OPUS Fall 2014

OPUS online publication of undergraduate studies

Department of Applied Psychology Fall 2014

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in NYU Steinhardt’s Department of Applied Psychology. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

online publication of undergraduate studies

OPUS

Volume VII | Fall 2014

EDITORS

Vera Stiefler Johnson Samantha Pratt

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Adina Schick

STAFF WRITERS Hope White Vera Stiefler Johnson Kaya Mendelsohn

CONTRIBUTORS Ahmed Alif Adam Cortez Eunice Lau Erin Kim Hazen Bryan S. Nelson Jazmine Russell

SPECIAL THANKS NYU Steinhart Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Gigliana Melzi

LAYOUT DIRECTOR Amelia Chu

ASSISTANT LAYOUT DIRECTOR Christie Kim

TREASURER Minhee Lee

SECRETARY Devonae Robinson

EVENT COORDINATOR Tiffany Oei

PUBLICITY CHAIR Regina Yu

4 | STAFF ARTICLES

Contents LETTER FROM THE EDITORS Vera Stiefler Johnson Samantha Pratt | 5 STAFF ARTICLES Gender in Fandom Kaya Mendelsohn | 8 Internalizing Beauty Ideals: The Health Risks of Adult Women’s Self-Objectification Vera Stiefler Johnson | 13 Parental Monitoring and Disapproval of Peers: The Role of Parents in the Development of Adolescent Externalizing Behavior Hope White | 19

SUBMISSIONS A Psychological Explanation of Undocumented Immigrants’ Participation in the U.S Economy Ahmed Alif and Bryan S. Nelson | 26 Predicting Risky Sexual Behavior: Masculinity Ideology, Ethnicity, and Alcohol Use Adam Cortez | 30 Youth in Foster Care: An Examination of Social, Mental, and Physical Risks Erin Kim Hazen | 34 Preschooler Gender-Typed Play Behaviors as a Function of Gender of Parents, Siblings, and Playmates Eunice Lau | 39 The Relation Between Perceived Decision Freedom and Resilience: An Analysis of Eight Urban Adults Living in Morocco Jazmine Russell | 45

BIOGRAPHIES | 54

|5

LETTER FROM THE EDITORS New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, has been a part of the NYU community for five years. During those years, it has provided undergraduate students with a forum through which they can share their independent work.

OPUS is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and, therefore, is representative of the interests of the student body.

Historically, psychological research has focused on the experiences and conditions of dominant groups, thereby neglecting groups that have little cultural capital. In recent years, researchers have attempted to strengthen the field of psychology by studying more diverse populations. The Fall 2014 edition of OPUS attempts to capture select voices and conditions of those who have been traditionally under-represented in research. Additionally, our writers have used their work to examine the larger cultural and political contexts that influence the lived experiences of marginalized groups.

Some of our writers have focused on the ways in which societal expectations of gender influence behavior, relationships, and health. Gender norms can be impactful even as early as the preschool years, as Eunice Lau reveals in her paper about gender-typed play behaviors. Adam Cortez explores masculinity ideology as an important factor in young adult men’s sexual risk-taking, while Vera Stiefler Johnson examines the role of self-objectification in adult women’s physical and mental health risks. While these two papers focus on the influence of gender norms on either men or women, Kaya Mendelsohn contrasts how both men and women interact in the context of group membership and how those differences affect self-perception and their feelings of belonging.

Other writers have chosen to investigate the impacts of living contexts at the family, community and national level. Hope White explores the impact of parental monitoring on adolescent antisocial behavior and peer group choices, while Erin Hazen inquires into the social, mental, and physical health of youth in foster care, a population that technically “belongs” to the state. By contrast, Ahmed Alif and Bryan Nelson examines the working and living experiences of undocumented immigrants in the United States, a population that is often rejected by the state. These topics have implications for the importance of having a sense of belonging within a group. In keeping with this idea, Jazmine Russell’s qualitative interviews with urban Moroccans demonstrates the role of belonging with regard to various outcomes.

We are proud to be representing writers with diverse and culturally-aware research interests. We would like to thank our faculty mentor, Dr. Adina Schick, for her unwavering support, as well as our hardworking and dedicated staff.

Sincerely,

Samantha Pratt

Vera Stiefler Johnson

STAFF ARTICLES

8 | STAFF ARTICLES

Gender in Fandom KAYA MENDELSOHN The community that arises around a band,

outlet, participants in these fandoms are able to

movie, TV show, or sports team is known as a

contribute to discussion and engage with others in

fandom. Each fandom contains its own culture,

similar situations, creating a tight-knit community

rules, and in-jokes that facilitate community

that bonds over offline society’s rejection of their

engagement involving a subject that the members

interest (Anderson, 2012; Bell, 2013; Booth & Kelly,

of the group are passionate about (Sesek & Pusnik,

2013; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

2014; Stanfill, 2013). Participants in fandom seek

Interestingly, these fan-based communities

out those with this common interest in order to

are often highly segregated across gender (Jensen,

discuss, critique, consume, and enjoy content as

1992). Specifically, females tend to identify with

part of a community (Booth & Kelly, 2013; Dixon,

many of the more marginalized fandoms, while

2013; Korobkova, 2014; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014;

males comprise a fair amount of the more socially

Stanfill, 2013). This dynamic is the thread linking

accepted groups. By looking at sports fandoms

all fandoms, no matter the content on which

and boy band fandoms, this paper will explore

the group is focused. A group of sports fans

how gender in fandom affects the way mainstream

might gather in a living room to watch Monday

society perceives fandom groups and how shame

night football and talk about a certain athlete’s

is felt within these communities. Additionally, this

season, while a group of One Direction fans might

paper will examine the concept of being a real fan

respond to each other’s comments on the band’s

in regards to differences in sexual expression and

new music video. These interactions give the

fandom identity.

participants a sense of belonging within the group, and keep fans engaged in the content, long after the game or music video is over (Anderson, 2012;

WHAT IT MEANS TO BE A REAL FAN

Sesek & Pusnik, 2014; Stanfill, 2013).

For those participating in more marginalized

Regardless of what content is being

fandoms—those celebrating content that is not

celebrated, each fandom has its own set of rules

accepted by mainstream society to be worthwhile

defining what makes a “true” or “real” fan (Borer,

or cool—shame plays a large role in their fandom

2009, p. 2; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). While the details

participation (Bell, 2013). People seek out fandom

might be different across groups, there is a general

communities in order to have a way to express

consensus across fandom that a real fan is one who

their enjoyment for these forms of content

knows every statistic on the subject, knows the

without letting their friends or family know

details of major events, and shows active loyalty

about their involvement (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

toward the subject (Anderson, 2012; Borer, 2009;

With the emergence of the internet and internet

Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

communities, fandom has become more accessible

In a boy band fandom, a real fan does not

to the average fan (Booth & Kelly, 2013; Sesek &

casually consume the band’s music, but knows

Pusnik, 2014). The existence of the internet and

every lyric by heart, posts pictures on social media

the increased accessibility it provides sometimes

sites or bedroom walls, and reads fanfiction about

means that ashamed fans will create secret blogs

the band (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). The stereotype

that are hidden from offline friends (Anderson,

of the obsessive or “crazy” boy band fan is rooted

2012; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). By having this

in this extreme devotion to pictures, videos, and

MENDELSOHN: MASCULINITY AND SEXUAL BEHAVIORS | 9 music that seem, to an outsider, to be vapid and shallow, focusing on good looks or cliché lyrics (Anderson, 2012; Jensen, 1992). A real fan, however, has emotional ties to this content, having formed lasting and meaningful relationships as a result of fandom subscription (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

In a sports fandom, a real fan is not necessarily someone who goes to every game, but who experiences the game in the presence of other sports fans (Dixon, 2013). This communal experience could take place at a pub, on an online forum, with friends at a viewing party, or at the associated field or stadium (Dixon, 2013; Williams, 2007). Interaction between fans of the same team is important to build community and strengthen bonds (Dixon, 2013). Knowledge of the game is necessary in order to be considered a real fan, and women are often thought of as lacking in this knowledge, causing them to be rarely considered true sports fans (Borer, 2009).

Both groups prioritize loyalty and devotion and may allow these qualities to become more important than being friendly to outsiders or potential new members, sometimes creating unwelcoming barriers when it comes to new fans (Borer, 2009; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). While fandom might act like a home or place of comfort to those at its core, people who do not feel as strongly about the content or do not resemble the “typical fan” might encounter an icy welcome and a lack of friendly counterparts (Anderson, 2012; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). In a sports fandom, this person facing persecution might be a woman, thought to lack the necessary masculine energy and sports knowledge to truly infiltrate the fandom (Borer, 2009). In a boy band fandom, this person might be a man or gender nonconforming individual, lying outside the typical picture of what defines a fan of this kind of content (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

Sports and boy band fandoms can be resistent to legitimize those aforementioned groups to which the subject is not generally targeted (Borer, 2009; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014), contributing to stigma around the “real fans” in each respective fandom (Anderson, 2012; Dixon, 2013).

BOY BAND FANDOMS (FEMALE-DOMINATED) Indeed, boy band content is aimed at and often consumed by a very specific demographic (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). A boy band is a product marketed to the heterosexual pre-teen or teenage girl (Jensen, 1992; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). Because of the nature of the boy band—the bubblegumpink packaging and the youth of its fan base— this content is not considered highbrow or sophisticated (Jensen, 1992). While boy bands are most often mainstream entities, there is a level of shame involved in liking boy bands because of how the content is perceived as being frivolous and inappropriate for anyone over the age of about twelve (Anderson, 2012; Jensen, 1992; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). The modern-day boy band fan is dismissed and ignored for liking something as silly as a boy band (Anderson, 2012). Girls are made to feel guilty about their involvement in boy band fandom by friends, family, and acquaintances, therefore, forced to hide or justify their music choices when the subject is brought up in conversation (Anderson, 2012; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

Because of the stigma attached to the fan bases of the average boy band, mainstream society views these fandoms as vicious, histrionic groupies who, as was said by a member of the One Direction fandom in a documentary, “can kill you if they wanted” (Korobkova, 2013, p. 9). This negative stereotype of the average boy band fan leads the group as a whole to be dismissed as unintelligent and driven by sexual attraction (Anderson, 2012; Korobkova, 2013). Because of these negative connotations attached to boy band fandom, mainstream society’s views of this group cause the members to disaffiliate with their fandom “family” when they are at risk of being ostracized or mocked (Anderson, 2012; Stanfill, 2013). Specifically, negative connotations around fandom can cause fans to feel shame because these individuals are simultaneously (a) put down and made to feel guilty for their interests, and (b) perceived as disrespecting their fandom

10 | STAFF ARTICLES community by not defending their interests

to be encouraged as a hallmark of mainstream

(Stanfill, 2013). Because a “real fan” is one who

masculine culture (Dixon, 2013; Williams, 2007).

stands up for his or her content, regardless of

A key difference other than gender that

persecution, this dynamic makes it difficult for an

influences the way sports fandom is seen by

individual to uphold his or her fandom identity

mainstream society is its lasting nature. Certain

(Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

sports teams such as the soccer team, Manchester

SPORTS FANDOMS (MALEDOMINATED)

United, or the football team, the Arizona Cardinals, have existed for over a hundred years, while the average boy band has a career expectancy of about six years (Anderson, 2012). This difference

Contrary to boy-band fandom, the dominate

in longevity fosters the idea that a sports fandom

group in sports band fandoms face fewer

is rooted in history, while a boy band fandom is a

challenges to fandom identity. While a fair amount

fleeting fad, adding to the perceived frivolousness

of females might identify as sports fans, society

of the female-dominated fandom while giving

still views the sports fan pastime as a male-

credibility and legitimacy to the sports fandom

dominated one, as sports are heavily affiliated with

(Anderson, 2012; Dixon, 2013).

masculine culture (Dixon, 2013; Williams, 2007).

Sports are marketed toward masculine audiences through the aggressiveness of the game, the

SEXUAL EXPRESSION IN FANDOM

muscled and stoic nature of the athletes, and the sexual objectification of the cheerleaders (Borer,

Because fandom has the potential to become

2009; Dixon, 2013). There is a culture of alcohol

a large part of someone’s identity, it filters into

consumption and aggressive behavior that goes

many aspects of life (Anderson, 2012; Bettis

hand in hand with sports fandom (Dixon, 2014).

& Adams, 2006). When teenagers are heavily

A desire to assert masculinity and interact with

involved in fandom culture, this community can

other men is a large part of sports fandom culture,

shape their views of sexual identity (Anderson,

creating tight-knit groups of men bonding over

2012; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). For some adolescents

athletics and alcohol (Dixon, 2014).

involved in sports fandoms, cheerleaders are the

Being a sports fan is considered “normal” by

first examples of sexualized women that they see

mainstream society (as long as the fans adhere to

(Bettis & Adams, 2006). For some adolescents

standards of masculinity; Borer, 2009; Williams,

involved in boy band fandoms, the members

2007). Rooting for a sports team is not strange

of the band become the objects of their sexual

or abnormal, and having large amounts of sports

desires (Anderson, 2012; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

team paraphernalia is not odd or excessive. Sports

Both fandoms deal with these forms of sexual

fandoms are an example of a normalized and

expression in different ways, allowing for different

unashamed fandom (Dixon, 2013). The same yelling

societal interpretations of the sexualizing dynamic.

and enthusiasm one might see at a One Direction

Sexualizing women in the world of sports—be

concert is paralleled at any sports game, but the

it in lingerie football or cheerleading—is considered

pitch of the shrieks makes all the difference—male

normal and appropriate (Bettis & Adams, 2006).

sports fans are not punished or shamed for their

Part of the masculine nature of sports fandoms

fandom involvement, while female boy band fans

is asserting heterosexuality and dominance

are shamed (Borer, 2009). Reactions to wins or

over women (Borer, 2009). Cheerleaders are

losses often become over-the-top and dramatic,

the wholesome-but-sexy, girl next-door male

ranging from dancing in the streets to drunken

fantasy—a projection of masculine desire (Bettis

fights (Dixon, 2013). These methods of celebration

& Adams, 2006). The women who are sports fans

or mourning are perceived by society as something

themselves are marginalized further, often forced

MENDELSOHN: MASCULINITY AND SEXUAL BEHAVIORS | 11 to either ditch their femininity in favor of masculine,

men” (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014, p. 119). The difference

tomboy attitudes or become an “accessory fan,” at

between these two mediums—watching girls dance

the game for the attractive athletes or pink, “girl-

together or reading about boys falling in love—do

appropriate” t-shirts (Borer, 2009, p. 2). There is

not seem at odds with one another, but are met

an inability to allow empowered female sexuality

with very different reactions from society (Bettis &

to exist in tandem with something as masculine

Adams, 2006; Sesek & Pusnik, 2014)

as athletics, forcing women to become defensive when questioned about their sports fandom

CONCLUSION

subscription (Borer, 2009; Dixon, 2014).

Unlike in sports fandom, where the

Society’s perceptions of the two fandoms

sexualizing of the athletes is not necessarily

examined in this paper are very different. Sports

a part of fan culture, sexual exploration and

fandoms are normalized and incorporated into

feelings of attraction are a large factor in the

mainstream society, while boy band fandoms are

type of audiences drawn into boy band fandoms

thought to be frivolous and childish (Anderson,

(Anderson, 2012). The boys in the band become

2012; Dixon, 2013). Perceptions aside, these two

the subject of sexual desire and an outlet for

fandoms share a lot of similarities when it comes

feelings of sexual energy (Anderson, 2012; Jensen,

to dynamics, such as the criteria for what makes

1992). One of the most common ways sexual

a true fan, and the community bonding aspect

expression manifests is in fanfiction: stories written

of the group as a whole. In both male and female

by members of the fandom, usually with romantic

dominated fandom, sexual expression is addressed

plot lines, featuring the members of the boy band.

and, although it manifests in different ways, how

It is common for fan fiction to contain sexual

the fandom deals with it has the potential to shape

undertones or vivid sexual scenes, especially when

the sexual identities and attitudes of individual

written by the older members of the fandom.

fandom members. Acting as a community and

Sometimes, the subject of the boy band member’s

safe place for many, fandom facilitates meaningful

affection is the author or a third party who

relationships for people and content.

commissioned or prompted the work, but other

This paper is limited by the number of

times, fanfiction will feature two members of the

specific fandoms it examines. By bringing in

boy band, resulting in homoerotic creative writing

fandoms centered around fictional content, which

(Sesek & Pusnik, 2014).

contain a larger mix of both males and females

Because the commonly held stereotype is

such as the Doctor Who fandom or the My Little

that men are more sexually expressive and involved

Pony fandom, there are more dynamics to analyze

than women, sexual expression within a male-

in regard to gender in fandom (Bell, 2013; Booth

dominated fandom is much more accepted and

& Kelly, 2013). Because of the nature of online

acknowledged as valid (Anderson, 2012; Bettis &

fandom as a new phenomenon, there is much more

Adams, 2006). Sexual expression within a female-

to explore about this subject.

dominated fandom, however, is less accepted and often met with confusion or disgust (Anderson, 2012). Perhaps it is because of the nontraditional manifestation of this female sexuality—fan fiction— that makes it difficult for mainstream society to understand (Sesek & Pusnik, 2014). In order to explain her fascination with homoerotic fan fiction, one member of the One Direction fandom said that, “Just like men like to watch pornography with two women, girls like to read about two handsome

REFERENCES Anderson, T. (2012). Still kissing their posters goodnight: Female fandom and the politics of popular music. Journal of Audience & Reception Studies, 9(2), 239-264.

Bell, C. (2013). The ballad of Derpy Hooves – transgressive fandom in My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic.

Humanities Directory, 1(1), 5-22.

Bettis, P. J. & Adams, N. G. (2006). Short skirts and breast juts: Cheerleading, eroticism and schools. Sex Education: Sexuality, Society and Learning, 6(2),

12 | STAFF ARTICLES 121-133.

Booth, P. & Kelly, P. (2013). The changing faces of Doctor Who fandom: New fans, new technologies, old practices? Journal of Audience & Reception Studies, 10(1), 56-72.

Borer, I. M. (2009). Negotiating the symbols of gendered sports fandom. Social Psychology Quarterly, 72(1), 1-4.

Dixon, K. (2013). The football fan and the pub: An enduring relationship. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 49(382).

Jensen, J. (1992). Fandom as pathology: The consequences of characterization. In L. Lewis (Ed.), Adoring audience: Fan culture and popular media (9-29).

Korobkova, K. (2014). Schooling the directioners: Connected learning and identity-making in the One Direction fandom. Digital Media and Learning Research Hub, 1-39.

Sesek, L. & Pusnik, M. (2014). Reading popular literature and digital media: Reading experience, fandoms, and social networks. Anthropological Notebooks, 20(2), 103-126.

Stanfill, M. (2013). Fandom, public, commons. Transformative Works and Cultures, 14.Williams, J. (2007).

Rethinking sports fandom: The case of European soccer. Leisure Studies, 26(2), 127-146.

STIEFLER JOHNSON: INTERNALIZING BEAUTY IDEALS | 13

Internalizing Beauty Ideals:

The Health Risks of Adult Women’s Self-Objectification VERA STIEFLER JOHNSON Objectification theory was originally

approach to women’s health (Fredrickson, Noll,

advanced to provide a framework for examining

Roberts, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998). As such, this

women’s lived experiences in sociocultural

review of the literature seeks to explore the ways in

contexts that sexually objectify the female body,

which self-objectification relates to adult women’s

through both interpersonal interactions (e.g., street

physical and mental health risks.

harassment) and through media representations of women (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Specifically, the theory proposes that both women and girls

DISORDERED AND RESTRAINED EATING

are acculturated to internalize a third-person view of their bodies as the main way to think about

A substantial amount of research has

themselves (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). This

established that self-objectification is positively

internalization leads to habitual body monitoring,

related to bulimia and anorexia nervosa, including

wherein individuals monitor their bodies as they

both restrictive and binge eating subtypes

believe outside observers do, placing greater

(Muehlenkamp & Saris-Baglama, 2002; Prichard

emphasis on how they look than on how they

& Tiggemann, 2005; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004).

feel (Calogero, 2009). This process, termed self-

In illustrating the potential mechanisms by which

objectification, has implications for women’s

this relation occurs, Calogero et al. (2005) found

psychological and experiential consequences,

that self-objectification is directly linked to drive

namely, increased feelings of anxiety and shame,

for thinness, a motivational variable that underlies

reduced mindfulness of internal bodily cues,

high-risk dieting, using a sample of women with

and decreased “flow,” which is defined as being

clinically diagnosed eating disorders (Striegel-

entirely immersed in a mental or physical pursuit

Moore, Schreiber, Pike, Wilfley, & Rodin, 1995). In

(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). In their (1997)

this particular study, self-objectification was related

development of objectification theory, Fredrickson

to the internalization of beauty ideals represented

and Roberts suggested that these psychological

in the media (Calogero et al., 2005). This finding, as

consequences may result in various adverse

well as others that have established a link between

health outcomes, such as sexual dysfunction and

self-objectification and disordered eating (e.g.,

disordered eating.

Muehlenkamp & Saris-Baglama, 2002; Prichard &

Indeed, since the development of

Tiggemann, 2005), is important in that it places

objectification theory, research has revealed that

women’s disordered eating in a sociocultural

self-objectification relates to a host of physical

context (Noll & Fredrickson, 1997). Traditionally,

and mental health risks in women, including

disordered eating has been examined and treated

disordered eating, issues regarding physical

by focusing solely on the individual or the family

and sexual activity, and internalizing outcomes,

(Noll & Fredrickson, 1997). However, recent work

including negative feelings about the body, and

indicates that disordered eating can be attributed,

depression (e.g., Moradi & Huang, 2008; Tiggeman,

in part, to women’s self-objectification that occurs

2011). Given the fact that some of these outcomes

as a result of their experiences within cultural

disproportionately impact women (e.g., depression;

contexts that continuously sexualize their bodies

Cauffman, Lexcen, Goldweber, Schulman, &

(Calogero et al., 2005; Noll & Fredrickson, 1997).

Grisso, 2007), a deeper understanding of selfobjectification may enhance our knowledge of and

Beyond having implications for women with eating disorders, self-objectification also leads

14 | STAFF ARTICLES to restrained eating in otherwise healthy women (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998; Muehlenkamp & Saris-Baglama, 2002). For example, Fredrickson et al.’s (1998) experimental study asked undergraduate women to wear either a sweater or a swimsuit and examine themselves in a mirror, after which they completed a taste test including cookies and chocolate milk. The researchers hypothesized that wearing the swimsuit would induce self-objectification, which would then lead to increased levels of restrained eating. Indeed, the women who tried on the swimsuit ate less of the cookie, despite reporting that they liked the cookie as much as women in the sweater group (Fredrickson et al., 1998).

It is important to note that although some studies have established a direct link between self-objectification and disordered or restrained eating (e.g., Noll & Fredrickson, 1998), others have found that the link is mediated by internalizing symptoms such as body shame, depression, and appearance anxiety (i.e., the fear of negative judgment that occurs during overall appearance evaluation; Calogero, 2009; Calogero et al., 2005; Muehlenkap & Saris-Baglama, 2002; White, 2013).

This is in keeping with objectification theory, which posits that self-objectification results in experiential consequences such as shame and anxiety, which then lead to negative mental and physical health outcomes (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Specifically, several studies have found that body shame, defined as the feeling of worthlessness that occurs when comparing one’s own body to an unrealistic beauty ideal, mediates the relation between self-objectification and disordered eating (Calogero, 2009; Greenleaf, 2005; Greenleaf & McGreer, 2006; Tiggemann & Williams, 2012). Other studies have found that the relation between selfobjectification and disordered eating is mediated by depressive symptoms (e.g., Muehlenkap & Saris-Baglama, 2002) and appearance anxiety (e.g., Greenleaf & McGreer, 2006).

PHYSICAL AND SEXUAL FUNCTIONING In the same way that self-objectification plays a role in women’s eating patterns, selfobjectification has been found to relate to the ways in which women use and think about their bodies. Specifically, research has shown that self-objectification is a factor in both women’s approaches to physical activity (Greenleaf, 2005; Melbye, Tenenbaum, & Eklund, 2007) and their sexual engagement and behavior (Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Tiggemann & Williams, 2012).

Self-objectification significantly predicts physical activity for women, such that women who engage in more self-objectification are less likely to be physically active (Greenleaf, 2005; Melbye et al., 2007). This finding may imply that women high in self-objectification try to avoid activities that could potentially elicit the gaze of others and cause social physique anxiety (i.e., anxiety about one’s body composition, shape, or size; Hart, Leary, & Rejeski, 1989; Melbye et al., 2007). When women high in self-objectification do exercise, they are more likely to cite appearance and weight-related reasons for doing so (McDonald &Thompson, 1992), suggesting that they feel pressured to change their bodies to meet the societal ideal of thinness.

Indeed, women high in self-objectification are significantly more likely to use cardio machines to burn calories than women low in selfobjectification, who prefer to take part in physical activities that promote self-awareness (e.g., yoga; Melbye et al., 2007).

Further investigation of the relation between self-objectification and women’s physical behavior reveal a paradox: women high in self-objectification prefer to exercise in private settings where they are less likely to be exposed to others’ gazes (Melbye et al., 2007), yet make more of an effort to appear attractive to outside observers by wearing tight or revealing exercise apparel (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005). These findings indicate that women attempt to resist the state of self-objectification, and the anxiety and shame that accompanies it, by either avoiding situations in which self-objectification

STIEFLER JOHNSON: INTERNALIZING BEAUTY IDEALS | 15 could potentially be induced or by striving to meet cultural ideals of beauty (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005).

The effect of self-objectification on women’s physical behavior translates to more intimate experiences as well. Specifically, self-objectification promotes various sexual issues for women (Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Tiggemann & Williams, 2012), particularly for those that express feeling concerned about their appearance within sexual contexts (Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007). Women who engage in self-objectification are less likely to want to be involved with sexual activity because they experience a reduction in the physical appeal of sex (Roberts & Gettman, 2004). When they do engage in sexual activity, they are more likely to report low sexual self-esteem and are less likely to extract pleasure from the experience (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Some researchers suggest that this may occur because the process of constantly attending to the body, how it is being perceived by a partner, and whether or not they are judging it, leads to higher self-consciousness, body shame, and appearance anxiety during sexual activity (Steer & Tiggemann, 2008), which then leads to various sexual issues. Overall, these findings endorse Fredrickson and Roberts’ (1997) proposal that self-objectification results in shame and anxiety, which then produces self-consciousness during activities that make women think about their bodies. Interestingly, self-consciousness within sexual contexts has been found to be higher in women who are not in a stable relationship, suggesting that women in relationships may feel less judged during sex, or alternately, that women expect to be judged, particularly by those who may not be personally close to them (Steer & Tiggemann, 2008).

While self-objectification has certain implications for women’s thought processes and behavior regarding physical and sexual activity, self-objectification also relates to women’s feelings about their bodies, including about functions that are inextricably tied to the female body, such as menstruation and breastfeeding.

FEELINGS ABOUT THE BODY In keeping with objectification theory, the habitual body monitoring that characterizes selfobjectification affects the ways in which women affectively regard their own bodies (Breines, Crocker, & Garcia, 2008). For example, one qualitative study found that a sample of selfidentified feminist women described themselves as persistently attending to their bodies, which they felt were “disciplined” by others through looks, remarks, and actions (Rubin, Nemeroff, & Russo, 2004, p. 34). Through this process, they experienced feelings of ugliness, shame, and vulnerability (Rubin et al., 2004), supporting the idea that self-objectification can decrease women’s positive feelings about their bodies (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Muehlenkamp, Swanson, & Brausch, 2005).

Further studies have shown that selfobjectification predicts decreased self-esteem regarding the body (Breines et al., 2008; Calogero & Thompson, 2009), and higher body shame (Calogero, 2009; Calogero & Thompson, 2009) and dissatisfaction with the body (Muehlenkamp et al., 2005; Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005). One study found that, for Black women, body monitoring, specifically regarding their skin tone, was related to increased feelings of dissatisfaction and shame, not only with their skin tone, but with their bodies in general (Buchanan, Fischer, Tokar, & Yoder, 2008).

Further, women who report higher levels of self-objectification feel more disgust and shame towards natural bodily functions such as menstruation and breastfeeding (JohnstonRobledo, Sheffield, Voigt, & Wilcox-Constantine, 2007; Roberts, 2004; Roberts & Waters, 2004).

Specifically, those who engage in higher levels of self-objectification tend to believe that breastfeeding and lactation are unattractive, and that these processes cause damage to women’s bodies and decrease the likelihood that they will be seen as sexual beings (Johnston-Robledo, Wares, Fricker, & Pasek, 2007). In addition, those who internalize a more objectified view of their bodies are likely to have negative feelings

16 | STAFF ARTICLES towards their menstrual cycles (e.g., humiliation,

as well as depressed mood, which is a symptom

shame, contempt, and irritation; Roberts, 2004),

of depression (Breines, Crocker, & Garcia, 2008;

even going so far as to regard themselves as

Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004). Further, the link

“untouchable” during menstruation (Roberts &

between self-objectification and depression may

Waters, 2004, p. 6).

play a role in women’s likelihood of engaging in

These beliefs are not new, nor are they

self-harm (Muehlenkamp, Swanson, & Braush,

unique. In fact, they may reflect age-old, cross-

2005). Namely, in a sample of undergraduate

cultural attitudes that women, because of their

women, Muehlenkamp et al. (2005) discovered

bodily functions, are more closely connected to

that the negative body regard that resulted from

nature and are, as a result, inferior, dangerous,

self-objectification led to depressive symptoms

and disgusting (Roberts, 2004; Roberts & Waters,

which, in turn, led to increased risk for self-harming

2004). Even today, menstruation is marketed

behaviors.

as unsanitary and unattractive, which has

Importantly, some researchers posit that

caused women to feel both distanced from and

the relation between self-objectification and

contemptuous towards their own bodies (Roberts

depression may exist because women who

& Waters, 2004). Evidently, cultural ideals that

engage in more self-objectification have more

are exceedingly intolerant of women’s natural

body dissatisfaction, which is linked to depression

bodies cause women to internalize these views

(Joiner, Wonderlich, Metalsky, & Schmidt, 1995).

and engage in self-objectification regarding their

Others maintain that previous studies that found

biological functions, which ultimately results in

a direct relation between self-objectification and

negative feelings about their bodies (Roberts,

depression are confounded as they did not include

2004). Beyond playing a role in women’s feelings

negative body regard as a mediating variable,

about their own bodies, self-objectification also

given new findings that negative body regard fully

has implications for an arguably more severe

mediates the relation between self-objectification

internalizing outcome, depression.

and depression (Muehlenkap et al., 2005).

DEPRESSION

CONCLUSION

Research has consistently found that

The body of research explored in this

women are more likely than men to experience

literature review indicates that objectification

depression (Cauffman et al., 2007). While previous

theory is a valuable tool for understanding the

attempts to understand this discrepancy in risk

needs of women, particularly with regard to the

for depression have focused heavily on female

ways in which self-objectification contributes

biology and individual personality, Fredrickson

to physical and mental health risks. Self-

and Roberts (1997) suggest that objectification

objectification is an important factor in women’s

theory may encompass a wider range of factors,

physical and mental health risks, including risks

by highlighting that women’s persistent, negative

that have been found to be disproportionately

experiences as the result of self-objectification may

prevalent amongst women, such as disordered

partially contribute to women’s risk for depression.

eating (e.g., Striegel-Moore et al., 2008), sexual

As such, researchers have started to investigate

dysfunction (e.g., Tiggemann, 2011), and depression

the role of self-objectification in depression (e.g.,

(e.g., Cauffman et al., 2007).

Muehlenkamp & Saris-Baglama, 2002).

Indeed, studies show that self-objectification

That being said, previous research on the interactions between constructs of objectification

is positively related to depression (Miner-Rubino,

theory, including self-objectification, has not

Twenge, & Fredrickson, 2002; Muehlenkamp &

encompassed enough diversity in populations,

Saris-Baglama, 2002; Tiggemann & Williams, 2012),

specifically in terms of race and sexual orientation.

STIEFLER JOHNSON: INTERNALIZING BEAUTY IDEALS | 17 While some studies have shown that objectification

al., 2004). For example, given findings that self-

theory is generally helpful in understanding the

objectification relates to negative feelings about

physical and mental health outcomes of diverse

menstruation and breastfeeding, interventions

populations of women (e.g., Hebl, King, & Lin,

targeted at reducing the stigma surrounding

2004), others indicate that objectification theory

these entirely natural processes may need to be

may need to be revised to fit certain populations

developed (Roberts & Waters, 2004). Additionally,

(e.g., Kozee & Tylka, 2006; Haines et al., 2008).

given that the link between self-objectification

For example, one study found that the negative

and depression relates to a loss of self, therapeutic

experiences associated with self-objectification

approaches can address this by challenging

were par ticularly strong in heavy, minority

women’s internalization of a third-person view as

women (i.e., those that deviated most from

the primary way to think about the self (Roberts &

stereotypical White beauty ideals; Frederick,

Waters, 2004).

Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007). Other studies found that the objectification theory provided a poor fit in a sample of lesbian participants, because objectification constructs were experienced differently amongst lesbian women than heterosexual women (Kozee & Tylka, 2006; Haines et al., 2008).

In addition to addressing the need for population diversity, future research should seek to understand the role of self-objectification in women whose occupations require the use of their bodies (e.g., dancers, exercise instructors, prostitutes). Previous research has found that dancers, including exotic dancers, are more likely to engage in self-objectification and bodysurveillance as compared to non-dancers (Downs, James, & Cowan, 2006; Tiggemann & Slater, 2001) whereas aerobics instructors score lower on the two constructs as compared to aerobic participants (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005).

Given this disparity in findings, it is important to understand how women’s occupations may either induce self-objectification or potentially function as a protective factor against it.

The implications of developing this body of research are far-reaching. Contributions in our understanding of self-objectification will inform the ways in which educators and practitioners approach women’s mental and physical health, by placing their lived experience in the context of patriarchal societies that dehumanize them.

Feminist psychologists may ultimately be able to use a comprehensive understanding of the ways in which self-objectification affects women to build tools of resistance and cultural scrutiny (Rubin et

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Calogero, R. M., & Thompson, J. K. (2009). Sexual self-esteem in American and British college women: Relations with self-objectification and eating problems. Sex Roles, 60, 160-173.

Cauffman, E., Lexcen, F. J., Goldweber, A., Shulman, E. P., & Grisso, T. (2007). Gender differences in mental health symptoms among delinquent and community youth. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 5(3), 287-307.

Daubenmier, J.J. (2005). The relationship of yoga, body awareness, and body responsiveness to self-objectification and disordered eating. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 29, 207-219.

Down, D. M., James, S., & Cowan, G. (2006). Body objectification, self-esteem, and relationship satisfaction: A comparison of exotic dancers and college women. Sex Roles, 54, 745-752.

Frederick, D. A., Forbes, G. B., Grigorian, K. A., & Jarcho,

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Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173-206.

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Greenleaf, C. (2005). Self-objectification among physically active women. Sex Roles, 52(1/2), 51-62.

Greenleaf, C., & McGreer, R. (2006). Disordered eating attitudes and self-objectification among physically active and sedentary female college students.

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Grippo, K. P., & Hill, M. S. (2008). Self-objectification, habitual body monitoring, and body dissatisfaction in older european american women: Exploring age and feminism as moderators. Body Image, 5, 173-182.

Haines, M. E., Erchull, M. J., Liss, M., Turner, D. L., Nelson, J. A., Ramsey, L. R., & Hurt, M. M. (2008). Predictors and effects of self-objectification in lesbians. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 32, 181-187.

Harrell, Z. A. T., Fredrickson, B. L., Pomerleau, C. S., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2006). The role of trait self-objectification in smoking among college women. Sex Roles, 54, 735-743.

Hebl, M. R., King, E. B., & Lin, J. (2004). The swimsuit becomes us all: Ethnicity, gender, and vulnerability to self-objectification. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 30(10), 1322-1331.

Johnston-Robledo, I., Sheffield, K., Voigt, J., & Wilcox-Constantine, J. (2007). Reproductive shame: Self-objectification and young women’s attitudes toward their reproductive functioning.

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Melbye, L., Tenenbaum, G., & Eklund, R. (2007). Self-objectification and exercise behaviors: The mediating role of social physique anxiety. Journal of Applied Biobehavioral Research, 12(3-4), 196-220.

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Muehlenkamp, J. J., Swanson, J. D., & Brausch, A. M. (2005). Self-objectification, risk taking, and selfharm in college women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 29, 24-32.

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20 | STAFF ARTICLES

Parental Monitoring and Disapproval of Peers:

The Role of Parents in the Development of Adolescent Externalizing Behavior HOPE WHITE During adolescence, youth foster a sense

knowledge and child disclosure. The level of

of self through the development of autonomy.

parental knowledge achieved through parental

Autonomy is often established as youth spend

monitoring is dependent on the accuracy of

more time with peers and less time with parents

information revealed to parents by the child (child

throughout adolescence (Cook, Buehler, &

disclosure; Stattin & Kerr, 2000). This review seeks

Henson, 2009). In addition to the development

to examine how parental monitoring and parental

of autonomy, adolescence is a period in which

communication of disapproval relate to the

antisocial and externalizing behaviors, such

development of antisocial behavior in adolescents

as substance use and delinquency, increase in

and how this relation is moderated by child

prevalence and are considered, to an extent,

disclosure and parental knowledge.

normative (Cook et al., 2009; Pardini, Loeber, & Stouthamer-Loeber, 2005). Parents and peers

PARENTAL MONITORING

are important social influences in the decision making of adolescents, especially decisions

Effective parental monitoring of peer groups

regarding antisocial behavior (Cook et al., 2009).

and behaviors is one of the strongest protective

However, even as the influence of peers increases

factors against the development of antisocial

throughout middle adolescence, adolescents

behavior and is associated with decreased levels

continue to report parents as a significant

of antisocial behavior (Dillon, Pantin, Robbins, &

influence in their avoidance of antisocial behaviors

Szapocznik, 2008; Loeber & Southhamer-Loeber,

(Cook et al., 2009). The influence of the family

1986; McAdams et al., 2014). Traditionally, parental

context, with a focus on parenting in particular,

monitoring was believed to consist of active

has been the subject of a multitude of studies

information-seeking and tracking of a child’s

examining its role as both a risk and a protective

location and activities (Dishion & McMahon, 1998;

factor in the development of antisocial behavior

Patterson & Southhamer-Loeber, 1984). However,

(Rothbaum & Weisz, 1994).

scholars have expanded upon this definition to

Parenting constructs implicated in the

include not only parental tracking of behavior, but

development of youth antisocial behavior include

actual knowledge of children’s activities stemming

parental warmth and control, monitoring of child

from the child’s willingness to share information

behavior, and the communication of disapproval

without being prompted.

of peers (Pettit et al., 2001; Stattin & Kerr, 2000;

While parents can attain knowledge of their

Tilton-Weaver & Galambos, 2003; Zhou et al.,

child’s activities through monitoring behavior

2002). The influence of parenting style on the

such as information-seeking (asking questions

development of youth antisocial behavior has been

and demanding information about behaviors) and

extensively studied, therefore this review will not

surveillance (tracking locations through peers’

examine the parenting style literature (Rothbaum &

parents), knowledge obtained through child

Weisz, 1994).

disclosure, or the child’s self-initiated sharing of

Studies on the effects of parental monitoring include the distinct constructs of parental

information with parents, differs in that it is a reflection of the parent child-relationship quality

WHITE: PARENTAL MONITORING AND DISAPPROVAL OF PEERS | 21 and the level of trust the child has in the parents

engage in antisocial behavior (Dishion & McMahon,

(Fletcher, Steinberg, & Williams-Wheeler, 2004;

1998; Marceau et al., 2014). Contrastingly, others

Smetana, 2008; Soenens et al., 2006; Stattin &

suggest that the association is child-driven in that

Kerr, 2000). Studies have revealed that adolescents

children who are less involved in antisocial behavior

who disclose more information to their parents

disclose more information to their parents, thereby

have less norm-breaking behavior (Coohey, Renner,

increasing parental knowledge (Stattin & Kerr,

& Sabri, 2013; Kim, Hetherington, & Reiss, 1999;

2000). Current research also suggests a possible

Stattin & Kerr, 2000). Unfortunately, disclosure

bidirectional relationship between parents and

can be inhibited by adolescents’ fear of parental

children, rather than a model in which child-driven

disapproval, which adolescents consistently

or parent-driven effects operate independently.

cite as the main reason for lack of disclosure

In a bidirectional relationship, children affect

of risky behavior to parents (Smetana, 2008;

parents’ knowledge through self-disclosure and

Yau, Tasopoulos-Chan, & Smetana, 2009; Nucci,

this knowledge of the adolescent’s behaviors then

Smetana, Araki, Nakaue, & Comer, 2013). Therefore,

impacts parenting style, level of monitoring, and

a positive, reciprocal relationship between parents

behavioral control (Laird et al., 2003; Pardini, Fite,

and their adolescents that includes not only

& Burke, 2008; Hamza & Willoughby, 2011).

warmth and responsiveness, but also behavioral control is needed to promote child disclosure that will lead to reductions in antisocial behavior (Laird,

PARENTAL DISAPPROVAL OF DELINQUENT PEERS

Pettit, Bates, & Dodge, 2003; Smetana, 2008).

PARENTAL KNOWLEDGE

Communicating disapproval of adolescents’ peers is another method parents can employ to manage adolescent antisocial and risk taking

Though all forms of parental monitoring

behaviors (Titlon-Weaver, Burk, Kerr, & Stattin,

contribute to increased parental knowledge, child

2013). This disapproval of peers is intended

disclosure is one of the more effective means

to interfere with adolescents’ delinquent peer

of attaining knowledge, a key factor associated

association, which can include the prohibition of

with adolescent behavior and the development of

contact with delinquent peers (Titlon-Weaver et al.,

externalizing behavior (Abar, Jackson, & Wood,

2013).

2014; Marceau et al., 2014; Soenens et al., 2006).

Given the strong influence of delinquent

This association is well established, despite the fact

peers on adolescent development of externalizing

that parental knowledge typically decreases over

behavior, researchers have begun to examine the

time in adolescence (Abar et al., 2014; Marceau

effects of parental expressions of disapproval

et al., 2014; Soenens et al., 2006). Several studies

of peers on adolescent peer associations and

report that higher levels of parental knowledge are

behavior (Haynie, 2002; Tilton-Weaver & Galambos,

correlated with lower levels of antisocial behaviors

2003; Tilton-Weaver et al., 2013; Whitney, Renner, &

(Abar et al., 2014; Soenens et al., 2006). However,

Herrenkohl, 2010). Studies of parental disapproval

the mechanisms of the association between

of peers report mixed findings regarding the

parental knowledge and antisocial behavior are

influence of disapproval on the adolescent’s

less established. Some research suggests that

association with delinquent peers (Mounts, 2001,

parents exhibit a direct environmental effect on

2002; Keijsers et al., 2012; Tilton-Weaver et al.,

antisocial behavior. That is, parental knowledge

2013). Overall, parental disapproval and prohibition

of adolescents’ behavior affects their parenting

of contact with deviant peers typically increases

style in that knowledge of certain behaviors will

the likelihood of adolescents associating with

lead some parents to become more restrictive

delinquent peers and is associated with an increase

or permissive, allowing greater opportunity to

in adolescent delinquency, though the relationship

22 | STAFF ARTICLES may vary based on the age and level of delinquent

2000). Findings regarding parental disapproval

behavior in which the adolescent typically engages

of peers and antisocial behavior suggest

(Keijers et al., 2012; Mounts, 2001; Tilton-Weaver

communicating disapproval and restricting contact

et al., 2013). While there is a significant body of

may increase association with delinquent peers and

research on parental monitoring, few studies focus

adolescent delinquency (Tilton-Weaver et al., 2013).

on parental disapproval as a specific construct of

Future studies of parental monitoring,

parenting implicated in adolescent delinquency

disapproval of peers and externalizing behavior

(Mounts, 2001).

should incorporate mother, father, and child reports

LIMITATIONS OF EXISTING STUDIES

of monitoring and perceived knowledge, as well as reliable measures of peer delinquency such as the peer nomination method (Boman et al., 2014; Stattin & Kerr, 2000; Soenens et al., 2006).

The existing studies on parental monitoring

Samples should be racially and economically

and disapproval of peers have several limitations.

diverse and large enough to have sufficient power

Many recent studies of parental knowledge

to examine gender differences, which have been

measure adolescents’ perceptions of parental

suggested as a necessary component of future

knowledge and monitoring via self-report, but do

research (Cook et al., 2009; Coohey et al., 2013;

not include measures of child disclosure or parental

Dillon et al., 2008; McAdams et al., 2014; Whitney

report of monitoring or solicitation of information

et al., 2010). Future studies should also incorporate

(Abar et al., 2014; McAdams et al., 2014; Tilton-

parent and peer attachment and relationship

Weaver et al., 2014). The tendency of studies to

quality as potential moderators of the relationship

draw from community samples with low base

between parental monitoring and disapproval

rates of substance use and delinquent behavior

of peers in the development of adolescent

further limits the generalizability of their findings

delinquency (Abar et al., 2014; Cook, 2009;

to adolescents with high rates of antisocial and

Soenens et al., 2009; Stattin & Kerr, 2000).

delinquent behavior, such as those who may be involved with the juvenile justice system (Abar et al., 2014; Marceau et al., 2014). Most samples were not diverse in terms of race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status (Cook et al., 2009; Kim et al., 1999; Marceau et al., 2014; Soenens et al., 2006).

However, several studies have specifically examined parental monitoring of behavior and of peers in minority groups (Coohey et al., 2013; Dillon et al., 2008).

CONCLUSION Parental monitoring is a protective factor in the development of adolescent externalizing behavior (Dillon et al., 2008; McAdams et al., 2014). While parental monitoring describes the active surveillance behavior of parents, accurate parental knowledge is strongly influenced by child disclosure of behavior and quality of the parentchild relationship (Smetana, 2008; Stattin & Kerr,

REFERENCES Abar, C. C., Jackson, K. M., & Wood, M. (2014). Reciprocal relations between perceived parental knowledge and adolescent substance use and delinquency: The moderating role of parent–teen relationship quality. Developmental Psychology, 50(9), 2176.

Boman, J. H., Young, J. T., Baldwin, J. M., & Meldrum, R. C. (2014). Specifying the sources of misperceptions of peer deviance: A tale of two levels. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 41(1), 91-113.

Coohey, C., Renner, L. M., & Sabri, B. (2013). Victimization, parenting, and externalizing behavior among Latino and white adolescents. Journal of Family Violence, 28(4), 359-368.

Cook, E., Buehler, C., & Henson, R. (2009). Parents and peers as social influences to deter antisocial behavior. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 38(9), 1240-1252.

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26 | SUBMISSIONS

A Psychological Explanation of Undocumented Immigrants’ Participation in the U.S Economy AHMED ALIF AND BRYAN S. NELSON Current literature demonstrates a lack of understanding about how undocumented immigrants participate in the American economy

$41 billion annually, consequently burdening the current economy (Fears, 2005; Porter, 2005).

Previous literature on undocumented

(Martin, 2006; Davidson, 2013). The most common

immigrants has highlighted the hardships and

belief is that undocumented immigrants do not

struggles facing them and the reasons as to why

pay taxes, and therefore do not contribute to the

maintaining good moral character is important to

American economy (Martin, 2006; Davidson, 2013).

them in regards to their immigration status (PĂŠrez,

Opponents of undocumented immigration assert

Espinoza, Ramos, Coronado, & Cortes, 2009).

that undocumented immigrants are burdensome

Little is known about the factors that influence

to the American economy because they take jobs

immigrants’ participation in the economy and

away from Americans (Martin, 2006; Davidson,

culture, particularly factors that influence their

2013). Hillary Clinton has even stated that each

interest in future legalization (Gonzalez, Suarez-

immigrant imposes a lifetime cost of $25,000,

Orcozo & Dedious-Sanguineti, 2013). By examining

utilizing more government services than they are

the psychological and cultural factors that

paying for in taxes (Martin, 2006; Davidson, 2013).

influence undocumented immigrant participation

However, research indicates that undocumented

in the economy, we will better understand how

immigrants are not utilizing more services than

undocumented immigrants are viewed within the

they are paying for in taxes, because immigrants

context of the American economy.

contribute over $7 billion annually to Social Security, accounting for 10% of the 2004 Social Security surplus, as well as over $1.5 billion in

TAX ACTIVITY OF UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS

Medicare taxes (Martin, 2006; Porter, 2005).

Research over the last decade has made

Largely unknown, many undocumented

strides to deconstruct the positive impact of

immigrants actually willingly pay taxes to a system

undocumented immigrants on the economy

that does not recognize them (Chavez, Hubbell,

(Davidson, 2013; Fears, 2005; Porter, 2005). It has

Mishra & Valdez, 1997; Davidson, 2013; Gonzalez et

demonstrated that undocumented immigrants are

al., 2013; IRS, 2013; Martin, 2006). Many of them use

not hurting the American economy; in fact, they

Individual Tax-Payer Identification Numbers (ITIN)

are helping support it (Davidson, 2013; Fears, 2005;

to pay taxes and continue to work hard in the

Porter, 2005). Specifically, they work long hours

hopes that they can one day legalize their status.

for low wages and participate in the economy by

Some undocumented immigrants even use ITIN

paying taxes (Davidson, 2013; Fears, 2005; Porter,

to receive business licenses (Chavez et al., 1997;

2005). If annual immigration increased by 400,000,

Davidson, 2013; Gonzalez et al., 2013; IRS, 2013;

the current national debt of $16 trillion would be

Martin, 2006). Even though they pay taxes, they

reduced by 0.25%, saving $500 billion (Fears,

remain ineligible for government-funded benefits

2005; Porter, 2005). Opponents have suggested

such as food stamps, Medicare, and social security

mass deportation of all undocumented immigrants

benefits (Fears, 2005; Porter, 2005). Additional

(Fears, 2005; Porter, 2005). However, deportation

difficulties that undocumented immigrants face

is not even a feasible solution as it would cost

include not being able to vote, receive financial aid

ALIF & NELSON: UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS’ PARTICIPATION IN THE U.S. ECONOMY | 27 for college, obtain a drivers license in most states,

milestones can lead to confusion, fear, uncertainty,

or have access to primary health care (Gonzalez et

and guilt (Ford & Shoichet, 2013; Gonzalez et al.,

al., 2013; Pérez, Cortés, Ramos, & Coronado, 2010).

2013; Vargas, 2011; Pérez et al., 2010; Stacciarini

Many of these families live with complete financial

et al., 2014). Many undocumented immigrants

instability (Gonzalez et al., 2013; Pérez et al., 2010).

feel they are risking their future by spending time

The average household income is approximately

and money on college, a career, or family when

40% lower than native and documented

everything they own can be taken away at any

households, and 2/3 of undocumented students

time (Ford & Shoichet, 2013; Gonzalez et al., 2013;

report coming from low-income households

Vargas, 2011; Pérez et al., 2010; Stacciarini et al.,

(Batalova & McHugh, 2010; Gonzalez et al., 2013).

2014).

Moreover, they are unable to get financing or apply

These problems are not specific only to

for loans, leading to increased responsibility for

“DREAMers”, as simple everyday activities such

children of undocumented immigrants to support

as driving a car or going to work can be stressful

their parents financially (Gonzalez et al., 2013).

experiences for many undocumented immigrants

Despite these hardships, most undocumented

(Ford & Shoichet, 2013; Gonzalez et al., 2013;

immigrants do not intend to cheat the economy or

Stacciarini et al., 2014). They face constant, chronic

break the law because they want to legalize their

risk of apprehension and deportation; nationally,

status in order to stay with their families in the

50% of undocumented Latinos worry about

United States (Gonzalez et al., 2013; Vargas, 2011).

deportation, making them not only scared for

The majority have American-born children who

themselves but also for their family members (Ford

can sponsor them at the age of 21 and, in order

& Shoichet, 2013; Gonzalez et al., 2013; Stacciarini

to legalize their status, they must pay taxes, be a

et al., 2014). One of the hardest psychological

person of good moral character, refrain from taking

burdens they carry is keeping their identity a

government benefits, and go through positive

secret from their peers and partners, leading to

acculturation processes like other immigrants who

the formation of guilt and self- hatred (Gonzalez

have taken a different avenue to be considered

et al., 2013). In some cases, undocumented

legal (Gonzalez et al., 2013; Vargas, 2011).

immigrants respond to this chronic stress with

PSYCHOLOGICAL AND HEALTH IMPLICATIONS

suicide (Gonzalez et al., 2013). In other cases, the stress may manifest in the form of medical consequences, such as high blood pressure and diabetes (APA, 2011; Choi, 2012; Gonzalez et al.,

There are specific subpopulations of

2013; Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2005). In fact, the

undocumented immigrants that desperately want

most vulnerable immigrant population at risk of

to legalize their status through tax payment and

obesity and stress-related health consequences

positive acculturation processes, such as the

are undocumented immigrants because of their

“DREAMers”, also known as the 1.5 generation.

constant fear and lack of health care (Lauderdale

These “DREAMers” are undocumented immigrant

& Rathouz, 2000; Wallace et al., 2013). Additionally,

youth that came to the United States as children

the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder

and adolescents (Vargas, 2011; Gonzalez et al.,

caused by immigration related anxiety is highest

2013; Pérez et al., 2010). Most “DREAMers” are

among undocumented immigrants out of all

unaware of their undocumented status until they

immigrant populations (Choi, 2012; Gonzalez et

attempt to go through a similar rite of passage as

al., 2013; Pérez et al., 2010; Ricketts & Goldsmith,

their peers, such as getting a learner’s permit on

2000; Vargas, 2011). Furthering the problem, these

their sixteenth birthday, only to discover that they

undocumented immigrants receive very little

cannot due to their immigration status (Gonzalez

mental health or physical health related support

et al., 2013; Vargas, 2011). Exclusion from everyday

because the majority of them cannot obtain health

28 | SUBMISSIONS insurance (Choi, 2012; Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2005).

In line with the issue of having no medical

of undocumented immigrants actually file taxes using ITIN in hopes to legalize their status and they

insurance, most undocumented immigrants have to

do not incur more cost than U.S.-born population

seek medical attention via emergency room visits

for health care (Batalova & McHugh, 2010; Chavez,

where their immigration status is not questioned

1997; IRS, 2013). Despite having legal limitations

(Derose, Bahney & Lurie, 2009; Martin, 2006;

and low socioeconomic status, the majority of

Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2005). There remains a large

undocumented immigrants prevail through severe

discrepancy in the national budget estimates for

hardship in the hopes of permanently settling in

the health care cost of undocumented immigrants

the United States with legal status (Gonzalez et

(Derose et al., 2009; Martin, 2006; Ricketts &

al., 2013; Pérez et al., 2010). Studies on populations

Goldsmith, 2005). State and federal level policy

such as the “DREAMers” (the 1.5 generation) have

makers argue that undocumented immigrants and

revealed that there is severe psychological distress

their children do not contribute anything to the

facing undocumented immigrants because they

economy and utilize government hospitals and

are denied the liberty to live freely like every other

schools for free (Martin, 2006). The Federation for

American (Gonzalez et al., 2013; Pérez et al., 2010).

Immigration Reform reports that New York State

Additionally, this review of the literature

spends over $300 million annually on emergency

has demonstrated that a vast majority of

room visits for undocumented immigrants (Martin,

undocumented immigrants want to stay in the

2006). However, research has revealed that, on

United States with their family and friends, but

average, undocumented immigrants incur less

there is no pathway or process for them to

health care cost than the U.S.-born population

legalize their status, except by being sponsored

(Derose et al., 2009; National Immigration Law

by their U.S.-born children after they turn 21 years

Center, 2014). Though the research shows their

old (Batalova & McHugh, 2010; Vargas, 2011).

limited access to health care may not be a large

Undocumented immigrants are the most vulnerable

economic burden on America, limited access to

immigrant group prone to stress-related health

continued care is still burdensome to the individual

and psychological disorders (Ricketts & Goldsmith,

undocumented immigrant (Derose et al., 2009;

2005). Due to lack of primary care and health

Martin, 2006; Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2005). Lack

insurance, they cannot seek help unless they visit

of access to health care can have dangerous

emergency rooms, often leaving their health needs

psychological and health implication leading to

untreated (Derose et al., 2009; Martin, 2006;

depression and anxiety as reported by many

Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2005). Although government

undocumented immigrants (Gonzalez et al., 2013;

agencies have budgeted specific amounts of

Pérez et al., 2010; Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2000;

funding for undocumented immigrant health and

Vargas, 2011).

education costs, the transparency of how the

CONCLUSION

money is being utilized is not clear and future studies need to clarify the discrepancy among estimates (Derose et al., 2009; Martin, 2006;

There are many misconceptions about undocumented immigrants and their roles within the American economy. Some of these

National Immigration Law Center, 2014; Ricketts & Goldsmith, 2005).

Additionally, researchers should attempt to

assumptions are that they do not pay taxes and

expand the study of undocumented immigrant

they are burdensome to the American economy

populations in general because there are roughly

because they use government institutions such

11 million undocumented immigrants living in the

as schools and hospitals for free (Davidson, 2013;

United States and they are our peers, co-workers

Martin, 2006). However, studies discussed in this

and friends, living their lives in constant fear of

literature review have revealed that the majority

being deported at any moment (Gonzalez et

ALIF & NELSON: UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS’ PARTICIPATION IN THE U.S. ECONOMY | 29 al., 2013; Vargas, 2011). Further research could contribute to policy reform and solutions to their segmented health care access.

REFERENCES American Psychological Association. (2011). Stress: The different kinds of stress. Retrieved from http:// www.apa.org/helpcenter/stress-kinds.aspx Batalova, J., & McHugh, M. (2010). DREAM vs. reality: An analysis of potential DREAM Act beneficiaries.

Migration Policy Institute, National Center on Immigrant Integration Policy.

Chavez, L. R., Hubbell, F. A., Mishra, S. I., & Valdez, R. B. (1997). Undocumented Latina immigrants in Orange County, California: a comparative analysis.

International Migration Review, 88-107.

Choi, J. Y. (2012). Prevalence of overweight and obesity among US immigrants: Results of the 2003 new immigrant survey. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 14(6), 1112-1118.

Davidson, A. (2013, February 12). Do illegal immigrants actually hurt the US economy?. The New York Times, pp. MM17 Derose, K. P., Bahney, B. W., Lurie, N., & Escarce, J. J. (2009). Immigrants and health care access, quality, and cost. Medical Care Research and Review.

Fears, D. (2005, July 26). $41 Billion Cost Projected To Remove Illegal Entrants. Washington Post.

Retrieved September 24, 2014, from http://www. washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/07/25/AR2005072501605.html Ford, D. & Shoichet, C. E. (2013). Immigrants’ days filled with fear, uncertainty, separation. CNN. Retrieved November 14, 2014, from http://www.cnn. com/2013/01/29/us/immigrants-change/ Gonzalez, R.G., Suarez-Orozco, C., & Dedios-Sanguineti, M.C. (2013). No place to belong: Contextualizing concepts of mental health among undocumented immigrant youth in the United States. American Behavioral Scientist, 57(8), 1174-1199.

Internal Revenue Service. (2013). Understanding Your IRS Individual Taxpayer Identification Number [PDF document]. Retrieved from http://www.irs.gov/ pub/irs-pdf/p1915.pdf Kasnitz, P., Mollenkopf, J. H., Waters, M. C.,Holdawat, J.,

2009. Inheriting the City: The Children of Immigrants Come of Age (pp. 22-65). New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation Lauderdale, D. S., & Rathouz, P. J. (2000). Body mass index in a US national sample of Asian Americans: effects of nativity, years since immigration and socioeconomic status. nternational Journal of Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders: Journal of the International Association for the Study of Obesity, 24(9), 1188-1194.

Martin, J. (2006). The Costs of Illegal Immigration to New Yorkers. Immigration Issues. Retrieved September 24, 2014, from http://www.fairus.org/publications/the-costs-of-illegal-immigration-to-newyorkers-2006 National Immigration Law Center. (2014). Immigrants and the Affordable Care Act (ACA) [PDF Document]. Retrieved from Immigrants-and-theACA-2014-01.pdf Pérez, W., Cortés, R. D., Ramos, K., & Coronado, H. (2010).

“Cursed and blessed”: Examining the socioemotional and academic experiences of undocumented Latina and Latino college students. New Directions for Student Services, 2010(131), 35-51.

Pérez, W., Espinoza, R., Ramos, K., Coronado, H. M., & Cortes, R. (2009). Academic resilience among undocumented Latino students. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 31(2), 149-181.

Porter, E. (2005). Illegal immigrants are bolstering Social Security with billions. New York Times, 5, A3l.

Portes, A., Manning, R. (2012). “The Immigrant Enclave: Theory and Empirical Examples.” The Urban Sociology Reader. Edited by Lin, J. & Mele, C. Ricketts, T. C., & Goldsmith, L. J. (2005). Access in health services research: the battle of the frameworks.

Nursing Outlook, 53(6), 274-280.

Stacciarini, J.-M. R., Smith, R. F., Wiens, B., Pérez, A., Locke, B., & LaFlam, M. (2014). I Didn’t Ask to Come to this Country… I was a Child: The Mental Health Implications of Growing Up Undocumented. J Immigrant Minority Health: 10.1007/s10903014-0063-2 Vargas, J. A. (2011, June 22). My life as an undocumented immigrant. The New York Times, pp. MM22 Wallace, S. P., Rodriguez, M., Padilla-Frausto, I., Arredondo, A., & Orozco, E. (2013). Improving access to health care for undocumented immigrants in the United States. Salud Pública de México, 55(4), 508-514.

AUTHORS’ NOTE We would like to express our deepest appreciation to our professors, Dr. Sumie Okazaki and Dr. Stacey Alicea, who have guided us throughout the process of developing this paper. We owe our sincerest gratitude to Riya Ahmed, Susan Pomilla, Jemair Lewis, and Aimee Nelson for reviewing earlier drafts of this paper.

30 | SUBMISSIONS

Predicting Risky Sexual Behavior: Masculinity Ideology, Ethnicity, and Alcohol Use ADAM CORTEZ Masculinity ideology has been proposed

Despite the known dangers of engaging

to explain the social construction of masculinity

in risky sexual behaviors, young adults between

and the internalization of social norms that define

the ages of 18 and 24 continue to practice unsafe

appropriate male behaviors and expectations

sex (The Kinsey Institute, 2012). The present

(Thompson & Pleck, 1995). The public conception

review of the literature seeks to examine the

of masculinity, which tends to be reinforced

relation between heterosexual men’s adherence to

through the media and interpersonal relationships,

masculinity ideology and their engagement in risky

oftentimes places it in stark contrast to femininity

sexual behavior in relation to (1) ethnic differences,

and homosexuality, perpetuating the idea that

and (2) the moderating effect of alcohol.

masculinity is often established by a man’s attempt to prove what he is not (i.e., not homosexual,

ETHNIC DISPARITIES

not sensitive, not feminine; Franklin, 1984).

Furthermore, masculinity ideology-adhering males

Men who ascribe to high levels of masculinity

often strive to embody stereotypes of masculinity,

ideology tend to rate higher on levels of both

including being aggressive, independent,

ethnic belonging and sexual activity than non-

unemotional, confident, ambitious, and dominant

masculine-adhering men (Abreu, Goodyear,

over women and homosexuals (Pleck & Pleck,

Campos, & Newcomb, 2000; Levant & Richmond,

1980).

2006; Levant et al., 2003; Thompson & Pleck,

The literature on masculinity ideology

1995). The level of ethnic belonging among Black,

has established a positive association between

Latinos, and Whites is positively correlated with

men’s high masculinity ideology-adherence

adherence to masculinity ideology (Abreu et

and their propensity to engage in risky sexual

al., 2000), with Latinos adhering most to the

behaviors (Murnen, Wright, & Kalzuny, 2002; Pleck,

traditional roles of men (e.g., protecting, providing

Sonenstein, & Ku, 1993). These behaviors include

for, and dominating the family unit; Casas,

having a higher number of less intimate sexual

Wagenheim, Banchero, & Mendoza-Romero, 1994;

encounters (i.e., casual sex lacking in passion),

Kane, 2000). More specifically, previous literature

a higher number of overall sexual partners,

has established a positive association between

high levels of sexual aggression toward women,

Black and Latino men’s level of ethnic belonging

negative attitudes towards condoms, and lower

as being associated with high levels of masculinity

condom usage, which, in turn, increases the risk

and sexual engagement (Fragoso & Kashubeck,

of sexually transmitted infections and unplanned

2000; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; McClure, 2006;

pregnancies (Kinsey Institute, 2012; Murnen et

Mosher & Tomkins, 1988) while depicting the Asian

al., 2002; Pleck et al., 1993). Specifically, statistics

male as an asexual model minority (Chan, 1998;

from the Kinsey Institute (2012) reveal that men

Mok, 1998).

between the ages of 18 and 24 report having used

Statistics on condom use reveal a disparity

a condom during 45% of the past ten vaginal

in rates amongst ethnic and racial groups, with

intercourse acts; that by age 18, 20% of men report

condom usage being higher among Black and

to having had between five and ten sex partners;

Latino men than White men (Kinsey Institute,

and that about 7.1% of heterosexual males between

2012). Despite this finding, however, a body of

the ages of 20 and 24 report having a sexually

literature suggests that although Black men are

transmitted infection.

using condoms more frequently than White men,

CORTEZ: MASCULINITY AND SEXUAL BEHAVIORS | 31 they are also having significantly more sexual

engage in risky sexual behaviors (Capraro, 2000;

encounters (Bowleg et al., 2011; Kinsey Institute,

Locke & Mahalik, 2005; Murnen, Wright, & Kaluzny,

2012; LaPollo et al, 2014). A strong adherence to

2002; Olmstead, Pasley, & Finchman, 2013). Alcohol

masculinity in Black men, accounted for by having

consumption is traditionally identified as a male-

a larger amount of sexual partners, puts them

centered activity that reinforces masculinity and

at higher risk for contracting HIV/AIDs and STIs,

a disassociation from femininity (Capraro, 2000;

as compared to White men who adhere highly

Lemle & Miskind, 1989). The moderation of alcohol

to masculinity (LaPollo, Bond, & Lauby, 2014).

consumption can lead to a further understanding

Research suggests that Black men who ascribe to

on how masculinity ideology-adhering men engage

masculinity ideology tend to internalize risky sexual

in risky sexual behavior.

practices such as the belief that a man ought to

Perpetration of sexual abuse and engagement

have sex with multiple women concurrently, that

in risky sexual behaviors (specifically unprotected

a man should not decline sex, and that condom

and highly frequent sexual intercourse) are

usage is a woman’s responsibility (Bowleg, Teti,

correlated with alcohol consumption, with alcohol

Massie, Patel, Malebranche, & Tschann, 2011).

intoxication attributing to over 97,000 incidents

Engaging in casual sex, another manifestation

of sexual assault or rape among college-aged

of sexually risky behavior due to its implications for

students, ages 18-24 (NIAAA, 2014). Sexually

contracting HIV/AIDs and STIs, (Black, Kehrberg,

aggressive acts are made possible through

Flumerfelt, & Schlosser, 1997), is also viewed

situational moderators in which men are able to

differently by males of diverse ethnic backgrounds

pressure women to consume alcohol, which, in

(Ahrold & Meston, 2010). Specifically, Asian-

turn, allows for the manipulation and control of

American men tend to report higher conservatism

women within sexual contexts (Murnen, Wright,

with regards to casual sex and therefore tend to

& Kaluzny, 2002). Research indicates that this is

engage in fewer casual sex encounters (Ahrold

more likely to occur among masculinity ideology-

& Meston, 2010). Conversely, Latino males’ high

adhering heterosexual men that hold permissive

masculinity ideology-adherence is associated

views toward casual sex and their own promiscuity

with the tendency to engage in sex outside of

and lack respect toward their female partner

their primary sexual relationship more frequently

(Olmstead et al., 2013).

as compared to other ethnic groups (Ahrold & Meston, 2010).

This body of research indicates that ethnic

Further, a body of literature suggests that it is not just actual symptoms of alcohol intoxication that are associated with high levels of risky

identification and in-group belonging are important

sexual behavior, but also perceived symptoms

factors to examine with regard to masculinity

of intoxication (Paul, McManus, & Hayes, 2000).

ideology-adherence and its association with

One study reported that 90% of their masculinity

risky sex. The literature reveals another risk that

ideology-adhering young-adult heterosexual male

is important to consider: the moderating effect

participants had used overt, sexually aggressive

that alcohol has on masculinity ideology and

tactics to make advances toward women in a

engagement in risky sexual behavior.

drinking setting (e.g., a bar or fraternity party)

ALCOHOL AS A MODERATOR

without actually drinking (Thompson & Cracco, 2008). Though alcohol has largely been considered a male-centered activity (Capraro, 2000; Lemle

A bulk of research has established the

& Miskind, 1989), current literature suggests that

moderating effect of alcohol on masculinity

heterosexual men are now using the effects

ideology-adhering men’s propensity to engage

of alcohol to establish their masculinity by

in risky sexual behaviors, with higher alcohol

manipulating sexual interest in women (Murnen et

intoxication associated with stronger urges to

al., 2002) and being sexually aggressive towards

32 | SUBMISSIONS them (Thompson & Cracco, 2008).

CONCLUSION The review of the literature discussed how higher levels of ethnic belonging in Black, Latino, and White men is associated with a higher adherence to masculinity ideology and sexual aggression towards women (Abreu et al., 2000; LaPollo et al., 2014; Levant & Richmond, 2006; Levant et al., 2003; Thompson & Pleck, 1995; ). It also explored moderating role that alcohol plays in masculinity ideology-adhering men’s heightened engagement in risky sexual behavior (Capraro, 2000; Locke & Mahalik, 2005; Murnen et al., 2002; Thompson & Cracco, 2008).

By bringing awareness to the dangers of risky sexual behavior in this population, this review seeks to promote healthy sexual behavior (e.g., condom usage, contraceptive, fewer sexual partners, respect towards partner) and identify demographic information on the occurrences of sexual encounters with respect to ethnicity.

The heavy basis on self-report measures is a major limitation to the body of literature that has focused on masculinity ideology. The desire to be viewed as socially desirable, often seen with selfreport measures, may lead to an under-reporting of both adherence to masculinity ideology and engagement in risky sexual behaviors in fear of being stigmatized as a perpetrator of violence.

Also, it would be worth suggesting the opposite: a man’s higher level of masculinity ideology endorsement may also cause an over-reporting of engagement in risky sexual behavior in an attempt to prove his masculinity.

Future research should focus on measuring both adherence to masculinity ideology and engagement in risky sexual behavior in a more systematic manner that would address the limitation of social desirability. It would also be interesting to consider how masculinity ideology may have an influence on gender-nonconforming heterosexual men (i.e., men that deviate from traditional masculine roles).

REFERENCES Abreu, J. M., Goodyear, R. K., Campos, A., & Newcomb, M. D. (2000). Ethnic belonging and traditional masculinity ideology among African Americans, European Americans, and Latinos. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 1(2), 75-86.

Ahrold, T. K. & Meston, C. M. (2010). Ethnic differences in sexual attitudes of U.S. college students: Gender, acculturation, and religiosity factors. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 39(1), 190-202.

Black, D. W., Kehrberg, L. D., Flumerfelt, D. L., & Schlosser, S. S. (1997). Characteristics of 36 subjects reporting compulsive sexual behavior. American Journal of Psychiatry, 154(2), 243-249.

Bowleg, L., Massie, M., Patel, A., Malebranche, D. J., & Tschann, J. M. (2011). What does it take to be a man? what is a real man? ideologies of masculinity and HIV sexual risk among Black heterosexual men. Culture, Health, and Sexuality, 13(5), 545-559.

Capraro, R. L. (2000). Why college men drink: Alcohol, adventure, and the paradox of masculinity. Journal of American College Health, 48(6), 307-315.

Casas, J. M., Wagenheim, B. R., Banchero, R., & Mendoza-romero, J. (1994). Hispanic masculinity: Myth or psychological schema meriting clinical consideration. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 16(3), 315-331.

Chan, J. W. (1998). Contemporary Asian American men’s issues. In L. R. Hirbayashi (Ed.), Teaching Asian America: Diversity and the problem of community issues (pp. 93–102).

Fragoso, J. M., & Kashubeck, S. (2000). Machismo, gender role conflict, and mental health in Mexican American men. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 1(2), 87–97.

Franklin, C. W. (1984). Male social roles. The changing definition of masculinity (pp. 103-132), New York: Plenum Press.

Hammond, W. P., & Mattis, J. S. (2005). Being a man about it: Manhood meaning among African American men. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 6(2), 114–126.

Kane, E. (2000). Racial and ethnic variations in gender-related attitudes. Annual Review of Sociology, 26(1), 419-439.

Kinsey Institute. (2012). Frequently Asked Questions. Retrieved April 1, 2014, from http://www.kinseyinstitute.org/resources/FAQ.html LaPollo, A. B., Bond, L., & Lauby, J. (2014). Hypermasculinity and sexual risk among Black and White men who have sex with men and women. American Journal of Men’s Health, 8(5), 362-372.

Lemle R., & Mishkind, M. E. (1989). Alcohol and masculinity. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 6(4), 213-222.

Levant, R. F., & Richmond, K. (2006). A review of research on masculinity ideologies using the male role norms inventory. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 15(2), 130–146.

Levant, R. F., Richmond, K., Majors, R. G., Inclan, J., Rossello, J., Heesacker, M. ... & Sellers, A. (2003).

A multicultural investigation of masculinity ideology and alexithymia. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 4(2), 91–99.

Locke, B. D. & Mahalik, J. R. (2005). Examining mascu-

CORTEZ: MASCULINITY AND SEXUAL BEHAVIORS | 33 linity norms, problem drinking, and athletic involvement as predictors of sexual aggression in college men. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(3), 279-283.

McClure, S. M. (2006). Improvising masculinity: African American fraternity membership in the construction of a Black masculinity. Journal of African American Studies, 10(1), 57–73.

Mok, T. A. (1998). Getting the message: Media images and stereotypes and their effect on Asian Americans. Cultural Diversity and Mental Health, 4(3), 185–202.

Mosher, D. L., & Tomkins, S. D. (1988). Scripting the macho man: Hypermasculine socialization and enculturation. Journal of Sex Research, 25(1), 60–84.

Murnen, S. K., Wright, C., & Kaluzny, G. (2002). If “boys will be boys,” then girls will be victims? A meta-analytic review of the research that relates masculine ideology to sexual aggression. Sex Roles, 46(11-12), 359-379.

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Paul, E. L., McManus, B., & Hayes, B. (2000). “Hookups”: Characteristics and correlates of college students’ spontaneous and anonymous sexual experiences. The Journal of Sex Research, 37(1), 76-88.

Pleck, J. H. (1981). The myth of masculinity. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.

Pleck, J. H., & Pleck, E. H. (1980). The American man. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1980.

Pleck, J. H., Sonenstein, F. L., & Ku, L. C. (1993). Masculinity ideology: Its impact on adolescent males’ heterosexual relationships. Journal of Social Sciences, 49(3), 11-29.

Sinn, J. S. (1997). The predictive and discriminant validity of masculinity ideology. Journal of Research Personality, 31(1), 117-135.

Thompson, E. H. & Cracco, E. (2008). Sexual aggression in bars: What college men can normalize. Journal of Men’s Studies, 16(1), 82-96.

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129-163). New York: Basic Books.

34 | SUBMISSIONS

Youth in Foster Care:

An Examination of Social, Mental, and Physical Risks ERIN KIM HAZEN According to the United States

disruptions (Fong et al, 2006). However,

Administration for Children and Families (2013),

adolescents in foster care participate less in

approximately 400,000 children and adolescents

positive and structured extracurricular activities

were involved in the foster care system in the year

compared to peers who are not involved in the

2012. The average length of time a young person

foster care system (Conn et. al., 2014). More

stays in foster care is 22.4 months (Administration

specifically, one study found that only 40% of

for Children and Families, 2013). Foster care is an

youth in foster care reported participating in in-

example of an institutionalized system, also known

school activities that focused on honing leadership

as an exosystem (Brofenbrenner, 1977). Exosystems

skills, helping improve their communities, and

are important to examine when exploring the

creating positive peer and mentor relationships

mental health of adolescents because they provide

(Conn, et. al., 2014). In addition to the content

the general cultural context within which social

of these types of activities, the consistency and

interactions and identity development occur

continuity of extracurriculars are also related to

(Bronfenbrenner, 1977).

academic achievement and improved well-being,

Adolescents in foster care may be particularly

specifically related to happiness and feelings

vulnerable to stressful events prior to foster care

of security (Fong et al 2006). However, when

such as removal from the home, separation from

youth in foster care are not engaging in these

familiar social circles, and constant transitions to

types of activities, they are more likely to exhibit

different homes and schools (Dorsey, et. al., 2011;

internalizing symptoms, including depression,

Kramer, Sigel, Connors-Burrow, Savary, & Tempel,

as well as symptoms associated with conduct

2013). In addition to these dramatic changes,

disorder (Conn et. al., 2014; Dorsey et. al., 2012).

one-half to three-fourths of adolescents exhibit

Thus, foster care adolescents’ lack of engagement

behavioral or social-emotional issues (Landsverk,

in school activities has implications for how they

Burns, Stambaugh, & Reutz, 2009). Since youth

react to their lived experiences (Conn et. al., 2014;

with histories of foster care appear to have

Fong et al 2006)

different life experiences compared to their peers,

In addition to a lack of social engagement

this paper explores the social effects, mental

in school activities, youth in foster care also

health risks, and the physical health risks that this

experience social issues regarding their siblings.

population faces.

Studies have shown that foster care adolescents

SOCIAL RISKS

exhibit feelings of obligatory guardianship over blood siblings who are also in foster care (Herrick & Piccus, 2005; Wojciak, McWey, &

Research indicates that experiences within

Helfrich, 2013). However, the foster care system

the foster care system affect adolescents’

may separate siblings from each other (Herrick

engagement in school activities, their sibling ties,

& Piccus, 2005; Wojciak, McWey, & Helfrich,

and their relationships with family members and

2013). The consequences of sibling separation

caregivers (Conn et al, 2014; Fong et al, 2006;

include internalizing symptoms such as distress,

Harder, Knorth, & Kalverboer, 2013; Herrick &

withdrawal, and somatic problems, in part due to

Piccus, 2005; Wojciak, McWey, & Helfrich, 2013).

failed attempts at sibling visitations that result from

Social activities have been shown to serve as a

transportation issues and an inability to keep in

protective factor against foster care placement

contact (Wojciak, McWey, & Helfrich, 2013).

HAZEN: YOUTH IN FOSTER CARE | 35 In keeping with this idea, severed ties with

the prevalence of mental health risks associated

family members as the result of being removed

with this population (Baker et. al., 2007; Coleman-

from the home may cause adolescents in

Cowger, Green, & Clark, 2011; dosReis, Zito, Safer, &

foster care to become more prone to insecure

Soeken, 2001; Stevens, Brice, Ale & Morris, 2011)

attachment styles (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970).

A significant mental health risk that is

Insecure attachment, defined as the avoidance of

particularly relevant to youth in foster care is post-

others due to fear of rejection, may prevent youth

traumatic stress disorder (i.e., PTSD; Dorsey et al

in foster care from connecting with their teachers

2012;). According to the DSM-V, PTSD is an anxiety

and new caregivers (Ainsworth & Bell 1970; Harder,

disorder triggered by one or more traumatic events

Knorth, & Kalverboer, 2013). Youth in foster care

throughout the lifetime (American Psychological

who have had frequent placement disruption

Association, 2013). Dorsey and colleagues (2012)

tend to have issues with higher risk of disordered

found that when this specific population is

attachment and aggression towards others

exposed to trauma before foster care, they have

(Newton, Litrownik, & Landsvark, 2000). These

a higher risk of PTSD. The types of trauma that

kind of emotional disruptions indicate that the

predicted lifetime symptoms of PTSD include

social risks surrounding disruptions within sibling

rape, molestation, and acts of terrorism (Salazar

and family relationships have implications for the

et. al. 2012). Although sexual violation is the most

mental health of youth as well (Herrick & Piccus,

common form of trauma, community violence

2005; Wojciak, McWey, & Helfrich, 2013).

was also related to PTSD (Dubner & Motta, 1999;

MENTAL HEALTH RISKS

Garrido et. al. 2011; Salazar et al 2012). Thus, there are different types of trauma which are associated with PTSD (Dubner & Motta, 1999; Garrido et. al.

Adolescents in the foster care system report higher levels of mental distress as compared to

2011; Salazar et al 2012).

While some researchers have focused on

non-foster care peers (Baker et. al., 2007; Coleman-

the mental health risks of being involved in the

Cowger, Green, & Clark, 2011; dosReis, Zito, Safer,

foster care system, others have contributed to an

& Soeken, 2001; Stevens, Brice, Ale & Morris,

understanding of the physical health risks that

2011). In fact, 61% of adolescents in the foster care

youth in foster care experience.

system meet diagnostic criteria for at least one psychiatric disorder during their lifetime, including

PHYSICAL HEALTH RISKS

major depression, separation anxiety disorder, and oppositional defiant disorder (McMillen et. al.

Adolescents in foster care are more likely than

2005). Baker and colleagues (2007) found that

those not in foster care to engage in behaviors that

51% of their sample of youth in foster care had a

pose serious physical health risks, including drug

history of psychiatric hospitalization, while 77%

abuse and sexual risk-taking (Coleman-Cowger,

were prescribed psychiatric medication. In addition,

Green, & Clark, 2011; Pilowsky & Wu, 2007; Vaughn,

rates of disruptive behavioral disorder and major

Ollie, McMillen, Scott, & Munson, 2006 ). Research

depression disorder among this population are

indicates that almost 50% of youth in foster care

three times higher compared to non-foster care

have a history of drug use and that one-third meet

youth (McMillen et. al. 2005; Stevens, Brice, Ale

diagnostic criteria for substance usage disorder

& Morris, 2011). These significantly high rates may

(i.e., the exhibition of one or more substance

be due to previous family history of psychological

abuse symptoms within a 12-month period; DSM-V,

disorders, abuse, or the stress of placement

2014; Vaughn et al., 2006). Specifically, foster

disruptions within the foster care system (McMillen

care adolescents are five times more likely than

et. al. 2005). The high rates of adolescents in foster

community counterparts to develop a dependence

care diagnosed with psychiatric disorders indicate

on marijuana, tobacco, and heavy drugs like

36 | SUBMISSIONS methamphetamines or heroin (Coleman-Cowger,

for dangers in childbearing (e.g. miscarriages)

Green, & Clark, 2011; Pilowsky & Wu, 2007; Vaughn,

and childrearing (e.g. child fatality) (Leve, Kerr,

Ollie, McMillen, Scott, & Munson, 2006). Previous

& Harold, 2013; The Public Advocate for the City

findings indicate that marijuana use moderates

of New York, 2005). In addition, some research

the risk for contracting HIV/AIDs (Auslander,

suggests that illicit drug use for young mothers

Thompson, & Gerke, 2014; McDonald, Mariscal,

in the foster care system nearly doubles after

Yan, & Brook, 2014). In addition to an increased

pregnancy (Leve et al, 2013). Examining the rates

likelihood of using drugs, adolescents in foster

and risks of drug abuse and sexual risk-taking are

care also engage in sexual risk-taking to a greater

pertinent to understanding the physical health risks

degree than their non-foster care counterparts.

of adolescents in foster care.

Youth in foster care have sex at a younger age compared to non-foster care adolescents

CONCLUSION

(Boonstra, 2011; Coleman-Cowger, Green, & Clark, 2011), and engage in more sexual risk-taking like

After examining the social, mental, and

participating in unprotected sex (Risley-Curtis,

physical risks of adolescents in foster care, the

1997). In addition, adolescents in the foster care

relationships that youth in foster care create

system are also more likely to report instances of

among their peers, caregivers, and sexual partners

sexual abuse compared to non-foster care youth

appear to be crucial in terms of both external

(Coleman-Cowger, Green, & Clark, 2011; Elze et al,

and internal outcomes (Conn et al 2014; Herrick &

2001). According to a study conducted by Risley-

Piccus, 2005; Risley-Curtis, 1997; Wojciak, McWey,

Curtis (1997), 15% of youth in foster care between

& Helrich, 2013). Furthermore, the maintenance

the ages of 13 and 18 have had at least one STD

of ties to biological family when possible has

during their lifetime. Although this population is

implications for healthy relationships among

at-risk for HIV and AIDS (Becker & Barth, 2000;

siblings (Herrick & Piccus, 2005; Wojciak, McWey,

Coleman-Cowger,Green, & Clark, 2011; Risley-

& Helrich, 2013) and also for monitoring any familial

Curtis, 1997), sexual abuse victims in the foster

history of psychological disorders (McMillen et al

care system who were involved in unwanted sexual

2005).

intercourse were particularly highat-risk (Elze et al 2001).

In addition, teen pregnancy is one of the

Despite the fact that relationships are important, Fong and colleagues (2006) found that many foster parents were not aware of youth’s

most prevalent sexual activity risks among this

engagement in risky behaviors before and even

population (Boonstra, 2011; Coleman-Cowger,

during foster care placement. This could cause

Green, & Clark, 2011; Leve, Kerr, & Harold 2013,

issues in the future between the youth and their

Risley-Curtis, 1997; Rutman, Strega, Callahan,

foster parents because of the lack of awareness

& Dominelli, 2002; The Public Advocate for the

about youth’s individual interests and needs.

City of New York, 2005). Approximately 1 out of

Further studies should address this issue by

every 6 women in foster care ages 13-21 are either

designing studies that create programs that help

mothers or pregnant (The Public Advocate for

train parents or kin while to create mindfulness

the City of New York, 2005). The prevalence of

of the young people in foster care in order to

teen pregnancy is typically perceived negatively,

promote healthy attachment. Through competent

particularly from social workers working with these

and empathetic social support, these relationships

adolescents who blame teen pregnancy on the

can help prevent adolescents from detrimental risk.

“cycle”, which refers to the idea that these young

Education targeted at adolescents in foster care

women are repeating “reckless” patterns from their

regarding the long-term consequences of social,

mothers and inadvertently reinforces class and race

mental, and physical risks could also prevent and

stereotypes (Dworsky & Courtney. 2010; Rutman

create self-awareness about their experiences.

et. al., 2002). Teen mothers may also be at-risk

HAZEN: YOUTH IN FOSTER CARE | 37 REFERENCES Administration on Children, Youth and Families. (2013).

Recent demographic trends in foster care. Office of Data, Analysis, Research and Evaluation: Data Brief 2013-1.

Ainsworth, M.D. & Bell, S.M. (1970). Attachment, exploration, and separation: Illustrated by the behavior of one-year-olds in a strange situation. Child Development, 41(1), 49-67.

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.).

Auslander, W.F. Thompson, R.G., Gerke, D.R. (2014) The moderating effect of marijuana use on the relationship between delinquent behavior and HIV risk among adolescents in foster care. Journal of HIV/AIDS & Social Services, 13(2), 179-197.

Baker, A.J. L., Kurland, D., Curtis, P., Alexander, G., & Papa-Lentini, C. (2007). Mental Health and Behavioral Problems of Youth in the Child Welfare System: Residential Treatment Centers Compared to Therapeutic Foster Care in the Odyssey Project Population. Child Welfare: Journal of Policy, Practice, and Program, 86(3), 97-123.

Becker, M.G. & Barth, R.P. (2000) Power through choices: The development of a sexuality education curriculum for youths in out-of-home care. Child Welfare: Journal of Policy, Practice, and Program, 79(3), 269-282.

Boonstra, H.D. (2011). Teen Pregnancy Among Young Women In Foster Care: A Primer. Guttmacher Policy Review, 14(2), 8-19.

Brofenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American Psychologist, 32(7), 513-531.

Conn, A., Calais, C., Szilagyi, M., Baldwin, C., & Jee, S. H. (2014). Youth in out-of-home care: Relation of engagement in structured group activities with social and mental health measures. Children and Youth Services Review, 36(0), 201-205.

Coleman-Cowger, V.H., Green, B.A., & Clark, T.T. (2011).

The impact of mental health issues, substance use, and exposure to victimization on pregnancy rates among a sample of youth with past-year foster care placement. Youth and Child Services Review, 33(11), 2207-2212.

Dorsey, S., Burns, B., Southerland, D., Cox, J., Wagner, H., & Farmer, E. (2012). Prior trauma exposure for youth in treatment foster care. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 21(5), 816-824. dosReis, S., Zito, J.M., Safer, D.J., & Soeken, K.L. (2001).

Mental Health Services for Youths in Foster Care and Disabled Youths. American Journal of Public Health, 91(7), 1094-1099.

Dubner, A. E., Motta, R.W. (1999). Sexually and physically abused foster care children and posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67(3), 367-373.

Dworsky, A. & Courtney, M.E. (2010). The risk of teenage pregnancy among transitioning foster youth: Implications for extending state care beyond age 18. Children and Youth Services Review, 32(10), 1351-1356.

Dubner, A. E., Motta, R.W. (1999). Sexually and physically abused foster care children and posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67(3), 367-373.

Elze, Diane E., Auslander, W., McMillen, C., Edmond, T., & Thompson R. (2001) Untangling the impact of sexual abuse on HIV Risk Behaviors among Youths in Foster Care. AIDS Education and Prevention, 13(4), 377-89.

Fong, R., Schwab, J., & Armour, M. (2006). Continuity of activities and child well-being for foster care youth. Child and Youth Services Review, 28(11), 1359-1374.

Garrido, E.F., Culhane, S.E., Petrenko, C.L.M., & Taussig, H.N. (2011). Psychosocial consequences of caregiver transitions for maltreated youth entering foster care: The moderating impact of community violence exposure. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 81(3), 382-389.

Harder, A. T., Knorth, E. J., & Kalverboer, M. E. (2013). A secure base? The adolescent-staff relationship in secure residential youth care. Child & Family Social Work, 18(3), 305-317. doi:10.1111/j.13652206.2012.00846.x Hegar, R.L.& Rosenthal, J.A. (2009). Kinship care and sibling placement: Child behavior, family relationships, and school outcomes, Children and Youth Services Review, 31(6), 670-679, Kramer, T. L. Sigel, B.A., Conners-Burrow, N.A., Savary, P.E. & Tempel, A. (2013). A statewide introduction of trauma-informed care in a child welfare system.

Children and Youth Services Review, 35(1), 19-24.

Landsverk, J. A., Burns, B. J., Stambaugh, L. F., & Rolls Reutz, J. A. (2009). Psychosocial interventions for children and adolescents in foster care: Review of research literature.Child Welfare, 88(1), 49-49-69.

Leve, L. D., Kerr, D.C.R.., & Harold, G.T. (2013). Young Adult Outcomes Associated With Teen Pregnancy Among High-Risk Girls in a Randomized Controlled Trial of Multidimensional Treatment Foster Care. Journal of Child & Adolescent Substance Abuse, 22(5), 421-434.

McDonald, T.P., Mariscal, S.E., Yan, Y., Brook, J. (2014) Substance use and abuse for youths in foster care: Results from the communities that care normative database. Journal of Child & Adolescent Substance Abuse, 23(4), 262-268.

McMillen, C., Zima, B.T., Scott, L.D., Auslander, W.F., Munson, M., Ollies, M.T., Spitznagel, E.L. Pilowsky, D.J., & Wu, L. (2007). Psychiatric symptoms and substance use disorders in a nationally representative sample of American adolescents involved with foster care. Journal of Adolescent Health, 38(4), 351-358.

Newton, R.R., Litrownik, A. & Landsverk, J.A. (2000).

Children and youth in foster care: disentangling the relationship between problem behaviors and number of placements. Child Abuse and Neglect, 24(10), 1363-1374.

Risley-Curtiss, C. (1997). Sexual activity and contraceptive use among children entering out-of-home care.

Child Welfare, 76(4), 475-499.

Rutman, D., Strega, S., Callahan, M., & Dominelli, L. (2002) ‘Undeserving’ mothers? Practitioners’ experiences working with young mothers in/from care.

Child & Family Social Work, 7(3), 149-159.

Salazar, A. M., Keller, T.E., Gowen, L.K. & Courtney M.E. (2013). Social psychiatry and psychiatric epidemiology. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 48(4), 545-551.

38 | SUBMISSIONS Stevens, S.B., Brice, C.S., Ale. C.M., & Morris, T.L. (2011).

Examining depression, anxiety, and foster care placement as predictors of substance use and sexual activity in adolescents. Journal of Social Service Research, 37(5), 539-554.

The Public Advocate for the City of New York. (2005).

Children raising children: City fails to adequately assist pregnant and parenting youth in foster care. Retrieved from http://www.nyc.gov/html/ records/pdf/govpub/2708children_raising_children.pdf Vaughn, M.G., Ollie, M.T., M.S.W., McMillen, J.C., Scott, L., & Munson, M. (2006). Substance use and abuse among older youth in foster care. Addictive Behaviors, 32(9), 1929-1935.

Wojciak, A. S., McWey, L.M., Helfrich, C.M. (2013). Sibling relationships and internalizing symptoms of youth in foster care. Children and Youth Services Review,35(7), 1071-1077.

LAU: PRESCHOOLER PLAY BEHAVIORS | 39

Preschooler Gender-Typed Play Behaviors as a Function of Gender of Parents, Siblings, and Playmates EUNICE LAU From an early age, boys and girls learn

as to how they should play and interact with

to think and behave in ways that are typical of

their surroundings (Rust et al., 2000). Similarly,

their gender through a process known as gender

playmates reinforce the display of gender-typed

socialization, or the internalization of gender-typed

behaviors, leading children to learn gender-

behaviors and thought patterns (Golombok et al.,

appropriate attitudes and behaviors in order fit in

2008; Iervolino, Hines, Golombok, Rust, & Plomin;

with their peers (Iervolino et al., 2005; Langlois &

2005). In other words, differences in how boys

Downs, 1980).

and girls think about themselves and function on a

Parents, siblings, and playmates serve as

regular basis are shaped by societal expectations

important contexts for preschool-aged children to

associated with their gender (Raag & Rackliff,

learn about gender-typed and cross-gender typed

1998; Rust et al., 2000). Specifically, boys tend to

behaviors (Endendijk et al., 2013; Fabes et al., 2003;

display aggressive, competitive behavior while girls

Farr et al., 2010; Jacklin, DiPietro, & Maccoby, 1984;

prefer teamwork and mutual appreciation because

Rust et al., 2000). Variations in how social agents

society expects males to be active leaders and

encourage gender-appropriate play behaviors

females to be cooperative team members (Rust,

and disapprove cross-gender ones has often been

Hines, Johnston, & Golding, 2000; Stoneman,

attributed to the gender composition of these

Brody, & Mackinnon, 1984).

groups (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Endendijk et al.,

Children learn about gender expectations

2013; Fabes et al., 2003; Stoneman et al., 1984).

with the involvement of same and opposite-sex

Examination into the ways that the gender makeup

parents, siblings, and playmates through play, an

of important social agents contributes to gender

activity that facilitates the learning of gender-

differences in play behaviors is important because

typed play behaviors (Fabes, Martin, & Hanish,

at this age, children begin developing more

2003; Golombok et al., 2008; Golombok et al.,

concrete gender-related identities and preferences

2012; Rust et al., 2000; Tenebaum & Leaper,

by using same-sex and other-sex parents, siblings,

2002). In more detail, parents praise their children

and playmates as models for their own play styles

when they play with toys associated with their

(Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Endendijk et al., 2013;).

gender, such as boys playing with trucks and

The present review seeks to examine how the

action figures and girls playing with play sets

gender composition of parental dyads (i.e., two

and participating in pretend play (Farr, Forssell, &

same-sex parents or two opposite-sex parents),

Patterson, 2010; Golombok et al., 2008; Lindsey

siblings (i.e., brothers or sisters), and groups of

& Mize, 2001). However, when children act in a

playmates (i.e., same-, other-, or mixed-sex groups)

way that is atypical of their gender, such as boys

contributes to gender differences in play behaviors

playing with dolls or girls playing aggressively with

among preschool-aged children.

other children, their parents reprimand them and suggest gender-typed play choices (Bornstein,

PARENTS

Haynes, Pascual, Painter, & Galperin, 1999; Iervolino et al., 2005; Lindsey & Mize, 2001; McHale, Crouter,

Play is one of the most popular and versatile

& Whiteman, 2003; Tenebaum & Leaper, 2002).

contexts in which parents facilitate the learning

In addition, siblings serve as a model for children

of gender-appropriate behaviors and modes of

40 | SUBMISSIONS thinking in their children (Bornstein et al., 1999;

masculinity in girls (Kane, 2006). However, this

Wood et al., 2002). Through play, parents suggest

trend has started to change as heterosexual

toy choices and play styles that are generally

parents become less gender-typed in their play

associated with their children’s gender (Caldera,

choices and more accepting of cross-gender play

Huston, & O’Brien, 1989; Endendijk et al., 2013;

(Freeman, 2007; Kane, 2006).

Lindsey & Mize, 2001). For example, parents select

While heterosexual parents exhibit

toys that are deemed gender-appropriate for their

commonalities in their play with their children,

children (Caldera et al., 1989; Endendijk et al., 2013;

heterosexual fathers and mothers show gendered

Golombok et al., 2008). Girls are given dolls and

variations in their play styles with their sons and

play sets while boys are given toy guns and cars

daughters (Bradley & Gobbart, 1989; Jacklin et

(Kane, 2006). At other times, parents engage

al., 1984; Leaper, 2000). Fathers’ play with their

gender-typed play styles with their children,

sons tends to reassert gender-typed play through

preferring pretend play with their girls, which

stronger adherence to gender expectations while

encourages them to adopt nurturing play roles

their play with their daughters displays mostly

with their dolls, and rough-and-tumble play with

feminine themes (Bradley & Gobbart, 1989;

their boys, which is more physically and verbally

Freeman, 2007; Goldberg, et al., 2012; Jacklin et

aggressive than pretend play (Caldera et al., 1989;

al., 1984; Langlois & Downs, 1980; Raag & Rackliff,

Lindsey & Mize, 2001; Liss, 1983). By preschool

1998). Fathers follow gender expectations more

years, parental direction towards particular kinds

strictly than mothers, often reinforcing same-

of play leads children to prefer play activities

gendered play and discouraging cross-sex play in

associated with their gender over those associated

their children (Jacklin et al., 1984). Compared to

with the opposite gender (Farr et al., 2010).

fathers, mothers are usually more gender flexible

While parental play choices are important

with their sons, incorporating masculine and

in developing a preference for gender-typed play

feminine behaviors and styles into play (Freeman

behaviors, the gender composition of parent

, 2007; Jacklin et al., 1984). In regards to their

couples reasserts these play preferences (Jacklin

daughters, mothers engage in higher levels of

et al., 1984). In families headed by heterosexual

same-sex play behaviors, which can be explained

couples (mother-father), parents teach their

by shared gender interests (Jacklin et al., 1984).

children to play in styles that are considered

They also reinforce gender play expectations more

appropriate for their gender by giving them

often when they play with their daughters than

toys typical of their gender (Goldberg, et al.,

when they play their sons (Freeman , 2007; Jacklin

2012; Langlois & Downs, 1980; Leaper, 2000).

et al., 1984).

Heterosexual parents tend to give their girls dolls

In comparison, children in families headed

to encourage care for another “person”, large

by homosexual parents are exposed to play

playhouses to simulate work in the household, and

environments that are more likely to encourage

dress-up clothing to assert the notion that girls

cross-gender play than children in families headed

should be fashion-conscious (Caldera et al., 1989;

by heterosexual parents (Goldberg et al., 2012).

Golombok et al., 2008; Golombok et al., 2012). In

Studies have found that play behaviors between

contrast, heterosexual parents present their boys

boys and their lesbian mothers are less gender-

with trucks, cars, and sports gear, all of which

typed than play between heterosexual fathers

allows them to engage in physically active forms of

and their daughters, heterosexual mothers and

play that also shape their leadership skills (Caldera

their sons, and heterosexual mothers and their

et al., 1989; Farr et al., 2010; Golombok et al., 2008).

daughters (Goldberg et al., 2012). Boys with

Unlike gender-typed play, cross-gender play is

lesbian mothers engage in cross-gender play

often discouraged by heterosexual parents out of

without much disapproval, often playing with

fear of future homosexuality in boys and increased

toys associated with girls (Goldberg et al., 2012).

LAU: PRESCHOOLER PLAY BEHAVIORS | 41 Since fathers tend to be less tolerant of crossgender play, the absence of a heterosexual father figure in lesbian-headed families might explain the acceptance of cross-gender play in sons (Goldberg et al., 2012; Kane, 2006; Langlois & Downs, 1980).

Similarly, daughters with lesbian mothers are more likely to engage in cross-gender play compared to girls with heterosexual mothers (Green, Mandel, Hotvedt, Gray, & Smith, 1986; Hoeffer, 1981).

For example, they play with trucks, an activity associated with boys, more often than girls with heterosexual mothers (Green et al., 1986). They also participate in more rough-and-tumble play, a behavior usually seen in boys, compared to girls of heterosexual mothers (Green et al., 1986). In contrast, research has shown that gay men engage in parenting styles that are a mixture of masculine and feminine rather than a “double-dose of ‘masculine’ parenting” that is commonly expected of the parental pairing (Biblarz & Stacey, 2010, p. 12; Goldberg et al., 2012). The lack of a female parent might present gay fathers as a model of both masculinity and femininity for their daughters, which might explain why daughters of gay men do not engage in less feminine play compared to daughters of lesbian and heterosexual mothers (Goldberg et al., 2012).

In sum, due to a stronger adherence to traditional gender norms, heterosexual parents are more gender-typical in their play and less supportive of gender-atypical play compared to homosexual parents (Goldberg et al., 2012).

Homosexual parents’ acceptance of their children’s play with toys and engagement in play styles associated with the opposite gender encourages their children to participate in cross-gender play more often than children of heterosexual couples (Goldberg et al., 2012; Green et al., 1986). While research has shown that the gender composition of parental dyads influences the display of gendertyped and cross-gender typed play behaviors, the gender composition of another family unit – siblings – has also been found to play an important role in the development of play behaviors in preschool-aged children (Rust et al., 2000; Stoneman, Brody, & MacKinnon, 1986).

SIBLINGS Differences in play behaviors among brothers and sisters can be attributed to the gender-typed play expectations they pass onto their younger and older siblings (Endendijk et al., 2013; Rust et al., 2000; Stoneman et al., 1984). Brothers tend to be dominant and aggressive when playing with their siblings mostly because boys are expected to be forceful in their actions towards others (Rust et al., 2000). In comparison, the play behaviors of sisters with their siblings are often passive and involve more communication because girls are expected to be more cooperative and less assertive than boys (Rust et al., 2000).

Various gender compositions of sibling play groups have been shown to display different levels of sex-typed and cross-sex play in preschool-aged children (Rust et al., 2000; Stoneman et al., 1986).

Same-sex siblings are the most sex-typed in their play due to mirroring and modeling of behaviors after individuals who share the same sex (Rust et al., 2000). Male sibling dyads engage in more male gender-typed play activities than any other sibling dyad while female sibling dyads show more female sex-typed play than male dyads (Stoneman et al., 1986). A possible explanation for the increased amount of sex-typed play in male and female sibling dyads is that older brothers and sisters influence the play styles of their younger siblings (Rust et al., 2000).

Unlike same-sex sibling dyads, which often display same-gender play amongst brothers and sisters, cross-sex sibling dyads show less genderstereotyping due to modeling from oppositesex brothers and sisters (Endendijk et al., 2013).

Reinforcement of cross-gender play in mixedsex sibling groups can be seen in play activities, which are often chosen according to the sex of the older sibling (Endendijk et al., 2013; Stoneman et al., 1986). Older brothers introduce younger sisters to more masculine play activities, increasing cross-gendered play in girls with older brothers (Stoneman et al., 1986). Older sisters are usually more sensitive to the preferences of young children and less likely to impose their own views as to

42 | SUBMISSIONS which play styles are considered appropriate for

cooperation amongst playmates (Maccoby, 1990).

them (Rust et al., 2000). They also engage in more

Sex segregation between preschoolers about their

feminine play activities, which tends to be more

gender socializes them what people who share

flexible and less restrictive compared to masculine

their gender consider appropriate behaviors and

ones, with their younger brothers (Rust et al.,

interests (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Golombok et al.,

2000; Stoneman et al., 1986).

2012; Martin & Fabes, 2001).

Like parents, siblings serve as models in the

Observations of other play groups have

family as to which play behaviors are considered

shown that boys and girls participate in gender-

gender-appropriate and gender-inappropriate for

typed and cross-gender-typed play behaviors

preschool-aged children (Endendijk et al., 2013).

to varying degrees (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005).

Outside of the family context, preschoolers find

In other-sex play, boys and girls play with one

themselves exposed to additional pressure from

other member of the opposite sex (Fabes et al.,

same-aged playmates to participate in same-

2003). When a girl plays with a boy, she does not

gender play and to avoid cross-gender play in

show an increase in forceful play, which is often

order to receive acceptance from peers (Fabes et

stereotypical of boys (Fabes et al., 2003). Similarly,

al., 2003).

when boys plays with a girl, he does not display an

PLAYMATES

increase in low levels of active-forceful play, which is usually seen in girls (Fabes et al., 2003). Since playing with the opposite gender at this age is

Playmates, or same-aged peers, contribute to

uncommon, play with opposite-sex dyads usually

the gender socialization of preschool-aged children

does not show significant changes to gender-

through play interactions (Colwell & Lindsey,

typed play (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Fabes et al.,

2005; Langlois & Downs, 1980; Martin & Fabes,

2003).

2001; Martin et al., 2013). Preschool-aged children

In comparison, in larger opposite-sex play

form play groups of varying gender compositions,

groups, where preschoolers play with more than

ranging from same-sex to opposite-sex to mixed-

one opposite-sex playmate, there can be changes

sex groups (Fabes et al., 2003; Halim et al., 2013).

in gender-typed play behaviors (Fabes et al.,

Through these different play groups, preschoolers

2003). Play between a boy and multiple girls

engage in gender-typed or cross-gender play

and play between a girl and multiple boys show

behaviors (Fabes et al., 2003; Halim et al., 2013).

increases in cross-gender play behaviors due to

During same-sex play, the most common

stronger influences from a larger number of the

type of play for preschoolers, children associate

opposite-sex (Fabes et al., 2003). When a boy

themselves with same-sex peers who share

plays with other girls, he displays less aggression

gender-typed play interests and styles (Colwell &

and more cooperation while when a girl plays with

Lindsey, 2005; Fabes et al., 2003; Golombok et al.,

other boys, she shows more force and roughness

2012; Martin & Fabes, 2001). Specifically, boys tend

(Fabes et al., 2003). Similarly, when multiple boys

to engage in aggressive activities such as rough-

and girls play together in a larger, mixed-sex group,

and-tumble play that encourages them to exhibit

boys limit their aggression due to the presence

forcefulness, physical contact, leadership, fighting,

of girls, who display less aggressive play styles,

and taunting (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Fabes et al.,

and adults, who maintain control over the play

2003; Maccoby, 1990; Martin & Fabes, 2001). On

styles that can be exhibited in the groups (Colwell

the other hand, girls prefer to pair up with other

& Lindsey, 2005; Fabes et al., 2003). Girls and

girls because they are usually less aggressive in

boys change their preferences for gender-typed

their play styles compared to boys (Fabes et al.,

play activities when interacting with the opposite

2003; Martin & Fabes, 2001). Girls in same-sex play

gender to different degrees across various play

groups emphasize group harmony and positive

groups (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Fabes et al., 2003;

LAU: PRESCHOOLER PLAY BEHAVIORS | 43 Golombok et al., 2012; Martin & Fabes, 2001; Martin

et al., 2012). Additional research on other cultural

et al., 2013).

populations can provide important insight into the

CONCLUSION

play behaviors of preschool children across various cultural groups. Also, studies should evaluate young children’s play behaviors over time in order

Research on how the gender composition of parents, siblings, and playmates plays a role in the preschool children’s play behaviors has been

to gain a more detailed understanding of gender development (Goldberg et al., 2012).

Limitations in current studies on how

important in helping researchers understand

play behaviors of preschool-aged children are

variations found between same- and other-sex

influenced by the gender composition of parent,

parents, siblings, and playmates. Same-sex and

sibling, and playmate pairings and groups

other-sex parents engage in gender-typed play

prompt further research. Exploration into the

styles with their children to differing degrees

play behaviors of children with lesbian and gay

(Goldberg et al., 2012). In addition, same-sex and

parents, children from other cultures, and the

other-sex siblings encourage their siblings to play

development of play over a certain period of time

in certain play styles according to their gender

can provide further insight into the gender-typed

(Rust et al., 2000). Moreover, same-sex, other-sex,

play behaviors of children. Given the importance

and mixed-sex play groups present various kinds

of play behaviors in the development of cognitive

of gender-typed play groups to preschool-children,

and social skills in preschool children and their role

allowing them to participate in gender-typed and

in the enhancement of these skills as children enter

non-gender-typed play depending on the play

their elementary school years, additional research

group (Colwell & Lindsey, 2005; Fabes et al., 2003;

into various aspects of play including play group

Martin & Fabes, 2001).

makeup and play styles is necessary in providing a

Despite numerous studies concerning the influence of parents, siblings, and playmates on

more comprehensive understanding of preschool children’s play behavior.

the play behaviors of preschool-aged children, there are some limitations to the current body of research. First, due to the relatively small number of gay and lesbian parents with children, there have only been a few studies that have examined the role that the gender composition of lesbian and gay parents plays in preschooler play choices (Farr et al., 2010, Goldberg et al., 2012; Green et al., 1986; Hoeffer, 1981). Future studies on lesbian and gay parent-headed families can help support extant literature on the play behaviors of their children in comparison to those of heterosexual parents. A second limitation is that a majority of the present research completed on preschooler play behaviors has been conducted on non-Hispanic, middle-class families (Goble et al., 2012). Children from different cultures have been shown to exhibit varying play styles (Goble et al., 2012). For example, Hispanic parents display more gender-typed attitudes, which might influence their children’s gender-typed play behaviors when they enter preschool (Goble

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RUSSELL: PERCIEVED FREEDOM & RESILIENCE | 45

The Relation Between Perceived Decision Freedom and Resilience: An Analysis of Eight Urban Adults Living in Morocco JAZMINE RUSSELL According to the most recent report by The

2005; Masten & Garmezy, 1985). More specifically,

United Nations Population Division, approximately

one’s perception regarding the controllability of life

54% of the current global population lives in urban

circumstances prove to be a significant indicator of

areas, and numbers are expected to increase over

resilience (Cornelius & Averill, 1980; Lefcourt, 1973;

the years (United Nations, 2014). Research on

Lefcourt, Martin, & Saleh, 1984; Steiner, 1970). The

urbanization shows that individuals living in urban

belief that one is in control of their circumstances

neighborhoods may be more exposed to a variety

and free to make decisions towards desired

of daily life stressors that can lead to psychological

outcomes is what researchers call perceived

and physical health risks (Wandersman &

decision freedom (Steiner, 1970). Typically,

Nation, 1998). For example, urban cities are

those who display high levels of perceived

often environments fraught with air pollution,

decision freedom also feel more in control and

poor sanitation, transportation issues, and noise

are less affected by life stressors, and therefore,

pollution, all of which cause stress to inhabitants

demonstrate more resilience (Lefcourt, 1973;

(Baum, Singer, & Baum, 1981; Vlahov et al., 2007).

Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Perlmuter & Monty, 1977). This

Additionally, urban contexts often contain layers

study will review the literature on the relationship

of social and economic structures that can lead

between resilience and perceived decision freedom

to negative outcomes, including SES disparities,

in urban individuals who are faced with life

cultural clashes, crowding, social isolation, violence,

stressors and analyze this relationship in a sample

and crime (Mullen & Arce, 2008; Stockdale, Wells,

of urban adults living in Morocco.

Lingqi, Belin, Zhang, & Sherbourne, 2007). Many studies on urban populations have concluded that the myriad of stressors related to urban life can

FACTORS MEDIATING LIFE STRESS AND RESILIENCE

significantly contribute to various mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, and substance

Research indicates that resilience is fostered

abuse (Baum et al., 1981; Mullin & Arce, 2008;

both by social support and individual dispositions,

Wandersman & Nation, 1998).

which serve as protective factors against life

The vast amount of negative outcomes

stress (Dyer & McGuinness, Luthar & Zigler, 1991;

associated with urban life have encouraged

Mullen & Arce, 2008; Wandersman & Nation, 1998).

researchers to investigate factors that can improve

Both social support and individual dispositions

an individual’s ability to adapt (Baum et al., 1981;

can shape an individual’s coping strategies and

Wandersman & Nation, 1998). Resilience is a

adjustment to daily stress in urban neighborhoods

term often used to describe one’s development

(Mullen & Arce, 2008; Wandersman & Nation,

of adaptive coping strategies despite being

1998). Social support in an urban context can

challenged with various life-stressors (Luthar &

manifest as familial warmth, trusting relationships

Zigler, 1991; McGloin & Widom, 2001; Mullin & Arce,

with neighbors, and access to community services

2008). Researchers find that resiliency and positive

(Stockdale et al., 2007). With more social support,

coping strategies are contingent upon both

individuals tend to have more resources for

external social support and internal dispositions

overcoming the potential difficulties of urban life

(Dyer & McGuinness, 1996; Lever, Piñol, & Uralde,

and are less likely to have related mental health

46 | SUBMISSIONS issues (Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Wandersman & Nation, 1998). Similarly, individual dispositions such as one’s sense of self, determination, and prosocial attitudes can also shape stress responses and affective coping (Baum et al., 1981; Dyer & McGuinness, 1996; Rutter, 1987). For example, urban stressors such as commuting issues or neighborhood violence can bring up feelings and beliefs regarding the unpredictability of the situation, confidence in one’s ability to overcome the challenge, and one’s ability to regulate emotions around the event (Baum et al., 1981; Lever et al., 2005; Mirowsky & Ross, 1990). Since urban neighborhoods are generally more stressful environments with greater instances of social isolation and greater risk for mental health issues, it is even more crucial to develop social support systems and positive dispositions in these contexts (Stockdale et al., 2007).

Researchers have indicated one specific factor, an individual’s belief about the controllability of life stressors, as particularly important in fostering resilience (Cornelius & Averill, 1980; Lefcourt et al., 1984; Lever et al., 2005; Veitch & Gifford, 1996). In recent literature, this construct is referred to as locus of control. Locus of control is a term used to indicate whether an individual believes events to be a result of their own decisions or other uncontrollable circumstances (Lefcourt et al., 1984; Lever et al., 2005). However, a corresponding term, perceived decision freedom, addresses the same construct and both terms have been used interchangeably in the literature. Both locus of control and perceived decision freedom research states that individuals with a sense of control: a) believe they are free to make their own decisions, b) take responsibility for these decisions, and c) believe their decisions can lead to desired outcomes (Lever et al., 2005; Perlmuter & Monty, 1977; Steiner, 1970). For the purposes of this study, perceived decision freedom will be used as the operationalized term.

CHOICE, CONTROL, AND RESILIENCE Studies show that individuals with higher levels of perceived decision freedom tend to be more resilient (Cornelius & Averill, 1980; Mirowsky & Ross, 1990; Veitch & Gifford, 1996). This association is attributed to the fact that individuals who believe their decisions can produce positive outcomes have a greater sense of volition (Lefcourt, 1973; Lefcourt et al., 1984). They are, therefore, more likely to be motivated to achieve desired outcomes and not feel helpless when faced with difficulties (Perlmuter & Monty, 1977). Research shows that individuals with high perceived decision freedom have more adaptive coping strategies and even benefit more from other protective factors, such as social support systems, than those who believe events are uncontrollable and unrelated to their decisions (Lefcourt et al., 1984).

Perceived decision freedom is important in an urban context because studies show that stress is highest when an event is both unpredictable and uncontrollable (Lefcourt, 1973; Perlmuter & Monty, 1977). When an individual perceives himself or herself to have limited choice and control in a situation, for instance being stuck in traffic or becoming a victim of crime, there is a greater risk for feelings of anxiety, fear, hopelessness and depression (Çelik, Çetin, & Tutkun, 2014; Cornelius & Averill, 1980; Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Stockdale et al., 2007). Conversely, if an individual has a greater amount of perceived decision freedom in an event, they typically are more motivated to seek help, access resources, and have less aversive reactions to the stressor, therefore displaying more resilience (Cornelius & Averill, 1980; Perlmuter & Monty, 1977).

Many researchers agree that a sense of control and active problem-solving are crucial to resilience and mental health (Perlmuter & Monty, 1977; Rothbaum, Weisz, & Snyder, 1982).

RUSSELL: PERCIEVED FREEDOM & RESILIENCE | 47

MULTI-CULTURAL VIEWS ON DECISION FREEDOM On an international level, studies show that perception of control is a primary factor in lifesatisfaction and well-being across nations (Minkov, 2009; Spector et al., 2001). While some researchers agree that more freedom to decide can aid in motivation for success, low stress levels, and more resilience, others point out that these assumptions about freedom and autonomy are very Western concepts that presuppose certain assigned values (Markus & Schwarz, 2010). Many Americans believe that more choice means more freedom and more freedom means more well-being, however, these assumptions stem from the cultural values of autonomy, individuation, and personal expression (Markus & Schwarz, 2010). Alternatively, for more collective cultures, choices can be a representation of social compliance and respect for others, as life outcomes can be predetermined by one’s family or social group and less contingent on one’s personal decisions (Markus & Schwarz, 2010; Spector et al., 2001). For cultures that value social relationships more than individuality, freedom may not always be considered positive or adaptive. For example, some individuals perceive too much freedom as negatively impacting their sense of control (Markus & Schwarz, 2010). Therefore, it’s important to consider how these cultural meanings and values assigned to choice and freedom may affect the ways in which individuals display resilience (Çelik, Çetin, & Tutkun, 2014; Markus & Schwarz, 2010).

Many researchers agree that resilience is contextual and culturally defined, meaning it is dependant upon specific social contexts and attitudes towards well-being (Çelik, Çetin, & Tutkun, 2014; Vlahov et al., 2007). Although there has been some cross-cultural research done on differences in autonomy and well-being between individualistic and collective cultures, most research assumes a general positive relationship between sense of control and well-being. Very little research has explored cultures outside of the polarizing collectivist-individualist distinction or attempted to describe beliefs about sense of control, freedom,

or well-being, and what they might mean to individuals of different cultures.

PRESENT STUDY Therefore, the present study explores the relationship between perceived decision freedom and resilience in 8 adults living in urban areas in Morocco, which is a country that is highly under researched, has a variety of cultural influences, and cannot be categorized as typically collectivistic or individualistic. This study is part of a larger project, conducted at The Ultra Laboratory in Casablanca, Morocco, that looks at the ways in which multicultural individuals living in Morocco express their values, beliefs, experiences, and meaningmaking systems that constitute their reality. This study is exploratory, as little research has been conducted on these topics outside of the United States. Morocco contains large, diverse urban cities, which may include similar life stressors as in American cities, however, there may be reason to believe that perceptions of decision freedom and resilience may differ in Moroccan individuals due to potential differences in cultural values.

METHOD Participants

The participants were selected by convenience sample and most were recruited through social media and email via connections that The Ultra Laboratory had previously established with the community. Two participants were specifically sought based on their participation and activism in the artistic communities in Morocco. The sample for the current study includes 2 females and 6 males ranging from 20 to 54 years old. 6 of the 8 participants are artists including writers, visual artists, and performers. All of them are at least bilingual. 5 speak French, Arabic, and English, 2 speak French and English, and 1 speaks French and Arabic. Their language proficiency in English and French is indicative of high education levels and a relatively high SES, since, in Morocco, only those

48 | SUBMISSIONS in moderately wealthy families can afford to either

of finding whether or not the participant felt

travel or attend schools which teach languages

in control of his or her life and what he or she

other than Arabic. 5 out of 8 participants have lived

perceived as limitations to control and freedom.

outside of Morocco for an extended period of time,

To address the second question, the data were

typically in urban cities in France or the US, and

analyzed for ways in which the participants coped

consider themselves to be multicultural.

with difficulties, thereby displaying resilience.

Resilience is operationalized according to the

Procedure

definition by Luthar & Ziglar (1991) as any instance of overcoming difficulties and developing adaptive

The study consists of 30-60 minute long

coping strategies. The constructs were then

semi-structured interviews asking open-ended

analyzed in tandem to assess the relationship

questions regarding how individuals perceive

between perceived decision freedom and resilience

reality, how they view subjectivity and objectivity,

as demonstrated in the interviews.

how they feel about the ambiguity in life, if they feel a sense of freedom and control in their lives, and how their culture has shaped their beliefs.

RESULTS

Perceived Decision Freedom

The interviews were structured loosely in order to give the participants the flexibility to bring up any

Mental/Emotional Freedom. Many participants

stories, beliefs, or ideas they considered relevant.

perceived themselves to be either free in their

The interviews were recorded on a Sony ICD voice-

mental/emotional life or hindered by mental/

recording device. Participants were assured that, if

emotional conflict. Some examples of mental/

preferred, their identities would be kept private and

emotional conflict include feeling “trapped” in their

a pseudonym would be used instead. All interviews

mental states, being overpowered by negative

were conducted in English at a location that the

emotions such as anger, feeling afraid to seek out

participant chose where they would feel most

opportunities, and feeling at the mercy of these

comfortable. Only one interview was conducted in

emotions. However, almost all participants cited

French, whereby an assistant of the project acted

examples or discussed the importance of keeping

as an interpreter between the primary investigator

the mind free, exerting control over emotions,

and the interviewee. As a precautionary step,

letting go of all “mental baggage” and being open

this interview was again translated by a second

to possibilities. Participants practiced mental

assistant who listened to the recording of the

freedom by using specific techniques, for example

interview to provide further clarification on the

by “visualizing throwing out all these bad feelings

interviewee’s responses.

that you’ve been carrying around with you” or,

The interviews were thematically analyzed to explore three questions: 1. In which ways do

more simply, by “open[ing] yourself to possibility and relax[ing].”

the participants perceive themselves to be limited or free to make their own choices in life? 2. In

Spiritual Freedom. Throughout the interviews,

which ways do the participants display attributes

spiritual beliefs were discussed as major

of resilience? 3. How do instances of perceived

components in perceived decision freedom. 6

decision freedom relate to instances of resilience

out of 8 participants directly reported believing

across the participants? To address the first

in God or a higher power and four participants

question, participants were asked “How much

also discussed their belief in destiny, believing

freedom or choice do you feel you have in life?”

that “everything happens for a reason.” These

This question is used in this study as a measure

participants also reported feeling free to make their

of perceived decision freedom. The responses

own small decisions in daily life, but simultaneously

to this question were analyzed with the intent

felt a predetermined purpose in their life,

RUSSELL: PERCIEVED FREEDOM & RESILIENCE | 49 particularly that certain people affected their lives and choices in predetermined and meaningful ways. However, regardless of religion or spiritual orientation, many participants also discussed their spiritual belief as a choice in itself. Many stated that it was a personal decision to choose a religion or ideology after exploring many different belief systems. Therefore, spiritual beliefs can be freely chosen, but also influence perceived decision freedom.

Social/Cultural Freedom. Some participants mentioned the usefulness of social support in giving them resources and opportunities in life, while others found ways to exert their freedom independently of others. More specifically, familial support or lack thereof was often discussed as a primary influence in the participants’ decision freedom. Some reported that their families and socio-economic status either allowed for opportunities such as travel and education, or limited their choices by enforcing traditions and impeding certain desires. However, some participants who did receive social support did not always interpret the freedom gained through this support as necessarily positive. For example, one interviewee described her family as relatively wealthy, supportive, and open, allowing her to study art in school and to decide whether or not she wanted to take part in Islamic traditions.

Although she values her “open-minded education,” she also recognizes that “it gives you so much freedom that you have a hard time knowing who you belong to – where you belong to.” Feeling the freedom to explore was a commonality between participants, since they are multicultural and have been exposed to multiple cultures and beliefs.

Many participants report gaining freedom and opportunities from these multicultural experiences, or feeling “trapped” when they do not have the chance to travel or communicate with different kinds of people. However, all of the participants reported sometimes feeling alienated, unable to fit in, or pressured to conform, thereby hindering personal freedom and limiting choice.

RESILIENCE Spiritual Coping Strategies. Spirituality was often reported by participants as a means both to cope with daily life stressors and to find long-term hopefulness. Some described techniques such as yoga, meditation, visualization, connecting the body and mind, and other religious practices as ways to keep a sense of inner peace despite life stress. In addition, many concluded that spirituality is essential in maintaining hope, and reported that spiritual beliefs give them “resources” and “another dimension to think, to feel, to hope.”

Self-Growth. Throughout the interviews, all participants revealed the desire and motivation to improve themselves despite being faced with personal and life difficulties. Several different themes relating to self-growth emerged throughout the interviews. For example, many participants described their personal goals, dreams, and persistence in the presence of challenges. Not only did most participants show perseverance, but also revealed confidence in their ability to succeed and maintained optimism and faith in the eventual attainment of their goals. Additionally, many participants revealed a desire for selfknowledge and inner peace, attempting to “get in touch with [the] inner self”. Times of difficulty for the participants were often associated with a lack of self-understanding. One participant describes a difficult but rewarding transition from a time when she was “not conscious of what [she] was feeling” to finally discovering her inner emotions, attempting to “listen to [her] inner world.” The act of embracing a personal transformation was common throughout the participants’ stories.

Typically, this act of transformation meant either learning to accept oneself and one’s life circumstance or adapting to changing life circumstances. Since many of the participants are artists, they also expressed the desire to cope with these transformations and explore the inner self through art.

Having/Gaining Social Support. Social support was

50 | SUBMISSIONS often cited by participants as a major factor that

peace and embraced transformation through

helped them overcome difficulties, find resources,

difficult times also felt more freedom and control

and reach their goals. Reaching out to others was

over their mental/emotional life. In the spiritual

a common practice across participants, since many

domain, those who felt free to explore and choose

felt as though their own lives have been improved

from different belief systems also utilized these

by “learning from people,” “sharing knowledge,”

beliefs to develop different coping strategies.

or “staying connected” and asking others for help.

In addition, those who developed the positive

Solidarity and working together were common

coping strategy of seeking social support also

themes that arose, giving participants a sense of

generally gained more possibilities and choices

strength in the face of difficulty. However, several

through these connections. However, this positive

participants admitted to feeling a lack of social

relationship between perceived decision freedom

support, either from their family, from those who

and resilience is yielded across categories as

misunderstand or reject their goals, or as a result

well, with mental/emotional, spiritual, and social

of growing up multicultural and being surrounded

domains of freedom and resilience all interacting

by people who are different from them. Feeling a

together. Generally, individuals who displayed

lack of social support was often associated with a

higher levels of perceived decision freedom and

sense of alienation, but it also encouraged the use

resilience in one category also displayed them in

of other coping strategies. Those who felt alienated

other categories as well.

reported eventually becoming willing to adapt, either by conforming to the norm or by accepting

DISCUSSION

one’s own differences. Therefore, even during times where participants did not feel supported

Several themes yielded in this study remained

or accepted, they overcame these difficulties by

consistent with previous literature. Resiliency

learning to find comfort in “this mere singularity of

yielded themes consistent with the commonly

each person” and the understanding that despite

mentioned protective factors of social support (e.g.

cultural differences “we are all trying to make it in

familial support and reaching out to others) and

a very difficult world and everybody is struggling

individual dispositions (e.g. hope/optimism, self-

with his own self.”

confidence, and persistence). Perceived decision

THE INTERACTION BETWEEN PERCEIVED DECISION FREEDOM AND RESILIENCE

freedom was also found to act similarly in this study as in prior research, meaning those who felt free to make decisions and choices in life cited examples of feeling in control and motivated to carry out their goals based on these decisions.

In general, this study shows perceived

In addition, this study more clearly demonstrates

decision freedom and resilience to have a

several specific ways in which perceived decision

bidirectional relationship, meaning that the more

freedom and resilience are related, as merely

perceived decision freedom that the participant

theorized in previous literature. For example,

has, the more positive coping strategies he or she

consistent with Rutter’s (1987) description of

seems to have developed. Additionally, the more

resilience, results show that feeling free to open

resilience each participant displays, the more

oneself to possibilities is an important attitude

possibilities and choices he or she seems to have in

that fosters resilience. Secondly, this study is in

his or her life. For instance, those who felt mentally

agreement with the idea by Rothbaum, Weisz, and

and emotionally free from constraint or open to

Snyder (1982) that adaptation and coping are ways

possibilities also tended to have more resilient

of maintaining a sense of control. For example,

dispositions such as hopefulness, optimism, or

many participants cited examples of adapting

self-confidence. Similarly, those who sought inner

to life circumstances either internally, through

RUSSELL: PERCIEVED FREEDOM & RESILIENCE | 51 changing emotions or perceptions, or externally,

As one participant explained, Morocco can be

by changing behaviors. Through adaptation, they,

likened to a “tree with it’s branches rising up

therefore, felt more in control and free to make

towards Europe but its roots deep in the African

more adaptive decisions.

soil, and to the east there’s the Arab world and

However, both resiliency and perceived decision freedom acted within an uncommon category that was not heavily mentioned in prior literature: spirituality. Contrary to the literature,

beyond it is Asia, and to the west there’s the United States and the new world.”

LIMITATIONS

several participants held the belief that certain events were predetermined and uncontrollable,

This study contains a small sample size and

which for them still promoted a sense of hope and

is, therefore, not generalizable. There is also a

resilience in the face of difficult circumstances.

sampling bias since participants were selected

However, this association may be explained by the

through connections held by the artist residency

fact that no participant relinquished all control

owner. The selection pool, therefore, only

to a higher power. Within what they considered

contained artists and art-enthusiasts, which may

to be unavoidable circumstances, participants

have affected the results. All 8 participants are

mentioned still feeling free in how they thought,

of similarly high SES and education level, which

felt, and reacted to circumstances. It is, therefore,

does not represent other populations also living

difficult to determine what role perceived decision

in urban neighborhoods in Morocco. Additionally,

freedom played in resiliency and coping strategies

though the participants were of Moroccan heritage,

stemming from spiritual beliefs.

they were also exposed to many different cultures,

Another interesting result is the participants’

which could have influenced their belief systems,

focus on multicultural interactions, which appear

coping strategies, and ways of perceiving freedom.

to be specific to the study sample and not

Since the interviews were structured loosely and

mentioned in previous literature. All participants

participants were not directly asked to discuss

described the act or the desire to travel and

coping strategies or instances where they had

communicate with people of different cultures.

to overcome difficulties, some participants were

Many described exposure to different cultures as

more open than others about life stressors and

positive, both providing opportunities for personal

challenges, which could have influenced results.

growth and giving them more choices in life. In this way, multicultural exposure seems to increase

FUTURE DIRECTIONS

both resilience and perceived decision freedom.

However, these same participants also cited

Since this was an exploratory study,

instances when they felt alienated and pressured to

future research should develop more specific

conform or adapt as a minority in the context of a

interview questions regarding perceived decision

larger culture. In response, most participants stated

freedom and resilience allowing the constructs

even the negative aspects of multicultural exposure

to be statistically compared. Research would

gave them the opportunity to respect their own

also benefit from a larger sample of a broader

and others’ differences. They, therefore, gained

variety of individuals in Morocco from different

positive opportunities for self-growth despite

SES backgrounds. Studies show that SES is

the negative emotions involved. This emphasis

an important factor related to both perceived

on travel and exposure to different cultures may

decision freedom and resilience (Lever et al., 2005;

be an interest that is specific to these individuals,

Wandersman & Nation, 2008). Those with lower

since they all identify as multicultural. Additionally,

SES tend to have more limited resources, access to

the focus on multiculturalism and travel could be

community services, and are more socially isolated

related to the participants’ identity as Moroccans.

in urban communities (McGloin & Widom, 2001;

52 | SUBMISSIONS Wandersman & Nation, 2008). These individuals tend to have fewer choices and lower levels of perceived decision freedom, which studies show can lead to more maladaptive coping strategies and increased mental health risks (Lever et al., 2005; Mullen & Arce, 2008). It is, therefore, even more crucial to look at perceived decision freedom in these populations as they are more vulnerable to risk-factors that can hinder resilience (Luthar & Zigler, 1991; McGloin & Widom, 1991).

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54 | SUBMISSIONS

BIOGRAPHIES

56 | BIOGRAPHIES

STAFF BIOGRAPHIES Vera Stiefler Johnson - Editor vsj208@nyu.edu Vera Stiefler Johnson is a senior in the NYU Applied Psychology program.

She currently works as the Assistant Data Coordinator in Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E.) Team, which advances research and knowledge to improve the lives of traditionally marginalized populations, focusing on urban poverty, courtinvolved women and youth, and those at high risk for court involvement, through the rigorous application of translational, interdisciplinary research paradigms. Her Honors thesis, which stemmed from her work with the C.O.R.E. Team, seeks to evaluate the reliability, exploratory factor structure, and construct validity of the Silencing the Self Scale in juvenile justiceinvolved adolescent girls. Having grown up in diverse countries such as Vietnam, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Denmark, and China, she has developed a strong interest in the issues facing women across cultures and hopes to ultimately use an applied psychology foundation to address gender stratification and oppression.

Samantha Pratt - Editor sjp435@nyu.edu Samantha Pratt is a senior in the Applied Psychology department, with a minor in Creative Writing and a minor in Global and Urban Education Studies. She is a Teach For America Equity Fellow and, upon graduation, will be serving as a 2015 Corps Member for the Miami-Dade Region.

Additionally, she is a peer supervisor on Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s research team where she is involved in the R. O. S. E. S project. Previously, she served as an interventionist for the project for which she received training to implement a studied intervention strategy with at risk adolescent girls who had involvement with the juvenile justice system. In the past she was also a volunteer at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center as well as a part of Dr. Niobe Way’s research team where she worked with qualitative data regarding female adolescents and the impact of various gender norms influenced by parent and peer interactions. Her research interests in child development and adolescent risk factors were inspired by various internships at the Children’s Aid Society, the Gesell Institute of Human Development, Education Pioneers, and Jumpstart.

| 57 Amelia Chu - Layout Director ameliachu@nyu.edu Amelia is a junior in the Applied Psychology Program and is pursuing a minor in Anthropology and Business Studies. She currently holds an internship at the Michael Cohen Group where she has contributed to projects including the ABCD Total Learning Initiative and Project UMIGO, a U.S. Department of Education’s Ready to Learn program. Her research interests include Human-Computer Interactions, User Experience methods and childhood education strategies, particularly those that involve interactive technologies. Amelia is also currently the Vice President of Communications of the NYU Inter-Residence Hall Council.

Christie Kim - Assistant Layout Director christiekim@nyu.edu Christie Kim is a junior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Web Programming and Applications. Guided by a passion for the individual experience and building connections, Christie has served through the Helpline for the National Eating Disorders Association, providing information, referrals, and support to sufferers and their loved ones. She will be furthering her involvement with youth populations through her role as an Intake Counselor at The Door, a comprehensive social service agency committed to empowering and supporting the young people of New York City. Christie is drawn to the clinical and counseling practices of psychology, particularly with regards to mental illness, trauma, and sexual violence.

Minhee Lee - Treasurer ml4470@nyu.edu Minhee Lee is a freshman in the Applied Psychology program at Steinhardt. From a young age, human interactions and the way humans perceive experiences have captivated her. In high school, she was captain of the track and cross country team and served as the events coordinator of the Gay Straight Alliance. Her interests are childhood development, sociology, and trauma studies. Along with holding the treasurer position in OPUS, she is a part of the University Hall Student Council as the Floor Representative. She is pursuing a minor in American Sign Language and hopes to become a child psychologist whose work is inclusive of deaf children.

58 | BIOGRAPHIES Devonae Robinson - Secretary devonae.robinson@nyu.edu Devonae Robinson is a junior in the Applied Psychology program at Steinhardt. She is currently a member of Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s research team, R.O.S.E.S., and also serves on the e-board of the Minority Pre-Law Association. Prior to her work with R.O.S.E.S. she held an internship with Brooklyn’s District Attorney Office, worked with America Reads, and volunteered with Publicolor to explore her interest in both children as well as the legal system. Other interests include domestic violence, cognitive distortions following sexual abuse, and alternative sentencing within the juvenile justice.

Tiffany Oei - Event Coordinator toei@nyu.edu Tiffany Oei is a freshman in the Applied Psychology department program in a dual major with Global Public Health. She is currently a volunteer in the Child Life Program at the New York Presbyterian Hospital hoping to gain experience in the field of pediatric medicine. Coming from a family of five girls, Tiffany has a passion for working with children that has encouraged her to become involved with child focused volunteer work. Even though she is a freshman, she hopes of one day using her applied psychology and global public health education to work for non-profit organizations in other countries that deal with child education and child medicine.

Regina Yu - Publicity Chair reginayu@nyu.edu Regina Yu is a junior in the Applied Psychology program at NYU with a minor in politics. She is just beginning her work as an intake counselor at The Door, a Manhattan-based organization that houses an expansive array of services and resources for at-risk youth. Regina has always been fascinated by psychology and plans to use her undergraduate studies in pursuit of a career in law. She hopes to work in international law with a special interest regarding human rights and social justice. Regina’s research interests include social welfare, education, and counseling psychology.

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AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES Kaya Mendelsohn - Senior Staff Writer kayamendelsohn@nyu.edu Kaya Mendelsohn is a junior in the NYU Applied Psychology program, minoring in Creative Writing. She runs a blog that facilitates discussion and exploration around internet fandom and its interaction with feminism.

Her blog has reached out to and surveyed over 1000 people on personal experience within fandom communities. She has also worked with Alcanse, an organization in her hometown of Santa Cruz, California, that helps at-risk youth find employment, enjoying the experience of working one-on-one with clients. She hopes to combine her passions for internet communities, feminism, and the adolescent experience in her future work with applied psychology.

Hope White - Senior Staff Writer hope.white@nyu.edu Hope White is a junior in the Applied Psychology program. She is currently a research assistant on Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E.) team and previously worked as an Extern at NYU’s Family Translational Research Group. This past summer, she worked as a counselor at the NYU Child Study Center’s Summer Program for Kids, a therapeutic camp for children with ADHD and related disorders. She has also worked on the Child Study Center’s Parent-Child Interaction Therapy Team as a Team Coordinator. In the future, she intends to pursue a Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology.

60 | BIOGRAPHIES Ahmed Alif - Contributing Writer ana337@nyu.edu Ahmed Alif is a senior in the Applied Psychology program, graduating in May. After graduation, he intends to pursue a graduate degree in social work or public health. He is a member of Dr. Sumie Okazaki’s research team, the Asian American Careers and Education (ACE) project. He is also working on 3 independent research project under mentorship from Dr. Sumie Okazaki and Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa involving undocumented immigrant population in the United States. The projects are funded by Steinhardt Undergraduate Research/Creative Projects Award and Dean’s Undergraduate Research fund from the College of Arts and Sciences.

Additionally, next semester he intends to further his research skills by looking into psychological distress facing Rohingya population in Burma, who are victims of ethnic cleansing and living in refugee camps in Bangladesh.

Adam Cortez - Contributing Writer ac4749@nyu.edu Adam is a senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology, as well as an external transfer from Fullerton College in California. He is currently an inside scoop mentor and the community service chair of the APUG club. He works as a research assistant on Dr. Melzi’s research team, which focuses on Latino preschool language development and family involvement. In accordance with his work on the research team, Adam volunteers as a teacher’s assistant at a Head Start preschool. He also spends his Saturdays interning at 1199 Workforce Upward Bound – a college preparatory program that helps students succeed in applying to and surviving college. His interests in psychology range from children’s socio-emotional development to gender studies.

Although nothing is set in stone, upon completing his degree, Adam plans on travelling, teaching, and eventually graduate work in either school psychology, mental health counseling, and/or education.”

Erin Kim Hazen - Contributing Writer erin.hazen@nyu.edu Erin Kim Hazen is a senior in the Applied Psychology department with a minor in Spanish. She is currently interning as an intake counselor at The Door where she conducts psychosocial assessments on at-risk Englishspeaking and Spanish-speaking youth ages 12-21 and connects them to free and confidential services. She is also working as a research assistant on Dr. Javdani’s Skills 4 Life Project and Healthy Relationships Project which focus on the implementing interventions on incarcerated youth population. As both a Spanish-speaking student and a Korean adoptee, she is interested in bilingual clinical work among Latino adolescents as well as researching psychopathology among at-risk youth within the adopted and foster care systems.

| 61 Eunice Lau - Contributing Writer eunicelau93@gmail.com Eunice is a senior in the Applied Psychology program minoring in Social and Public Policy at Wagner. She is currently on Dr. Elise Cappella’s research team where she attends group discussions concerning various aspects of education including classroom environments, effectiveness of school interventions, and student academic and social outcomes. In previous semesters, she was on the F.R.I.E.N.D.S (Friendship in Racially Integrated and Ethnically Diverse Schools) project, where she analyzed data on reciprocated friendships and helped construct templates for data collection on research concerning socioemotional levels of students in schools across the city. She was previously a part of Dr. Lawrence Aber’s Opportunities for Equitable Access to Quality Basic Education (OPEQ) in the Democratic Republic of Congo project. During her time on OPEQ, she examined the effectiveness of an initiative to improve education practices by using Teleform to verify data on academic and socioemotional outcomes of children and classroom evaluations of teachers.

Bryan Nelson - Contributing Writer bsn227@nyu.edu Bryan Nelson is a junior in the College of Arts and Sciences, studying psychology and mathematics. He has worked with data from the Framingham Heart Study at Boston University and currently works as a clinical research intern in the Eating and Weight Disorders Program at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, where he is working on several projects about appearance and performance- enhancing drug (APED) users. At NYU, Bryan is conducting several studies with Ahmed Alif, Professor Sumie Okazaki, and Professor Hirokazu Yoshikawa, examining stress levels in the undocumented immigrant population. He recently won the behavioral science division at the 2014 Sigma Xi International Research Conference and has had his work supported by the NYU Dean’s Undergraduate Research Fund.

Jazmine Russell - Contributing Writer jazminerussell@gmail.com Jazmine Russell is an Applied Psychology senior. She is project coordinator of the Social-Ecological and Social-Cognitive Underpinnings of Math Difficulties Diversity Lab, researching children’s lay beliefs about intelligence and how these mindsets may affect their academic achievement. Additionally, Jazmine works on interdisciplinary social art projects which incorporate psychological theory and methods and utilize photography as an ethnographic tool. Her goal is to create art that opens up bridges of understanding across people and cultures, inspires discussion between different epistemological standpoints, and explores the many ways people shape their intentional realities and identities.

62 | BIOGRAPHIES

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