policies and many had metal detectors and security guards, as well (Kang-Brown et al., 2013).

Zero-tolerance policies were eventually extended to apply to a wide range of behaviors, most of which were less severe than bringing a weapon to school. These included small infractions like smoking, possessing drugs like Midol and aspirin, and general disruption (Dunbar & Villarruel, 2002; Teske, 2011). In other words, these policies were often misapplied to behaviors that posed little threat to school safety (Stader, 2004). As a result, the annual number of suspensions in students nearly doubled from 1974 to 2001, increasing from 1.7 million suspensions to 3.1 million suspensions, respectively (Teske, 2011).

Suspension and expulsion, the typical consequences demanded by zero-tolerance policies, disrupt a student’s education by removing them from school. This disruption can often becomes a more permanent departure from education, in general. In fact, students who are suspended for longer periods of time drop out of school more than

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Passero, N. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 17-21. those who are suspended for shorter periods (Arcia, 2006). The students who drop out are no longer able to benefit from the protective elements of education, including keeping adolescents off the streets and fostering positive peer relationships, both of which can increase the likelihood that they will commit crime in the future (Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Lochner & Moretti, 2004; Maynard et al., 2015). Despite the potential harm that these policies can lead to, schools still choose to implement them as part of their disciplinary policies, because they are offered federal funding in exchange for compliance (Kang-Brown et al., 2013). Schools rely on this funding in order to provide their students with the resources that they need to succeed academically (US Department of Education, 2012).

It is important to note that these policies do not affect every student in the same way. In fact, zerotolerance policies have been shown to negatively impact a disproportionate number of students of color (Harvard Civil Rights Project, 2002; Kaufman et al., 2001). One explanation for this is that schools in low-income communities serving minority students are often more reliant on the funding they receive for implanting zerotolerance policies (Berwick, 2015; National Center for Children in Poverty, 2014; US Department of Education, 2012). Further, African American students are suspended three times more than are white students (Berwick, 2015).

For example, although students found in possession of weapons at school belong to all racial categories, students of color are more often suspended for this infraction than are white students (Kaufman et al., 2001; Stader, 2004). In addition, low-income students are five times more likely to quit high school compared to middle-income students, and six times more likely than their high-income peers, in general (Chapman, Laird, Ifill, & KewalRamani, 2011).

Furthermore, areas of low economic status also exhibit higher rates of crime than areas of higher economic status (Freeman, 1996; Thornberry & Farnworth, 1982).

Low-income communities may experience higher rates of dropping-out and crime compared to more affluent communities because when students fail academically, the likelihood that they will commit crime increases (Farrington, Gallagher, Morley, St. Ledger, & West, 1986). This is partially because these students are not able to benefit from the protective mechanisms built into the school setting (Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Lochner & Moretti, 2004; Maynard et al., 2015).

Educational Attainment as a Protective Factor Given zero-tolerance policies’ potential influence on a student’s educational trajectory, it is necessary to understand the association between educational attainment and future outcomes, specifically criminal behavior. Past research suggests that, at both the high

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school and college levels, there is a significant relation between education and criminal history, such that educational attainment acts as a protective factor for criminal behavior (Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Hansen, 2003; Maynard et al., 2015). Students who are enrolled in school may commit less crime because they benefit from the supervision and daily structure provided in the school setting (Lochner & Moretti, 2014). Students also have the opportunity to learn ethical lessons from their teachers and administration (Dunbar & Villarruel, 2002).

Additionally, adolescents form friendships at school that are particularly important to their development, as the social support systems created during this developmental period highly influence an individual’s decisions (Farrell, et al., 2004; Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Marrow, 1999). In fact, adolescents are more influenced by their friendships than their family members (Farrell et al., 2004). Therefore, selecting positive peers in school can encourage individuals to conform to positive behavior, and thus, protect against engagement in crime (Farrell et al., 2004; Ford & Schroeder, 2011). Furthermore, avoiding criminal offenses in high school will likely protect against committing crimes in the future, given that individuals who engage in criminal behavior in their youth are likely to continue doing so in adulthood (Lochner & Moretti, 2004; Rutter, Giller, & Hagell, 1998). Therefore, remaining in high school can protect against crime even after graduation. However, failing to do so has severe implications on a student’s educational and criminal outcomes (Lochner & Moretti, 2004).

Students who are suspended or expelled due to zero-tolerance policies are not able to benefit from these protective elements and are more likely to eventually enter the juvenile justice system (Dunbar & Villarruel, 2002).

These students are also more likely to drop out of school completely, as there are often no alternative schools or educational opportunities for students who have been removed from their school for disciplinary reasons (Dunbar & Villarruel, 2002). Given that punitive removal from school increases dropout rates and dropping out of school increases one’s opportunity to commit crime, these students are therefore more at risk for criminal behavior (Arcia, 2006; Lochner & Moretti, 2004).

Students who are expelled or drop out of high school are also less likely to go to college, which is especially protective against engagement in crime (Ford & Schroeder, 2011). Higher educational attainment can increase one’s patience and aversion to risk taking, which lower one’s impulsivity to engage in risky, criminal behavior (Becker & Mulligan, 1997). Also, higher education further promotes adherence to traditional goals, such as getting a high paying job, which would be a challenge to achieve while engaging in criminal activity (Compton, Gfroerer, Conway, & Finger, 2014; Ford & Schroeder, 2011). Students

Passero, N. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 17-21. who graduate from college can eventually attain higher paying jobs and thus are less likely to commit crime and risk incarceration, as they would lose more money during their unpaid time in prison compared to a person with a lower paid position (Lochner & Moretti, 2004). In fact, people with lower paying jobs and less education often serve the longest sentences if they are incarcerated (Kling, 2006). Ultimately, any level of educational attainment is protective against crime, which is why it is important to keep students in school as long as possible (Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Maynard et al., 2015).

Proposal for Interventions Given that education plays a vital role in protecting against criminal behavior and zero-tolerance policies disrupt a student’s educational trajectory, it is clear that these policies are not effective in improving a student’s future life outcomes (Dunbar & Villarruel, 2002). Not only do these policies unproductively and punitively discipline students, they destroy the chance for students to learn valuable moral lessons and create relationships with teachers (Dunbar & Villarruel, 2002; Essex, 2000).

Therefore, new policies must be developed in order to both foster positive student outcomes and lessen the likelihood of criminal behavior and future incarceration.

Expelling and suspending students who misbehave at school feeds directly into the school-to-prison pipeline, which refers to the policies, like zero-tolerance, that remove at-risk children from school and increase their chances of becoming involved with the criminal justice system (American Civil Liberties Union, 2016).

A more effective and rehabilitative consequence for a student who misbehaves would be mandating regular sessions with a school counselor or social worker. It is important to provide a misbehaving student with assistance in developing problem solving and social skills (Boccanfuso & Kuhfeld, 2011). Teaching students how to manage their anger and impulses, as well as listen to others and resolve conflicts responsibly better addresses the origin of the dangerous behavior than does simply forcing them out of school (Boccanfuso & Kuhfeld, 2011; Essex, 2000). For example, a program called Connect with Kids, which is implemented in schools across the country, establishes a curriculum in the classroom that emphasizes positive social interactions and behavior (Boccanfuso & Kuhfeld, 2011). The program uses activities like storytelling, games, and discussions to teach students positive social skills and has been effective in improving students’ self control and tolerance of others (Boccanfuso & Kuhfeld, 2011). This program is intended to target students before they have misbehaved in order to prevent further problematic behavior in the future.

However, in order to also positively impact students who are involved with delinquent behaviors already, a

more comprehensive program is necessary. Over 13,000 schools in the United States have adopted the SchoolWide Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (SWPBIS) program, which employs a three-tiered strategy to assist students at all levels of misbehavior.

The first tier is targeted at all students and teaches them behavioral expectations, while rewarding positive behaviors and collecting data for future implementations of the program. The second tier targets students who are at-risk for misbehavior by implementing interventions that are specific to the school’s behavioral standards. The third and final tier targets students who are exhibiting more serious behavioral issues and who would typically be removed from the school if zero-tolerance policies were in place (Boccanfuso & Kuhfeld, 2011). These students are given interventions that are individualized to their situation and often include participation from a student’s family or community (Boccanfuso & Kuhfeld, 2011). Including parents in the intervention process is an important step, as it provides the student with more all-encompassing supervision and support, both in and out of the school environment (Essex, 2000). This program is useful because it does not use a “one size fits all” punishment without considering the context of the misbehavior (Essex, 2000). Instead, it acknowledges that every student has a different set of needs and addresses them accordingly.

While there are some programs, like the aforementioned, that offer more effective alternatives to zero-tolerance policies, they are not widely known amongst all schools and administrators. Therefore, these alternative programs are not accessible to every school. It is important for SWPBIS to be better advertised because of its potential to vastly improve the school environment and benefit both teachers and students.

Discussion Given the steady growth of the United States prison population, it is vital to consider a variety of contributing factors and potential solutions (The Sentencing Project, 2014). Zero-tolerance policies likely contribute to this problem by diverting students from the school system through suspension or expulsion for behaviors deemed problematic (Teske, 2011). This diversion can potentially lead to a permanent withdrawal from education, thereby limiting a student’s access to the protective elements of education. Without the positive influence provided by the school system, a student can become more likely to engage in criminal behavior, which harms both the community’s safety and the student’s wellbeing (Ford & Schroeder, 2011; Lochner & Moretti, 2004; Maynard, Salas-Wright, & Vaughn, 2015). Therefore, it is vital to keep students in school as long as possible and develop policies that

Passero, N. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 17-21. address their misbehavior, rather than remove them from school entirely.

In general, future research should evaluate the effectiveness of the intervention programs that already exist, as well as their shortcomings. Future research should also be conducted in schools to determine whether disciplinary action is being applied fairly by school staff. Additionally, policies should be implemented that require public schools to use alternative interventions, rather than zero-tolerance punishments, in order to make students, teachers, and society safer from criminal behavior. Furthermore, teachers need appropriate training to understand how to successfully manage and resolve classroom conflict so they do not need to resort to suspension or expulsion. Ultimately, schools should adopt comprehensive and flexible disciplinary policies that keep students in school and address the underlying problems that motivate their misbehavior.

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Arcia, E. (2006). Achievement and enrollment status of suspended students: Outcomes in a large, multicultural school district. Education and Urban Society, 38(3), 359369.

Becker, G. S., & Mulligan, C. B. (1997). The endogenous determination of time preference. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 112(3), 729-758.

Berwick, C. (2015 March 17). Zeroing out on zero tolerance.

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Compton, W. M., Gfroerer, J., Conway, K. P., & Finger, M. S. (2014). Unemployment and substance outcomes in the United States 2002-2010. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 142, 350-353.

Dunbar, C., & Villarruel, F. A. (2002). Leadership challenges in creating inclusive school environments. Peabody Journal of Education, 77(1), 82-104.

Essex, N. L. (2000). Zero tolerance approach to school violence: Is it going too far? American Secondary Education, 29(2), 37-40.

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Gainsborough, J., & Mauer, M. (2000). Diminishing returns: Crime and incarceration in the 1990s. The Sentencing Project, 1-31.

Hansen, K. (2003). Education and the crime-age profile. British Journal of Criminology, 43(1), 141-168.

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Lochner, L., & Moretti, E. (2004). The effect of education on crime: Evidence from prison inmates, arrests, and selfreports. The American Economic Review, 94(1), 155-189.

Maynard, B. R., Salas-Wright, C. P., & Vaughn, M. (2015). High school dropouts in emerging adulthood: Substance use, mental health problems, and crime. Community Mental Health Journal, 51(3), 289-299.

Mental Health America. (2014). Position statement 46: Zero tolerance policies in schools. Retrieved from: http://www. mentalhealthamerica.net/positions/zero-tolerance National Center for Children in Poverty. (2014). United States demographics of low-income children. Retrieved from: http://www.nccp.org/profiles/US_profile_6.html Chapman, C., Laird, J., Ifill, N., & KewalRamani, A. (2011).

Trends in high school dropout and completion rates in the United States: 1972-2009. Retrieved from: https://nces. ed.gov/pubs2012/2012006.pdf Ou, S., Mersky, J. P., Reynolds, A. J., & Kohler, K. M. (2007).

Alterable predictors of educational attainment, income, and crime: Findings from an inner-city cohort. Social Service Review, 81(1), 85-128.

Rutter, M., Giller, H., & Hagell, A. (1998). Antisocial behavior by young people. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

The Sentencing Project. (2014). Fact sheet: Trends in U.S. corrections. Retrieved from: http://sentencingproject. org/doc/publications/inc_Trends_in_Corrections_Fact_

Passero, N. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 17-21. sheet.pdf Stader, D. L. (2004). Zero tolerance as public policy: The good, the bad, and the ugly. The Clearing House, 78(2), 62-66.

Syngelaki, E. M., Moore, S. C., Savage, J. C., Fairchild, G., & Van Goozen, S. H. M. (2009). Executive functioning and risky decision making in young male offenders. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 36(11), 1213-1227.

Teske, S. C. (2011). A study of zero-tolerance policies in schools: A multi-integrated systems approach to improve outcomes for adolescents. Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing, 24, 88-97.

Thornberry, T. P., & Farnworth, M. (1982). Social correlates of criminal involvement: Further evidence on the relationship between social status and criminal behavior.

American Sociological Review, 47(4), 505-518.

Travis, J., Solomon, A. L., & Waul, M. (2001). From prison to home: The dimensions and consequences of prisoner reentry. Retrieved from: http://www.urban.org/ research/publication/prison-home-dimensions-andconsequences-prisoner-reentry/view/full_report U.S. Department of Education. (2011). More than 40% of low-income schools don’t get a fair share of state and local funds, Department of Education Research finds. Retrieved from: http://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/more-40low-income-schools-dont-get-fair-share-state-and-localfunds-departmentU.S. Department of Education, (2012). The condition of the education 2012. Retrieved from: http://nces.ed.gov/ pubs2012/2012045.pdf U.S. Department of Education. (2012). The federal role in education. Retrieved from: http://www2.ed.gov/about/ overview/fed/role.html

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Literacy and Play

Teachers’ Support of Preschoolers’ Emergent Literacy through Play Cassie Wuest In a large national survey, 80% of kindergarten teachers surveyed in 2011 reported that they believe students should learn to read in kindergarten, as compared to 31% of teachers who held this belief in 1998.

Moreover, 64% of teachers in the same survey believed that early literacy instruction during the preschool years was key for success in kindergarten (Bassok, Latham, & Rorem, 2016). These findings highlight the increased pressure placed on preschool teachers to maximize children’s early literacy skills (i.e., print concepts, literate language, phonological awareness, letter recognition, etc.) to increase the likelihood of later success during the school-age years (Catts, Fey, Tomblin, & Zhang, 2002; Dickinson & Porche, 2011; Hannon, 2000).

Whereas direct instruction in early literacy concepts might appear to be most effective for the development of children’s early literacy skills, research suggests that children can make large gains in these skills through teachers’ integration of concepts into every aspect of the classroom day (Kaderavek & Justice, 2004). One central part of the preschool day is play, wherein teachers have many opportunities to aid children’s literacy development (Vukelich, 1994). Play is typically viewed as a childinitiated and child-directed way for children to make sense of the world around them and can include games and activities, as well as pretend play that is more free form in nature (Meadows & Cashdan, 1988; Williams & Rask, 2003). Many parts of the preschool play experience, from classroom organization (i.e., how the classroom is arranged and how the teacher utilizes the classroom setup) to teacher involvement, have been targeted as areas to develop early literacy skills. Thus, this literature review will seek to answer the following question: how do teachers support preschool age children’s development of early literacy skills through play?

Classroom Organization and Supporting Literacy through Play The preschool classroom involves many opportunities for teachers to interweave literacy into their play centers (Singer & Lythcott, 2004; Walker & Spybrook, 2011). For example, some teachers will include books and writing materials in different play areas of the classroom

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not typically associated with reading, such as childfriendly menus and recipes in a sociodramatic kitchen set (Singer & Lythcott, 2004; Walker & Spybrook, 2011).

To further include literacy in their students’ play, many teachers will emphasize literacy-related concepts as they interact with different groups of students, but then back off and allow students time to play without pressuring them to make their play wholly academic (Roskos & Neuman, 1993). For example, a teacher might encourage students playing in the art area to first create something related to a book they just read before giving them free reign to create whatever they like.

One specific and very explicit classroom organizational setup that has been used by teachers is a literacy-embedded play center (LEPC; Owocki, 1999; Roskos & Neuman, 1993; Saracho & Spodek, 2006; Walker & Spybrook, 2011). A LEPC is very similar to a sociodramatic play area found in most preschool classrooms, but materials to encourage literacy are intentionally included in play center setup and teachers include specific learning objectives that target a variety of different developmental domains, including cognitive and social-emotional development (Owocki, 1999; Walker & Spybrook, 2011). For example, a teacher may include pieces of paper and writing implements in each play center and a list of relevant prompts for adults in the classroom to encourage children to depict their play visually. The goal of an LEPC is to establish a print-rich environment through the use of books and writing implements, which the teacher can use to model and guide both focused and open-ended literacy related play (Owocki, 1999).

Teachers purposefully select themed areas, props, and materials that are familiar to children in order to connect knowledge students already have acquired with more novel literacy concepts, such as encouraging students to use the block center in the classroom to build the house from a story they had already read (Bodrova & Leong, 2003; Walker & Spybrook, 2011). In doing so, children relate their general knowledge of building structures with blocks to more story-specific content. Moreover, teachers consider the variety of different roles that can be played in that particular themed area, and the different ways each role can interact with literacy materials (Saracho &

Wuest, C. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 22-24.

Spodek, 2006; Walker & Spybrook, 2011). For example, in a dramatic play setup, a teacher might include a variety of different dress-up clothing so that children can act out stories. Research also suggests that children generalize concepts taught in LPECs to other settings that are not as deliberately literacy-focused, such as outdoor play (Benjamin, Haden, & Wilkerson, 2010). Thus, by very deliberately creating an area that seamlessly integrates literacy and play, teachers encourage students’ learning of many different concepts in a fun environment.

Teachers’ practices to integrate literacy during free play is incredibly important for the development of literacy skills in a more academic context. When teachers bring literacy into play, they connect more “traditional” approaches to literacy instruction (i.e., book sharing and direct instruction) to areas where children have already been exposed to print in their everyday environment, such as menus and food labels in a kitchen (Vukelich, 1994; Walker & Spybrook, 2011). Additionally, doing so provides some structure to what children already spontaneously include without resorting to formal instruction, which makes the preschool classroom as a whole a more natural and enriching environment (Roskos & Neuman, 1993; Walker & Spybrook, 2011).

The Role of Teachers in Supporting Literacy through Play Historically, the role of teachers in supporting children’s play has been very controversial (Harper & McCluskey, 2003; Landreth, 2002; Trawick-Smith & Dziurgot, 2011). Traditionally, researchers have warned teachers to limit their involvement in their students’ play out of fear that teachers will easily overpower their students and stifle their growing creativity and emotionality (Biber, 1984; Brown & Freeman, 2001; Landreth, 2002). Similarly, proponents of limited teacher involvement in play suggest that teacher interaction in play inhibits students from learning how to successfully navigate the play experience on their own, such as conflict resolution with peers (Biber, 1984; Landreth, 2002). This approach suggests that the role of the teacher during play time is to observe children and to keep the play experience from becoming dangerous or overly chaotic (Landreth, 2002). As a result, proponents of this approach to teacher interaction in play would rather allow children to spontaneously make connections to literacy related concepts, rather than taking steps to integrate literacy into play. However, teachers can play an integral role in supporting their student’s early literacy skills through play.

When teachers do interact with children during play, they can take on a variety of roles that help promote literacy development (Roskos & Neuman, 1993). These roles include the onlooker, where the teacher observes and

occasionally indicates that she/he is paying attention to the play, the player, where the teacher is directly involved with the play, and the leader, where she/he attempts to structure the students’ play (Roskos & Neuman, 1993).

Research suggests that most teachers will take on all three roles at some point over the course of the preschool day, but tend to remain consistent in their approach in one context (Morrow & Gambrell, 2004; Roskos & Neuman, 1993). For example, if a teacher takes on a ‘player’ role and engages students during storybook reading, she/he might be more likely to take on a similar role while children are reading during free play. However, during sociodramatic play, that same teacher might demonstrate an “onlooker” role. This research suggests that teachers use different roles as they attempt to include literacy opportunities in play.

Teachers may also choose to take a more instructional approach in integrating literacy into children’s play. A large majority of interventions that seek to engage children in literacy related activities during play involve using play as a follow-up activity to some kind of instruction (Ilgaz & Aksu-Koc, 2005; Roskos, Christie, Widman, & Holding, 2010; Williams & Rask, 2003). For example, a teacher might read a story to students and then encourage students to act out the story or use toys related to the story during sociodramatic play. These play activities particularly target language comprehension and story production rather than more print-based concepts (e.g., word recognition). Typically, these concepts are targeted on a classroom organizational level, such as providing books for children in different settings (Roskos et al., 2010).

Conclusion and Future Directions With increased pressures on young children to enter school with the necessary skills to begin reading and increased pressure on preschool teachers to adequately prepare their students for kindergarten, it is crucial to examine how teachers can fully integrate early literacy skills into the preschool classroom. Teachers can do so on both an organizational level (e.g., including literacy materials such as books and writing materials in different play centers) and on an involvement level (e.g., prompting students to act out a story during sociodramatic play).

Regardless of the approach teachers take, research suggests that integrating early literacy into children’s play has beneficial effects for the development of children’s pre-reading skills.

However, despite the benefits of play for early literacy development, there are still many gaps in our current understanding. The majority of studies on play and literacy are conducted on mostly White middle-class populations, where preschool teachers have access to a wide variety of resources. Future research should further

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Wuest, C. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 22-24. investigate more economical strategies to integrate literacy into play for teachers in low-income areas. Moreover, future studies should examine how early literacy skills can be integrated into at-home play, both to create continuity between home and school and to increase children’s exposure to literacy skills when the play facilitator (i.e., the caregiver) is not primarily focused or trained in instruction. Regardless, studies on preschool classrooms suggest that, through combining early reading skills and play, teachers can foster crucial early literacy skills in a fun and engaging manner.

References Bassok, D., Latham, S., & Rorem, A. (2016). Is kindergarten the new first grade? AERA Open, 2(1), 1-31.

Benjamin, N., Haden, C. A., & Wilkerson, E. (2010). Enhancing building, conversation, and learning through caregiver– child interactions in a children’s museum. Developmental Psychology, 46(2), 502-515.

Biber, B. (1984). Early education and psychological development.

New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Bodrova, E., & Leong, D. J. (2003). The importance of being playful. Educational Leadership, 60(7), 50-53.

Brown, M., & Freeman, N. (2001). ‘We don’t play that way at preschool’: The moral and ethical dimensions of controlling children’s play. Advances in Early Education and Day Care, 2, 259-274.

Catts, H. W., Fey, M. E., Tomblin, J. B., & Zhang, X. (2002).

A longitudinal investigation of reading outcomes in children with language impairments. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 45(6), 1142-1157.

Dickinson, D. K., & Porche, M. V. (2011). Relation between language experiences in preschool classrooms and children’s kindergarten and fourth‐grade language and reading abilities. Child Development, 82(3), 870-886.

Hannon, P. (2000). How can we foster children’s early literacy development through parent involvement? In S. B. Neuman & K. A. Roskos (Eds.), Children achieving: Best practices in early literacy. Newark, DE: International Reading Association.

Harper, L. V., & McCluskey, K. S. (2003). Teacher–child and child–child interactions in inclusive preschool settings: Do adults inhibit peer interactions? Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 18(2), 163-184.

Ilgaz, H., & Aksu-Koç, A. (2005). Episodic development in preschool children’s play-prompted and direct-elicited narratives. Cognitive Development, 20(4), 526-544.

Kaderavek, J. N., & Justice, L. M. (2004). Embedded-explicit emergent literacy intervention: Goal selection and implementation in the early childhood classroom.

Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 35(3), 212-228.

Landreth, G. L. (2002). Therapeutic limit setting in the play therapy relationship. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 33(6), 529-535.

Meadows, S., & Cashdan, A. (1988). Helping children learn:

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Contributions to a cognitive curriculum (Vol. 1). New York, NY: Beekman Books Incorporated.

Morrow, L. M., & Gambrell, L. B. (2004). Using children’s literature in preschool: Comprehending and enjoying books. Newark, DE: International Reading Association.

Owocki, G. (1999). Literacy through play. Westport, CT: Heinemann.

Roskos, K. A., Christie, J. F., Widman, S., & Holding, A. (2010).

Three decades in: Priming for meta-analysis in playliteracy research. Journal of Early Childhood Literacy, 10(1), 55-96.

Roskos, K., & Neuman, S. B. (1993). Descriptive observations of adults’ facilitation of literacy in young children’s play.

Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 8(1), 77-97.

Saracho, O. N., & Spodek, B. (2006). Young children’s literacy‐ related play. Early Child Development and Care, 176(7), 707-721.

Singer, J. L., & Lythcott, M. A. (2004). Fostering school achievement and creativity through sociodramatic play in the classroom. In E.F. Zigler, D.G. Zigler & S.J. BishopJosef (Eds.), Children’s play: The roots of reading, 77-93.

Washington, DC: Zero to Three.

Trawick-Smith, J., & Dziurgot, T. (2011). ‘Good-fit’ teacher– child play interactions and the subsequent autonomous play of preschool children. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 26(1), 110-123.

Walker, S. L., & Spybrook, J. (2011). Practical uses of literacyembedded play centers. NHSA Dialog, 14(2), 89-97.

Williams, M., & Rask, H. (2003). Literacy through play: How families with able children support their literacy development. Early Child Development and Care, 173(5), 527-533.

Vukelich, C. (1994). Effects of play interventions on young children’s reading of environmental print. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 9(2), 153-170.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Psychological Well-being of Refugees

Psychological Well-being of Refugees Throughout the Relocation Process Mila Hall Because of the continuing conflicts in war-torn areas such as the Gaza Strip and Syria, refugee well-being is quickly becoming an inescapable reality. A refugee is someone who has fled his or her country of origin to escape extremely adverse situations, seeking asylum, or trying to reach a safer environment to live in. For example, people who fled Europe during World War II would be considered refugees. There are currently millions of refugees worldwide, many of whom are affected by mental illness (Fazel, Wheeler, & Danesh, 2005). Due to the recent conflicts in the Middle East and all over the world, these numbers are steadily rising. Many counseling services fail to acknowledge that the potentially traumatic situations in their countries of origin are not the only sources of stress refugees face. Daily obstacles, such as language difficulties and discrimination stemming from xenophobia, also influence the well-being of refugees throughout the arduous relocation process (Betancourt et al., 2015; Miller & Rasmussen, 2010; Nickerson, Bryant, Steel, Silove, & Brooks, 2010).

Asylum can be sought in a variety of ways, including migrant smuggling or traveling to refugee camps in neighboring countries (Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015).

Migrant smuggling is an illegal practice wherein asylumseekers pay large sums of money to be transported from their countries of origin to other countries (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], n.d.) through smuggling routes, such as crossing the Mediterranean on rafts (Brown, 2008). Others spend years in overcrowded refugee camps, where they can submit applications to enter countries such as Germany, Sweden, or Denmark and wait to be processed (Sandhu et al., 2013). Because there are many avenues to seeking asylum, refugees’ experiences vary greatly and have different different effects on their mental health (Miller & Rasmussen, 2010). This paper will discuss the psychological impact of obstacles that refugees commonly encounter throughout the stages of relocation.

Safety-Related Obstacles Lack of safety plays an integral role in how refugees experience relocation, as well as their subsequent mental health. Often, refugees escape their countries

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of origin because of overwhelming violence (Brown, 2008). Refugees are distinctly different from voluntary immigrants because their migration is involuntary and often prompted by the outbreak of violent wars (Brown, 2008). Exposure to potentially traumatic and violent incidents in refugees’ often unsafe countries of origin is therefore very likely (Quosh, Eloul, & Ajlani, 2013). However, their exposure to violence and unsafe environments occurs throughout the relocation process, beyond their countries of origin. Violence, often due to excessive drinking, is a common occurrence in refugee camps (Meyer, Murray, Puffer, Larsen, & Bolton, 2013; Tanaka, 2013). If traveling through illegal migrant smuggling routes, methods of transportation often lead to physical injury (Gushulak & MacPherson, 2000). Refugees report significantly higher levels of post-traumatic stress and symptoms of distress than non-refugee immigrants (Arnetz, Rofa, Arnetz, Ventimiglia, & Jamil, 2013). This implies that the unsafe and dangerous conditions that led to their migration have a significant impact on their mental health. Though it is not the only psychological stressor influencing the mental well-being of refugees, this kind of exposure has a profound, long-lasting impact on them (Montgomery, 2008). Due to the likelihood of exposure to multiple violent events, refugees are particularly vulnerable to the psychological aftereffects of experiencing violence, which include the development of PTSD, anxiety, psychosis, and schizophrenia (Arnetz et al., 2013; Levine et al., 2015; Rhodes, Parrett, & Mason, 2016; Tay, Rees, Chen, Kareth & Silove, 2015).

Migrant smuggling often leads to financial exploitation of those being smuggled who are often additionally dealing with poverty (Gushulak & MacPherson, 2000). Research about the mental health and overall well-being of refugees who have been smuggled is very limited. Most assertions about this hardto-reach demographic have been made through news headlines (Gushulak & MacPherson, 2000). For example, in certain cases, smuggled refugees endure barely livable conditions to be transported, including enduring physical injuries, limited access to food, and even low levels of oxygen (“Six Die In Spanish Ship’s Hold,” 1999; Veronneau, Mohler, Pennybaker, Wilcox, & Sahiar, 1996).

Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 28-32.

These conditions are sometimes accompanied by physical violence, perpetrated by the smugglers, in an effort to assert power (“Five Arrested In Teens’ Deaths,” 1999).

Another possible effect of migrant smuggling is facing deportation or incarceration, due to the illegal nature of their transportation (Gushulak & MacPherson, 2000).

Often, refugees are unable to bring their whole family with them. Leaving family members behind and advancing through the stages of relocation alone leads to intense anxiety for the safety of those left behind (Nickerson et al., 2010). Fear for family contributes more to current distress than traumatic memories, especially once refugees have arrived in their country of final relocation (Nickerson et al., 2010). These family-based concerns are often complicated by whether or not the refugee is accompanied or not. Many underage refugees are sent abroad to get jobs and send money back to their family (Zwi & Mares, 2015). This fact, alongside the prolonged experiences in unsafe environments, can have an impact on how children develop later in life.

Developmental Obstacles Refugees and their families are affected by the destruction of their communities and much of their local infrastructure, including schools. The general safety of refugees and their children is in jeopardy on a daily basis in refugees’ countries of origin. In times of unrest, children’s education is therefore often disrupted, especially in contexts of heavy military activity (Palosaari, Punamäki, Peltonen, Diab, & Qouta, 2015; Robertson & Hoffman, 2014). This is reflected in the low school attendance rates in Syria as, in the last academic year, 50% of Syrian children did not attend school (Sirin & RogersSirin, 2015). If traveling as a family, the children of refugees often stop attending school to help earn money to financially support the family (Betancourt et al., 2015).

Additionally, some children living in refugee camps were susceptible to the development of Callous-Unemotional traits, a common precursor for Antisocial Personality Disorder, due to their desensitization to chaos and violence over time (Latzman, Malikina, Hecht, Lilienfeld, & Chan, 2016).

In refugee camps, children face obstacles related to their education, as well. In one sample, 65% of children currently in a refugee camp had experienced interruption in their education (Mace, Mulheron, Jones, & Cherion, 2014). This is a common experience in the lives of refugee children, who additionally ranked lower than average on diverse measures of development, observing motor, social, and language development in particular (Muennig, Boulmier-Darden, Khouzam, Zhu, & Hancock, 2015).

Both children and adults in camps reported education as one of the top three concerns faced by kids in refugee camps, indicating that this is a salient, self-identified

problem among camp inhabitants (Meyer et al., 2013).

The previously mentioned measures of development were positively influenced by mother’s literacy levels, indicating that educational programs may be helpful for adult refugees as well (Muennig et al., 2015).

Occasionally, unaccompanied children arriving in the United States are detained in mandatory detention centers, which look like prisons, for long periods of time and where they are unable to access age-appropriate educational activities (Zwi & Mares, 2015). This causes the refugee children to fall even further behind on their already disrupted education (Sirin & Rogers-Sirin, 2015).

In some refugee camps, nursery schools have been introduced, providing a safe environment for the children to spend time away from common stressors. Such stressors include adults’ alcohol and drug abuse, physical abuse, and neglect, which are often the result of the accumulation of financial, social, and psychological pressures (Meyer et al., 2013; Tanaka, 2013). These set negative examples for the young, developing children (Meyer et al., 2013).

Often, children will fall into similar, destructive drinking patterns, which further exacerbate symptoms of PTSD across refugee children’s lifespans (Meyer et al., 2013; Tanaka, 2013). Communication between children and their parents about their traumatic experiences can have a significant impact on development as well, with unfiltered, non-age appropriate communication leading to the development of insecure attachment styles in the children (Dalgaard, Todd, Daniel, & Montgomery, 2016).

Political & Bureaucratic Obstacles Throughout relocation, refugees face multiple political and bureaucratic barriers, such as their refugee status applications, time spent in camps and mandatory detention centers, as well as living with undocumented status (Campbell, Klei, Hodges, Fisman, & Kitto, 2014; Steel et al., 2011; Zwi & Mares, 2015). Refugees’ extended stays in overcrowded refugee camps is not voluntary, but necessary. In order to move to their preferred countries of final relocation, refugees must first complete the refugee status application and vetting process. The United States’ vetting process can take between 18 to 24 months to complete, and can include spending time in mandatory detention centers (Richter, 2014). The longer refugees stay in temporary locations, such as camps and detention centers, the greater their overall psychological distress becomes (Uribe Guajardo, Slewa-Younan, Smith, Eagar, & Stone, 2016). As a result of their traumatic experiences, as well as the fact that they are required to stay in prisonlike settings thereafter, can lead to the presentation of symptoms of PTSD, anxiety, depression, and even psychosis (Zwi & Mares, 2015).

Temporary and Permanent Protection Visas (TPVs and PPVs), and other similar visas, are granted

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Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 28-32. by governments around the world after refugee status is confirmed by the United Nations. As their names suggest, TPVs are valid for a limited amount of time, while PPVs do not expire. Despite the fact that refugees with either of these kinds of visas are allowed to enter a country for more permanent relocation, the fact that TPV-holders had limited time there, had a profound influence on their well-being. Those who were granted TPVs scored higher on measures of PTSD, depression, and anxiety than those with PPVs. Additionally, TPV-holders were less socially engaged than those granted PPVs. Over time, PPV-holders experienced greater improvements in their overall mental health, while the well-being of TPVholders remained stagnant at undesirably low levels (Steel et al., 2011).

Similar sentiments of anxiety, due to fear of deportation, occur with undocumented refugees.

Undocumented refugees are likely to have been smuggled. In addition to anxiety related to possible deportation, undocumented people often live in poverty, and are therefore at higher risk for depression, lower levels of cognitive functioning, and often have to work jobs with very little income stability (Campbell et al., 2014; Tampubolon, 2015). Despite the fact that they face enormous amounts of stress, undocumented refugees frequently do not seek out psychological services they might benefit from (Brown, 2008; Campbell et al., 2014).

Gaining access to working rights and subsidized health care decreased the symptoms of mental illness in refugees as they settled into a novel environment (Hocking, Kennedy, & Sundram, 2015).

Cultural Obstacles Moving to an unfamiliar environment, often of a completely different culture, significantly predicted depression in refugee populations, more so than exposure to war in their countries of origin did (Miller & Rasmussen, 2010). Unfortunately, these effects are exacerbated by intolerance and xenophobia among the local population.

Other barriers to joining new communities, or acculturation, include not being able to speak the local language, struggling to find employment, and systematic discrimination (Miller & Rasmussen, 2010; Betancourt et al., 2015). In 2010, the American Psychiatric Association denounced xenophobia against immigrants because of its overwhelmingly negative effects on mental health and overall well-being.

Acculturation helps to ease refugees’ psychological distress (Salo & Birman, 2015). When refugees are able to acculturate, they are more likely to seek help for their mental health concerns, often stemming from exposure to trauma (Thikeo, Florin, & Ng, 2015). After refugees began to self-identify their overall health, including mental health, as good, they became more socially integrated in

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their new communities (Lee, Choi, Proulx, & Cornwell, 2015). Learning to speak the local language, particularly in English-speaking countries, greatly facilitated social integration and therefore also lead to reductions in overall stress (Lee et al., 2015).

Conclusion Refugees’ experiences with relocation are incredibly diverse and shape their futures once they arrive at their final destination (Betancourt et al., 2015; Miller & Rasmussen, 2010; Steel et al., 2011). If two refugees of the same nationality decide to flee the same conflict but take different routes towards relocation, their experiences would be vastly different. The refugee who endures migrant smuggling might experience stressors such as anxiety related to being undocumented. The other, who relocates to a neighboring country’s refugee camp, would encounter challenges such as local people’s intolerance and discrimination.

Considering how varied refugees’ experiences are based on their stage of and path to relocation, it should not be surprising that developing successful, large-scale interventions has been difficult. The interventions that do exist have largely been developed to address refugees’ traumatic pasts instead of integrating their past, present, and future (Nickerson, Bryant, Silove, & Steel, 2011).

An example of a form of treatment commonly used with refugees is narrative exposure therapy. Refugees are exposed to multiple major life events, which are integrated into an extensive narrative that focuses in great detail on their traumatic memories (Neuner et al., 2008).

Repeated exposure leads to the refugees’ desensitization to it over time. This form of treatment has been relatively successful, but fails to account for stressors that may have occurred after the original trauma and throughout the relocation process.

Multidisciplinary interventions use a combination of various treatments to account for stressors that may have occurred after the original trauma. Depending on the needs of those being treated, a multi-faceted program is created (Carlsson, Mortensen, & Kastrup, 2005; Palic & Elklit, 2011). However, due to the fact that refugees at different stages of the relocation process cannot predict how long they will be in one place, long-term participation in these complex treatments has been rare. The success rates of multidisciplinary interventions have therefore been inconsistent.

Data collection in the context of overcrowded refugee camps and other stages of relocation is incredibly difficult (Quosh, 2013), which partially explains why such research is limited. Future research should focus on possible moderators that could affect the relation between the stages of relocation and overall well-being.

Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 28-32.

Establishing the biggest area of risk across various stages of relocation is essential to developing more effective shortterm interventions. In order to implement successful multidisciplinary interventions for refugees, research should evaluate specific experiences within refugee populations that go beyond their exposure to trauma in their countries of origin.

References American Psychiatric Association. (2010). Xenophobia, immigration, and mental health. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 167(6), 726.

Arnetz, J., Rofa, Y., Arnetz, B., Ventimiglia, M., & Jamil, H. (2013). Resilience as a protective factor against the development of psychopathology among refugees.

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Betancourt, T. S., Abdi, S., Ito, B. S., Lilienthal, G. M., Agalab, N., & Ellis, H. (2015). We left one war and came to another: Resource loss, acculturative stress, and caregiver-child relationships in Somali refugee families.

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Brown, L. S. (2008). Migration and dislocation. In Cultural competence in trauma therapy: Beyond the flashback (pp.

215-226). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Sexual Objectification and Women’s Mental Health

The Effects of Sexual Objectification on Women’s Mental Health Emma Rooney Every day in the United States, women face many different forms of gender oppression and discrimination.

Examples range on a spectrum from sexist jokes said in passing to sexual harassment and coercion, physical abuse, rape, and even murder. A sexist joke and an act of sexual violence might be dismissed as two very different and unrelated events, but they are in fact related. These two behaviors are connected by the presence of sexual objectification. Culturally common and often condoned in the U.S., the sexual objectification of women is a driving and perpetuating component of gender oppression, systemic sexism, sexual harassment, and violence against women (Berdahl, 2007; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Gardner, 1995; Harned, 2000; Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchick, 2007; Miles-McLean et al., 2015; Swim, Hyers, Cohen, & Ferguson, 2001). According to Dr. Margaret Chan, Director-General of the World Health Organization, the analysis of global data reveals alarming results indicating that the prevalence of violence against women is a worldwide health epidemic (World Health Organization, 2013). Given its ubiquitous nature and contributing status to the perpetuation of gender violence and other sexist beliefs and behaviors, sexual objectification demands a detailed exploration in order to reach a more nuanced understanding of its consequences.

Sexual objectification occurs when a woman’s body, body parts, or sexual functions are isolated from her whole and complex being and treated as objects simply to be looked at, coveted, or touched (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Once sexually objectified, the worth of a woman’s body or body part is directly equated to its physical appearance or potential sexual function and is treated like it exists solely for others to use or consume (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski, Moffit, & Carr, 2011). The mental health repercussions of constant sexual objectification have only fairly recently begun to be questioned and explored within the field of psychology, with researchers often taking cues from feminist literature and theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski & Henning, 2007; Szymanski et al., 2011). Less than twenty years ago, Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) presented objectification theory as a

framework through which to better understand the experiences of and psychological risks faced by women in a culture that is constantly looking at, evaluating, and objectifying the female body. Through the foundational lens of objectification theory, this literature review seeks to identify and explore the various iterations of sexual objectification and their combined impact on women’s mental health.

Forms of Sexual Objectification Women frequently face sexual objectification in daily interpersonal interactions and through the active and passive consumption of multimedia. These two main avenues of exposure create a continuous stream of sexually objectifying experiences and images (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Miles-McLean et al., 2015). Interpersonal sexual objectification occurs in the forms of unwanted body evaluation and sexual advances (Kozee et al., 2007; Miles-McLean et al., 2015). Developed by Kozee et al.

(2007), the Interpersonal Sexual Objectification Scale (ISOS) measures the extent of individuals’ sexually objectifying encounters. The ISOS qualifies behaviors like catcalling and whistling, sexually insinuating stares, leering, and inappropriate sexual comments made about a woman’s body as unwanted forms of body evaluation (Kozee et al., 2007). Research shows that this type of sexual objectification is more often perpetrated by strangers than acquaintances (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; MacMillan, Nierobisz, & Welsh, 2000), and often takes place in public spaces (Macmillan et al., 2000). The ISOS qualifies behaviors like touching, fondling, or pinching someone inappropriately against her will, degrading sexual gestures, and sexual harassment or coercion as unwanted sexual advances (Gelfand, Fitzgerald & Drasgow, 1995; Kozee et al., 2007). Some of these behaviors are now commonly referred to as microaggressions, which Nadal and Haynes (2012) define as “brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities (often unconscious and unintentional) that communicate hostile, derogatory, or invalidating messages” (p. 89).

Gendered microaggressions are generally sexist in nature (Nadal & Haynes, 2012), and many acts of sexual objectification qualify as microaggressions by this

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Rooney, E. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 33-36. definition. The ISOS measure simultaneously implies and supports the assertion that when women experience these culturally normalized microaggressions, they are indeed being sexually objectified by the perpetrator.

The experience of sexual objectification is not limited to interpersonal interactions with strangers or acquaintances. Most media outlets create further scenarios that expose women to sexual objectification, especially considering that more women than men are depicted in the media in a sexually objectifying manner (Szymanski et al., 2011). Advertisements, television shows, movies, music videos, printed media, and pornography all rampantly depict sexually objectifying images of women.

Additionally, they often include characters who engage in sexually objectifying behaviors and include camera shots that place viewers in a sexually objectifying point of view (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski et al., 2011). Media’s vast reach ensures that women and girls of all ages, socio-cultural backgrounds, and geographical locations are affected by these images (Augustus-Horvath & Tylka, 2009; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski et al., 2011). The sexual objectification of women extends into all corners of culture and society in the U.S. Effects of Sexual Objectification on Women’s Mental Health Objectification theory posits that constant exposure to sexually objectifying experiences and images socializes women to internalize society’s perspective of the female body as their own primary view of their physical selves (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski & Henning, 2007). This internalization is often referred to as selfobjectification, and it characterized by varying levels of thoughts and behaviors such as self-conscious body monitoring, surveillance, and comparison of one’s body or body parts to the cultural standard or ideal (AugustusHorvath & Tylka, 2009; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Self-objectification is even found in women who view sexual objectification as harmless or even complimentary (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008). Research has linked self-objectification to mental health outcomes such as depression, disordered eating, and reduced productivity. So, the sexual objectification of women indirectly contributes to their mental health problems because it leads to self-objectification (AugustusHorvath & Tylka, 2009; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Harned, 2000; Szymanski & Henning, 2007).

Shame, anxiety, and depression. According to objectification theory, the internalization of sexual objectification leads to constant self-monitoring, creating a state of self-consciousness that breeds feelings of shame and anxiety (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Newer studies support this assertion, finding that self-objectification is in fact correlated with higher rates of body shame and

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appearance anxiety (Augustus-Horvath & Tylka, 2009; Miles-McLean et al., 2015; Szymanski & Henning, 2007).

Furthermore, recent research also shows that sexual objectification in the form of stranger harassment can be a source of anxiety if it inflames underlying fears of victimization and rape (Culbertson, Vik, & Kooiman, 2001; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; MacMillan et al., 2000).

The feelings of shame and anxiety resulting from selfobjectification have been found to subsequently lead to depression (Szymanski & Henning, 2007). Prolonged exposure to sexual objectification may also contribute to insidious trauma which is marked by psychological trauma symptoms that occur due to lifelong exposure to microaggressions (Miles-McLean et al., 2015; Nadal & Haynes, 2012), as opposed to one large trauma. Some of the psychological symptoms found to be associated with the trauma of sexual objectification include anxiety and depression (Harned, 2000; Miles-McLean et al., 2015).

Unfortunately, depression may not be the end of the correlational chain in the context of sexual objectification, as it has also been found to be related to disordered eating among women (Harned, 2000; Szymanski & Henning, 2007).

Disordered eating. Multiple studies have found a relationship between sexual objectification and disordered eating. Harned (2000) found that sexual harassment, which is often comprised of sexually objectifying behaviors, was a significant predictor of most disordered eating symptoms, even after controlling for previous physically violent sexual experiences. Supporting the findings of Harned (2000), a study done by Augustus-Horvath and Tylka (2009) found that self-objectification is positively correlated with body shame, and body shame is correlated with greater tendencies toward maladaptive eating habits (Augustus-Horvath & Tylka, 2009). Even self-objectifying women who report to enjoy being sexualized have still been found to engage in negative eating attitudes (Liss, Erchull, & Ramsey, 2011). Self-objectification and its possible outcomes of depression and disordered eating may in turn hinder women’s overall productivity.

Reduced states of productivity and flow.

Objectification theory posits that constant objectification creates a continuous stream of anxiety-provoking experiences, requiring women to maintain at least part of their concentration on their physical appearance and safety at all times in order to better anticipate the perceptions and actions of others (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). The self-objectification and self-consciousness that results from experiencing sexual objectification may diminish women’s peak motivational states (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997), or what Csikszentmihalyi (1990) refers to as “flow.”

Flow occurs when a situation requiring mental attention is perceived as challenging, but the skills required to meet the challenge are perceived as high, resulting in a highly

Rooney, E. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 33-36. productive and enjoyable experience. These states are marked by a loss of self-consciousness because all mental energy is focused purely on the task and not on the existence of self (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). Women who self-objectify are less likely to experience the undivided attention characteristic of flow because part of their attention is always dedicated to physical self-monitoring (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski & Henning, 2007), and therefore they may experience reduced rates of productivity and general life enjoyment (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Conclusion The current literature makes it clear that sexual objectification is both directly and indirectly linked to various mental health distresses and disorders in women, including anxiety, depression, disordered eating, and reduced experiences of flow and productivity. Constant experiences of sexual objectification cause women to internalize society’s scrutiny; the resulting selfobjectification leads to habitual body monitoring and selfconsciousness, which in turn increases feelings of body shame and appearance anxiety and diminishes states of flow. These variables can then lead to depression, which may be a risk factor in the development of disordered eating habits (Augustus-Horvath & Tylka, 2009; Szymanski & Henning, 2007; Szymanski et al., 2011).

The literature at hand is informative, but it is merely a platform whose roots and implications must be explored further. First of all, participants in most of the existing literature are overwhelmingly white, collegeaged, educated women who identify predominantly as heterosexual if and when they are asked about their sexuality (Augustus-Horvath & Tylka, 2009; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Harned, 2000; Kozee et al., 2007; Swim et al., 2001). Future research should further strive to include or isolate women of different races and ethnicities, varying sexual identities, education levels, and socioeconomic statuses to account for the possible interaction effects these variables might have with experiences of sexual objectification. Existing research also includes the importance of media as a major contributing factor in women’s sexually objectifying experiences. Future researcher should take care to note the expanding realm of social media and its role in multiplying the presentations of sexually objectifying images of women as well as providing women with a potential platform to visually self-objectify. Furthermore, it is important to remember that though men are the main perpetrators of the sexual objectification of women, they are also exposed to it and experience it. Sexual objectification awareness initiatives should not only be directed at girls and women, but at boys and men, parents

and teachers. Despite various limitations, the present data and its implications for female development and mental health trajectories should still be seriously considered in the realms of policy, public health, and education.

References Augustus-Horvath, C., & Tylka, T. L. (2009). A test and extension of objectification theory as it predicts disordered eating: Does women’s age matter? Journal of Counseling Psychology, 56(2), 253-265.

Berdahl, J. L. (2007). Harassment based on sex: Protecting social status in the context of gender hierarchy. The Academy of Management Review, 32(2), 641-658.

Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1990). Flow: The psychology of optimal experience. New York: Harper & Row. Culbertson, K. A., Vik, P. W., & Kooiman, B. J. (2001). The impact of sexual assault, sexual assault perpetrator type, and location of sexual assault on ratings of perceived safety. Violence Against Women, 7(8), 858-875.

Fairchild, K., & Rudman, L. A. (2008). Everyday stranger harassment and women’s objectification. Social Justice Research, 21(3), 338-357.

Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21(2), 173-206.

Gardner, C. B. (1995). Passing by: Gender and public harassment. Berkley, CA: University of California Press.

Gelfand, M. J., Fitzgerald, L. F., & Drasgow, F. (1995). The structure of sexual harassment: A confirmatory analysis across cultures and settings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 47(2), 164-177.

Harned, M. S. (2000). Harassed bodies: An examination of the relationships among women’s experiences of sexual harassment, body image and eating disturbances.

Psychology of Women Quarterly, 24(4), 336-348.

Kozee, H. B., Tylka, T. L., Augustus-Horvath, C., & Denchik, A. (2007). Development and psychometric evaluation of the interpersonal sexual objectification scale. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31(2), 176-189.

Liss, M., Erchull, M. J., & Ramsey, L. R. (2011). Empowering or oppressing? Development and exploration of the enjoyment of sexualization scale. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 37(1), 55-68.

Macmillan, R., Nierobisz, A., & Welsh, S. (2000). Experiencing the streets: Harassment and perceptions of safety among women. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 37(3), 306-322.

Miles-McLean, H., Liss, M., Erchull, M. J., Robertson, C. M., Hagerman, C., Gnoleba, M. A., & Papp, L. J. (2015).

“Stop looking at me!” Interpersonal sexual objectification as a source of insidious trauma. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 39(3), 363-374.

Nadal, K. L., & Haynes, K. (2012). The effects of sexism, gender microaggressions, and other forms of discrimination on women’s mental health and development. In P. K. Lundberg-Love, K. L. Nadal & M. A. Paludi (Eds.),

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Rooney, E. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 33-36.

Women and mental disorders (pp. 87-101). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.

Swim, J. K., Hyers, L. L., Cohen, L. L., & Ferguson, M. J. (2001).

Everyday sexism: Evidence for its incidence, nature, and psychological impact from three daily diary studies.

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Szymanski, D. M., & Henning, S. L. (2007). The role of self-objectification in women’s depression: A test of objectification theory. Sex Roles, 56(1-2), 45-53.

Szymanski, D. M., Moffitt, L. B., & Carr, E. R. (2011). Sexual objectification of women: Advances to theory and research. The Counseling Psychologist, 39(1), 6-38.

World Health Organization. (2013, June 20). Violence against women: A ‘global health problem of epidemic proportions.’

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Gang Involvement to Satisfy Basic Needs

Gang Involvement as a Means to Satisfy Basic Needs Laina Sonterblum The United States Department of Justice (2015) defines gangs as organized groups of three or more people with a collective identity surrounding criminal activity.

Gangs have dangerous effects on communities, with as many as 90% of violent crimes in U.S. cities attributed to gang involvement (National Gang Intelligence Center, 2011). In addition to causing danger to communities, gangs are problematic and dangerous for their members, especially youth members. Over one million gang members in the United States are under 18 years of age—a number that recent research suggests is growing (Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015). Gang-involved youth are at risk of experiencing physical violence, incarceration, substance abuse, and unemployment (Gilman, Hill, & Hawkins, 2014). In order to reduce these negative effects on both communities and gang members, it is imperative to collect and synthesize empirical research on youth gang involvement. Specifically, while there is myriad research on correlates of youth gang involvement, there is a dearth in attempts to understand why these correlates may be related to or even predictive of gang involvement. As such, this review attempts to explain the relations between these correlates and gangs by utilizing Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs as a theoretical framework.

Maslow’s (1943) theory comprises of two main points relevant to framing risk factors for gang involvement. First, he posits that all humans have a hierarchy of basic needs that must be met in order to reach positive outcomes (see Figure A). These needs include physiological, safety, love, and esteem. Second, he claims that the necessity to fulfill these basic needs drives nearly all motivation. Only after all of these basic needs are met can an individual begin to achieve self-actualization, or the drive to be the best that one can be (Maslow, 1943). If these basic needs are not met, an individual is motivated to fulfill them by any means necessary, regardless of consequences (Maslow, 1943). Therefore, individuals who do not have their basic needs met by their families and environments may seek out gang membership as a way to fulfill them. This paper will review literature on risk factors for gang involvement by using Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs as a framework for understanding why such factors increase individuals’ risk of gang involvement. Such a review is

necessary to inform future research and policy decisions aimed at reducing youth gang membership and their impact on communities.

Figure A. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs

Physiological Needs When one’s physiological needs are not met, individuals yearn to satisfy them however they can (Maslow, 1943). Poverty has been found to be a correlate of food insecurity and unstable housing, as well as gang involvement (Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015; Tapia, 2011).

Thus, while money itself may not be a physiological need, hunger and housing (e.g. shelter from dangerous elements and weather) are related to gang membership where food insecurity and unstable housing are predictive of involvement (Carlson, Andrews, & Bickel 1999; Voisin, King, Diclemente, & Carry, 2014). Maslow’s (1943) theory would suggest a causal relation between these variables in which individuals are using gangs as a source of income to meet their physiological needs of food and shelter.

Because legal means of income may not be accessible to youth under the legal working age of 14 (U.S. Department of Labor, 1938), or simply unattractive due to the long hours and minimal pay, joining a gang may appeal to a youth in need of money. Gangs can provide income through criminal activity such as drug and weapons trafficking (U.S. Department of Justice, 2015). In addition to money, gangs can give members a feeling of protection by providing them with weapons and a sense of safety in

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Sonterblum, L. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 37-41.

Maslow (1943) explains that all individuals have a need to feel safe in their environment. Youth living in areas run by gangs and violence are at an increased risk of membership themselves (Li et al., 2002), which may be due to safety needs. In other words, youth exposed to violence may feel that their safety is at risk and that they do not have means to protect themselves nor a group of peers to fight beside them. Thus, they may look to gang membership to fill these needs. Studies suggest that for at-risk youth, this lack of safety exists across contexts, including their neighborhood (e.g., Farmer & Hairston, 2013; Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015) and home (e.g., Wood, Furlong, Rosenblatt, & Robertson, 1997).

One recent study found that individuals living in neighborhoods where there was a significant gang presence had a greater likelihood of joining a gang (Alleyne & Wood, 2012; Hill et al., 1999). Alleyne and Wood (2012) suggest that learned behavior is the cause of this relation, where witnessing gang violence leads to engaging in violence. However, the Hierarchy of Needs (1943) illustrates this relation between neighborhood gangs and gang involvement as due to youth feeling unsafe in their environments, thus looking to meet their safety needs through gang membership.

The need to establish safety also exists in the home, as approximately 71% of gang members have experienced family violence (Wood et al., 1997). Wood and colleagues (1997) found that numerous gang members had experienced sexual (22%) or physical (42%) abuse, often at the hands of their caregivers. Moreover, histories of trauma are predictive of gang involvement in girls (Hill, Howell, Hawkins, & Battin-Pearson, 1999; Voisen et al., 2014). Survivors of trauma may look to gangs with the hope of finding protection against another traumatic experience occurring. In addition to providing individuals with a sense of safety, belonging to a gang and the assumed camaraderie that comes with it can also be attractive to those looking to fill their love needs.

belonging to a group. Research shows that many ganginvolved youth lack close ties with their families, friends, and schools (e.g., Li et al., 2002; Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015; Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015) Within families, for instance, a lack of parental support is directly related to gang membership (Lenzi et al., 2015; Li et al., 2002). Specifically, Pyrooz and Sweeten (2015) found that numerous gang-involved youth come from single-parent households, with the mother often being the sole caretaker. This correlation may exist because the single parent is the family’s only source of income and may have less time to spend with the child. Additionally, low family involvement, poor communication, and low parental monitoring are all found to be risk factors of gang involvement (Li et al., 2002; Voisen, et al., 2014). Voisen et al. (2014) explains that these factors are indicative of a family relationship in which an individual does not feel a sense of love and belonging, and thus the youth may seek other ways to satisfy the need for familial connections, such as with peers.

If a youth can find love or belonging among peers in school, he or she will be less likely to be involved in a gang (Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015). Research also demonstrates that having a poor attachment to school academically (e.g., showing disinterest, low grades, truancy) is predictive of gang involvement (Hill et al., 1999). When youth have low attachment to school and poor relationships at home, they may turn to peers for support. While research shows that peer support can be protective against gang involvement (McDaniel, 2012), associating with delinquent and/or gang involved peers can increase his or her risk of membership (Bell, 2009; Bjerregaard & Cochran, 2012; Esbensen & Carsen, 2009; Hill et al., 1999; Lenzi et al., 2015; Voisen et al., 2014). Conversely, peer rejection also increases risk for gang involvement (Farmer & Hairston, 2013). These relationships between peers and gang involvement can be explained by Maslow’s (1943) theory in two ways. First, as mentioned above, this rejection may negatively influence an individual’s sense of belonging and make them feel unloved. Second, such rejection might impact one’s esteem, which is another important need in Maslow’s (1943) theory.

Love Needs

Esteem Needs

Maslow (1943) defines the love needs as a yearning for a sense of belonging and friendship in both groups and one-on-one; both romantically and platonically. He adds that individuals will “strive with great intensity to achieve this goal” (p. 381). Joining a gang, by definition, means being part of cohesive group with a shared identity (U. S. Department of Justice, 2015; Vigil & Long, 1990).

Thus, gang involvement is an attractive means of fulfilling the love needs as it allows the youth to have a sense of

Maslow (1943) defines esteem needs as including both self-esteem and the perception of being held in high esteem by others. These two forms of esteem are actually reciprocal, as evidence suggests that our perceptions of ourselves are directly related to how we think others see us (Leary, Tambor, Terdal, & Downs, 1995). Peer rejection, for example, occurs when one is held in low esteem by others, which would then negatively affect one’s self-esteem. Low-self esteem has been found to predict

numbers, or a sense that they have people who will fight with them if needed (Decker & Van Winkle, 1996). Such provisions may help youth to address their safety needs.

Safety Needs

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Sonterblum, L. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 37-41. gang membership in numerous studies (e.g., Dmitrieva, Gibson, Steinbert, Piquero, & Fagan, 2014; Farmer & Hairston, 2013; Voisen et al., 2014), likely due in part to factors such as the aforementioned peer rejection and poor school outcomes (Hill et al., 1999; Merrin, Hong, & Espelage, 2015). Regardless of the reason for this trend, youth with greater esteem needs will search to increase both their self-esteem and the esteem others hold of them.

If one’s esteem needs are not met, they are left feeling discouraged and may do nearly anything to prove their worthiness and gain respect. Gangs provide an attractive means to gratify this need. Gangs often carry “street cred,” or a reputation of power and prestige in a given neighborhood (Brantingham, Tita, Short, & Reid, 2012).

Joining a gang with a high level of street cred, therefore, can increase one’s esteem by association. Furthermore, gangs give individuals a sense of power, which can be attractive to individuals who may feel they have been marginalized in other aspects of their lives (Capozzoli & McVey, 2000). In sum, becoming involved in a gang can boost one’s esteem by providing them with a sense of empowerment.

Discussion Youth gang involvement is increasing dramatically in the United States (Pyrooz & Sweeten, 2015). This paper synthesizes the existing research on risk factors of gang involvement using Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs as a theoretical framework. When viewed through this hierarchy, individuals are at an increased risk for joining a gang when their basic needs are not met. For instance, physiological needs such as hunger can be met through the drug-dealing aspect of gang membership by providing that individual with money from sales. Safety needs can be met through the camaraderie a gang offers, which provides protection against dangerous neighborhoods and rival gangs. This same camaraderie addresses the love need by providing an individual who may be cast out by family and peers with a sense of belonging. Finally, gangs can address the esteem need by increasing one’s prestige

and reputation through association with the gang.

Based on the research presented in this review and the Hierarchy of Needs theory, the author developed an answer to the research question in which unmet needs lead to both desperation to meet these needs and the inability to self actualize, both of which then lead to gang involvement (Figure B). When one’s primary four basic needs are not met, that individual is unable to selfactualize and therefore does not try to reach his or her full potential (Maslow, 1943). Additionally, he or she will experience an intense sense of urgency to satiate the basic four needs however he or she can. The combination of this urgency to meet needs and the inability to self-actualize then leads to an increased risk of gang-involvement.

Limitations Much of the existing literature analyzes correlations between variables and youth already in gangs, rather than longitudinal studies of those exhibiting risk factors and evaluating if the participants join gangs at a later timepoint. Having such research would allow more predictive inferences: researchers would be able to conclude that one variable leads to gang involvement in contrast to declaring that these two variables are related with no evidence of directionality. Having directionality would strengthen the argument that reducing risk factors may truly have an impact on a reduction of gang involvement.

A second limitation is that Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs posits that one’s needs must be met in order from bottom to top (see Figure A), yet no research currently suggests the existence of this order in this context: that an individual’s desire to feed themselves is any more of a motivator to join a gang than fulfilling a sense of belonging. Finally, because this model focuses on needs related primarily to external factors, individual differences may influence the relation between the reviewed risk factors and becoming involved in a gang, as not all individuals with these risk factors become involved in gangs. In other words, a perfect causal relation cannot be assumed between the environmental risk factors reviewed and gang involvement.

Inability to Self-Actualize Inability to meet basic physiological, safety, belonging, & esteem needs

Gang-Involvement

Yearning to fulfill needs by any means necessary

Figure B. Logic Model of Conclusions

Gang Involvement to Satisfy Basic Needs | 39

Sonterblum, L. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 37-41.

Implications Framing the correlates of youth gang membership around Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs has clear implications for theory, research, policy, and practice. The model supports Maslow’s theory to an extent, but brings into question whether the suggested hierarchy has the same (or any) order in this context. For instance, there is no evidence that a youth is yearning to meet his or her safety needs before his or her esteem needs. Future research should explore if gang-involved youth rank the reasons they joined a gang in the order that Maslow surmised. Because there is nothing to suggest one level of the hierarchy is more important than another in this context, policy and practice initiatives should target needs at each level of the hierarchy and find ways to meet individual’s needs through means other than gangs. If the directionality of Maslow’s Hierarchy is correct, policies should aim to impact from the ground up, starting with physiological needs.

Addressing poverty through both legislation (e.g., tax reforms) and micro-level initiatives (e.g., donations to local food banks and shelters) could go a long way in improving the lives of impoverished youth and decreasing their risk of gang membership. Following this, safety needs can be addressed through initiatives such as better community policing. Community policing refers to when police have more positive relationships with the communities in which they serve so that their presence is not feared and people are more willing to call them following a crime (Bureau of Justice Assistance, 1994). Additionally, greater focus on treatment for those who have experienced trauma and abuse may provide survivors with alternative ways to cope and feel protected rather than join a gang.

Third, belonging needs could be addressed through a policy change that would increase funds for school programs in order to increase school engagement, both during and after school hours. Such programs could increase one’s feeling of belonging in school and diminish their need to find relationships in gangs.

Further, instituting more group- and family-centered interventions for at-risk youth where positive bonds can be formed in safe, structured environments could help to fulfill the love needs in healthier ways. One component of such therapies could be the use of positive reinforcement (Premack, 1959), which can also serve to address Maslow’s fourth need, self-esteem. As such, viewing unmet needs of at-risk youth as predictors of gang membership has important implications for reducing youth gang involvement. Such reductions could lead to minimization of in youth arrests, substance use, and unemployment, as well as vast reduction of violent crimes in cities across the United States.

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References Alleyne, E., & Wood, J. L. (2012). Gang membership: The psychological evidence. In Youth gangs in international perspective (pp. 151-168). New York, NY: Springer.

Bell, K. E. (2009). Gender and gangs: A quantitative comparison. Crime & Delinquency, 55(3), 363-387.

Bjerregaard, B., & Cochran, J. A. (2012). The role of schoolrelated bonding factors and gender: Correlates of gang membership among adolescents. Women & Criminal Justice, 22(1), 30-53.

Brantingham, P. J., Tita, G. E., Short, M. B., & Reid, S. E. (2012).

The ecology of gang territorial boundaries. Criminology, 50(3), 851-885.

Bureau of Justice Assistance. (1994). Community Policing. (No. NCJ 148457). Retrieved from: https://www.ncjrs.gov/ pdffiles/commp.pdf Capozzoli, T. K., & McVey, R. S. (1999). Kids killing kids: Managing violence and gangs in schools. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Carlson, S. J., Andrews, M. S., & Bickel, G. W. (1999).

Measuring food insecurity and hunger in the United States: Development of a national benchmark measure and prevalence estimates. The Journal of Nutrition, 129(2), 510-516.

Decker, S. H., & Van Winkle, B. (1996). Life in the gang: Family, friends, and violence. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Dmitrieva, J., Gibson, L., Steinberg, L., Piquero, A., & Fagan, J. (2014). Predictors and consequences of gang membership: Comparing gang members, gang leaders, and non-gang-affiliated adjudicated youth. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 24(2), 220-234.

Esbensen, F. A., & Carson, D. C. (2012). Who are the gangsters?

An examination of the age, race/ethnicity, sex, and immigration status of self-reported gang members in a seven-city study of American youth. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 28(4), 465-481.

Farmer, A. Y., & Hairston Jr., T. (2013). Predictors of gang membership: Variations across grade levels. Journal of Social Service Research, 39(4), 530-544.

Gilman, A., Hill, K. G., & Hawkins, J. D. (2014). Long-term consequences of adolescent gang membership for adult functioning. American Journal of Public Health, 104(5), 938-945.

Hill, K. G., Howell, J. C., Hawkins, J. D., & Battin-Pearson, S. R. (1999). Childhood risk factors for adolescent gang membership: Results from the Seattle Social Development Project. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 36(3), 300-322.

Lenzi, M., Sharkey, J., Vieno, A., Mayworm, A., Dougherty, D., & Nylund-Gibson, K. (2014). Adolescent gang involvement: The role of individual, family, peer, and school factors in a multilevel perspective. Aggressive Behavior, 41, 386-397.

Li, X., Stanton, B., Pack, R., Harris, C., Cottrell, L., & Burns, J. (2002). Risk and protective factors associated with gang involvement among urban African American adolescents. Youth & Society, 34(2), 172-194.

Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation.

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Psychological Review, 50(4), 370-396.

McDaniel, D. D. (2012). Risk and protective factors associated with gang affiliation among high-risk youth: A public health approach. Injury Prevention, 18, 253-258.

Merrin, G. J., Hong, J. S., & Espelage, D. L. (2015). Are the risk and protective factors similarfor gang-involved, pressured-to-join, and non-gang-involved youth?

A social-ecological analysis. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 85(6), 522-535.

National Gang Intelligence Center. (2011). National gang threat assessment. Retrieved from: https://www.fbi.gov/ stats-services/publications/2011-national-gang-threatassessment/2011-national-gang-threat-assessmentemerging-trends Premack, D. (1959). Toward empirical behavior laws: I. Positive reinforcement. Psychology Review, 66(4), 219-233.

Pyrooz, D. C., & Sweeten, G. (2015). Gang membership between ages 5 and 17 years in the United States. Journal of Adolescent Health, 56(4), 414-419.

Tapia, M. (2011). Gang membership and race as risk factors for juvenile arrest. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 48(3), 364-395.

U. S. Department of Justice. (2015). About violent gangs.

Retrieved from: http://www.justice.gov/criminal-ocgs/ about-violent-gangs U. S. Department of Labor. (1938). Child labor. Fair Labor Standards Act. Retrieved from: https://www.dol.gov/ whd/childlabor.htm Vigil, J. D., & Long, J. M. (1990). Emic and etic perspectives on gang culture: The Chicano case. In C. R. Huff (Ed.), Gangs in America (pp. 55-68). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.

Voisin, D. R., King, K. M., Diclemente, R. J., & Carry, M. (2014). Correlates of gang involvement and healthrelated factors among African American females with a detention history. Children and Youth Services Review, 44, 120-125.

Wood, M., Furlong, M. J., Rosenblatt, J. A., Robertson, L. M., Scozzari, F., & Sosna, T. (1997). Understanding the psychosocial characteristics of gang-involved youths in a system of care: Individual, family, and system correlates.

Education and Treatment of Children, 20(3), 281-294.

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Case Study

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2016, Volume 7, Issue 2

Case Study of Ludwig Charatan

Coping During and after the Holocaust: A Case Study of Ludwig Charatan Jacqueline Yi and Mila Hall The Holocaust remains one of the most devastating events in recent European history, with over six million Jewish people murdered, including 1.1 million children (Niewyk & Nicosia, 2000). Researchers and scholars across disciplines have worked to understand the psychological impact of this massacre on the survivors. Post-traumatic stress and other negative psychological diagnostic characteristics have been the focus of many psychological studies (e.g., Dekel, Mandl, & Solomon, 2013). However, Lazarus (1999) has suggested that people suffering from PTSD or other forms of psychological distress may reduce their stress by engaging in various forms of coping.

Studies have shown that survivors of trauma can develop resilience and can have positive outcomes, including posttraumatic growth (Tedeschi, 1999). After experiencing a traumatic event, survivors may emotionally work through the trauma by developing a sense of coherence and engaging in a search to make meaning around what has happened in their pasts (Frankl, 1963).

The current case study specifically examines the coping strategies of one Jewish Holocaust survivor named Ludwig Charatan, who was born in 1925 in Lvov, Poland. Ludwig experienced life in a Polish ghetto and in Janowska, a Nazi forced labor and concentration camp located in Lvov. Ludwig and his brother lived in the camp for about three months, and they escaped when Ludwig was 17. They joined their parents in hiding thereafter, staying with the relatives of Ludwig’s father’s former work colleague for 14 months. Ludwig and his family were liberated in 1945. After liberation, they lived in Germany for 4 years. In 1949, he immigrated to the United States at age 24 and settled in Brooklyn, New York. The son of a butcher, Ludwig arrived in the U.S. with a ninth grade education and reluctantly entered the same occupation as his father. His business grew to many butcher shops, one of which he gave to his father. Ludwig married a fellow survivor, Dora, with whom he had two sons. They were married for nearly 60 years before he became a widower at the age of 83.

Currently 90 years old, Ludwig’s life story has been chronicled in a memoir: Eye to Eye (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015). His memoir documents his experiences of significant historical events throughout his youth,

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particularly the horrors inflicted by the Nazi regime. The following case study will focus on how Ludwig coped with his Holocaust experiences and how he adapted to life in the United States post-Holocaust.

Current Study and Methodology We utilized an intrinsic case study approach, which focuses on the experiences of one individual without seeking to generalize the findings to other populations (Stake, 2000). Ludwig was interviewed twice: once, in 2009 as a part of a larger study of Holocaust survivors (e.g., L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009), and again for the purposes of this case study in December of 2015 (e.g., L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). Both interviews were recorded and transcribed. Our research team used an iterative, cyclical process of analysis, moving between his transcribed responses and his memoir, Eye to Eye (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015), to identify patterns. The transcript of the 2009 interview was independently coded by three team members using constant comparative thematic analysis, in which pieces of data were compared to formulate consensus codes (Glaser, 1978; Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

The more recent interview in 2015 was conducted with five team members present, using a semi-structured guide, incorporating questions related to post-Holocaust coping and adaptation (e.g., survival, arrival in the U.S., sharing experiences, social networks). The interview was conducted in an informal setting, chosen by Ludwig (i.e., a local diner where he has lunch every day). Each team member was designated to cover two particular areas of the interview. Three team members read the memoir, and discussed potential themes in a consensual coding process. The current case study was reviewed by Ludwig to confirm the accuracy of the qualitative analysis.

During the Holocaust: Coping Strategies In Ludwig’s descriptions of how he coped with his experiences during the Holocaust, two distinct themes emerged from both interviews and his memoir. The first consisted of a set of personal, internal characteristics such as being a trouble-maker and taking risks. The second

Yi, J., & Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 44-48. theme focused on factors external to him, such as luck and support from other people.

When asked to describe characteristics that contributed to his survival, Ludwig was hesitant at first.

He described himself as a “spoiled brat” prior to the war, noting that his “parents had a problem with [him] because [he] was not agreeable to a lot of things” (L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009; L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015).

He repeatedly described his personality before the war as a trouble-maker. “I was the youngest. I would give my parents hell.” He often compared himself to his siblings, and how different he felt from them; “[I was] very happy to have a sister like that. My brother was a nice boy.

Only I was the [...] black sheep” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). Despite the negative implications of describing himself this way, he also noted

which Ludwig recalls in his memoir, is truly emblematic of this (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015). After having escaped from Janowska, Ludwig, his brother, and another young man hid in a cornfield in order to avoid being seen in daylight. Around midday, a farmer approached where they sat. The fact that he was singing a nationalistic, anti-Semitic Ukrainian song indicated to them that he would most likely kill them if he found them. As the man approached, Ludwig, his brother, and the young man discussed their options, and it seemed that the only way they could ensure their safety was to kill him. Moments before the farmer came too close, it began to rain heavily.

The farmer left before he could discover them (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015). This is one of many instances in which Ludwig described luck as a powerful external force that contributed to his survival. When asked whether he considered himself to be resilient, he shook his head

Ludwig Charatan that this might have “helped [him] in a certain way.” His extraversion and rambunctious personality influenced how he interacted with his parents as a young child, and possibly with others who helped him survive.

Being a “spoiled brat” and giving his parents “hell” reflected Ludwig’s rebellious spirit as a child (L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009).

His rebelliousness and his age, likely enhance his ability to take risks, which contributed to his survival. He “took some chances,” such as smuggling commodities on the black market and making multiple escape attempts from Janowska, but acknowledged that the success of these actions was often out of his control (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015). “It worked for me. Some people did the same thing and they didn’t survive” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). Overall, Ludwig identified three major contributors to his survival during the war: “It involved a lot of nerve, a lot of luck, and help from other people.”

Luck was a recurring theme throughout both of Ludwig’s interviews, as well as his memoir. One incident,

and said, “Not really, no no. I feel myself very lucky and very happy that I survived and I had a family that worked very hard and everything” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015).

In addition to luck, Ludwig attributed his survival to the social support he received throughout the war. At the end of his memoir is a note titled “Honor Roll,” dedicated to “seventeen righteous Gentiles” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 151), wherein Ludwig thanks all of the people who helped him survive. He says his Christian friends “were very, very helpful, and they put sometimes their life on the line to help me to get a piece of bread or they would let me know that they’re [Nazis] looking for the Jews” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015).

After the Holocaust: Adapting to Life in the U.S. Ludwig immigrated to the United States in 1949 after having lived in Munich, Germany for three years after liberation (L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009). After a long, tumultuous ship journey across the Atlantic Ocean, he was greeted by his parents,

Case Study of Ludwig Charatan | 45

Yi, J., & Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 44-48. who had only arrived in America a few weeks prior. He then drove to Brooklyn where he still lives today. After having settled into a new country and neighborhood, he received support from two Jewish organizations: the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (often abbreviated to Joint) and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (otherwise known as HIAS; L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009). In addition to providing financial support, they helped them to “find an apartment and also find work” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). However, he did not require their assistance for long. In his own words, he only needed “some kind of help at the start” from these organizations. With assistance from family and friends who had already settled in the United States, he began to support himself by getting a job in a meat shop.

Luck again played an integral role in how Ludwig coped during the Holocaust and adapted to life in the United States. Getting his first job at a meat shop was a stroke of luck: “I was lucky because I met a guy in the chicken business, and I was hanging around with him for a few weeks. And then I said ‘What he does, I could do too!’” This job helped him gain his footing in Brooklyn. When asked whether he felt as though he had adapted quickly, he responded with a humble, “maybe I was fast, maybe I was lucky” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). No longer needing assistance from Joint or HIAS, he moved forward in what would later become a very successful career in the meat industry. However, he chose to deemphasize his success in order to acknowledge that things “worked out” for him while they didn’t for others. Overall, it seems that his belief that luck led to his survival and adjustment to the United States stems from a slight disbelief that it could be due to anything else. At the end of his memoir, the theme of luck resurfaces, when he thanks all the people who contributed to his incredible tale of survival: “More than anything, though, our survival was possible because the winds of fortune blew into our path so many good people who were willing to risk their lives to save ours” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 144).

Although he experienced successes in his immigration to the U.S., Ludwig also faced several difficulties post-Holocaust; specifically, Ludwig considers learning English as the number one challenge to adapting to life in America. Throughout both interviews, he frequently described his experiences of initially arriving in America as “tough,” “hard,” and “complicated,” because he didn’t have a grasp on the language (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). Soon after liberation, while living in Germany, Ludwig had an export cattle business shipping meat to different places. He felt the need to “work really hard to make a good living” and establish himself as a successful businessman in America.

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He says, “Little by little you learn, and I got two businesses.

And it was pretty good!” Ludwig ran chicken stores and meat markets in Brooklyn for 38 years after immigrating to the U.S. Despite the language barrier, Ludwig did not consider himself as inferior to English speakers. He recalls a humorous story about hiring five young, American men who were discharged from the army. “We got really friendly, I couldn’t understand too much English, but you know, we talked. And one of the guys, he say, ‘Take a look…[we] just got off the ship, and we’re American boys, [but] we’re working for him!’ I say ‘Yeah, you’re right. But you’re all stupid, that’s why I’m smart, and that’s why you’re working for me” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). This anecdote demonstrates Ludwig’s confidence in his ability to succeed in the U.S. In his book, Ludwig writes that he embodied a “proud, defiant spirit” that was advantageous to his survival (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 144). For example, he explains, “Some European people feel bad because they have an accent. I don’t feel bad, you see. I’m too proud of a person. Maybe that helped me to survive!”

In addition to the language, Ludwig felt that he needed to “learn how to be an American” and become a “part of the great melting pot.” While referring to the general experience of U.S. immigrants, Ludwig states, “Little by little, you have to adjust, and it takes time...You learn to cope with it” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). Ludwig attributes his relatively “fast” adjustment to American culture to his experiences as a Holocaust survivor. He states, “If you’re a Holocaust survivor, you’ve got to be able to adjust to everything.” He describes his problems transitioning to life in the U.S. as “easier,” compared to his “life-threatening” horrors of suffering through the Holocaust.

Ludwig compared his experiences during the Holocaust to struggles he faced later in life, after liberation. “If you go through such a hard time, small things don’t seem to be big at all” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). When asked about the social support he received from other survivors after he arrived in the United States, he mentioned that when first arriving, “most Holocaust survivors [stuck] with Holocaust survivors.” As time has worn on, many of his survivor friends have unfortunately passed away; “A lot of them are gone already. But I still have a few Holocaust friends.” Their conversations have drifted away from the topic of their wartime experiences. “We all know already the stories [...] This to survivors is old news.”

Ludwig notes that he received support from many other family members after their arrival in Brooklyn.

“I had a very, very good family,” he states. “Beautiful family that were very helpful” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015). This certainly helped

Yi, J., & Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 44-48. to ease his transition to living in the United States. They provided a place for him to stay “for many weeks” and “did whatever [they] need for us.” Becoming a part of the local community and forming friendships also was a source of social support. He attended synagogue every now and then, mostly because it was “a social thing.” However, he also met diverse groups of people outside of the Jewish community. He identified “with Jewish people, with nonJewish people. With everybody. That’s the greatest thing about America.” It became apparent during our interview that Ludwig was a very sociable, charismatic man. His friends sat at the table next to ours, chiming in every now and then, occasionally making jokes. The waitresses knew his name and order, providing us with obvious clues as to how much he had become a prominent figure within his community.

Ludwig’s late wife, Dora, provided support postHolocaust. “We saw things the same way, believed in the same things, shared the same lives. We belonged together, completed each other. Lou and Dora. Dora and Lou. A single entity. She’s been dead for six years at the time of this writing, and yet I talk to her every day” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 139). Dora had a vastly different experience from Ludwig when sharing her story. When she first came to the United States, one of her new Americanborn friends told her not to talk about the Holocaust.

“It’s too disturbing. [...] We don’t want to hear about it,” this woman told Dora (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p.

148). For years after they immigrated to the United States, Dora stayed silent. As a result, she and Ludwig did not discuss their experiences very much at home. However, this changed when they visited the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington D.C. in the early 1990’s, where she began to reflect on her life during the Second World War (L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009).

After living in the U.S. for decades, Ludwig was asked on multiple occasions to speak about the Holocaust.

For example, when his grandson, Jimmy, was 12 years old, he requested that Ludwig speak to his entire school.

While Ludwig agreed to participate, he expressed that it was very difficult to speak to such a large crowd. To this day, he does not feel comfortable speaking about the Holocaust voluntarily, specifically because he becomes “too emotional.” He states, “It’s not nice to talk about the Holocaust.” However, Ludwig said that, when he does elect to share his story, the experience has generally been a rewarding one that has helped him cope with life post-Holocaust. He is concerned with leaving a tangible legacy for future generations in his family to remember him by. Ludwig explained that publishing Eye to Eye has been a particularly meaningful experience; he says, “If I [don’t] sell one book, it wouldn’t matter to me. I want my children, my great grandchildren to read that book

and to know…[where their] great great great grandfather and grandparents come from” (L. Charatan, personal communication, December 5, 2015).

Ludwig also shares his story in order to make a positive impact on the world. Because of his experiences during wartime, he often finds himself “losing trust” in humanity; the Holocaust taught him “how people could be mean” and commit “unbelievable” acts. He is “troubled” by the “dangerous” state of many places in the world today, and he believes that reminding people about the Holocaust has the power to help prevent future atrocities.

Ludwig declared, “Every Holocaust survivor should say whatever he knows, because this is something that history will carry forever...This is something that shouldn’t be put under the carpet. And young people should learn and should see, just like any other histories being told.”

A significant part of Ludwig’s mission to share his experiences involved testifying against Nazi war criminal Fritz Gebauer. Ludwig was the only individual in the trial who could directly speak to some of Gebauer’s most horrendous crimes, including the senseless execution of his sister alongside 1,250 other factory workers. He expresses great satisfaction for “baring [Gebauer’s] filthy truth to the world.” Through publishing official accounts of the testimony in Eye to Eye, Ludwig hopes that his story “awakens and re-awakens the reader to the depths of evil to which human beings are capable of sinking...and to inspire and renew the eternal drive to defeat it” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 143).

Conclusion Ludwig attributes several significant personal changes to the Holocaust. “Once the Holocaust started... you become a different person instantly.” He went from living a comfortable life in Poland as a young, spoiled boy to living in constant fear and anxiety, just trying to “get through the day” and protect his family. As a result of suffering during wartime, Ludwig frequently explains that he was forced to “grow up overnight”. He sought to only be helpful to his parents from then on and never cause any further problems for them.

When Ludwig came to America, he was a “different, changed boy”, ready to adjust to life in a new country and cope with what seemed to be relatively “small problems” compared to his experiences in the war (L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009). Ludwig spent many years keeping busy, “having a business to run, a family to raise, a life to live” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 3). Throughout his post-Holocaust life however, Ludwig always fought to preserve his story of survival and always kept sight of his life’s purpose. “A common call among our suffering people was, ‘If you survive, tell the world what happened here.’” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p.

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Yi, J., & Hall, M. (2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2), 44-48.

98). At the beginning of his memoir, Ludwig states that it took “so long to chronicle [his] experiences”, but that his determination to remember and make others remember the Holocaust never wavered. The tenacity and courage involved in recounting his story are true markers of Ludwig’s post-traumatic growth (Tedeschi, 1999). He has coped with his past by developing a purpose; to educate the world about his experiences, in an effort to curtail the re-emergence of intolerance. In writing this case study, the Holocaust Survivor research team also hopes to fulfill Ludwig’s mission and provide a psychological perspective from this important moment in history. As Ludwig and other survivors near the end of their lives, we believe that it has become more important than ever to share their stories of great hardship and resilience. Our team aspires for this case study to reach younger generations of scholars and serve as a remembrance of the unique story of Ludwig Charatan. Conclusion Ludwig attributes several significant personal changes to the Holocaust. “Once the Holocaust started... you become a different person instantly.” He went from living a comfortable life in Poland as a young, spoiled boy to living in constant fear and anxiety, just trying to “get through the day” and protect his family. As a result of suffering during wartime, Ludwig frequently explains that he was forced to “grow up overnight.” He sought to only be helpful to his parents from then on and never cause any further problems for them.

When Ludwig came to America, he was a “different, changed boy”, ready to adjust to life in a new country and cope with what seemed to be relatively “small problems” compared to his experiences in the war (L. Charatan, personal communication, January 5, 2009). Ludwig spent many years keeping busy, “having a business to run, a family to raise, a life to live” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p. 3). Throughout his post-Holocaust life however, Ludwig always fought to preserve his story of survival and always kept sight of his life’s purpose. “A common call among our suffering people was, ‘If you survive, tell the world what happened here.’” (Charatan & Capotorto, 2015, p.

98). At the beginning of his memoir, Ludwig states that it took “so long to chronicle [his] experiences”, but that his determination to remember and make others remember the Holocaust never wavered. The tenacity and courage involved in recounting his story are true markers of Ludwig’s post-traumatic growth (Tedeschi, 1999). He has coped with his past by developing a purpose; to educate the world about his experiences, in an effort to curtail the re-emergence of intolerance. In writing this case study, the Holocaust Survivor research team also hopes to fulfill Ludwig’s mission and provide a psychological perspective from this important moment in history. As Ludwig and other survivors near the end of their lives, we believe that it has become more important than ever to share

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their stories of great hardship and resilience. Our team aspires for this case study to reach younger generations of scholars and serve as a remembrance of the unique story of Ludwig Charatan.

Authors’ Note The authors would like to thank Dr. Lisa Suzuki for her tremendous guidance and expertise, without which this project would not have been completed. The authors would like to recognize Elisa Kim, Gurjinder Singh, and Meredithe Talibon for their help throughout the research process. The authors would also like to thank Dr. Mary Brabeck for her support in reviewing this case study.

Finally, the authors would like to extend their deepest gratitude to Ludwig Charatan, who took the time to share his incredible story with the Holocaust Survivor research team.

Mr. Charatan’s name and photo are released with his permission.

References Charatan, L., & Capotorto, C. (2015). Eye to eye: A memoir of the Nazi Holocaust in Poland. United States of America: Ludwig Charatan / Carl Capotorto.

Dekel, S., Mandl, C., & Solomon, Z. (2013). Is the Holocaust implicated in posttraumatic growth in second-generation Holocaust survivors? A prospective study. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 26, 530-533.

Frankl, V. E. (1963). Man’s search for meaning. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

Glaser, B. G. (1978). Theoretical sensitivity: Advances in the methodology of grounded theory. Mill Valley, CA: Sociology Press.

Lazarus, R. S. (1999). Stress and emotion: A new synthesis. New York, NY: Springer.

Niewyk, D. L., & Nicosia, F. R. (2000). The Columbia guide to the Holocaust. New York, NY: Columbia University.

Stake, R. E. (2000). Case studies. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 435453). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. M. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques.

Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. Tedeschi, R. G. (1999). Violence transformed: Posttraumatic growth in survivors and their societies. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 4(3), 319-341.

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Abstracts The following abstracts were selected from the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Research Conference to represent the diverse independent projects and honor’s theses completed by graduating seniors in the Class of 2016.

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Peer Mentorship and the Well-being of Women with Breast Cancer Sarah Fox Faculty Mentor | Dr. Adina Schick Breast cancer affects an extensive number of women in the United States each year, be they survivors or current patients. Both patients and survivors have unique social support needs. Peer mentorship (PM), an intervention in which breast cancer survivors act as mentors toward women currently going through treatment for breast cancer, could simultaneously provide aid for both patients and survivors. These programs provide social support to patients and give survivors an opportunity to make meaning from their cancer experience by helping another woman navigate her own. However, very little is known about outcomes of peer mentorships for patients and even less is known about survivor outcomes. This research proposal seeks to evaluate the efficacy of a peer mentorship intervention on the well-being of breast cancer patients and survivors. The proposed study will use patients and survivors from the Reach to Recovery peer mentorship program run by the American Cancer Society in the treatment group and patients and survivors sampled from five United States hospitals in the control group. Measures of quality of life will be compared between patients participating and not participating in PM, survivors participating and not participating in PM, and patients and survivors participating in PM. Positive outcomes from the proposed study could provide evidence for an intervention which could help patient through the difficult physical and emotional experience of breast cancer treatment, as well as provide survivors with a resource to increase their own quality of life while bringing attention to their unique needs as survivors.

Latino Parenting Practices and Preschoolers’ Self-Regulation Skills Gabrielle Gunin Faculty Mentor | Dr. Gigliana Melzi Parenting practices are critical in the development of self-regulation during early childhood, and particularly during the preschool years. Extant research with low-income communities, however, is limited as it examines parenting mostly through self-report. Further, less is known about the self-regulation development of Latino children than any other ethnic minority in the United States, even though 25% of children under the age of 5 are Latino. Thus, the present study explored parenting practices through observational and survey measures, and preschoolers’ selfregulation through direct assessment. 21 mother/child dyads were recruited from Head Start centers in New York City. All mothers self-identified as Latino, and about half (n = 12) had attained an education beyond high school. Data were analyzed in relation to cultural conceptualizations of parenting. All mothers adhered most to the authoritative parenting style, blending values such as respect from their native culture and autonomy granting from the dominant culture. Mothers of Puerto Rican descent were less authoritative than mothers from other Latino origins, and their children had stronger self-regulation. Future research should continue utilizing mixed-method designs in capturing the parenting practices of Latino mothers living in the United States. Researchers suggest that understanding more about the link between parenting and self-regulation can bridge the achievement gap experienced by Latino children.

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(2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2).

The Role of Interpersonal Relationships on Youths’ Academic Orientation in Urban Afterschool Programs Samantha Harding Faculty Mentor | Dr. Elise Cappella Doctoral Student Mentor | Sophia H. J. Hwang Exposure to multiple risk factors, such as poverty and ethnic minority status, places some youth in a vulnerable position for unfavorable outcomes, including academic disengagement and early school dropout. Relatedness among students and staff can provide a strengthened, supportive environment that may help alleviate risk and promote academic competence and success. In traditional school settings, interpersonal relationships among teachers and peers have been found to influence youths’ academic engagement and self-concept. However, little is known about these associations in the afterschool setting, where supervised programs may provide supportive relationships that enhance academic outcomes among youth facing risk.

The current study stems from a collaborative research project between New York University (NYU) and Good Shepherd Services (GSS), a community-based organization that serves youth in afterschool programs throughout lowincome neighborhoods of New York City. This study examines the association between interpersonal relationships (i.e., staff-student and peer) and students’ academic orientation (i.e., academic self-concept and work habits), using measures that have been normed and validated in this context. Data was collected from four afterschool (three elementary and one middle school) sites in the Bronx, NY. Participants included 15 staff members and 242 youth ages 8-14. Youth were primarily Latino and African-American, with equal numbers of boys and girls.

Preliminary results suggest that youths’ perceptions of their relationships with peers were uniquely associated with academic orientation, holding constant youths’ perceptions of supportive relationships with staff. Regression analyses revealed that youth who reported more support from their peers experienced greater academic orientation, despite low to moderate levels of support from staff, suggesting that low-income, urban youths’ peer relationships may be especially important for academic outcomes. Examining the role of interpersonal relationships in youths’ academic orientation in afterschool expands our understanding of potential mechanisms through which youth may continue to advance their academic development at the transition to adolescence, and informs efforts to increase the quality of afterschool programs in low-income, urban communities.

Exploring Latino Preschoolers’ Narrative Structure Across Genres Elaine Landi Faculty Mentor | Dr. Adina Schick Children’s ability to share oral stories with coherent plot structure is an important predictor of school-readiness skills. Narrative skills advance during the preschool years, but research shows that children’s narrative production differs based on genre-specific prompts (i.e., personal and fictional narratives). Thus, eliciting only one type of narrative may not fully capture the extent of children’s narrative skills. Although the sharing of personal and fictional narratives is a common practice in most cultural communities, the majority of genre-related research has focused on the developing narrative skills of European-descent children. Given that one in four children in the United States is Latino, there is a need to gain a fuller understanding of Latino preschoolers’ genre-specific narrative development. The current study analyzed the personal and fictional narrative structures of 105 English-speaking Latino children (aged 3-5). Narratives were transcribed, verified, and coded using High Point Analysis (Bliss & McCabe, 2008). Results showed that Englishspeaking Latino children are greatly advancing their narrative discourse abilities across both genres during their time in preschool. While the progression of narrative skills is similar across genres (i.e., five-year-olds tell significantly more coherent stories), children share more coherently structured fictional stories than personal narratives, suggesting that eliciting one genre is not indicative of full narrative capacity. Results are discussed in relation to methodological implications for eliciting children’s narratives.

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Exploring Parental Self-Efficacy and Preschoolers’ School Readiness Lillian Maltz Faculty Mentor | Dr. Gigliana Melzi Parental self-efficacy (PSE) – the confidence parents have in their parenting skills – is an influential belief that shapes children’s development. Past research has established significant relations between PSE and children’s academic outcomes, but few have measured PSE as a multi-dimensional construct, taking into account different domains and tasks of parenting. The present study utilized the Tool to Measure Parenting Self Efficacy (TOPSE; Kendall & Bloomfield, 2005), a multidimensional self-report measure to assess PSE among eight different subscales, and explored its relation to children’s school readiness skills. Results showed that the TOPSE was not a reliable measure for use in the U.S. with pan-ethnic, low-income parents as only three of the eight subscales had moderate inter-item reliability. Findings also showed that educational and immigration experiences lead to differences in the ways parents feel they can cope with pressure from their peers. The present study found no relation between PSE and children’s school readiness. In conclusion, this study raises questions about the appropriateness and validity of the TOPSE with U.S., low-income, ethnically diverse samples.

Effects of Mentoring on Students’ Academic Success Jonathan Simmonds Faculty Mentor | Dr. Adina Schick In 2001, Congress implemented the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (No Child Left Behind policy) aimed at bridging the educational achievement gap across racial and ethnic lines. Fourteen years into No Child Left Behind, the educational divide persists in spite of well-meaning policy changes. Reports show that as recently as 2013, students of color disproportionately suffer from high suspension and grade retention rates, which decreases the likelihood of graduating from high school. However, researchers suggest that interventions – more specifically mentoring – can assist in creating ideal environments for the academic prosperity of minority students.

The objective of this qualitative study was to assess whether mentors at Upward Bound affect students’ academic success. Data sources were comprised of field notes that were written weekly over the course of 6 months. Additionally, interviews were conducted with seven present and former upward bounds students whose age ranged from 17-22 (5 males; 2 females). Data was chunked into meaningful units, and then, using open coding techniques, chunks were read multiple times to allow the themes to emerge from the data. Social support, structure, hope, and access to resources were found to be the primary themes. These themes align with past research that shows mentors instil a sense of academic resilience in the students they work with. Results indicate that Upward Bound mentors are effective in supporting students’ academic success. Findings suggest policymakers should continue to fund programs like Upward Bound that provide students with much-needed academic and social support.

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(2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2).

Measurement of Shame among Juvenile Justice-Involved Girls Laina Sonterblum Faculty Mentor | Dr. Shabnam Javdani Doctoral Student Mentor | Corianna Sichel Girls in the juvenile justice system are likely to recidivate throughout adulthood, with some studies citing recidivism rates as high as 81 percent (Colman et al., 2008). Recent research on Labeling Theory (Becker, 1963; Lemert, 1951) in justice-involved populations suggests that being labeled as a delinquent puts youth at greater risk of future delinquency (Jackson & Hay, 2013; Kavish, Mullins, & Soto, 2014). Braithwaite (1989) suggests that one potential link between labeling and recidivism may be explained through stigmatizing shaming, which takes someone who did a bad thing and labels her as a bad person, potentially leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy of future recidivism (Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, 1977). However, this phenomenon is poorly understood, especially as it manifests in gendered contexts such as juvenile justice-involved girls (Javdani, Sadeh, & Verona, 2011). While scholars have called for research addressing the potential relation between shame and recidivating in this population, these efforts are impeded by lack of effective measurement tools (Chesney-Lind & Shelden, 2004; 2014).

The proposed project addresses this gap by systematically developing and selecting items assessing the experiences of shaming and internalization of shame, distributing these items to juvenile justice-involved girls, and analyzing their validity and reliability. In addition to the developed items, girls will complete the Other as Shamer scale (OASS; Goss, Gilbert, & Allan, 1994) and the Pride subscale of the State Shame Guilt-Revised scale (SSGS-R; Marschall et al., 1994) to use as validation measures. The most valid and reliable items (a > .7) will be considered for inclusion in the final scale. Additionally, participants will complete the Youth Self Report (YSR; Achenbach, 1991), to measure the outcome variable, externalizing behaviors, a significant predictor of recidivism (McReynolds et al., 2010). Limitations, implications, and future directions are discussed.

The Combined Influence of Parenting and Early Puberty on Disruptive Behavior Problems in African American Girls Hope White Faculty Mentor | Dr. Shabnam Javdani Doctoral Student Mentor | Chloe Greenbaum Adolescent girls’ Disruptive Behavior Problems (DBP) are associated with increased risk for juvenile-justice system involvement and other mental health problems (Zahn et al., 2010). The onset of puberty increases risk for the development of DBP, particularly for girls with early pubertal development in comparison to their on-time or late-developing peers (Burt, McGue, DeMarte, Kreuger, & Iacono, 2006; Caspi, Lynam, Moffitt, & Silva, 1993; Haynie, 2003). The current literature on the relation between early pubertal development and DBP highlights the importance of girls’ interpersonal relationships with parents as mechanisms that may protect against or promote the development of DBP (Ge, Brody, Conger, Simons, & Murry, 2002; Deardorff et al., 2013). However, few studies examine the combined influence of parenting practices and early onset of puberty on DBP within a single model. This study aims to further our understanding of the parenting constructs that accord risk for DBP through a longitudinal study design utilizing a clinical sample of African American adolescent girls and their female caregivers. Specifically, this study examined the relationships among perceived parental monitoring, perceived disapproval, and early pubertal onset on the change in DBP at 1-year follow-up. Results indicate that neither perceived monitoring nor disapproval nor monitoring predicted change in DBP; however, the combined effects of perceived monitoring and pubertal timing confer increased risk for DBP above and beyond each factor alone. Findings highlight the importance of parental monitoring as a protective factor for girls’ DBP and support the development of community-based interventions for early developing girls.

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The Development of Internal State Language: The Role of Age, Gender and Context Cassie Wuest Faculty Mentor | Dr. Adina Schick Through early conversations with caregivers, young children learn to attribute internal states to themselves and others (Recchia & Howe, 2008). The integration of internal state words into children’s vocabularies is gradual. Young children (i.e., 2 year olds) begin using internal state words that reference emotions, intentions, and compulsions; cognition words are first used shortly before they enter the preschool classroom (Ferres, 2003). As children begin to integrate internal state words into their storytelling, they demonstrate the ability to reflect on not only their own internal states, but also the internal states of others (Pascual et al., 2008). In this way, they exhibit early evidence of perspective-taking, a crucial skill in the development of early social relationships. To date, however, very few studies have looked at preschool-aged children’s use of internal state language as they independently narrate across a variety of narrative contexts. Thus, little is known about how children display their burgeoning perspective-taking abilities in their independent storytelling, without caregiver support. Results of contemporary research on the role of gender in internal state language use is also mixed, as only some studies have found gender differences in the types and/ or number of internal state words used by preschoolers (Zaman & Fivush, 2013). Thus, the current study sought to investigate patterns in preschool children’s internal state word usage in regards to their representation of the self and other, with a particular focus on variations across age, gender, and narrative context.

As part of a larger study, 103 children, recruited from 12 preschool classrooms in New York City, completed a series of three narrative tasks: sharing a personal narrative, “reading” a wordless picture book, and spontaneously producing a narrative using story stems from the MacArthur Story Stem Battery (Emde, Wolfe, & Oppenheim, 2003).

All narratives have been transcribed and verified at the utterance level using a standardized system. Child internal state word usage was coded for type (i.e., positive emotion, negative emotion, cognition, intention, and compulsion), as well as referent (i.e., self, human other, or animal other). Data was analyzed using a combination of descriptive statistics, t-tests, and ANCOVAs. Results suggest that, though children’s use of internal states is highly variable, children use very few internal state words as they independently narrate; the majority of which are emotion and intention words.

Further, the current study found that children’s use of internal states varies by age and narrative context, but failed to find significant differences by gender. Moreover, an interaction effect was found in children’s internal state use between age, gender, and narrative context. Additionally, children’s references to others varied significantly by age and gender.

Findings expand on previous research by highlighting the unique role of narrative context in children’s internal state language use, and suggest that the role of age and gender in children’s internal state language is largely affected by narrative context.

Chinese Adolescents’ Self-Esteem and Mental Health Outcomes: The Role of Permissive Parenting Amelia Yang Faculty Mentor | Dr. Sumie Okazaki The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of permissive mothering styles in Chinese mothers on selfesteem of their children, as well as to test whether mothers’ education level moderates this influence. In her 2011 book Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother, Amy Chua asserts that Chinese mothers employ strict and harsh parenting styles focused on achievement, while Western parenting styles are more permissive and lead to negative self-esteem and mental health outcomes. Research has shown that contrary to Chua’s beliefs, Chinese mothers do practice permissive styles of mothering and are focused on health and happiness. There is an observed trend of Chinese mothers seeking intimacy with their children, and also supporting child autonomy with less power assertion (Goh & Kuczynski, 2009; Way et al., 2013). However, there is a lack of information pertaining to the effects of these styles of mothering, especially in the context of China’s increasingly globalized society. The present study seeks to expand on these findings and

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(2016). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 7(2). explore the nature of the relationship between maternal permissiveness and child self-esteem, keeping in mind the rapid socioeconomic changes in mainland China in the past few decades that may have influenced education level of the parental generation. Participants will be approximately 450 mother-child dyads in Nanjing, China who will be surveyed as part of an ongoing longitudinal study. Semi-structured qualitative interviews will be conducted with mothers to construct profiles of permissive parenting, which will then be used to create a quantitative measure of permissiveness based on the Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ). Mothers will respond to the new quantitative measure, and children will respond to the Rosenberg Self-Esteem measure. Maternal education data will be collected with demographic data as part of the survey. A series of regression analyses will be conducted to determine the relationship between maternal permissiveness and adolescent self-esteem, with maternal education as a moderator. I predict that maternal permissiveness will be positively correlated with self-esteem levels, with parental education level moderating this relationship such that a higher education level will increase the strength of the relation.

System Justification and Mental Health Outcomes in Juvenile Justice-Involved Youth Jacqueline Yi Faculty Mentor | Dr. Shabnam Javdani Doctoral Student Mentor | Corianna Sichel The current study explores system justification and its potential associations with negative mental health outcomes in juvenile justice-involved girls and boys. System justification refers to a process through which individuals believe society to be fair and endorse a status quo in which they are disadvantaged. Extant literature has established that system-involved youth, and particularly girls, are disproportionately marginalized by the juvenile justice system and are at risk for a host of negative mental health outcomes. However, little is known about how these youth perceive the broader society in which they live, and the possible implications that these views may have for their mental health.

The study examines the following four research questions: (1) To what extent do juvenile justice-involved youth hold system-justifying beliefs? (2) Are there significant differences in system justification between girls and boys? (3) Is system justification related to youth’s mental health outcomes, specifically depression and anxiety? (4) Does gender moderate the relationship between system justification and youth’s mental health outcomes? Participants included 83 boys and 86 girls, 12 to 16 years of age, residing in juvenile detention centers in NYC. Secondary data analysis was conducted on anonymized, de-identified, baseline self-report survey measures, completed by youth as part of an ongoing intervention evaluation.

Results indicated that juvenile justice-involved youth reported an average system justification score of 4.56 out of 9, boys were more likely than girls to endorse system-justifying beliefs, and the endorsement of system justification was protective of depressive/anxious symptoms for the whole sample. However, stronger endorsements of system justification were associated with lower levels of depression and anxiety for girls, but not for boys. The current study offers insight into how juvenile justice-involved youth, conventionally neglected in the literature, perceive social inequalities.

As such, this study informs the development of therapeutic and psychoeducational interventions, supporting existing literature advocating for intervention approaches that incorporate sociopolitical development and increase critical consciousness among disadvantaged youth. Additionally, as a novel approach addressing the intrapsychic processes of system-involved youth, this study has implications for future directions in research, illuminating associations between system-justifying beliefs and mental health and suggesting possible pathways for further investigation.

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Biographies

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Kaya Mendelsohn

Hope White

Editor-in-Chief

Editor-in-Chief

kayamendelsohn@nyu.edu

hope.white@nyu.edu

Kaya Mendelsohn is a graduating senior in NYU Steinhardt’s Applied Psychology program with a minor in Creative Writing. Kaya is the 2016 winner of the Bernard Katz award for congeniality, helpfulness, and dedication to her peers and program. For the past two years Kaya has been a member of Dr. Javdani’s R.I.S.E. team, helping primarily with curriculum development and management for the expressive writing intervention designed for incarcerated youth, WRITE ON. Her past experiences have also focused on at-risk and incarcerated youth, as she worked as a Probation Intern in her hometown of Santa Cruz, California, and with Alcance, an organization that helps at-risk youth find employment, enjoying the experience of working one-on-one with clients and learning more about the justice system. Kaya is also a member of NYU’s premier all-female a cappella group, the Cleftomaniacs. In the future, Kaya intends to work as a therapist for adolescents.

Hope White is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology undergraduate program. Her research interests focus on the role of interpersonal relationships in mental health outcomes and juvenile justice system involvement. Under the mentorship of Dr. Shabnam Javdani, Hope is completing an honors thesis examining the combined influence of parenting and pubertal timing on Disruptive Behavior Problems in African American girls. She is also a Research Assistant on Dr. Javdani’s RISE Team and works primarily on data management activities.

Hope has also served as the President of the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Club for the past two years. Previously, Hope worked as an Extern at NYU’s Family Translational Research Group and was a counselor at the NYU Child Study Center’s Summer Program for Kids, a therapeutic camp for children with ADHD and related disorders. She also worked on the Child Study Center’s Parent-Child Interaction Therapy Team as a Team Coordinator. In the future, Hope plans to pursue a Ph.D. in Psychology.

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Christie Kim | Layout Director christiekim@nyu.edu Christie Kim is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Web Programming & Applications. She is a research assistant for Dr. Selcuk Sirin, contributing to the Meta-Analysis of the Immigrant Paradox (MAP) project, research on Syrian refugee children, and a qualitative analysis of urban youth under the NYCASES project. Christie also serves as an Intake Counselor at The Door, a youth empowerment agency in New York City, and provides crisis counseling through Crisis Text Line. Previously, she supervised an academic support program at the NYU Child Study Center, and served as a Helpline Intern for the National Eating Disorders Association. With great interest in the relational context of couples and families, Christie will begin graduate studies in Mental Health Counseling at Columbia University in the fall.

Regina Yu | Programming & Communications Director reginayu@nyu.edu Regina Yu is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program at NYU with a minor in politics. She is currently working as an intake counselor at The Door, a Manhattan-based organization that provides young people with an expansive array of services, resources, and support. Regina has always been fascinated by psychology and plans to use her undergraduate studies in pursuit of a career in law. She hopes to work in international law with a special interest regarding human rights and social justice. Regina’s research passions include social welfare, education, and child development.

Julia Acker| Editor-in-Training ackerj@nyu.edu Julia Acker is a junior pursuing a degree in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health with a minor in Sociology. She is currently a research assistant at NYU L-FELD and is pursuing an honors thesis to study the teacher self-efficacy of teachers of low-income, bilingual preschoolers across New York City. In the past, Julia has served as a research assistant in the Department of Preventive Medicine at Stony Brook University and as a teacher’s assistant in a bilingual elementary school in Madrid. Ultimately, Julia hopes to build a meaningful research career in health and education.

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Ashlie Pankonin | Editor-in-Training ahp299@nyu.edu Ashlie Pankonin is a junior pursuing a degree in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Linguistics. She currently volunteers as a research assistant at the NYU L-FELD team led by Drs. Melzi and Schick. Her passion to conduct research has led her to pursue the Honors Program in the department and she is currently working towards creating her honors thesis investigating the perspective-taking in children’s narratives and how this changes across the preschool years. After graduating from NYU, she hopes to pursue a PhD in cognitive psychology, as she is interested in exploring the roles language plays in psychological processes. Ashlie ultimately aspires to personally head psychological research, ensuring that her investigations not only have a real-world impact, but that they also give back to the community that she studies and beyond.

Sarah Fox | Senior Staff Writer sef375@nyu.edu Sarah Fox is a senior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in English. She is currently an undergraduate intern at Kurtz Psychology Consulting PC, a private psychology practice focusing on children with selective mutism, ADHD, and ODD. Additionally, Sarah has worked as a camp counselor at a wrap-around, school based program called Camp FOCUS for children with behavioral disorders for the past two summers and is excited to return for her third summer. In the future, Sarah hopes to earn a graduate degree in counseling and to practice clinically.

Mila Hall | Senior Staff & Contributing Writer mila.hall@nyu.edu Mila Hall is a graduating senior in the department of Applied Psychology. In the past, she has worked as a research assistant at the University of Luxembourg, in her home country. She is currently a research assistant on Dr. Lisa Suzuki’s Holocaust research team, as well as Dr. Arnold Grossman’s team investigating suicidality among LGBTQ youth. She also works as a program assistant at the Manhattan Family Justice Center, where survivors of domestic violence, elder abuse, and human trafficking are connected to various resources. Mila’s primary research interest is trauma in the context of armed conflict, which she will pursue at Teachers College at Columbia University in the fall.

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Nina Passero | Senior Staff Writer ninapassero@nyu.edu Nina Passero is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. She is currently working on the marketing team at Fabled Films Press, a media and entertainment company that is developing a series of middle-grade children’s books. In the past, Nina has worked as an intake counselor at the Employment Program for Recovered Alcoholics, a vocational rehabilitation program that provides services to individuals who are recovering from drug and alcohol abuse. She also worked at Safe Horizon, an agency that gives victims of violence access to a variety of resources and support, as well as advocates for justice. Additionally, Nina worked at The Representation Project, a Bay Area based production company that uses documentary films as a platform for cultural transformation, with a specific focus on overcoming limiting gender stereotypes. After graduation, Nina intends to pursue a graduate degree in counseling psychology or throw all caution to the wind and attend culinary school in Italy.

Cassie Wuest | Senior Staff Writer cassie.wuest@nyu.edu Cassie Wuest is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. Currently, she is a research assistant for Drs. Melzi and Schick’s NYU L-FELD team and is in the process of completing an honor’s thesis examining gender and age differences in preschool children’s use of internal state words across narrative contexts.

Previously, she has worked as a research assistant for the Yale RELATE project where she conducted video observations of special education classrooms in New York City. Cassie’s research interests include gender socialization and socioemotional development in school contexts, which she hopes to one day pursue with a graduate degree in Developmental Psychology.

Jacqueline Yi | Senior Staff Writer jacqueline.yi@nyu.edu Jacqueline Yi is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. Since 2014, she has served as a research assistant for Dr. Suzuki’s Holocaust survivor research team and Dr. Javdani’s R.I.S.E research lab. Jacqueline is interested in studying how race and religion may influence social justice attitudes and behaviors.

After graduating from NYU, Jacqueline will continue to engage in research as a Clinical/Community psychology doctoral student at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.

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Caitlyn Corradino | Junior Staff Writer cc3852@nyu.edu Caitlyn is a junior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Nutrition. She is currently a research assistant for Dr. Javdani’s R.I.S.E. lab and an intake counselor at The Door Center for Alternatives. In the past, Caitlyn has interned at the Brain and Mind Research Institute in Sydney, Australia and at The National Eating Disorders Association. In addition to positive psychology, her main area of interest is the mental health benefits of physically healthy practices like meditation, healthy eating, and exercise. She is particularly intent on exploring how these practices can benefit at-risk populations. In the future, Caitlyn hopes to combine her interest in advocating for marginalized populations with her interest in health and fitness into a meaningful career in psychology.

Katie Fogarty | Junior Staff Writer khf231@nyu.edu Katie Fogarty is a graduating senior at NYU Gallatin with a concentration of Transformation through Education. She is passionate about her Child Adolescent Mental Health Studies minor which has given her the framework for clinical experiences like the NYU Summer Program for Kids. Katie is a PCIT intern at the Child Study Center and a member of Dr. Aronson’s lab studying the executive function benefits of mindfulness meditation on children in a classroom setting. She is also a research assistant in Dr. Chacko’s NYU FACES lab where she and other members implement a neurocognitive training study for children with ADHD and is working on a systematic review on mindfulness meditation and yoga as treatments for children with ADHD. She will be applying to Child Clinical Psychology Ph.D. programs this fall in addition to maintaining her research assistant positions and having a blast using her behavior management skills babysitting.

Emma Rooney | Contributing Writer emma.rooney@nyu.edu Emma Rooney is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Art History. She is currently working as an intake counselor at The Door, a social services agency that strives to empower young people to reach their potential by providing comprehensive youth development and support services. She also works as a research assistant for StyleLikeU, a website that promotes self-acceptance through the exploration of individual style and personal narrative. Emma has also worked as an intern at the Grey Art Gallery, NYU’s fine arts museum, and has done her fair share of babysitting and retail jobs.

After graduation, Emma intends to work in the nonprofit sector before pursuing a graduate degree in either Counseling Psychology or Arts Administration.

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Laina Sonterblum | Contributing Writer laina.sonterblum@nyu.edu Laina Sonterblum is a senior in Applied Psychology with a minor in American Sign Language. For the past two years Laina has been a member of Dr. Javdani’s R.I.S.E. team, through which she works to create and evaluate programming for juvenile justice-involved girls. She is currently proposing a study for the Undergraduate Research Conference on the effects of shame and shaming in this population. Ultimately, Laina hopes to go into the field of public policy and increase opportunity and access to education for marginalized communities, specifically women who are survivors of violence and trauma.

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