OPUS - Spring 2015

OPUS online publication of undergraduate studies

Department of Applied Psychology Spring 2015

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in NYU Steinhardt’s Department of Applied Psychology. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

online publication of undergraduate studies

OPUS

Volume VIII | Spring 2015 EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Vera Stiefler Johnson Samantha Pratt

EDITORS-IN-TRAINING

LAYOUT DIRECTORS

Kaya Mendelsohn Devonae Robinson Hope White

Amelia Chu Christie Kim

STAFF WRITERS Devonae Robinson Hope White

CONTRIBUTORS Ahmed Alif Shelby Bambino Anthea Chan Edward Chan Mary Murphy Corcoran Emil Hafeez Christie Kim Bryan S. Nelson Jacqueline Yi

TREASURER Minhee Lee

EVENT COORDINATION & PUBLICITY CHAIR Regina Yu

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Adina Schick

SPECIAL THANKS NYU Steinhardt Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Gigliana Melzi

4 | STAFF ARTICLES

Contents LETTER FROM THE EDITORS | 5 STAFF ARTICLES The Combined Influence of Parenting and Early Puberty on the Development of Disruptive Behavior Problems in African American Girls Hope White | 8

Ethnic Differences in the Experiences of Sexual Assault Victims Devonae Robinson | 13

SUBMISSIONS Marital Conflict and the Developing Adolescent Shelby Bambino | 20

The Impact of Family and Demographic Factors on Intergenerational Transmission of Violence Anthea Chan, Ahmed Alif, & Bryan S. Nelson | 26

The Role of Framing on Male and Female Undergraduate Students’ Feminist Digital Activism Edward Chan | 32

Effects of Solitary Confinement on the Well Being of Prison Inmates Mary Murphy Corcoran | 37

Investigating the Role of Moral Processes in Enabling Aggression and in Political Discourse Emil Hafeez | 40

Self-Efficacy in Victims of Child Sexual Abuse Christie Kim | 46

The Role of Benevolent Sexism in Gender Inequality Jacqueline Yi | 52

BIOGRAPHIES | 59

|5

LETTER FROM THE EDITORS New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies (OPUS) is a semi-annual publication showcasing the work of undergraduate students. OPUS is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and, therefore, each issue represents the interests of the student body.

The themes of the Spring 2015 issue reflect the intellectual pursuits and human development interests of our writers. First, our writers acknowledge the impact of family and community contexts on individuals’ experiences. Shelby Bambino explores the role that marital conflict plays on adolescent emotional and cognitive development, while Hope White examines how parental monitoring and disapproval of peers influences girls’ disruptive behavior problems. Finally, Ahmed Alif, Anthea Chan, and Bryan Nelson utilize their understanding of the importance of parental influence and environmental characteristics to determine how both direct and indirect experiences of violence may drive youth’s future violent behaviors.

Another set of articles in this issue examine traumatic incidents and conditions that diminish mental health and quality of life. Specifically, Christie Kim reviews previous research on child sexual abuse and self-efficacy, while Devonae Robinson investigates ethnic differences in sexual assault victims’ experiences. In addition, Mary Murphy Corcoran analyzes the different ways that solitary confinement affects the psychological and physical well-being of inmates.

Finally, several writers have chosen to use existing theories and frameworks to target socio-political issues in novel ways. For example, Emil Hafeez explores the use of two moral processes to justify aggression within recent political discourse. Edward Chan conducted an experiment examining the effect of positive and negative email framing on undergraduate students’ feminist digital activism. Also toward the advancement of feminist research, Jacqueline Yi examines the ways that benevolent sexism serves as a hinderance to gender equality and as a tool for perpetuating damaging social norms.

We are proud of the articles our writers have completed for the Spring 2015 issue of OPUS. Their hard work has not only contributed to scholarly literature, but has also expanded our understanding of complex social issues. We would like to thank our faculty mentor, Dr. Adina Schick, for her guidance and encouragement over the past year. With her help, we are excited to be able to announce that future issues of OPUS will be incorporating a new feature. Students will have the opportunity to conduct and submit case studies based on their fieldwork experience, an addition that we hope will further the diverse nature of our journal.

Best wishes,

Samantha Pratt

Vera Stiefler Johnson

STAFF ARTICLES

The Combined Influence of Parenting and Early Puberty on the Development of Disruptive Behavior Problems in African American Girls HOPE WHITE

ABSTRACT Adolescent girls’ Disruptive Behavior Problems (DBP) are associated with increased risk for juvenilejustice system involvement and physical and mental health problems including severe and comorbid psychiatric disorders, substance use, violence, and mortality (Zahn, Hawkins, Chiacone, & Whitworth, 2008; Zahn et al., 2010). The onset of puberty increases risk for the development of DBP, particularly for girls with early pubertal development in comparison to their on-time or late-developing peers (Burt, McGue, DeMarte, Kreuger, & Iacono, 2006; Caspi, Lynam, Moffitt, & Silva, 1993; Haynie, 2003). The current literature on the relation between early pubertal development and DBP highlights the importance of girls’ interpersonal relationships with peers and parents as mechanisms that may protect against or promote the development of DBP (Ge, Brody, Conger, Simons, & Murry, 2002; Deardorff et al., 2013). However, few studies examine the combined influence of parenting and early onset of puberty on DBP within a single model. This study aims to further our understanding of the parenting constructs that accord risk for DBP through a longitudinal study design utilizing a clinical sample of African American adolescent girls and their female caregivers. Specifically, this study will examine the relationship among parental monitoring, parents’ communication of disapproval, and early pubertal onset on the development of DBP at one-year follow-up.

Keywords: pubertal development, pubertal timing, parental monitoring, parental disapproval, inconsistent parenting, Disruptive Behavior Problems

Disruptive Behavior Problems (DBP), including

in comparison to peers are at greater risk for

delinquency, violence, and oppositional behavior,

engaging in DBP at earlier ages (Burt et al., 2006;

are associated with increased risk for juvenile-

Ge, Brody, Conger, & Simons, 2006). However,

justice system involvement, as well as physical

there are three critical gaps in the literature.

and mental health problems (Zahn et al., 2008;

First, though research has demonstrated an

Zahn et al., 2010). Girls’ DBP have been historically

association between parenting and girls’ DBP

underrepresented in the research literature;

(Kroneman, Hipwell, Loeber, Koot, & Pardini, 2011),

however, girls’ DBP are increasingly recognized as

few studies have examined whether the effects

unique from those of boys’, specifically in terms of

of parenting are particularly influential in the

manifestation and etiology (Snyder & Sickmund,

context of early puberty. Second, most studies

2006; Zahn et al., 2008). Thus, the psychological,

utilize predominantly European American samples,

health, and legal ramifications of DBP coupled

despite research suggesting that African American

with their unique female presentations elucidate

girls tend to develop earlier compared to other

the importance of better understanding female-

racial and ethnic groups (Ge et al., 2002; Lynne,

specific pathways to these behaviors.

Graber, Nichols, Brooks-Gunn, & Botvin, 2007).

Girls who begin pubertal development early

Third, several studies have revealed an association

WHITE: PARENTING, PUBERTY, AND DISRUPTIVE BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS | 9 between early puberty and DBP in African

(Mounts 2002; Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Smits,

American girls, but few have examined the role of

Lowet, & Goossens, 2007; Keijers et al., 2012). In

parenting in conjunction with this association (Ge

sum, these findings suggest that low parental

et al., 2002; Deardorff et al., 2013; Haynie, 2003;

monitoring paired with high disapproval may be an

Mrug et al., 2008). This study addresses these gaps

especially risky combination for the development

by examining the relations among early pubertal

of DBP, particularly for early-developing girls (Ge

development, parenting (specifically parental

et al., 2002; Keijers et al., 2012; Tilton-Weaver et al.,

monitoring and communication of disapproval),

2013).

and DBP in a sample of African American girls

Early Pubertal Development and Parenting in African American Girls

referred for psychiatric care.

Inconsistent Parenting and DBP

African American girls who develop early

Despite evidence demonstrating that

relative to their peers are at greater risk for

inconsistent parenting is associated with DBP in

engaging in DBP (Carter et al. 2009; Ge et

general (Brody et al., 2001; Hoeve et al., 2009),

al., 2006), particularly in the context of risky

parenting is a less reliable correlate of girls’

environments, such as urban and low-income

DBP (Javdani, Sadeh, & Verona, 2011). One of

neighborhoods and family conflict (Caspi et al.,

the reasons for this may be a lack of research

1993; Lang et al., 2010). Early-developing girls need

examining more complex and nuanced parenting

more parental support to assist them in navigating

patterns. For instance, no studies have examined

adolescence ahead of their peers, which suggests

the combined effects of active parental monitoring

that parenting is particularly important for early-

practices and communicated disapproval (Tilton-

developing African American girls in disadvantaged

Weaver, Burk, Kerr, & Stattin, 2013).

neighborhoods due to the multiple levels of risk to

Parental Monitoring and Disapproval.

Parents’ reactions to their children’s behavior

which they are exposed (Ge et al., 2002).

Nurturing and involved parenting is indeed

and friendships represent important aspects

a protective factor of DBP in early-developing

of parenting evidenced to contribute to the

boys and girls, particularly for African American

development of DBP. First, effective parental

adolescents living in disadvantaged neighborhoods

monitoring, which comprises both information-

(Brody et al., 2001, Mrug et al., 2008). Conversely,

seeking and surveillance, can protect against the

harsh and inconsistent parenting is associated

development of adolescent DBP, delinquency,

with increased risk for DBP in early-developing

and substance use (Dillon, Pantin, Robbins, &

adolescents, including African-American youth

Szapocznik, 2008; Dishion & Tipsord, 2011; Stattin

(Deardorff et al., 2013; Ge et al., 2002). Thus,

& Kerr, 2000). Conversely, inadequate parental

while preliminary research suggests inconsistent

monitoring is correlated with association with

parenting is particularly risky for African American

deviant peers and adolescent DBP (Patterson,

youths’ DBP, no studies have yet examined

Reid, & Dishion, 1992; Stattin & Kerr, 2000).

inconsistent parenting as conceptualized by low

Second, several studies suggest that when

monitoring and high disapproval, or in a gender-

parents communicate disapproval of their teenage

specific model.

child’s activities or friends, the child tends to

The Current Study

engage in more DBP (Keijers et al., 2012; Mounts, 2001; Tilton-Weaver et al., 2013). This relation is particularly strong when adolescents perceive their parents’ disapproval as intrusive, which may occur when an adolescent feels over-controlled by high levels of monitoring or when parents are uninvolved but still attempt to prohibit behaviors

This study is designed to address these gaps in the literature by furthering our understanding of the role of parenting practices and early puberty on the development of DBP in African American adolescent girls by examining the following research questions: 1) To what extent do low parental monitoring and high parental

communication of disapproval predict DBP? and

by the female caregiver and adolescent (PSQ;

2) Is this combination of low parental monitoring

Oregon Social Learning Center, 1990). (6) Parental

and high parental communication of disapproval

disapproval of behavior. Parental disapproval will

particularly risky for the development of DBP in

be measured using three items about adolescents’

girls who develop early?

perceptions of parental attitudes regarding drug

We hypothesize that when girls are not

use, alcohol use, and sexual behavior. Sexual

monitored by parents, and perceive high levels of

permissiveness items were derived from the Sexual

disapproval from parents, they are at greater risk

Attitudes Scale (Hendrick & Hendrick, 1987). (7)

for developing DBP one year later. This set of risk

Relative pubertal development. Caretaker report

factors will be particularly highly associated with

of their adolescent’s pubertal maturation relative

DBP for early-developing girls, as compared to

to peers (early/average/late) was assessed at

those who are average- or late-developing (see

baseline using the Pubertal Development Scale

Appendix A for conceptual model)

(PDS, Petersen et al., 1988), which is supported by

METHOD Participants and Procedures This study will employ a clinical sample

previous research as a reliable measure of relative puberty (see Appendix B for complete measures).

Data Analytic Plan These research questions will be addressed

of approximately 270 African American girls

using Hierarchical Linear Regression to assess the

aged 12 to 16 and their female caregivers from a

relative contributions of parenting and pubertal

longitudinal study on HIV risk behavior among

development on DBP at one-year follow-up. First,

adolescents referred for psychiatric services at

we will examine age, SES (covariates; Step 1),

eight mental health clinics in a large city. This

DBP at baseline (Step 2), and the main effects

sample was selected due to the high base rates of

of parental monitoring and disapproval (Step 3).

DBP in this population. Girls were excluded from

Next, we will examine the interaction between

the study if they were not African American, were

monitoring and disapproval (Step 4), and pubertal

identified as having an intellectual disability, did

development and the parenting variables (Steps 5

not speak English, or did not live with a female

and 6, respectively), in order to examine whether

guardian. After obtaining consent and assent,

and to what extent the effects of monitoring and

families completed self-report questionnaires, a

disapproval on DBP will vary based on pubertal

computer-assisted self-interview, a structured

timing.

diagnostic interview, and other measures unrelated to the current study. Assessments were also completed at one-year follow-up (78% retention rate).

Measures (1) Demographics. Demographic information was collected from female caregivers at baseline, including adolescent’s age, ethnic background, and family SES. (2) DBP. The parent-reported Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach, 1991a) and adolescent-reported Youth Self Report (YSR; Achenbach, 1991b) were used to measure DBP at baseline and one-year follow-up using a composite score of both measures. (4) Parental monitoring.

Parental monitoring was assessed using the Parenting Style Questionnaire, which is completed

IMPLICATIONS OF THE CURRENT STUDY This study addresses crucial limitations of previous studies by: 1) examining the role of inconsistent parenting practices on DBP, specifically the combination of low monitoring and high disapproval, and 2) testing a gender-specific model of the role of parenting on DBP in AfricanAmerican girls who develop early. By contributing knowledge to the literature, the present study has the potential to influence the development of more effective interventions for the treatment and prevention of DBP in African American females at high risk for involvement in the juvenile justice system and mental and physical health sequelae.

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APPENDIX A: CONCEPTUAL MODEL

Pubertal Timing Parental Monitoring

Disruptive Behavior Problems

Parental Disapproval

Hypothesis: When girls are not monitored by parents, but perceive high levels of disapproval from parents regarding behavior, they are at greater risk for developing Disruptive Behavior Problems at one year follow up. This set of risk factors will be particularly highly associated with externalizing behavior for early-developing girls, as compared to those who are average- or late-developing.

ROBINSON: ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN SEXUAL ASSAULT | 13

Ethnic Differences in the Experiences of Sexual Assault Victims DEVONAE ROBINSON There is substantial support for the fact that,

2000). This trend becomes problematic when the

around the world,women are disproportionately

differences in psychological processes across social

targeted for sexual assault Alvidrez, Shumway,

groups are considered.

Morazes, & Boccellari, 2011; Truman & Langton,

Research has revealed that there are

2014.In America alone, over 500,000 women are

several indications that ethnicity is relevant to

subjected to sexual assault per year (Alvidrez et

the examination of the impact of sexual assault.

al., 2011; Truman & Langton, 2014). However, it was

Studies have found that there is a disproportionate

not until the past century that researchers began

amount of sexual attacks on minority women,

exploring the detrimental impact of sexual assault

variation in police reports across ethnic groups,

on female victims. Recent studies examining

and differing responses across ethnic groups

the prevalence of negative outcomes following

following disclosure (Sabina, Cuevas, & Schally,

sexual assault show that it is common for women

2015). All of these factors significantly impact

to develop mental health difficulties following

the ability of women to return to pre-rape

sexual assault (Alvidrez et al., 2011; Weist, Kinney,

functioning following an assault (Jacques-Tiura,

Taylor, Pollitt-Hill, Bryant, Anthony, & Wilkerson,

Tkatch, Abbey, & Wegner, 2010). Considering that

2014). Because of the large amount of female

many researchers refrain from studying ethnic

survivors of sexual assault that face these mental

differences, it is important to critically analyze the

health difficulties, it is imperative that researchers

limited existing literature on ethnic differences in

understand and address the events that occur after

sexual assault in order to frame understanding of

a woman is sexually assaulted.

the issue and encourage future research(Arellano,

Indeed the psychological sequelae of sexual

Kuhn, & Chavez, 1997). Furthermore, by recognizing

assault have been researched extensively over the

the ethnic and cultural differences of rape victims,

last few decades which has contributed to the

researchers and service providers will be better

identification of trends that researchers associate

prepared to respond to the needs of sexually

with treatment outcomes. For example, researchers

abused women. Therefore, this paper will review

have identified that women who abuse substances

literature that examines the ethnic variations in

are at higher risk for sexual assault than other

victimization and mental health outcomes of

women (Scott, Lefley, & Hicks, 1993). As a result,

sexually assaulted women.

practitioners have used this research to modify treatment procedures and accommodate for the

VICTIMIZATION

aforementioned group specific differences in

Rates of Victimization

outcomes (e.g. higher rates of victimization and increased stress). However, despite the success of identifying variations in women’s substance abuse and other pre-existing conditions in conjunction with sexual assault, little research has accounted for the demographic differences of sexual assault victims (e.g. Ahmad, 2006; Bird, Seehus, Clifton, & Rellini, 2014). In fact, many researchers often control for the variations in the victims’ identities, such as ethnicity and socio-economic status (Kalof,

Many researchers have identified differences in the rate of sexual victimization across multiple ethnic groups (e.g. Littleton, Grills-Taquechel, Buck, Rosman, & Dodd, 2013). This research has revealed that White women are assaulted more frequently than other ethnic groups, followed by Latinas, Black women, and Asian women respectively (Littleton et al., 2013; Kalof, 2000). However, some variations in findings across studies indicate that

Latinas may be victimized equally or slightly more

because of the harmful stereotypes embedded

frequently than White women, while other studies

within them (e.g. Latinas are promiscuous and

suggest Black women are sexually assaulted at a

“only promiscuous women get raped”) (Carmody

higher rate than other women (Scott et al., 1993;

& Washington, 2001). However, research also

Wyatt, 1992). Researchers who include Asian and

demonstrated that White Americans were more

Native American participants have consistently

likely to uphold stereotypes and rape myths if the

found that Asian Americans are least likely to be

woman was part of an ethnic minority (Jimenez &

sexually assaulted, while Native Americans are

Abreu, 2003). Just as minority groups have been

disproportionately assaulted compared to other

socialized by their cultural norms to believe that

ethnic groups (Cristani, Frueh, Gundaya, Salvail,

certain sexual behaviors are permissible, White

& Triffleman, 2011; Littleton et al., 2013; Bureau

Americans have been conditioned to believe that

of Justice Statistics, 2001). In concurrence with

minorities are more promiscuous and accepting

these findings, the Bureau of Justice Statistics

of sexual advances (Jimenez & Abreu, 2003).

(2014) recently reported that, while rates of violent

Carmody and Washington (2001) believe that

crimes against White and Black women have

a reason for this cross-cultural endorsement of

decreased substantially, Native American women

rape myths stems from the fact that many women

are at greater risk for being victimized. In fact,

function within patriarchal societies that hold

they are more than twice as likely to be victimized

women more responsible for sexual acts than

than Black, White, and Asian women (Truman

men. This cultural mis-socialization is reflected in

& Langton, 2014). Despite the inconsistencies

the belief of many rape victims who assert that,

regarding the comparative victimization of ethnic

although their experiences were legally defined as

groups, nearly all researchers can agree that

sexual assault, they were not victims of rape (as

women of different ethnicities are not victimized at

cited in Wyatt, 1992; Kalof, 2000). These women

the same rate.

are aware that the assault was not a normal

Cultural Influences on Victimization

sexual encounter, but they blame themselves for

Researchers have tested many factors that contribute to the variation in victimization rates; the way that many of these factors contribute to victimization is directly related to cultural and environmental differences across ethnic groups (Jimenez & Abreu, 2003). More specifically, researchers have found that there are cultural

the attack (Sigurvinsdottir & Ullman, 2014). The higher endorsement of rape myths toward minority women in diverse ethnic groups is not only a reflection of the internalization of their cultural norms, but also the ideas about race and sexuality that have been heavily integrated into American society (Carmody & Washington, 2001; Donat &

differences in attitudes towards rape (Jimenez &

D’Emillo, 1992; Wyatt, 1992).

Abreu, 2003; Price, Davidson, Ruggiero, Acierno,

Historical Influences on Victimization

& Resnick, 2014; Jacques-Tiura et al, 2010). For

One important factor that impacts a victim’s

example, minority men and women tend to

ability to report rape is the presence of rape

have more victim-blaming attitudes than White

culture, defined as the normalization of rape based

Americans (Jimenez & Abreu, 2003; Wyatt, 1992).

on negative attitudes toward gender and sexuality

One study found that Latino/a, Black, and Asian

(Donat & D’Emillo, 1992; Wyatt, 1992). Because

Americans were more likely to endorse rape myths

of the deeply imbedded rape culture in America,

(e.g. “the victim was asking for it”) hold negative

there are many obstacles that women face when

attitudes toward rape victims than Whites, even

reporting rape. They have been required to verify

if they themselves had been victims of sexual

penetration through invasive procedures often

assault (Jimenez & Abreu, 2003; Carmody &

before the acknowledgment of the rape or the

Washington, 2001). These myths have been

attempted rape, they are burdened with having

known to disproportionately affect minorities

prove that they tried to stop the rape through

ROBINSON: ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN SEXUAL ASSAULT | 15 both verbal and physical resistance, and they are

(Jacques-Tiura et al., 2010; Littleton et al., 2013;

expected to have a pristine sexual history (Donat

Scott et al., 1993). For example, researchers have

& D’Emillo, 1992). However, the dehumanizing

found that Black women have more symptoms

experiences of Black rape victims have been

of PTSD following assault than white women, a

compounded by the socio-cultural context of the

potential correlate with disclosure rates (Jacques-

United States. Historically, white and black men

Tiura et al., 2010). Other findings suggest that

used the bodies of Black women women to assert

Hispanic women have significantly more psychiatric

their power. Because of the common practice of

hospitalizations and greater anxiety than Black and

controlling Black women with their sexuality, many

White women (Littleton et al., 2013; Scott et al.,

of these women’s experiences with assault have

1993).

been ignored (Donat & D’Emillo, 1992).

Mental Health Treatment

Post-Assault Victimization In addition to the historical barriers that

Although these differences in mental health can be partially explained by the previously

dictated women’s ability to successfully report

mentioned ethnic variations in victimization and

and discuss rape, researchers have identified real

responses following disclosure, the way mental

and perceived barriers that currently discourage

health services are utilized also has a significant

minority women from formally reporting sexual

impact on victims’ psychological well-being (Price

assault to law officials or rape centers (Jacques-

et al., 2014; Weist et al., 2014). Researchers have

Tiura et al., 2010; Weist et al., 2014). Research

found that Even though Black women have been

suggests that the internalization of the cultural

identified as the population with the greatest need

stereotypes, such as those previously addressed in

for post-rape resources and are more likely to

this literature review, contributes to the pattern of

seek out treatment, recent studies found that, of

minority women failing to formally and informally

all victimized ethnic groups, Black women were

report sexual assault as frequently as White

the least likely to complete treatment (Alvidrez

women (Alvidrez et al., 2011; Donat & D’Emillo, 1992;

et al., 2011; Jacques-Tiura et al., 2010; Price et

Jacques-Tiura et al., 2010; Wyatt, 1992). Although

al., 2014; Weist et al., 2014; Zoellner et al., 1999).

all women have low rates of formal reporting (only

Researchers have found that the race of the service

about 24% of women disclose to formal sources),

provider can contribute to the high dropout rates

minority women disclose less to informal sources

of ethnic victims (Alvidrez et al., 2011). A study

and receive more negative responses than White

found that belonging to the same ethnic group as

women, leading to an increase in minority women’s

one’s service provider significantly predicts higher

negative mental health symptoms (Jacques-Tiura

retention rates in treatment programs for all ethnic

et al., 2010; Weist et al., 2014; Wyatt, 1992).

groups (Alvidrez et al., 2011). The influence of the

MENTAL HEALTH OUTCOMES Mental Health Symptoms There are other post-rape mental health consequences seen across ethnic groups in addition to those associated with disclosure (Zoellner, Feeny, Fitzgibbons, & Foa, 1999).

Although sexually victimized ethnic populations have similar depressive symptoms following rape

service provider’s ethnicity not only highlights the impact of the service provider on the mental health outcomes of minority women, but it also underscores the influence of culture on the recovery of the victim. The differences in beliefs and attitudes toward rape that have been identified across cultures do not facilitate the recovery of ethnically diverse victims and may correlate with why women drop out of programs or never enroll

(i.e. high rates of depression immediately following

(Jimenez & Abreu, 2003).

assault that decrease substantially in subsequent

Consequence of Mental Health Difficulties

months), research suggests that ethnic minorities experience more symptoms of PTSD and anxiety

As a result of the mental health disturbances, sexually victimized women, especially those who

do not seek out treatment, may engage in a

analysis of experiential differences across ethnic

number of risky behaviors following sexual assault

groups. As suggested by the limited research

(Cristani et al., 2011; Littleton et al., 2013; Wyatt,

that has already been done, there are significant

1992). For example, across all ethnic groups,

differences across ethnic groups that can benefit

sexually assaulted women have been found to

victims substantially when addressed properly

abuse substances at a higher rate than non-

by help providers. Future research should also

assaulted women, have more sexual partners and

investigate how the differences in coping methods

unprotected sex over their lifetime, and have more

factor into the recovery of sexually assaulted

unintended and aborted pregnancies (Cristani et

women. Additionally, it might be helpful to address

al., 2011; Littleton et al., 2013; Wyatt, 1992). However,

whether the type of risky behavior in which a

researchers have found that there are ethnic

victim engages influences their decision to seek

differences in the frequency at which some of

post-assault services. All of these suggestions for

these risk-taking behaviors occur (Littleton et al.,

future research may contribute to the identification

2013). Studies point to alcohol use and risky sex as

of potential inhibitors to the full recovery of rape

the most common risk-taking behaviors in which

victims.

victims of sexual assault participate to cope with their stress following the assault, but participation in these acts varies across ethnic groups (Arellano et al., 1997; Price et al., 2014; Scott et al., 1993).

Recent studies show White, Latina, and Asian women are more likely to cope with the assault by excessively drinking alcohol, while Black women are least likely to use alcohol to cope with their stress (Littleton et al., 2013). However, researchers also found that Black women and Latinas are more likely to engage in risky sex to cope with their negative mental health symptoms than Asian and White women (Littleton et al, 2013; Wyatt, 1992).

CONCLUSION The analysis of the literature revealed that there are substantial differences across ethnic groups following sexual assault that can be observed at the cultural, psychological, and social levels. Not only do the cultural and ethnic identities of rape victims largely influence their perspectives on the assault, but cultural and environmental factors also limit the ability of victims to utilize resources that are available to them. This finding is important because it has implications for future research to account for the cultural needs of ethnic minorities when implementing various treatments to limit the number of risk-taking behaviors in which victims engage. Researchers should also attempt to study a full range of ethnic groups within the same study to allow for a holistic

ROBINSON: ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN SEXUAL ASSAULT | 17 REFERENCES Alvidrez, J., Shumway, M., Morazes, J., & Boccellari, A. (2011). Ethnic disparities in mental health treatment engagement among female sexual assault victims.

Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma, 20(4), 415-425.

Arellano, C.M., Kuhn, J.A., & Chavez, E.L. (1997).

Psychosocial correlates of sexual assault among Mexican American and White non-Hispanic adolescent females. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 10(4), 446-460.

Ahmad, S. (2006). Adult psychosexual dysfunction as a sequela of child sexual abuse. Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 21(4), 405-418.

Bird, E.R., Seehuus, M., Clifton, J., & Rellini, A.H. (2014).

Dissociation during sex and sexual arousal in women with and without a history of childhood sexual abuse. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 43(5), 953-964.

Carmody, D.C., & Washington, L.M. (2001). Rape myth acceptance among college women: The impact of race and prior victimization. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16(5), 424-436.

Cristani, A.S., Frueh, B.C., Gundaya, D.M., Salvail, F.R., & Triffleman, E.G. (2011). Ethnoracial disparities in sexual assault among Asian Americans and Native Hawaiians/other Pacific Islanders. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 72(6), 820-825).

Differences in rates of violent crime experienced by whites and blacks narrow. (2001, March 18).

Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/press/vvr98pr.cfm Donat, O.L.N., & D’Emillo, J. (1992). A feminist redefinition of rape and sexual assault: Historical foundations and change. Journal of Social Issues, 48(1), 9-22.

Jacques-Tiura, A.J., Tkatch, R., Abbey, A., & Wegner, R. (2010). Disclosure of sexual assault: Characteristics and implications for posttraumatic stress symptoms among African American and Caucasian survivors.

Journal of Trauma and Dissociation, 11(2), 174-192.

Jimenez, J.A., & Abreu, J.M. (2003). Race and sex effects on attitudinal perceptions of acquaintance rape.

Journal of Counseling Psychology, 50(2), 252-256.

Kalof, L. (2000). Ethnic differences in female sexual victimization. Sexuality and Culture, 4(4), 75-97.

Littleton, H.L., Grills-Taquechel, A.E., Buck, K.S., Rosman, L., & Dodd, J.C. (2013). Health risk behavior and sexual assault among ethnically diverse women.

Psychology of Women Quarterly, 37(1), 7-21.

Price, M., Davidson, T.M., Ruggiero, K.J., Acierno, R., & Resnick, H.S. (2014). Predictors of using mental health services after sexual assault. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 27(3), 331-337.

Sabina, C., Cuevas, C.A., & Schally, J.L. (2015). The influence of ethnic group variation on victimization and help seeking among Latino women. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 21(1), 1930.

Scott, C.S., Lefley, H.P., Hicks, D. (1993). Potential risk factors for rape in three ethnic groups. Community Mental Health Journal, 29(2), 133-141.

Sigurvinsdottir, R., & Ullman, S.E. (2015). Social reactions, self-blame, and problem drinking in adult sexual assault survivors. Psychology of Violence, 5(2), 192198.

Truman, J. L., & Langton, L. (2014, September 19). Criminal

victimization, 2013. Retrieved May 2, 2015, from http://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=5111 Weist, M.D., Kinney, L., Taylor, L.K., Pollitt-Hill, J., Bryant, Y., Anthony, L., & Wilkerson, J. (2014). African American and White women’s experience of sexual assault and services for sexual assault. Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma, 23(9), 901916.

Wyatt, G.E. (1992). The sociocultural context of African American and White American women’s rape.

Journal of Social Issues, 48(1), 77-91.

Zoellner, L.A., Feeny, N.C., Fitzgibbons, L.A., & Foa, E.B. (1999). Response of African-American and Caucasian women to cognitive behavioral therapy for PTSD. Behavior Therapy, 30(4), 581-595.

SUBMISSIONS

20 | SUBMISSIONS

Marital Conflict and the Developing Adolescent SHELBY BAMBINO Conflict between parents is understood to

to present more with externalizing symptoms,

affect the dynamic of the entire family (Erel &

such as aggression, while girls appear to have

Burman, 1995). Disagreement in marriages will

more challenges with internalizing symptoms (e.g.,

inevitably arise, but it is the way the parents

anxiety and depression; Jenkins & Smith, 1991;

choose to respond o the discord that can create

Zimet & Jacob, 2001).

a positive or negative impact on the child (Erel

Although some research has documented

& Burman, 1995). Research has characterized

the developmental effects of negative marital

negative marital conflict as comprised of five

conflict on toddlers and school-aged children, the

factors: intensity, frequency, consistency, content,

majority of research focuses on effects during

and resolution, such that negative marital conflict

adolescence. As with younger children, adolescents

is consistent over time, characterized by child-

who are exposed to negative marital conflict

centered content, high intensity, frequently

display detriments to their social, emotional, and

occurring, and lacking in a visible resolution to the

cognitive development. However, adolescence is

child (Davis & Cummings, 1994; Erel & Burman,

a time of intense physical, social, and emotional

1995). Negative conflict between parents is

changes, making it imperative for researchers

detrimental to children’s social, emotional, and

and interventionists alike to explore the particular

cognitive development, and can damage their

influence of negative marital conflict on youth

relationship with their parents (Cummings, Goeke-

during this developmental stage (Cummings et

Morey, & Papp, 2004; Cummings, Iannotti, & Zahn-

al., 2004; El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006; Grych et al.,

Waxler, 1985; El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006; Grych,

1992; Wierson, Forehand, & McCombs, 1988; Zimet

Seid, & Fincham, 1992).

& Jacob, 2001). This paper explores the effects of

The precise impact of marital conflict,

negative marital conflict on American adolescents,

however, varies based on the developmental

in terms of social, emotional, and cognitive

stage and gender of the child (Cummings et

development, and identifies important gender

al., 1981; Cummings et al., 1985; Cummings

differences across these domains.

et al., 2004; Emery & O’Leary, 1982; Porter & O’Leary, 1980; Raver, 2014; Zimet & Jacob, 2001).

Specifically, research indicates that toddlers who

SOCIAL Adolescence is characterized by an increased

experience negative marital conflict perform

engagement in peer interactions, as youth begin

worse on emotional identification tasks, and

to create more intimate friendships outside the

are less emotionally connected to their mothers

home (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2002; Wierson et al.,

(Cummings et al., 1981; Cummings et al., 1985;

1988; Zimet & Jacob, 2001). Therefore, exposure to

Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Jouriles et al., 1988; Raver,

negative marital conflict during this developmental

2014). By contrast, early school-aged children (i.e.,

stage has negative implications for an adolescent’s

between the ages of four and eight) often exhibit

social interactions (Cummings et al., 2004). More

social delays as a result of exposure to negative

particularly, researchers have identified that

marital conflict (Cummings et al., 1989; El-Sheikh

adolescents exposed to marital conflict have

& Whitson, 2006; Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Fincham,

significantly lower conflict resolution skills and

Grynch & Osborne, 1994; Hershorn & Rosenbaum,

higher aggressive responses (Cummings et al.,

1985; Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Kelly, 2000).

1985; Cummings et al., 2004; Holden & Ritchie,

Extending across developmental stages, boys tend

1991; Jenkins & Smith, 1991; Jouriles, Barling, &

BAMBINO: MARITAL CONFLICT DURING ADOLESCENCE | 21 O’Leary, 1987). Adolescents in high-marital conflict

increases in feelings of aloneness, anxiety,

homes witness their parents, two people who are

depression, and stress (Cummings et al., 2004;

understood to care deeply for one another, arguing

El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006; Fincham et al., 1994;

over a variety of subjects, and consequently

Grych et al., 1992; Kelly, 2000; Wierson et al.,

may internalize these skills and begin to utilize

1988). A recent study revealed a positive relation

them in their own lives (Cummings et al., 2004).

between levels of conflict within the home and

Some of these poor conflict resolution skills

adolescents’ increased sadness and feelings of

include ineffective communication, an inability to

loneliness (Raver, 2014). As the conflict escalates,

compromise, and difficulty with self-regulation

adolescents frequently isolate themselves

(Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Long, Forehand, Fauber, &

physically and emotionally, in order to escape

Brody, 1987; Zimet & Jacob, 2001). These learned

the negativity within their homes (Cummings et

detrimental conflict resolution skills can be

al., 2004; El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006; Fincham et

understood as related to the aspect of negative

al., 1994; Grych et al., 1992; Wierson et al., 1988).

marital conflict where the adolescent is unaware

As adolescents isolate themselves, they often

of the resolution to the conflict (Cummings et al.,

begin to harbor feeling of responsibility for the

1985; Cummings et al., 2004; Davis & Cummings,

conflict (Cummings et al., 2004). The feeling

1994; Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Jenkins & Smith, 1991).

of responsibility can overwhelm the adolescent

Furthermore, adolescents who are exposed to

and cause them to respond by further isolating

negative marital conflict also tend to display more

themselves (Cummings et al., 2004; Grych et al,

adverse parent-child relationships related to their

1992). The combination of isolation and feelings of

lack of productive social skills (Cummings et al.,

responsibility for the conflict make it increasingly

2004; Long et al., 1987; Wierson et al., 1988; Zimet

hard for them to cope with not only the conflict,

& Jacob, 2001). Adolescents frequently report a

but also everyday stressors that they experience as

nervousness or inability to gauge their parent’s

adolescents (Cummings et al., 2004; Grych et al,

mood and how they may respond in a given

1992).

situation, which affects their likelihood to approach

Furthermore, the feelings of responsibility

their parent (Zimet & Jacob, 2001). The uncertainty

and involvement in the conflict have been found

in perceiving the parents’ moods causes the

to relate to an increased risk for developing

adolescent to be more cautious in contacting and

anxiety and depression (Cummings et al., 2004;

interacting with them as he or she worries about

Grych et al., 1992; Kelly, 2000; Raver, 2014). As an

the consequences of upsetting or angering them

adolescent becomes emotionally involved with

(Zimet & Jacob, 2001). The lack of predictability

the conflict, they begin to internalize much of

in regards to how the parent may respond to the

the disagreement, responding to the conflict as if

adolescent becomes discouraging and daunting for

they were truly part of it (Cummings et al., 2004;

many adolescents which has been found to relate

Grych et al., 1992; Kelly, 2000; Raver, 2014). This

to withdrawal of the adolescence and less frequent

immense level of investment has been correlated

parent-child interactions (Long et al., 1987; Zimet

to the adolescents’ inability to separate themselves

& Jacob, 2001). Therefore, marital conflict has

from their parent’s marital dispute which, in turn,

complex and diverse affects on adolescent’s social

increases their risk for developing symptoms of

development (Cummings et al., 2004; Long et al.,

anxiety and depression (Cummings et al., 2004;

1987; Wierson et al., 1988; Zimet & Jacob, 2001).

Grych et al., 1992; Kelly, 2000; Raver, 2014).

EMOTIONAL

situated in their parent’s marital conflict often

Beyond social adversities, adolescents in

Additionally, adolescents who are emotionally have a distorted view of the dispute as they

homes saturated with marital conflict experiences

begin to side with one parent over another not

challenges in adaptive emotionality, including

fully understanding the complexities of the

22 | SUBMISSIONS disagreement (Cummings & Cummings, 1988;

expectations of the youth within the home have

Fincham et al., 1994; Grych et al., 1992; Kelly, 2000).

been associated with lower academic achievement

As adolescents think more about the conflict they

(Garber & Dodge, 1991; Harold et al., 2007; Jenkins

tend to misconstrue the situation further, creating

& Smith, 1991; Kelly, 2000). Specifically, the

an inaccurate depiction of the conflict (Grych

decrease in academic achievement results from

et al., 1992; Kelly, 2000). This misconception of

the adolescents’ preoccupation with the home

the conflict is oftentimes stressful and anxiety-

conflict, challenging their ability to focus on their

provoking, as the child is unaware of where the

schoolwork (Garber & Dodge, 1991; Harold et al.,

“truth” lies within the disagreement (Cummings &

2007; Jenkins & Smith, 1991; Kelly, 2000).

Cummings, 1988; Fincham et al., 1994; Grych et al.,

Interestingly, research indicates that there

1992; Kelly, 2000). Moreover, the way adolescents

may be a relation between an adolescent’s

perceive the conflict relates to whether they

preoccupation with the home conflict and their

are able to adaptively cope in other stressful

cognitive abilities (Cummings & Cummings,

situations as well (Cummings & Cummings, 1988).

1988; Grych et al., 1992; Wierson et al., 1988). This

This suggests that the more an adolescent is

research has found overt conflict to be better

misinterpreting the conflict, the higher level of

for youth, as there is little left to the imagination

stress they experience and the worse of they

(Grych et al., 1992). In situations where the conflict

are at coping with those stressors (Cummings

is more covert, adolescents often spend a lot

& Cummings, 1988). Therefore, it is not only the

of time thinking up what is happening and their

level of the conflict, which affects the adolescent’s

cognitive functioning is negatively affected by this

emotional regulation, but how they experience the

action (Cummings & Cummings, 1988; Grych et

conflict as well that matters in terms of emotional

al., 1992; Harold et al., 2007). When conflicts are

development (Cummings & Cummings, 1988;

not discussed or actively hidden from the child,

Fincham et al., 1994; Kelly, 2000).

it becomes a taboo topic where the adolescent

COGNITIVE Beyond the social and emotional adversities

wants to know what is going on so they spend meaningful time throughout their day thinking about what the conflict, often times fabricating

that adolescents experience, negative marital

the situation (Grych et al., 1992). This suggests it is

conflict is also associated with a decrease

less about the actual content of the conflict, and

in cognitive performance, namely, academic

more how the conflict is handled in relation to the

functioning (Grych et al., 1992; Harold, Aitken,

adolescent, that affects their cognitive abilities

& Shelton, 2007; Long et al., 1987; Wierson

(Grych et al., 1992; Wierson et al., 1988).

et al., 1988). Adolescence is characterized by both an increase in personal independence and responsibility and a decrease in parental monitoring (Jenkins & Smith, 1991). However,

EFFECTS OF GENDER ACROSS DOMAINS Although there are many ways in which

for adolescents of high-conflict homes, parental

exposure to negative marital conflict impacts

monitoring may decrease rapidly and excessively,

adolescent development, research suggests that

as parents are absorbed with the conflict (Garber

these impacts may differ across genders (Emery

& Dodge, 1991; Jenkins & Smith, 1991). Further,

& O’Leary, 1982; Oltmanns et al., 1977; Porter

unrealistic expectations, such as preparing meals

& O’Leary, 1980; Zimet & Jacob, 2001). These

for younger siblings, getting themselves and their

disparities result form the different characteristics

siblings to and from school, or even mediating

that are typically ascribed to each gender, and,

conflict between the parents, may be placed upon

relatedly, because of how parents treat their

the adolescents (Garber & Dodge, 1991; Jenkins &

daughters and sons differently (El-Sheikh &

Smith, 1991). These unattainable responsibilities and

Whitson, 2006; Jenkins & Smith, 1991; Zimet &

BAMBINO: MARITAL CONFLICT DURING ADOLESCENCE | 23 Jacob, 2001).

Beginning at birth, children are conditioned

or indirectly, than they do with their daughters (Cummings et al., 1994; Dadds, Atkinson, Turner,

to develop particular characteristics based on their

Blums, & Lendich, 1999). This can be related to

gender, which is seen early through gender-typed

the stereotypical belief that males are stronger

toys (Blakemore & Centers, 2005; Campenni, 1999).

(El-Sheikh &Whitson, 2006; Jenkins & Smith, 1991).

Girl-typed toys work to develop communication

However, interestingly, research shows the closer

skills and nurturing abilities, while boy-typed

the relationship a mother and daughter has, the

toys develop independence and competitiveness

more involvement the daughter will have in the

(Blakemore & Centers, 2005; Campenni, 1999; El-

conflict (El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006). It is the close

Sheikh & Whitson, 2006). These gender differences

connection between mother and daughter, which

are also highlighted through parental interactions

results in the mother feeling more comfortable

as mothers often engage more emotionally with

sharing her marital conflicts with her daughter.

their daughters than sons (Cummings et al., 1985;

This shows that stereotypes, in combination with

El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006).

how parents react to these stereotypes, influence

For boys, findings show that high-marital conflict homes are associated with the adolescent turning outward with their frustrations and annoyances, showing their distress through externalizing symptoms (Jenkins & Smith, 1991;

how adolescents are influenced by negative marital conflict.

CONCLUSION Research indicates the negative implications

Zimet & Jacob, 2001). This is thought to be

marital conflict has on adolescents (e.g., Cummings

associated with the fact boys are, stereotypically,

et al., 2004). Adolescents who grow up in families

less likely to show emotion, so they are taught less

overwhelmed with marital conflict experience

about how to self-soothe (El-Sheikh & Whitson,

challenges in their social, emotional, and cognitive

2006; Jenkins & Smith, 1991; Zimet & Jacob,

development (Grych et al., 1992; Long et al.,

2001). Additionally, adolescent boys are seeking

1987; Wierson et al., 1988; Zimet & Jacob, 2001).

autonomy and are therefore hanging out with their

Additionally, research has begun to look at the

peers more frequently while unequipped with the

differences among girls and boys involved in

necessary skills to resolve conflicting situations,

marital conflict (Emery & O’Leary, 1982; Grych et

and are likely to respond with anger (Cummings et

al., 1992; Oltmanns et al., 1977; Porter & O’Leary,

al., 1985; El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006).

1980; Zimet & Jacob, 2001).

By contrast, girls in high-conflict homes often

Despite beginning to look into the difference

present with internalizing symptoms, as girls are

of how girls and boys are affected differently

more likely to turn inward with their emotions

by marital conflict, not all studies have found

increasing anxiety and distress (Cummings et al.,

differences between genders (Grych et al., 1992). In

1985; Cummings, Davies, & Simpson, 1994; Davies &

fact, some studies suggest that gender disparities

Lindsay, 2004; El-Sheikh & Whitson, 2006; Jenkins

might be the result of reporting biases from

& Smith, 1991; Zimet & Jacob, 2001). Parents

parents and adolescents (Grych et al., 1992; Jenkins

stereotypically allow their daughters to be more

& Smith, 1991). Reporting biases are understood to

emotional, which is understood to be a reason why

appear from the stereotypical relationships parents

they respond less frequently with outward anger

have with their adolescents, such that a mother’s

and more often with inward emotions (El-Sheikh &

view of her daughter as more emotional and her

Whitson, 2006; Jenkins & Smith, 1991).

son stronger, impacts the actions she reports

In terms of parental interactions, parents

about her adolescents (Jenkins & Smith, 1991).

frequently believe boys can handle more emotional

Similarly, adolescent reporting biases are believed

stress, and thus allow more opportunities for their

to be associated with gender-stereotypical traits,

sons to be involved with the conflict, either directly

in that girls believe they are supposed to be more

24 | SUBMISSIONS emotional and are therefore more likely to take on this role (Jenkins & Smith, 1991). Ultimately, more research is needed in order to draw conclusion of how negative marital conflict affects adolescent girls and boys.

However, this body of literature does have several limitations, one being the diverse definitions of marital conflict across cultures. What may be considered excessive conflict in one culture may reflect the way another culture communicates effectively (Zimet & Jacob, 2001). It is always important to be aware of cultural differences and future research should aim to evaluate the effects of marital conflict across varying cultures. Another limitation is the demographics of the participants.

Although we are aware of the deleterious effects across all developmental stages, the majority of research has been done on adolescent’s ages nine to fifteen, with virtually no research done on the effects of negative marital conflict on infant development. Because infants are developing rapidly during their first years of life it is imperative to better understand the impacts parents are having on their children during this time (Cummings et al., 1981).

Bolstering this field will address gaps in our knowledge of how marital conflict influences children’s development. Examining the influence of marital conflict on infant development will provide a deeper understanding of the influence parents have on their children and the importance of healthy relationships. These findings can inform interventions, allowing children exposed to marital conflict to be treated in the most effective way for positive development.

REFERENCES Blakemore, J., Centers, R. (2005). Characteristic of boys’ and girls’ toys. Sex Roles, 53(9-10), 619-633. doi:10.1007/s11199-005-7729-0 Campenni, Estelle C. (1999). Gender stereotyping of children’s toys: A comparison of parents and nonparents. Sex Roles, 40(1-2), 121-138. doi:10.1023/A:1018886518834 Cicchetti, D., & Rogosch, F. A. (2002). A developmental psychopathology perspective on adolescence.

Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 70(1), 6-20. doi:10.1037/0022-006X.70.1.6 Cummings, E. M., & Cummings, J. L. (1988). A processoriented approach to children’s coping with adults’ angry behavior. Development Review, 8(3), 296-321. doi:10.1016/0273-2297(88)90008-1 Cummings, E. M., Davies, P., & Simpson, K. (1994). Marital conflict, gender, and children’s appraisals and coping efficacy as mediators of child adjustment.

Journal of Family Psychology, 8(2), 141–149. doi:10.1037/0893-3200.8.2.141 Cummings, E. M., Goeke-Morey, M. C., & Papp, L. M. (2004). Everyday marital conflict and child aggression. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 32(2), 191-202. doi:10.1023/ B:JACP.0000019770.13216.be Cummings, E. M., Iannotti, R. J., & Zahn-Waxler, C. (1985).

The influence of conflict between adults on the emotions and aggression of young children.

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The Impact of Family and Demographic Factors on Intergenerational Transmission of Violence ANTHEA CHAN, AHMED ALIF, & BRYAN S. NELSON Nationally, ten percent of children have

intergenerational transmission of violence, this

witnessed interparental violence (IPV), or violence

review will examine how children interpret and

between parents (Child Abuse Facts, n.d.; Domestic

acknowledge familial violence. Additionally, it will

Violence and Children, n.d.). Research has shown

also address familial and demographic factors

that children who mimic violent behavior, often

that influence the intergenerational transmission

behave violently after IPV exposure (Bandura, Ross,

of violence (Bauer et al., 2006; Cannon, Bonomi,

& Ross, 1961; Hines & Saudino, 2002). In fact, when

Anderson, & Rivara, 2009; McCloskey & Lichter,

children are repeatedly exposed to acts of IPV, their

2003; Milletich, Kelly, Doane, & Pearson, 2010).

ability to differentiate between violent acts and normal behavior is greatly diminished (Alexander, Moore, & Alexander III, 1991; Irish, Kobayashi & Delahanty, 2010). These children may also try to

COGNITIVE INTERPRETATION OF FAMILIAL VIOLENCE Indeed, factors in the home can contribute to

reduce their emotional distress by internalizing the

how a child will perceive violence and subsequently

behavior they witness (Hines & Saudino, 2002).

learn to repeat it. Children that live with the abuser

As adults, they act upon the internalized behavior

experience direct violence and subsequently

that they previously witnessed, which, in turn,

begin to believe that poor parenting quality

perpetuates the intergenerational transmission of

and substance abuse are acceptable (Campbell

violence (Avakame, 1998). This intergenerational

& Lewandowski, 1997; Holt, Buckley & Whelan,

transmission of violence occurs when an adult

2008). This direct abuse as well as the witnessing

who had been exposed to violence as a child acts

of parent-on-parent violence are two factors that

out violently, negatively influencing another child’s

lead to the desensitization and justification of

development and inadvertently increasing their

violence (Campbell & Lewandowski, 1997; Holt et

aggression and acts of IPV in adulthood (Bandura,

al., 2008). Markedly, children who witness parent-

Ross & Ross, 1961; Carroll, 1980; Holt, Buckley &

on-parent violence in their household tend to

Whelan, 2008; Wood & Sommers, 2011). Children’s

rationalize violent behavior by falsely attributing it

perceptions of violence influence their belief in a

to noncompliance or antagonization by the abused

just world, defined by the idea that consequences

(DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011). As a defense

always serve the purpose of morally restoring

mechanism, these children formulate their schema

order, making it more likely that they will justify

to preserve their belief in a just world by justifying

violence as normal behavior in adult relationships

violence to mitigate their fears of uncertainty

(Calvete & Orue, 2013). Additionally, demographic

within the altercation (Campbell & Lewandowski,

factors separate from the internal home-setting (i.e.

1997; DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011). The child

socioeconomic status, culture, age, and gender-

is mis-socialized to learn that the results (i.e.

specific parental influence on children) have also

compliance and respect) justify the abuse (Calvete

been shown to have a strong effect on children

& Orue, 2013; Campbell & Lewandowski, 1997; Holt

who witness violence (Sousa et al., 2011).

et al., 2008). Another factor that contributes to

In order to further the understanding of

desensitization to violence is the witnessing of

CHAN, ALIF, & NELSON: INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION OF VIOLENCE | 27 IPV associated with substance abuse, which can

instability (Iverson, McLaughlin, Adair & Monson,

amplify the disinhibition of violence by both the

2014; Samuelson, Krueger, & Wilson, 2012).

abuser and the witness (Wood & Sommers, 2011).

Unpredictability in the home may make it more

This observed substance abuse-related violence

difficult for a child to distinguish between right

can demonstrate the acceptability of both violence

and wrong because they may become accustomed

and use of illicit substances (Wood & Sommers,

to spontaneous abusive outbursts, and have

2011). According to Social Learning Theory, not

difficulty distinguishing between behaviors that

only does the child mimic the witnessed violence,

are aggressive and nonaggressive (Iverson et al.,

but he or she may also mimic the disinhibiting

2014; Samuelson et al., 2012). A consequence of

substance abuse, which can negatively influence

not being able to differentiate between abusive

the child’s development and inadvertently increase

and nonabusive behavior is a loss of belief in a

aggression and acts of IPV in adulthood (Bandura,

just world and disrupted parental attachment

Ross & Ross, 1961; Carroll, 1980; Holt et al., 2008;

(Holt et al., 2008; Sousa et al., 2011). Without

Wood & Sommers, 2011).

an understanding of right and wrong, children

In addition to acts of violence and exposure

may start to use learned violence as a defense

to substance abuse, housing circumstances also

mechanism and may begin acting on aggression

have an impact on how children perceive and

in situations that do not require such a response

experience violence (Ericksen & Henderson, 1992).

(Holt et al., 2008; Sousa et al., 2011). These children

Children living with the abuser frequently worry

learn to categorize adults as untrustworthy and, as

about their own and their abused parent’s well-

adults, this categorization translates into distrust

being (Campbell & Lewandowski, 1997; DeBoard-

of their partners and subsequent use of violence to

Lucas & Grych, 2011). Typically, they may refuse

mitigate problems (Calvete & Orue, 2013; Campbell

to talk about the violence out of fear that they

& Lewandowski, 1997).

will upset the abused parent, and, as a result,

An additional factor within the home and

are unable to process the violent acts (Campbell

family unit that can serve as a risk factor for

& Lewandowski, 1997; DeBoard-Lucas & Grych,

intergenerational transmission of violence is

2011). Children witnessing IPV and living with the

parenting quality. When repeatedly witnessing

abuser experience cognitive dissonance in their

unexplained IPV, the relationship between parent

attachment with the abuser and their concern for

and child can become distorted, leading to

the abused; essentially, the child must justify the

negative psychological effects for parents, thus

violence to preserve his/her own moral beliefs.

impairing their ability to effectively raise their

That is, in order to avoid feeling guilty about their

children (Levendovsky & Graham-Berman, 2001).

inability to stop the interparental violence, the child

This impaired parenting ability affects the child’s

decides that the violent act must be necessary

emotional well-being and prevents the child

(Campbell & Lewandowski, 1997; Ericksen &

from forming a secure attachment to the mother

Henderson, 1992; Holt et al., 2008). Furthermore,

(Levendovsky & Graham-Berman, 2001). The father

the inability of the child to understand why a

can also play a negative role in parenting the child,

victim refuses to leave the abuser leads the child

as abusive fathers are more likely to neglect their

to trivialize and further justify the abuse, especially

child, use authoritarian discipline, use corporal

when the child has to rationalize the contradiction

punishment, and be unable to provide structured

between affection for the abuser and sympathy for

discipline (Edleson et al., 2007; Holt, Buckley &

the abused along with the stagnancy of the living

Whelan, 2008). Moreover, research has shown that

situation (Ericksen & Henderson, 1992; Joseph,

when abused mothers use authoritarian tactics

Govender & Bhagwanjee, 2006).

to discipline the child and prevent the child from

Another factor in the home that influences the intergenerational transmission of violence is

aggravating the abuser, externalizing problems in the child start to develop (Dehon & Weems, 2009).

28 | SUBMISSIONS

DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS In addition, demographic factors such as race, gender, socioeconomic status and age of a child can influence how the child perceives violence and the way it impacts the intergenerational transmission of violence (Campbell & Lewandowski, 1997; DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011). For example, lower socioeconomic status is associated with violence committed in places outside of the household, such as neighborhoods or schools (Campbell & Lewandowski, 1997). Further, research on race has indicated that ethnic minority parents are more likely to act violently toward their child than Caucasian parents; that is, ethnic minorities are less likely to categorize certain forms of physical discipline as abuse (Graham-Bermann & Brescoll, 2000; Levinson, Graves, & Holcombe, 1984). As a result, children from minority groups and a low socioeconomic background are more likely to believe that violence is justified, especially in relation to disciplining the family (GrahamBermann & Brescoll, 2000). This is a belief that can perpetuate intergenerational violence (Graham-Bermann & Brescoll, 2000). Additionally, research has demonstrated that intergenerational transmission of violence can be mediated by perceived social support, but this perceived social support is lower for low-income families, thus increasing a low-income child’s likelihood of becoming aggressive with others (Joseph et al., 2006; Wood & Sommers, 2011).

In addition to race and SES, the gender of the child who witnesses IPV is also important (Milletich, Kelly, Doane, & Pearson, 2010). For example, Milletich and colleagues (2010) found that women report perpetrating more physical aggression toward a partner in a heterosexual relationship if the woman was exposed to her mother committing violence against her father as a child; this trend also holds true when applied to a son’s acts of violence in relationships after witnessing a violent father (Milletich et al., 2010; Whitield, Anda, Dube, & Felitti, 2003; Wood & Sommers, 2011). It is unclear whether the repetition of violent behaviors of the same-sex parent is based on role-modeling or gender-role socialization (Forsstrom-Cohen

& Rosenbaum, 1985; Whitield et al., 2003). With regard to gender-role socialization, studies show that youth who have witnessed violence tend to behave in gender-typical ways (Phillips & Phillips, 2010). Boys are more likely than girls to justify violence as a mechanism to ensure compliance of their peers (Phillips & Phillips, 2010; Wood & Sommers, 2011). Boys learn to conform to gendered power dynamics in order to be similar to what they perceive to be “normal” children, therefore, acting aggressively to assert power (Phillips & Phillips, 2010). Boys who witness violence have more positive beliefs about violence founded in stereotypes than girls, especially regarding male dominance over females (Graham-Bermann & Brescoll, 2000). In addition, abused boys are more likely to be overtly aggressive while abused girls are more likely to justify violence (Calvete & Orue, 2013; Pournaghash-Tehrani, 2011). Despite the fact that child abuse has a stronger effect on girls’ participation in dating aggression than boys’ involvement, the literature suggests that child abuse is generally more likely to increase a girl’s likelihood of being a victim rather than a perpetrator of violence (Milletich, Kelly, Doane, & Pearson, 2010; Whitield, Anda, Dube, & Felitti, 2003).

In addition to race, SES, and gender, it is also important to note that the developmental stage at which violence is witnessed can influence how children frame their experiences. Younger children are more defenseless and dependent, thus less able to avoid the violence, which puts them at risk for desensitization to violence (Calvete & Orue 2013). Additionally, younger children are more likely to have and accept extreme beliefs regarding both gender superiority and the acceptability of violence (Graham-Bermann & Brescoll, 2000; Edleson et al., 2007). Older children are more mature and sympathetic to others’ experiences and are more likely to worry about their parents, making them less likely to commit future violence (Deboard-Lucas & Grych, 2011).

These developmental differences demonstrate that children witnessing violence at younger ages are at a higher risk of future aggression (Calvete &

CHAN, ALIF, & NELSON: INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION OF VIOLENCE | 29 Orue, 2013; Forsstrom-Cohen & Rosenbaum, 1985;

developmental trajectory may differ from that

McCloskey & Lichter 2003).

of children still living at home with their abuser

CONCLUSION The research presented in this review

(Joseph, S., Govender, K., Bhagwanjee, A., 2006; Nowakowsi Sims, Noland, & Tejeda, 2008; Phillips & Phillips, 2010; Sousa et al., 2011). Furthermore,

demonstrates that witnessing abuse can increase

generalizability of studies is limited due to the

the likelihood that children will become a part

focus on male-female relationships (Joseph, S.,

of the cycle of intergenerational transmission of

Govender, K., Bhagwanjee, A., 2006; Nowakowsi

violence, especially when such factors as living

Sims, Noland, & Tejeda, 2008; Phillips & Phillips,

with the abuser, parenting quality, SES, culture,

2010; Sousa et al., 2011). There are are many

gender, and child’s age are considered. The

contrasting findings regarding the role of gender,

research has revealed that these factors do not act

perhaps because of bias in researchers who focus

singularly, but rather work additively (Levendovsky

on male perpetration and female victimization

& Graham-Berman, 2001; Sousa et al., 2011).

(Joseph, S., Govender, K., Bhagwanjee, A., 2006;

There is a dose-response relationship between

Nowakowsi Sims, Noland, & Tejeda, 2008; Phillips &

the prevalence and level of these factors and the

Phillips, 2010; Sousa et al., 2011).

likelihood of committing violence (Levendovsky &

Future studies on risk factors for

Graham-Berman, 2001; Sousa et al., 2011). However,

intergenerational transmission of violence should

it is important to note that not every child that

work to help caseworkers distinguish the best

has witnessed domestic violence will necessarily

interventions to prevent the intergenerational

behave aggressively in the future (Holt, Buckley &

transmission of violence. The risk factors

Whelan, 2008).

implicated by the research can be targeted during

Current research has presented positive

treatment to prevent future violence (Campbell

interventions for interpersonal transmission

& Lewandowski, 1997; DeBoard-Lucas & Grych,

of violence treatment using mixed methods

2011; Ericksen & Henderson, 1992). One way in

psychotherapy, such as art therapy, cognitive

which aggression can be prevented is by moving

behavioral therapy, and group therapy to help

the victim and child away from the abuser and

children formulate positive relationships with

providing the victim with therapy (Campbell &

parents (Mills & Kellington, 2012; Dalley, 1990).

Lewandowski, 1997; DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011;

Additionally, good parenting and positive

Ericksen & Henderson, 1992). Counselors can

emotional well-being of the mother can improve

target gender stereotypes in addition to emotional

children’s executive functioning, affording the child

regulation in order to teach children alternatives to

better emotional control, particularly with respect

violence (Nowakowsi Sims, Noland, & Tejeda, 2008;

to aggression (Iverson et al., 2014; Samuelson et al.,

Phillips & Phillips, 2010). Having a securely attached

2012).

bond with a sympathetic caregiver and increased

Unfortunately, research on factors influencing

social support can also promote resilience and

intergenerational transmission of violence is still

lessen risk for some children (Joseph, S., Govender,

very limited, so there is not substantial empirical

K., Bhagwanjee, A., 2006; Sousa et al., 2011). In

support for the above mentioned interventions.

addition to proposing intervention plans, Future

Many studies are limited by the fact that they

research should also work to improve on limitations

rely only on the potentially biased responses

by consulting third party observers like social

of an abused mother (Joseph, S., Govender, K.,

workers, making use of longitudinal studies, and

Bhagwanjee, A., 2006; Nowakowsi Sims, Noland, &

considering gender, age, SES, and co-occurring

Tejeda, 2008; Sousa et al., 2011). Some reports may

child abuse.

be partially biased because many of the samples are pulled from family shelters where children’s

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Sternberg, K. J., Baradaran, L. P., Abbott, C. B., Lamb, M. E., & Guterman, E. (2006). Type of violence, age, and gender differences in the effects of family violence on children’s behavior problems: A meta analysis. Developmental Review, 26, 89-112.

Sternberg, K. J., Lamb, M. E., Greenbaum, C., Cicchetti, D., Dawud, S., Cortes, R. M., ...Lorey, F. (1993). Effects of domestic violence on children’s behavior problems and depression. Developmental Psychology, 28(1), 44-52.

Whitfield, C. L., Anda, R. F., Dube, S. R., & Felitti, V. J. (2003). Violent childhood experiences and the risk of intimate partner violence in adults. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 18(2), 166-185.

Wood, S. L., & Sommers, M. S. (2011). Consequences of intimate partner violence on child witnesses: A systematic review of the literature. Journal of Child & Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing, 24(4), 223.

32 | SUBMISSIONS

The Role of Framing on Male and Female Undergraduate Students’ Feminist Digital Activism EDWARD CHAN According to Pew Research, almost 80% of

studied for the first time in the hopes of

American adults are active online and 75% get their

establishing an understanding of the effects of

news from email or social media updates (2011).

positive and negative framing on action-taking

With such a large population dependent on online

(Kahneman & Tcsky, 1984). Findings showed that

resources to gain knowledge, form opinions, and

when people were presented with positively-

take action, it is imperative that research examines

framed scenarios, they were less likely to take

the most effective methods to garner individual’s

action than if they were presented with negatively-

attention in order to invoke digital activism. Digital

framed scenarios (Por & Budesco, 2013). Later

activism is defined as the use of the Internet or any

studies confirmed Kahneman and Tcsky’s initial

Internet-based application to promote a political

findings regarding framing and helped pave

or social cause, generate awareness, and receive

the way for analyzing influences brought upon

global support for social justice initiatives (Mitu,

by framing effects, which eventually led to the

Vega, & Diego, 2014).

development of prospect theory (1984). Prospect

The rise of digital activism has led to

theory states that a loss has a greater influence on

extensive research on the ability to influence

action-taking than an equivalent gain does (Gang,

people’s involvement in various causes (Mitu, Vega,

2014). For example, negative framing significantly

& Diego, 2014). Framing is one technique that has

increases intentions to perform health-related

been extensively explored in terms of its influence

behaviors such as obtaining vaccination shots

on a person’s actions. The act of framing is the

(Block, Luarne, & Punam, 1995).

process in which an informative source presents a

Furthermore, current literature shows that

political or social matter in a way that constructs

women are significantly more reactive towards

and defines the issue for the audience (Nelson,

negative framing in general (Ellingsen, Johannason,

Zoe, & Rosalee, 1997). The way in which social and

Mollerstorm, & Munkhammar, 2013). Specifically,

political causes are framed can come in a variety of

women have higher response rates towards

constructs such as positive and negative framing.

negatively-framed information that presents

More specifically, positive framing is defined as a

a specific charitable goal than men (Huang &

particular situation that highlights a possible gain,

Wang, 2010). This is consistent with other studies

and negative framing is defined as a particular

that found women to be more altruistic than

situation that highlights a possible loss (Por &

men and more likely to help their community

Budesco, 2013). For example, positive framing

(Eckel & Grossman, 1998; Fujimoto & Park, 2010).

is when lottery companies highlight potential

These findings suggest that women respond at

financial gains and negative framing is when anti-

higher rates to negative framing and altruistic

smoking campaigns highlight potential health

initiatives like digital activism for various causes.

risks. Negative and positive framing are utilized

Unfortunately, the extensive body of literature on

every day through the medium of digital activism

the relation between framing and action-taking has

to promote social and political campaigns such as

yielded no empirical data regarding framing effects

abortion, human rights, and feminism (Gang & Zhu,

and feminist digital activism. This study will not

2014).

only attempt to address a critical knowledge gap

In the early 1980s, framing effects were

between framing and feminist digital activism, but

CHAN: FRAMING AND FEMINISTIC DIGITAL ACTIVISM BY GENDER | 33 it will also evaluate the variation across gender.

the positively-framed campaign, 34 men in the

Research Questions

positively-framed campaign, and 42 men in the

The current study seeks to investigate the following research questions: (1) What is the difference in outcomes of negative and positive framing on feminist digital activism? 2) What is the difference in outcomes of gender on feminist digital activism? 3) What is the interaction of gender and framing on feminist digital activism?

Following these questions, the hypotheses of this study are: 1) Negative framing will elicit more responses towards pro-feministic digital activism 2) Females will be more likely to respond towards feminist digital activism. 3) Females will be more likely to participate in feminist digital activism if the message is framed negatively. In this study, feminist digital activism is operationalized as taking an initiative to learn more about feminism through an online source. Thus, the amount of people who were willing to open the email to learn more information about the cause, based on the framing of the subject line, demonstrated the rate

negatively-framed campaign.

The emails were composed in the name of a fake feminist organization called “Fight for Feminism Today”. The positively-framed email included encouraging words such as “celebrate” and “cherish” both in the subject line and within the email. Pictures representing equality, feminine strength, and equal wages were featured within the positively framed email as well. An example of equality and feminine strength in the positivelyframed email is depicted by the 1943 “We Can Do It” picture that represents feminist ideals through their ability to function at the same degree as men in the workforce (Doyle, 2009). The negatively-framed email included a discouraging subject line, using phrases such as “failed” and “lacking support”. Pictures representing inequality, hopelessness, and cat-calling were featured within the negatively-framed email. An example of inequality and cat-calling in the negatively-framed

of framing effects on digital activism.

email is depicted by a screen shot of the viral

METHOD

which men subjugate women to derogatory terms

Participants and Procedure This study employs a randomized, betweengroups design in order to analyze the effects of message framing and gender on digital activism. Participants’ emails were gathered by accessing the New York University Applied Psychology Undergraduate Gmail database. Of 409 total emails, nine were removed because the participant’s gender was not identifiable. Of the remaining 400 participants, 84 were men and 316 were women. Once a complete list of emails was established, participants were randomly separated in a systematic manner into two groups of 42 males and 158 females. These groups were assigned to receive either a positively-framed or a negatively-framed email. Due to errors with receiving the emails, 8 women from the negative campaign were removed from the study, and 8 men from the positive campaign were removed.

In conclusion, there were 150 women in the negatively-framed campaign, 158 women in

video, “10 Hours of Walking in NYC as a Woman,” in and phrases such as “hey baby” and “you should say thank you, I’m calling you beautiful” (Bliss, 2014).

The emails were sent out to participants through an analytic website called Mailchimp.

Mailchimp recorded the participants’ rate of digital activism by analyzing the amount of people who opened the email. After allocating one week for participants to open the emails, the rates of opening the emails were cross-matched with the participants in our SPSS dataset. The gender of the participants was determined by their names and by examining their Facebook profile pictures.

Data Analysis Plan In order to test the relations between positive and negative framing, gender, and the interaction between framing and gender on open rates, three Chi-Square tests of independence were conducted.

In order to test Hypothesis 1, a Chi-Square test of independence was conducted between positive and negative email framing and open rates. In

34 | SUBMISSIONS order to test Hypothesis 2, a Chi-Square test of

Table 3

independence was run between male and female

Frequency distribution and relative frequencies of email openings (digital activism) in relation to the interaction between gender and message frame received.

participants and open rates. Finally, in order to test Hypothesis 3, a Chi-Squared test of independence was run between gender and framing on open rate.

Positive Campaign

Negative Campaign

Digital Activism Engagement

N

(%)

N

(%)

N

(%)

N

(%)

Opened

10

29.40

86

54.43

20

55.30

87

58.00

Table 1

Unopened

24

70.60

72

45.57

22

44.70

63

42.00

Frequency distribution and relative frequencies of email openings (digital activism) in relation to the message frame received.

Total

34

100

158

100

42

100

150

100

RESULTS

Digital Activism Engagement

Positive Email Campaign

Negative Email Campaign

N

(%)

N

(%)

Opened

96

50.00

107

55.73

Unopened

96

50.00

85

44.27

Total

192

100

192

100

Male

Female

Male

Female

Finally, a third Chi-Square test of independence was used to test the interaction effect between gender and message framing on digital activism as seen in Table 3. In this study, 54.43% of women in the positive campaign opened the email while 58% of women in the negative

A Chi-Square test of independence was used

campaign open the email. In addition, 29.3% of the

to test the effect of positive and negative framing

males in the positive campaign opened the email

on digital activism. As shown in Table 1, 50% of

while 55.3% of the males in the negative campaign

the participants who received the positively-

opened the email. There was no significant

framed email opened the email and 55.73% of the

interaction effect between gender and message

participants who received the negatively-framed

framing for males, X2 (1, N = 76) = 2.607, p = .106.

email opened the message. The difference between

There was also no significant interaction between

the frequencies was not significant, X (1, N = 384)

female gender and message framing, X2 (1, N =

= 1.265, p = .261.

308) = .398, p = .528.

Table 2

DISCUSSION

2

Frequency distribution and relative frequencies of email opening (digital activism) in relation to gender.

Male

Female

Digital Activism Engagement

N

(%)

N

(%)

Opened

30

39.47

173

56.17

Unopened

46

60.53

135

43.83

Total

76

100

308

100

Using self-generated email campaigns to assess the relation between framing, gender, and digital activism revealed that women were more likely to open the digital activism email overall.

This finding is consistent with both this study’s original hypothesis and previously conducted research (Ellingsen, Johannason, Mollerstorm, & Munkhammar, 2013; Huang & Wang, 2010). While

A second Chi-Square test of independence

there were no significant findings pertaining to

was used to test the effect of gender on digital

framing and gender and the interaction effect

activism as shown in Table 2. The relation

between the three variables, there are a number

between the two variables was significant, X2

of limitations regarding this study that need to

(1, N = 384) = 6.819, p = .009. Specifically, 39%

be addressed so that it can be improved upon

of male participants opened a digital activism

in future studies. The method in which gender

email as opposed to 56% of female participants

was assessed may not be completely accurate

who opened the digital activism email. These

as some participants’ Facebook profile pictures

proportions suggest that women may be more

and/or name may have been misinterpreted

likely to engage in feminist digital activism, by

by the researcher. In addition, all emails were

opening the email.

CHAN: FRAMING AND FEMINISTIC DIGITAL ACTIVISM BY GENDER | 35 generated from New York University’s email

implications regarding this and future studies can

database, thus inhibiting us from being able to

significantly contribute to a more efficient method

generalize to the public. The unequal gender

in which we utilize framing to target action-based

groups (N=76 Males; N=308 Females), present

responses from participants. Through studying the

because of the heavily imbalanced student roster

effectiveness of framing on different dimensions,

of the program participants were drawn from,

a more comprehensive understanding of how to

could have been improved by quota sampling

successfully influence all individual population

a more equal population by gender. This would

groups can be achieved.

provide for more accurate representation of the difference in response rates between males and females. Furthermore, due to budget and resource restraints, this study utilized emails as an outreach tool for digital activism. However, emailing overall is an ineffective outreach method that garners relatively low response rates across all genders and causes.

In order to circumvent these limitations, future replications can be done through a more effective outreach method such as calling on the phone while using positive and negative framing methods to promote the feminist cause. Researchers could more profoundly explore the degree to which participants were digitally active by measuring whether the participant liked and/or donated to the suggested feminist website. Quota sampling will provide for equal groups of males and females, thus allowing us to obtain fairer result comparisons.

Furthermore, it is imperative have a more accurate perception of one’s gender as we could verbally ask how the participant self-identifies.

While this particular study provided only one significant finding, it does attempt to examine how digital activism is influenced by a variety of factors.

More specifically, the study examines response differences in not only framing, but also gender and digital activism. Despite substantial amounts of research being conducted on framing effects as a whole, there is still a large gap in literature that fails to examine the variation in responses elicited between different population groups and its effects on different initiatives. This study not only addresses both of these issues, but it also attempts to establish a foundation of empirical evidence for future studies to examine the variation in responses when framing is applied in different populations groups and situations. Furthermore, potential

36 | SUBMISSIONS REFERENCES Bliss, R. (2014). 10 Hours of Walking in NYC as a Woman.

Retrieved April 20, 2015, from https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=b1XGPvbWn0A Block, G., & Punam., K. (1995). “When to Accentuate the Negative: The Effects of Perceived Efficacy and Message Framing on Intentions to Perform a Health-Related Behavior.” Journal of Marketing Research 32.2 192. Retrieved April 5, 2015.

Calogero, R. M. (2013). Objects don’t object: Evidence that self-objectification disrupts women’s social activism. Psychological Science, 24(3), 312-318. doi:10.1177/0956797612452574 Doyle, J. (2009). The Pop History Dig - a collection of short stories about popular culture - its history, its people, and its power. Retrieved April 20, 2015, from http://www.pophistorydig.com/topics/rosie-theriveter-1941-1945/ Eckel, C., & Grossman, P. (1998). Are women less selfish than men? Evidence from dictator experiments.

Economic Journal, 108, 726–735.

Ellingsen, T., Johannesson, M., Mollerstrom, J., & Munkhammar, S. (2013). Gender differences in social framing effects. Economics Letters, 118(3), 470-472. doi:10.1016/j.econlet.2012.12.010 Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T. A. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173–206.

Fujimoto, H., & Park, E. (2010). Framing effects and gender differences in voluntary public goods provision experiments. The Journal of SocioEconomics, 39(4), 455-457. doi:10.1016/j. socec.2010.03.002 Gang, H. (2014). Individual differences in risk-taking tendency and framing effect. Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 42(2), 279284. doi:10.2224/sbp.2014.42.2.279 Gang, H., & Zhu, L. (2014). A reexamination of the robustness of the framing effect in cognitive processing. Social Behavior & Personality: An International Journal, 42(1), 37-43. doi:10.2224/ sbp.2014.42.1.37 Huang, Y., & Wang, L. (2010). Sex differences in framing effects across task domain. Personality and Individual Differences, 48(5), 649-653. doi:10.1016/j. paid.2010.01.005 Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1984). Choices, Values, and Frames. American Psychologist, 39(4), 341-350. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.39.4.341 Mitu, B., Vega, D., & Diego, O. (2014). Digital activism: A contemporary overview. Digital Activism: A Contemporary Overview., 1(44), 103-112. Retrieved April 19, 2015, from EBSCO Discovery Services.

Nelson, T., Zoe, O., & Rosalee, C. (1997). Toward a psychology of framing effects. Political Behavior, 19(3), 221-246. Retrieved April 19, 2015, from Springer Link.

Por, H., & Budescu, D. V. (2013). Revisiting the gain-loss separability assumption in prospect theory. Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, 26(4), 385-396. doi:10.1002/bdm.1765 Rosenstiel, T., & Mitchell, A. (2012, January 20). State of the News Media 2011. Retrieved December 10, 2014, from http://www.stateofthemedia.org/

Sarlo, M., Lotto, L., Palomba, D., Scozzari, S., & Rumiati, R. (2013). Framing the ultimatum game: Gender differences and autonomic responses. International Journal of Psychology, 48(3), 263-271. doi:10.1080/0 0207594.2012.656127 Willer, R., Wimer, C., & Owens, L. A. (2015). What drives the gender gap in charitable giving? Lower empathy leads men to give less to poverty relief.

Social Science Research, 52, 83-98. doi:10.1016/j. ssresearch.2014.12.014

CORCORAN: EFFECTS OF SOLITARY CONFINEMENT ON INMATES | 37

Effects of Solitary Confinement on the Well Being of Prison Inmates MARY MURPHY CORCORAN In the United States, approximately 80,000 inmates are placed in solitary confinement each year (Dingfelder, 201 2). Sensory stimulation and social contact are extremely limited in solitary confinement. Typically, confined inmates are alone in their cells for twenty-three hours a day (O’Keefe, 2008; Bonta & Gendreau, 1990; Smith, 2006). While these conditions vary depending on the prison, the average period of time in solitary confinement is thirty-seven days (Smith, 2006).

Solitary confinement is often used to prevent particularly risky inmates from escaping, to keep an inmate from harming other inmates and staff, or to punish an inmate for misconduct occurring within the prison (O’Keefe, 2008; Weir, 2012; Smith, 2006).

Despite the frequent use of solitary confinement in prisons, there has been a continuous debate over the effectiveness of this experience on rehabilitating prisoners’ behavior (Briggs, Sundt, & Castellano, 2003). While some research defends solitary confinement as a humane practice, the majority of research suggests a wide range of psychological and physiological effects associated with solitary confinement (Haney, 2003; Shalev, 2008; Smith, 2006). Given that approximately twenty-two percent of prisoners are already experiencing psychological symptoms upon incarceration, it is imperative to identify the effects of solitary confinement on inmates (Smith, 2006). Understanding the psychological and physical effects of solitary confinement can help policymakers determine whether solitary confinement should continue to be used in prisons (Smith, 2006). Therefore, this review of the existing literature will examine the psychological and physiological effects of solitary confinement on the well being of prison inmates.

PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF SOLITARY CONFINEMENT Confined inmates often experience various physiological symptoms, even after a short amount of time in confinement. Isolated inmates often report symptoms similar to those of hypertension, such as chronic headaches, trembling, sweaty palms, extreme dizziness and heart palpitations. (Smith, 2006; Haney, 2003; Shalev, 2008). Inmates also experience trouble with their eating and digestion, especially within the first three months of solitary confinement (Smith, 2006). A lack of appetite and drastic weight loss is often accompanied with irregular digestion, particularly diarrhea. Inmates in isolation may also have difficulty sleeping, and some may experience insomnia (Smith, 2006; Haney, 2003).

Consequently,, inmates report feelings of chronic lethargy (Shalev, 2008).

While some of these effects may be physical manifestations of psychological stress related to the isolation, other physiological effects may be directly caused by the inmates’ physical state of confinement. For example, inmates complain of abdominal pains, as well as muscle pains in the neck and back, which may be caused by the long periods of inactivity (Smith, 2006; Shalev, 2008).

Further, many researchers conclude that some adverse consequences of solitary confinement are a direct result of sensory deprivation (Smith, 2006; Shalev, 2008). Confined inmates may experience an increased oversensitivity to normal stimuli, such as the sound of closing doors, something that may contribute to sleeping difficulties (Smith, 2006). The increased likelihood that inmates will overreact to stimuli makes their return into the general prison population much more difficult (Smith, 2006). These physical symptoms may worsen with repeated visits to solitary confinement and aggravate already existing psychological

38 | SUBMISSIONS symptoms, as well as lead to the development of

in increased prison misconduct and express

new psychological effects (Shalev, 2008).

hostility towards correctional officers. (Weir, 2012;

PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF SOLITARY CONFINEMENT Confined inmates experience a multitude

Dingfelder, 2012; Constanzo, Martinez, Klebe, Torrence & Livengood, 2012). While cases in which inmates have exhibited positive behavioral change after isolation have been documented, such a result

of psychological effects, including emotional,

is rare (Smith, 2006).

cognitive, and psychosis-related symptoms (Smith,

Cognitive Effects of Solitary Confinement

2006; Shalev, 2008). Solitary confinement is considered harmful to the mental health of inmates because it restricts meaningful social contact, a psychological stimulus that humans need in order to remain healthy and functioning (Smith, 2006).

Longer stays in solitary confinement are associated with greater mental health symptoms that have serious emotional and behavioral consequences.

(Smith, 2006; Shalev, 2008).

Emotional and Behavioral Effects of Solitary Confinement The majority of those held in solitary confinement experience adverse emotional effects that can range from acute to chronic, depending on the individual and the length of stay in isolation (Shalev, 2008). Confined prisoners also report feelings of panic and rage, including irritability, hostility, and poor impulse control. Additionally, they frequently exhibit symptoms of anxiety that vary from low levels of stress to severe panic attacks. Isolated inmates also experience symptoms of depression, such as hopelessness, mood swings, and withdrawal. These depressive symptoms may even escalate to thoughts of selfharm and suicide. As compared to the general prison population, rates of suicide and self-harm, such as cutting and banging one’s head against the cell wall, are particularly high in prisoners assigned to solitary confinement (Haney, 2003; Shalev, 2008; Greist, 2012).

Many of the issues that confined prisoners have during isolation are also prevalent postisolation. Those who are isolated also exhibit maladjustment disorders and problems with aggression, both during confinement and afterwards (Briggs et al., 2003). Furthermore, inmates often have difficulty adjusting to social contact post-isolation, and may engage

In addition to having disruptions in their emotional processes, inmates’ cognitive processes tend to deteriorate while they are in isolation.

Some confined inmates report memory loss, and a significant portion of isolated inmates report impaired concentration (Smith, 2006; Shalev, 2008). Many are unable to read or watch television since these activities are their few sources of entertainment. Confined inmates also report feeling extremely confused and disoriented in time and space (Haney, 2003; Shalev, 2008).

Psychosis-Related Effects of Solitary Confinement Another confinement related psychological symptom that inmates may experience is disrupted thinking, defined as an inability to maintain a coherent flow of thoughts. This disrupted thinking can result in symptoms of psychosis (Haney, 2003; Shalev, 2008). Inmates who exhibit these symptoms of psychosis often report experiencing hallucinations, illusions, and intense paranoia, such as a persistent belief that they are being persecuted (Shalev, 2008). In extreme cases, inmates have become paranoid to the point that they exhibit full-blown psychosis that requires hospitalization (Smith, 2006).

The aforementioned mental health difficulties are not anomalies. Confined inmates often describe feelings of extreme mental duress after only a couple of days in solitary confinement (Haney, 2003; Smith, 2006). Some researchers have even compared confined inmates to victims of torture or trauma because many of the acute effects produced by solitary confinement mimic the symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder. It is unclear how long these symptoms persist after release from solitary, but they are at least prevalent during and immediately after

CORCORAN: EFFECTS OF SOLITARY CONFINEMENT ON INMATES | 39 solitary confinement for most inmates (Haney, 2003).

CONCLUSION The existing literature demonstrates that solitary confinement has both significant physiological effects, such as gastrointestinal upset and hypertension, and psychological effects, including psychosis and depression (Shalev, 2008).

These findings suggest that the physiological and psychological consequences of solitary confinement are extremely dangerous to the well being of inmates. However, research regarding psychological effects is limited by the fact that many inmates are mentally ill prior to incarceration, making it difficult to distinguish whether psychological symptoms are directly produced by solitary confinement. Additionally, research is limited by the settings in which the studies must be conducted. Naturalistic studies conducted in actual prisons do not have control groups (Constanzo et al., 2012; Smith, 2006), while studies using contrived settings are also limited because they cannot fully mimic the harsh conditions of prisons due to the researchers’ ethical obligations. For example, the volunteers in studies using contrived settings are confined for much shorter periods of time compared to actual inmates (Bonta & Gendreau, 1990). Thus, these findings cannot be accurately compared to the real-life experiences of prisoners (Smith, 2006).

While these limitations must be considered, this research has serious implications for policy(Griest, 2012). Future evaluations of solitary confinement must be conducted to determine whether solitary confinement can be safely used in prisons or if it should be limited or eliminated (Griest, 2012). In addition, there is definite need to find alternative incarceration methods to effectively manage the behaviors of inmates without causing harm to their physical and mental health. Developing new incarceration methods is particularly important to ensure the well-being of confined inmates who are mentally ill prior to incarceration (Bonta & Gendreau, 1990).

REFERENCES Bonta, J., & Gendreau, P. (1990). Reexamining the cruel and unusual punishment of prison life. Law and Human Behavior, 14(4), 347-372.

Briggs, C. S., Sundt, J. L., & Castellano, T. C. (2003).

The effect of supermaximum security prisons on aggregate levels of institutional violence.

Criminology, 41(4), 1341-1376.

Costanzo, M. L., Martinez, R. L., Klebe, K. J. Torrence, N. D., & Livengood, M. L. (2012, August). Predictors of placement into correctional solitary confinement.

Paper presented at the meeting of American Psychological Association, Colorado Springs.

Dingfelder, S. (2012). Psychologist testifies about the dangers of solitary confinement. Monitor on Psychology, 43(9), 10.

Griest, S. E. (2012). The torture of solitary. The Wilson Quarterly, 36(2), 22-29.

Haney, C. (2003). Mental health issues in long-term solitary and supermax confinement. Crime & Delinquency, 49(1), 124-156.

O’Keefe, M. L. (2008). Administrative segregation from within: A corrections perspective. The Prison Journal, 88(1), 123-143.

Shalev, S. (2008). The health effects of solitary confinement. In Sourcebook on solitary confinement. Retrieved from http://solitaryconfinement.org Smith, P. S. (2006). The effects of solitary confinement on prison inmates: A brief history and review of the literature. Crime and Justice, 34(1), 441-528.

Weir, K. (2012). Alone, in ‘the hole’: Psychologists probe the mental health effects of solitary confinement.

Monitor on Psychology, 43(5), 54-56.

40 | SUBMISSIONS

Investigating the Role of Moral Processes in Enabling Aggression and in Political Discourse EMIL HAFEEZ International and civil war, genocide, racial violence, and forced migration are all violent

influential moral content affecting their audiences’ self-sanctions.

political conflicts of the last century which

The present review will examine two

exemplify aggression, which is defined here

prevalently researched processes called moral

as intentional harmdoing in an interpersonal

disengagement and moral agency (Bandura, 1999;

or intergroup interaction (Graumann, 1998).

Bandura, 2001) as they relate to aggression and

Narratives, which are considered to be vehicles

recent political narratives regarding the War on

for sharing and organizing information, making

Terror (Bush, 2003). Moral disengagement involves

meaning, and connecting people (Baumeister,

the circumnavigation of moral self-sanctions via

Zhang, & Vohs, 2004), and divergences between

cognitive reconstruals, and moral agency involves

narratives are central in creating and perpetuating

referencing one’s moral system to exonerate

these and other aggressive conflicts (Bilali &

oneself (Bandura, 1999; Bandura, 2001; Bandura et

Vollhardt, 2013; Goldberg & Ron, 2014; James

al., 1996).

& Foster, 2013). Conflict narratives contain

These processes become apparent in a

divergences which frame perpetrators’ aggressive

conflict such as the War on Terror, more recently

acts as immoral transgressions against victims

called the Overseas Contingency Operation by

desiring a morally just outcome (e.g. Čejajić-Clancy,

the President Obama administration (Office

Effron, Halperin, Liberman, & Ross, 2011; Rimé,

of the Undersecretary of Defense, 2014).

Kanyangara, Yzerbyt, & Paez, 2011; Sullivan, Landau,

The war continues around the globe with a

Branscombe, Rothschild, & Cronin, 2013; Wohl &

counterterrorism mission comparable to that of

Branscombe, 2005).

when it began; indeed, it also still involves a high

Moral systems, comprised of cognitions and

death and monetary toll (Emmerson, 2014; Office

behaviors which found all individuals’ pursuit of

of the Undersecretary of Defense, 2014). The two

good and bad (Bandura, 1999; Bandura, 2001;

processes of moral disengagement and moral

Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli,

agency are integral in enabling interpersonal and

1996), are co-developed over time by individuals

intergroup aggression, and are part of conflict-

and the society in which they live. During moral

generating political narratives visible in recent

system development, individuals monitor and

discourse. To start, the present review will examine

judge when a corrective reaction (e.g., scolding

these two processes’ roles in enabling aggression.

or guilty thoughts) from themselves or members of their social environment is necessary (Bandura, 1999; Bandura et al., 1996). While striving to avoid

MORAL DISENGAGEMENT Moral disengagement plays a central role in

these condemning corrections and feel self-

individuals’ justification of aggression (Bandura et

worth, individuals internalize regulations, or self-

al., 2001; McAlister, 2001). Moral disengagement is

sanctions, which reduce behavior they ought to

a process of cognitive restructuring which avoids

avoid (Bandura, 2001; Bandura, et al., 2001). As

triggering moral self-sanctions by reconstruing

such, self-sanctions, informed by social- and self-

inhumane behavior as harmless or good (Aly,

monitoring processes, shape individuals’ moralities.

Taylor, & Karnovsky, 2014; Bandura, 1999; Bandura

Conflicts’ narratives can be examined for socially

et al., 1996; McAlister, Bandura, & Owen, 2006)

HAFEEZ: MORAL PROCESSES IN AGGRESSION AND POLITICAL DISCOURSE | 41 via eight mechanisms (i.e., advantageous

However, moral disengagement actually mediates

comparisons, euphemistic language, displacement

the relation between in-group glorification and

of responsibility, diffusion of responsibility,

support for capital punishment (Leidner et al.,

minimizing consequences, moral justification,

2010); it partially explains in-group glorification’s

attribution of blame, and dehumanization; Bandura,

predictive power towards aggressive punishment

1999; Bandura, 2001; Bandura et al., 1996). These

support. Moral disengagement also significantly

mechanisms reframe individuals’ cognitive

moderates the relation between aggressive

evaluations such that aggressive behavior is no

behavior and hostile rumination (i.e., preserving

longer prevented by their self-sanctions and can

reliatory feelings toward another in response

be considered a viable course of action (Bandura,

to self-threatening provocation; Caprara et al.,

2004; Caprara et al., 2014; Leidner, Castano, Zaiser,

2014), and between aggressive behavior and self-

& Giner-Sorolla, 2010).

regulatory efficacy (i.e., belief that one can effect

Indeed, studies support that moral

desired outcomes and prevent undesirable ones by

disengagement directly influences aggressive

their actions; Bandura et al., 2001). However, moral

behavior in civilian samples (Bandura et al., 1996,

disengagement is not the only construct worth

Bandura et al., 2001; McAlister, 2001; McAlister et

considering when examining moral processes

al., 2006; Paciello, Fida, Tramontano, Luponetti, &

enabling aggression.

Caprara, 2008). Increases in moral disengagement are linked to increases in injurious behavior, shorttempered reactions to mild provocation, hostile

MORAL AGENCY Moral agency refers to the capacity to know,

rumination (Bandura et al., 1996), severity of

pursue, and proactively engage in actions which

punitive electric shocks to nonexistent recipients

individuals consider parallel to their moral system

(who participants thought were real) in a

(i.e., what they consider right rather than wrong;

memory and learning task (Bandura, Underwood,

Bandura, 2001; Caprara et al., 2014). Adherence to

& Fromson, 1975), and physical and verbal

the self-sanctions that prevent us from behaving

interpersonal aggression (Bandura et al., 2001;

immorally helps maintain coherence of and

Paciello et al., 2008). Politically speaking, research

behavior parallel with our moral system (Bandura,

also links higher moral disengagement following

2001). However, this can also be problematic:

the 9/11 attacks on the United States to greater

specifically, there is evidence supporting that self-

support for the immediate aerial bombardment

efficacious adherence to one’s moral system can

of Iraq (McAlister et al., 2006) and to immediate

enable aggressive behavior (Hafez, 2006; McAlister

military attacks on suspected terrorist cells

et al., 2006; Rogers et al., 2007; Swartz & Scott,

(McAlister, 2001; McAlister et al., 2006).

2013). This is because some moral systems can

Moral disengagement also relates to

foster aggression, such as in the case of religion

aggression in more nuanced ways. Specifically,

and cultural systems which offer violence as means

mechanisms of moral disengagement mediate the

to defend one’s dignity or to seek revenge (Hafez,

relations between various socio-cognitive factors

2006; McAlister et al., 2006; Rogers et al., 2007;

(e.g., in-group biases and negative dispositional

Swartz & Scott, 2013). It is important to note it

tendencies like irritability or rumination) and

is not the actual religious teachings that foster

aggressive outcomes (Bandura et al., 2001;

violence, but rather an individual’s aggressive

Castano, 2008; Caprara et al., 2014; Leidner et

approach to the religion’s offered template (Hafez,

al., 2010; McAlister, 2001; McAlister et al., 2006).

2006; McAlister et al., 2006; Rogers et al., 2007).

For example, in-group glorification is normally

Furthermore, agentic moral conviction like

considered a dangerous group process because it

that found in extremist religious moral systems

significantly predicts the likelihood of aggressive

is associated with greater social and political

behavior (Castano, 2008; Leidner et al., 2010).

intolerance as well as a greater likelihood an

42 | SUBMISSIONS individual will care more about a morally fair

morally acceptable and thereby morally exonerate

outcome than a morally fair process (Skitka &

one’s self or in-group (Bandura, 1999; Bandura et

Mullen, 2002). For example, many extremists

al., 2001). It disengages the in-group members’

believe they are acting in accordance with their

self-sanctions (Leudar et al., 2004; Pilecki et al.,

religious moral imperatives and showing their

2014) and simultaneously purports moral agency

faith to a higher power by engaging in terrorism

by claiming adherence to the in-group’s moral

against intolerable entities, like the United States

system (Esch, 2010; Jackson, 2007).

(Hafez, 2006; McAlister et al., 2006; Rogers et al.,

This “us/them” structure can be seen in public

2007). Terrorists’ destruction of the Twin Towers

statements by the United States’ George W. Bush

on September 11th, 2001, in the United States

and Barack Obama administrations (Esch, 2010;

specifically exemplifies a group of individuals

Jackson, 2007; Lazar & Lazar, 2004; Leudar et

adhering to their moral systems by behaving

al., 2004), Great Britain’s Tony Blair (Leudar et al.,

aggressively (Skitka & Morgan, 2014).

2004), and Al-Qaeda’s Osama Bin Laden (Leudar

Overall, there is support that aggressors

et al., 2004). For example, when George W. Bush

cognitively justify acts of aggression via the

characterized his moral system as defending

complementary processes of moral disengagement

goodness and freedom, he simultaneously

and moral agency. What follows is an examination

construed himself as positively moral while painting

of the manifestation of those two dangerous

the opponent as an immoral defender of evil and

processes in recent political narrative.

oppression (Esch, 2010; Leudar et al., 2004). Such

MORALITY IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE Political discourse analyses investigate specific language usage within speeches, interviews, press releases, and other qualitative linguistic material to identify rhetorical trends surrounding moral, military, legal, social, economic, and other contentious realms (Esch, 2010; Jackson, 2007; Lazar & Lazar, 2004; Leudar, Marsland, & Nekpavil, 2004; Pilecki, Muri, Hammack, & Clemons, 2014). Within U.S. presidential administrations’ narratives about the War on Terror, politicians’ language exemplifies interrelated moral processes in its attempt to organize and explain acts of political aggression. The broadest hierarchical level of moral content organization within the narrative is the establishment and operation within a dualistic structure of “us/them” (Leudar et al., 2004, p. 246). Establishing a dualistic in-group, out-group structure allows politicians to imply that the competing moral system is the polar opposite of their administration and audience’s (Lazar & Lazar, 2004). This binary “us/them” framework explicitly uses the advantageous comparison mechanism of moral disengagement, which is to say it exploits contrast to reconstrue behavior as

a dynamic is apparent in a speech to the nation, in which he said the following: Ours is the cause of human dignity; freedom guided by conscience, and guarded by peace. This ideal of America is the hope of all mankind…and the light shines in the darkness. And the darkness will not overcome it. May God Bless America. (Bush, 2002a).

This dualistic structure extends so far as to plainly state “we are in a conflict of good against evil,” (Bush, 2002b; Esch, 2010, p. 376; Jackson, 2007). The logic within these statements claims superiority while demonizing and derogating the other, allowing politicians to deny the opponent any moral considerations whatsoever (Lazar & Lazar, 2014; Pilecki et al., 2014). Such extremism in rhetoric is considered to support morally questionable methods, including extreme, systematic torture (Jackson, 2007) and ceding Guantanomo Bay Camp X-Ray detention facility detainees coverage of the third Geneva Convention only “for the most part… to the extent [the Conventions] are appropriate,” (Rumsfeld, 2002, as cited in Kinsella, 2005).

The use of the moral disengagement mechanism of dehumanization (Bandura, 1999; Bandura et al., 1996) further specifies the problematic “us/them” exploitative structure

HAFEEZ: MORAL PROCESSES IN AGGRESSION AND POLITICAL DISCOURSE | 43 towards “civilization v. barbarism” (Esch, 2010,

attempting to utilize these moral constructs to

p. 366; Kinsella, 2005; Lazar & Lazar, 2004).

change political narratives and thereby change or

Dehumanization appears explicitly, in the

intervene in political scenarios.

characterization of opposition members as inferior

Ideally, future research should seek to

humans by calling them “a group of barbarians”

establish precedents and grow knowledge in

or otherwise invariably barbaric (Bush, 2001 as

these unexplored directions. Experimental and

cited in Esch, 2010, p. 82; Kinsella, 2005; Lazar &

quasi-experimental studies could explore why

Lazar, 2004), and claiming their extreme hatred of

these processes occur in certain scenarios and

everything civil, cultural, or progressive (Kinsella,

seek culturally sensitive linguistic interventions

2005). The opposition is framed as hate-filled,

aiming to reframe these moral processes

cold-blooded murderers of the innocent, whereas

towards reconciliatory narratives. Fortunately

the United States is a nation of the compassionate

for interventions, adjusting narratives’ content

and loving, “who heal the broken hearts of little

can foster positive intergroup relationships and

Iraqi girls” (Bush, 2008). The characterization

reconciliation for the nations and individuals

extends towards more explicit dehumanization,

exposed to them (Goldberg & Ron, 2014; Sibley,

with the Bush administration proclaiming the

Liu, Duckitt, & Khan, 2008).

terrorist and Iraqi insurgency opposition as both

Finally, it is crucial to alert those in positions

predatory animals (Leudar et al., 2004) and as

of political and social leverage to become more

untamed “parasites” (Bush, 2002c as cited in

wary of the narratives they create, as these

Lazar & Lazar, 2004, p. 236) on multiple occasions.

narratives may contain dangerous moral messages

Indeed, this narrative can be considered as a

enabling aggression being passed down to the

necessary step in creating a social legitimacy

listening population at large. If Jackson (2007)

such that the audience is more prepared to

is correct about aggressive political discourse

exonerate dehumanizing injustices committed by

influencing the population’s attitude towards the

the in-group, as noted by Jackson’s 2007 article

systematic torture at Abu Ghraib, then concern

regarding the torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib

and intervention is necessary to prevent further

prison.

injustices.

CONCLUSION Overall, there is support for moral disengagement and moral agency’s involvement in enabling aggression (Bandura et al., 1996, Bandura et al., 2001; McAlister, 2001; McAlister et al., 2006; Paciello et al., 2008), and their appearance in the political discourse of recent years (Esch, 2010; Jackson, 2007; Kinsella, 2005; Lazar and Lazar, 2004; Leudar et al., 2004). This review hopes to bring attention to, empirical conduct with, and accountability for these moral processes in aggression and political discourse. However, the findings discussed are based upon research that is limited in several ways. Literature has yet to investigate the situations where an individual is likely to morally disengage versus act agentically, and why they may employ one, the other, or both processes. Additionally, there is little research

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46 | SUBMISSIONS

Self-Efficacy in Victims of Child Sexual Abuse CHRISTIE KIM Studies conducted across decades of research

illness, self-motivation, resilience, and the nature of

have established that between 9-30% of children

the victim’s decision-making and outlook on life

in North America experience sexual abuse (Briere

(Bandura, 1982; Benight & Bandura, 2004; Cieslak

& Elliot, 2003; Child Maltreatment 2013; Finkelhor,

et al., 2008). Decreased self-efficacy due to CSA

1994). With regard to gender, approximately 20-

also increases the risk for negative mental health

30% of girls and 5-10% of boys experience sexual

and behavioral outcomes such as posttraumatic

abuse at least once during childhood (Briere &

stress disorder (PTSD), including symptoms of

Elliot, 2003; Finkelhor, 1994). Child sexual abuse

disasociation, re-victimization, self-devaluation,

(CSA) is understood to be the engagement in

and maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as

any sexual behavior with a child under the age

self-harm and suicidal ideation (Bagley, Berlitho, &

of eighteen who is unable to comprehend or

Bertrand, 1995; Benight & Bandura, 2004; Cieslak

give consent to a sexual act due to one’s age or

et al., 2008; Coohey, 2010; Lamoureaux et al., 2011;

developmental stage (Finkelhor & Browne, 1985).

Lev-Wiesel, 2000; Reese-Weber & Smith, 2011;

Forms of sexual abuse include violation of the

Stern, Lynch, Oates, O’Toole, & Cooney, 1995).

body by use of force, coercion, or against the will

However, these detrimental effects do not develop

of the child, as well as exposure to sexual media

in all victims of CSA, and the intensity and duration

(Finkelhor & Browne, 1985; Foster & Hagedorn,

of symptoms vary between individuals (Briere &

2014). The traumatic experience of sexual abuse,

Elliot, 2003). Still, research suggests that the level

particularly in childhood and adolescence, is

of self-efficacy may be predictive of the recovery

associated with low self-efficacy, defined as the

period for victims. More specifically, self-efficacy is

belief in one’s own ability to effectively function

thought to influence important steps of recovery,

and exercise control within a situation (Bandura,

such as help-seeking behavior, resource utilization,

1982; Benight & Bandura, 2004; Finkelhor &

disclosure of abuse, and reporting the offense

Browne, 1985; Lamoureaux, Palmieri, Jackson, &

(Finkelhor & Browne, 1985; Foster & Hagedorn,

Hobfoll, 2011). Self-efficacy diminishes due to CSA,

2014; Lev-Wiesel, 2000).

as victims experience significant decreases in self-

There is a multitude of empirical studies that

esteem, mastery, and agency following the abuse

provide support for the relation between CSA and

(Cecil & Matson, 2001; Cieslak, Benight, & Caden

negative psychosocial outcomes, yet few studies

Lehman, 2008; Foster & Hagedorn, 2014; Finkelhor

focus particularly on the outcomes associated with

& Browne, 1985; Hagan & Smail, 1997; Lamoureaux

decreased self-efficacy. Accordingly, the present

et al., 2011).

review seeks to explore how lowered self-efficacy

Researchers suggest that victims’ lowered

due to child sexual abuse predicts disruption in

sense of self-efficacy largely mediates the

victims’ affective, cognitive, and interpersonal

relation between CSA and disruptions in a

development.

child’s emotional, cognitive, and interpersonal development (Benight & Bandura, 2004; Finkelhor

NEGATIVE AFFECT

& Browne, 1985; Lamoureaux et al., 2011). In

Fear and Anxiety

particular, self-efficacy predicts the amount of effort a child is able to put forth in persevering through adverse experiences such as CSA, as well as levels of vulnerability to stress and mental

The traumatic experience of CSA is detrimental to the emotional state of victims both during and long after the offense (Foster

KIM: CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND SELF-EFFICACY | 47 & Hagedorn, 2014). Fear has been identified

of the abuse to themselves (Lev-Wiesel, 2000).

as the predominant emotion in young victims

The perception that the abuse occurred because

during experiences of CSA. Descriptive firsthand

of a personal inability to prevent it reflects the

accounts indicate that children feel a deep sense

diminished sense of self-efficacy following CSA.

of helplessness and powerlessness during sexual

Self-Harm and Suicidality

abuse (Foster & Hagedorn, 2014). Furthermore, fear of the repercussions following disclosing the abuse (e.g., parental rejection or skepticism) was found to predict both a lack of or a delayed disclosure (Foster & Hagedorn, 2014). Negative emotional states in victims of CSA further contributes to anxiety. Compared to those without a history of abuse, CSA is correlated with significantly higher levels of anxiety, including anxious arousal and anxiety disorders, across the lifetime (Bagley et al., 1995; Briere & Elliot, 2003; Swanston et al., 2003).

Lowered self-efficacy due to CSA predicts negative affect, such as fear and anxiety, in victims in both the immediate and delayed aftermath.

Depression and Self-Blame The negative emotional experiences of CSA

Lowered self-efficacy due to CSA is characterized by a decreased sense of agency, which has been found to be significantly predictive of externalizing mental health symptoms, specifically, self-harm and suicidality (Bagley et al., 1995; Briere & Elliot, 2003; O’Connor, Rasmussen, & Hawton, 2009). Compared to non-abused individuals, adolescent victims of CSA report significantly more frequent self-harm and suicidal behaviors (Bagley et al., 1995), a relation that is particularly strong in girls (Noll, Horowitz, Bonanno, Trickett, & Putnam, 2008). The high frequency of externalizing symptoms among victims of CSA reflects disruption in affect regulation due to low self-efficacy.

victims is further apparent through increased

DISRUPTIONS IN COGNITIONS

levels of depression and self-blame. Following

Self-Esteem

fear, feelings of sadness, inefficacy, worthlessness, and shame were found to be prevalent throughout children’s experiences of CSA (Foster & Hagedorn, 2014). A large number of studies have found that CSA predicts higher rates of self-reported sadness and depression across age groups, as well as despair and hopelessness in young individuals exposed to sexual abuse, as compared to those who did not experience sexual abuse (Bagley et al., 1995; Briere & Elliot, 2003; Cecil & Matson, 2001; Lamoureaux et al., 2011; Stern et al., 1995; Swanston et al., 2003). Along with symptoms of depression, victims of CSA often develop internalizing symptoms such as self-blame (Foster & Hagedorn, 2014; Hagan & Smail, 1997). For example, Cieslak et al. (2008) found that CSA predicts decreased coping self-efficacy, defined as the belief in one’s efficaciousness, particularly in mastering the demands of post-abuse recovery, which then predicted blaming oneself for the abuse. Another study found that, among adults who experienced CSA, roughly half of both male and female victims turned the blame inwards and attributed the fault

Decreased self-efficacy has been linked with disruptions in cognitive development in child victims of sexual abuse. Self-esteem is a crucial component of self-efficacy as it reflects the valuation of self-worth, and it is often impaired in victims of CSA (Finkelhor & Browne, 1985; Hagan & Smail, 1997). Multiple studies have found that children, adolescents, and young adults who experienced sexual abuse during childhood tend to have significantly lower levels of self-esteem and self-worth than their peers who had no such history (Cecil & Matson, 2001; Larmoureaux et al., 2011; Stern et al., 1995; Swanston et al., 2003).

Negative cognitions about the self, including selfblame, self-hatred, guilt, and feeling damaged, are indicative of the depreciated senses of self-esteem as a result of lowered self-efficacy in the aftermath of sexual abuse (Hagan & Smail, 1997; Lev-Wiesel, 2000; Noll et al., 2003; Reese-Weber & Smith, 2011).

48 | SUBMISSIONS Mastery and Agency Decreased self-efficacy as the result of force

The Self and Body Lowered self-efficacy is predictive of

or coercion during a sexual assault can severely

dysfunctional eating behaviors, most notably those

damage a child’s cognitive sense of mastery

which are linked to dissociation. Mercado, Martínez-

and agency. Mastery, the belief in personal

Taboas, and Pedrosa (2008) found that females

control over life circumstances, and agency, the

with a history of CSA scored significantly higher

perceived capability of self-determination, are

on a measure of dysfunctional eating-related

significantly lower in victims of CSA (Bandura,

cognitions, such as bulimia nervosa, and the related

1982; Bandura, Reese, & Adams, 1982; Benight &

behaviors of bingeing and self-induced vomiting

Bandura, 2004; Finkelhor & Browne, 1985). Self-

(Swanston et al., 2003). Furthermore, both a

efficacy is contravened when the abuser exerts

history of CSA and the disordered eating were

total power over the victim, instilling a sense of

found to be highly correlated with dissociative

powerlessness through manipulation, secrecy, and

experiences, as extreme eating serves as a medium

threats of punishment (Finkelhor & Browne, 1985;

for escaping unpleasant or painful feelings (Groth-

Hagan & Smail, 1997). Research has found that

Marnat & Michel, 2000; Mercado et al., 2008). A

in comparison to those who did not experience

loss of control and derealization following CSA are

CSA, adolescent females with a history of CSA

reflected in dysfunctional bulimic behaviors, which

reported a decreased sense of mastery and control

include severely restricted eating intake, purging,

in their lives (Benight & Bandura, 2004; Cecil &

use of laxatives or diuretics, and extreme exercise

Matson, 2001). Lower levels of coping self-efficacy,

(Groth-Marnat & Michel, 2000; Mercado et al.,

in particular, reflected women’s diminished belief

2008). These disordered cognitions and related

in their ability to master adaptive skills in the

behaviors are symptomatic of a traumatic loss of

period following the trauma (Cieslak et al., 2008).

control and agency.

The overwhelming sense of perceived inability to control life situations is intricately related to further cognitive disruptions in CSA victims.

Dissociation Across both gender and age groups, those with a history of CSA often exhibit dissociative

THE INTERPERSONAL CONTEXT OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE Interpersonal Relationships A history of CSA has been found to predict

cognitions as a result of impaired self-efficacy.

interpersonal adversity due to decreased

Habitual dissociation was found in a CSA case

effectiveness in relationships. For instance, women

study by Hagan and Smail (1997), in which a young

who were sexually abused during childhood

female victim mentally disconnected from her body

display significantly less effective interpersonal

as she felt powerless to escape the pain and feared

skills (Kearns & Calhoun, 2014). Research shows

her resistance would yield punishment. Adult men

that young males and females who report

and women who experienced CSA exhibited higher

experiences of CSA were more likely to fight

scores of dissociation compared to those who

with family members, have poor relationships

were not abused (Briere & Elliot, 2003). For women

with their mothers, and see their friendships end,

specifically, an earlier age of onset of CSA was

compared to those who did not experience abuse

significantly related to higher dissociative scores

(Stern et al., 1995; Swanston et al., 2003). Similarly,

(Groth-Marnat & Michel, 2000). The psychological

Lamoureaux et al. (2011) found that, over time,

trauma of CSA predicts a decreased sense of

young female victims of CSA tended to exhibit

efficaciousness, resulting in a significant increase in

higher levels of psychological distress and social

dissociative cognition.

conflict than non-victims. These young women subsequently reported interpersonal resource loss and greater deficiency in social support

KIM: CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND SELF-EFFICACY | 49 (Lamoureux et al., 2011). These findings suggest

interpersonal interactions, which puts victims

that low self-efficacy due to CSA has a disruptive

at greater risk for future offenses and risky sex

influence on the development of interpersonal

practices.

skills, such as regulating and resolving conflict,

Safe Sex Practices

reaching compromise, or persisting in long-term relationships (Kearns & Calhoun, 2014; Lamoureux et al., 2011; Stern et al., 1995; Swanston et al., 2003).

Sexual Self-Efficacy The disruptive impact of lowered self-

Decreased efficacy following CSA also impacts victims’ safe sex practices and can increase risky sexual behaviors. Adolescent girls in particular report feeling less able to communicate about the method and frequency of

efficacy on interpersonal relationships is pervasive

their contraception use (Hovsepain et al., 2010).

throughout victims’ romantic and sexual

Lamoureaux et al. (2011) also found that the

interactions, as a strong negative relation between

experience of CSA for females had a significantly

sexual abuse in childhood and self-efficacy has

negative effect on self-efficacy, which further

been found across numerous studies (Coohey,

predicted HIV- and sexually-risky behaviors.

2010; Hovesepian, Blais, Manseau, Otis, & Girard,

Additional research indicates that the decreased

2010; Noll et al., 2003). Female victims of CSA

sense of self-efficacy leads to a lack of confidence

tend to have lower levels of sexual self-efficacy

in negotiating safe sex. Specifically, victims

in comparison to those who did not experience

reported higher fears of condom negotiation and

sexual abuse (Kearns & Calhoun, 2014). As a

were significantly less likely to use condoms on a

result, research shows that men and women who

consistent basis (Brown et al., 2014; Lamoureaux et

experience CSA reported having greater concerns

al., 2011). These findings also revealed weaker levels

regarding sexual interactions, such as sexual

of power in victims’ sexual relationships with men,

distress, dissatisfaction, or unwanted thoughts

and decreased self-efficacy in refusing unwanted

about sex (Briere & Elliot, 2003). The threat of

sexual activity (Brown et al., 2014).

CSA on victims’ self-efficacy is linked to deficits in

Revictimization

control pertaining to sexual relations; diminished sexual self-efficacy, in turn, predicts victims’ ability to voice their desires.

Decreased belief in one’s ability to be effective, especially in regards to sexual relationships, appears to silence the voices of childhood victims. Specifically, adolescent girls who were sexually abused report feeling less able to communicate about their sexuality with their partner (Hovsepian et al., 2010). In addition, women do not always feel capable of either giving or denying genuine consent. These women presented higher sexual permissiveness, which Noll et al.

(2003) believes may unintentionally communicate a willingness to engage in a sexual act despite insufficient emotional and sexual maturity.

Furthermore, women with multiple experiences of sexual abuse were more likely to report decreased sexual assertiveness skills (Kearns & Calhoun, 2014). The experience of CSA is detrimental to victims’ perceived ability to be efficacious within

Decreased self-efficacy further predicts subsequent re-victimization as victims of CSA may feel incapable of protecting themselves against future unwanted advances or assaults (Finkelhor & Browne, 1985; Reese-Weber & Smith, 2011). Multiple studies have found that both men and women are more than twice as likely to experience both sexual and physical victimization if they have experienced sexual abuse in childhood (Noll et al., 2003; ReeseWeber & Smith, 2011; Swanston et al., 2003). In women specifically, decreased self-efficacy due to CSA was found to have a causal effect in increasing the likelihood of sexual victimization (Kearns & Calhoun, 2010). These findings suggest that decreased self-efficacy predicted by CSA leads to diminished efficacy and dissociative tendencies in risky interpersonal situations.

50 | SUBMISSIONS

CONCLUSION This exploration of the impact of sexual abuse illuminates the role of perceived selfefficacy in the wellbeing of those who were victimized in childhood, with particular emphasis on disruptive effects on victims’ affect, cognitions, and interpersonal relationships. Decreased sense of self-efficacy due to CSA was found to predict negative affect, which was associated with increased rates of self-harm and suicidality (Bagley et al., 1995; Briere & Elliot, 2003; Swanston et al., 2003). Victims of CSA experienced disruptive cognitions as well, such as dissociation and related behavioral disorders (Benight & Bandura, 2004; Cecil & Matson, 2001; Cieslak et al., 2008; Swanston et al., 2003). Furthermore, individuals with a history of CSA were found to have ineffective interpersonal skills, which led to greater conflict, risky sexual behaviors and revictimization (Hovsepian et al., 2010; Kearns & Calhoun, 2010; Lamoureaux et al., 2011; Swanston et al., 2003) Across the studies included in this review, a primary limitation inherent to the subject of CSA is the discrepancy between actual and reported cases of CSA (Finkelhor, 1994). Similarly, while most of the studies operationalized CSA in the same way that it was presented in this review, there remains variation in the exact definition and examples of CSA throughout the literature. Furthermore, the generally limited amount of research focusing explicitly on the construct of self-efficacy called for the inclusion of studies which referenced more narrowed components, such as affect, self-esteem, mastery, and agency, which may imply relations that were not explicitly measured (Bandura, 1982; Benight & Bandura, 2004; Coohey, 2010; Finkelhor & Browne, 1985). In the future, studies should focus specifically on self-efficacy as a dynamic construct, to develop a clear model of the influence of CSA on self-efficacy, understand how self-efficacy disrupts key developmental components that are crucial for recovery, and identify potential risk and protective factors. Finally, male participants were largely underrepresented throughout the literature; therefore, many findings, specifically those regarding interpersonal relationship, may not be

generalizable beyond female victims of CSA. In addition to the emotional implications of such abuse, the strength of perceived selfefficacy may be predictive of victims’ helpseeking, resource utilization, and likelihood of reporting abuse (Finkelhor & Browne, 1985; Foster & Hagedorn, 2014; Lev-Wiesel, 2000).

With the understanding that self-efficacy can be developed over time, this review stresses the importance of appropriate therapeutic treatment and interventions for victims of sexual violence (Bandura, 1982; Bandura et al., 1982; Kearns & Calhoun, 2010). Future research should aim to gather samples of greater diversity specifically in gender, race, and culture, and explore the effects of self-efficacy interventions and treatment on victims’ recovery.

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Coping self-efficacy mediates the effects of negative cognitions on posttraumatic distress.

Behaviour Research and Therapy, 46(7), 788–798. doi:10.1016/j.brat.2008.03.007 Coohey, C. (2010). Gender differences in internalizing problems among sexually abused early adolescents.

Child Abuse & Neglect, 34(11), 856-862. doi:10.1016/j. chiabu.2010.05.001 Finkelhor, D. (1994). Current information on the scope and nature of child sexual abuse. The Future of Children, 4(2), 31–53. doi:10.2307/1602522 Finkelhor, D., & Browne, A. (1985). The traumatic impact of child sexual abuse: A conceptualization. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 55(4), 530–541. doi:10.1111/j.1939-0025.1985.tb02703.x Foster, J. M., & Hagedorn, W. B. (2014). Through the eyes of the wounded: A narrative analysis of children’s sexual abuse experiences and recovery process.

Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 23(5), 538–557. doi:10 .1080/10538712.2014.918072 Groth-Marnat, G., & Michel, N. (2000). Dissociation, comorbidity of dissociative disorders, and childhood abuse in a community sample of women with current and past bulimia. Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 28(3), 279– 292. doi:10.2224/sbp.2000.28.3.279 Hagan, T., & Smail, D. (1997). Power-mapping--II. Practical application: The example of child sexual abuse. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 7(4), 269–284. doi:10.1002/(SICI)10991298(199709)7:4<269::AID-CASP429>3.0.CO;2-H Hovsepian, S., Blais, M., Manseau, H., Otis, J., & Girard, M. (2010). Prior victimization and sexual and contraceptive self-efficacy among adolescent

females under Child Protective Services care.

Health Education & Behavior, 37(1), 65-83. doi:10.1177/1090198108327730 Kearns, M., & Calhoun, K. (2010). Sexual revictimization and interpersonal effectiveness. Violence and Victims, 25(4), 504-517. doi:10.1891/08866708.25.4.504 Lamoureux, B. E., Palmieri, P. A., Jackson, A. P., & Hobfoll, S. E. (2011). Child sexual abuse and adulthoodinterpersonal outcomes: Examining pathways for intervention. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 4(6), 605–613. doi:10.1037/a0026079 Lev-Wiesel, R. (2000). Quality of life in adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse who have undergone therapy. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 9(1), 1-13. doi:10.1300/J070v09n01 Mercado, R., Martínez-Taboas, A., & Pedrosa, O. (2008).

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Journal of Psychological Trauma, 7(4), 298–309. doi:10.1080/19322880802266821 Noll, J. G., Horowitz, L. A., Bonanno, G. A., Trickett, P. K., & Putnam, F. W. (2003). Revictimization and self-harm in females who experienced childhood sexual abuse: Results from a prospective study.

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The Role of Benevolent Sexism in Gender Inequality JACQUELINE YI Society often fails to acknowledge that

just as oppressive as hostile sexism (Glick & Fiske,

gender inequality, or the disparity in status and

2001). The current literature review explores how

power between men and women, continues to

benevolent sexism manifests in today’s society

exist today. Women remain significantly under-

and, in turn, how benevolent sexism contributes to

represented in higher-level, executive professions

gender inequality.

in the workforce, such as large corporations and government offices (United Nations Development Programme, 2014). Further, women have considerably lower income than men on average

BENEVOLENT SEXISM IN INTRAPERSONAL AND INTERPERSONAL CONTEXTS

(Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2014).

Benevolent sexism is evident in the

Traditionally, researchers and politicians have

interpersonal relationships between men and

attributed this to individual-level factors, such as

women. By accepting the ideology of benevolent

the difference between what a male or female

sexism, women more readily excuse acts of hostile

employee is willing and able to contribute to a

sexism committed by the intimate men in their

company (Anderson, 2005). However, recent work

lives (Glick & Fiske, 2001). Research has shown

suggests that ecological-level factors, such as

that people with benevolent sexist beliefs are likely

systematic oppression that advantage men and

to subscribe to the notion that only “bad girls,”

disadvantage women, may provide a more valuable

who have violated traditional sex role norms by

understanding of inequality as it exists today (Ali &

behaving in a manner that invites sexual advances,

Sichel, 2014; Bronfenbrenner, 1992).

get raped (Viki & Abrams, 2002). Therefore, the

According to theorists Glick and Fiske

endorsement of benevolent sexism is associated

(1996, 2001), an unmistakable form of systematic

with placing blame on female victims of rape and

oppression is hostile sexism, which is defined as

domestic violence, while dismissing the intentions

any antagonism toward women who challenge

of male perpetrators (Abrams, Viki, Masser, &

male power. Theorists have argued that large

Bohner, 2003; Glick, Sakalli-Ugurlu, Ferreira, &

corporations and government offices are spaces

Souza, 2002).

frequently dominated by men (Glick et al., 2000).

There are also more subtle, yet equally

A woman competing against a man for a high-

destructive interpersonal manifestations of

ranking position in one of these institutions may

benevolent sexism. Because those who accept

face hostile sexism because she is viewed as a

benevolent sexist ideas typically perceive women

threat to the status quo of male authority. However,

as incompetent outside of domestic roles, men

women are also faced with a more understated

will see themselves as superior to women and will

type of prejudice called benevolent sexism, in

treat them in a patronizing manner (Dardenne

which women are stereotyped as affectionate,

et al., 2007). Women do not interpret these

delicate, and sensitive (Glick et al., 2000; Frye,

condescending behaviors as acts of prejudice, but

1983). Those who hold benevolent sexist beliefs

as protective and caring actions (Glick & Fiske,

conceptualize women as weak individuals who

2001). Men fail to recognize their benevolent sexist

need to be protected and provided for (Glick &

acts as oppressive, and often become fixated

Fiske, 1996). Although these traits and attitudes

on fulfilling their traditional gender roles as the

seem to encompass behaviors that favor women,

providers in their romantic relationships (Glick &

research has shown that benevolent sexism is

Fiske, 2001; Good & Sanchez, 2009). Therefore,

YI: BENEVOLENT SEXISM | 53 both genders’ actions within the framework of

stereotyped with opposing strengths and

benevolent sexism influence each other—with men

weaknesses (Glick & Fiske, 1996; Jost & Kay,

taking care of women, and women depending

2005; Kay & Jost, 2003). Men are given agentic

on men to take care of them—to the extent

stereotypes, such as being independent, ambitious,

where motivation to rework an unjust system is

and competitive (Jost & Kay, 2005). They are

diminished (Becker & Wright, 2011). This pattern

viewed as highly competent, and therefore, well-

is especially evident in today’s romance culture,

suited for high-status workplace positions (Glick

where there are expectations for men to be

& Fiske, 2001). In contrast, women are assigned

chivalrous and for women to desire chivalry (Viki,

communal stereotypes, such as having nurturing,

Abrams, & Hutchison, 2003; Lemus, Moya, & Glick,

interdependent, and considerate characteristics,

2010).

which are suitable for the duties of a proper wife

Women’s experiences within interpersonal

and mother (Good & Sanchez, 2009). While these

interactions that are marked by benevolent sexist

domestic roles are important to society, they

attitudes have implications for their internal

enforce the idea that women are subservient to

thought processes as well (Glick & Fiske, 1996).

men, as well as incompetent and incapable without

When facing an employer’s benevolent sexist

their financial support (Dardenne, Dumont, &

attitudes, women doubt their cognitive capabilities

Bollier, 2007; Glick & Fiske, 2001). However, since

and perform significantly worse on executive

the content of women’s communal stereotypes

functioning tasks (Dardenne, Dumont, & Bollier,

can be perceived as positive, it is difficult to

2007). Women who hold benevolent sexist beliefs

recognize how they justify oppressive gender

have less ambitious educational and career goals

roles (Jost & Kay, 2005). Men are also less likely to

and feel more dependent on their future husbands

think of female communal stereotypes as sexist,

for financial support (Fernandez, Castro, Otero,

because it is not typical for a sexist perpetrator

Foltz, & Lorenzo, 2006; Rudman & Heppen, 2000).

to endorse positive stereotypes of women

Interestingly, while benevolent sexism has been

(Barreto & Ellemers, 2005). Therefore, both men

shown to be a detriment to one’s internal thought

and women unconsciously promote gender

processes, research has also found that benevolent

inequality by endorsing benevolent sexist ideas of

sexism is positively correlated with one’s life

complementary gender roles (Glick & Fiske, 1996;

satisfaction (Connelly & Heesacker, 2012). Since

Glick & Fiske, 2001).

benevolent sexist beliefs are mistaken as harmless,

The System-Justifying Effect of Benevolent Sexism

people accept these ideas more readily, which leads them to become complacent about gender discrimination (Barreto & Ellemers, 2005; Jost & Kay, 2005). Benevolent sexism is manifested in a multitude of ways, and it is crucial to understand how this prevalent ideology perpetuates the existing gender gap.

Another way that benevolent sexism contributes to gender inequality is through system justification, a cognitive process that occurs in response to a system threat (i.e., an attack on an individual’s values and traditions; Stapel & Noordewier, 2011). To counteract the unpleasant

BENEVOLENT SEXISM AND GENDER INEQUALITY

or angry feelings a system threat elicits, people

The Role of Stereotyping in Benevolent Sexism

beliefs or stereotypes that legitimize the status

One of the mechanisms through which

may attempt to fulfill their psychological need for structure and predictability by actively endorsing quo, regardless of whether these beliefs support their personal interests (Jost & Banaji, 1994).

benevolent sexism contributes to gender

Justifying existing systems is also a way for people

inequality is stereotyping. Within the framework

to view the society in which they live as fair, even

of benevolent sexism, males and females are

when it is not (Stapel & Noordewier, 2011).

54 | SUBMISSIONS Gender-specific system justification is an instantiation of benevolent sexism, meaning that women justify the patriarchal social systems that

is less likely to challenge the rampant gender inequality that exists today.

Considering benevolent sexism’s various

they belong to, even though they are essentially

manifestations and contributions to gender

supporting their own disadvantages in society

inequality, researchers and practitioners should

(Glick & Fiske, 2001; Russo, Rutto, & Mosso, 2014).

develop psychological interventions to bring about

Extending beyond mentally rationalizing systems,

social change. First and foremost, both men and

women who are part of cultures where men

women need to be educated about the insidious

frequently hold benevolent sexist attitudes also

consequences of prevalent benevolent sexist

tend to endorse such sexist beliefs themselves

attitudes. Interventions should also aim to increase

(Glick et al., 2000). By supporting existing forms

men’s understanding of benevolent sexism’s

of sexism, women are adaptively able to convince

oppressive nature and help them develop empathy

themselves that the society they are part of is

for women who experience gender discrimination

desirable and acceptable, and ultimately reduce

(Connelly & Heesacker, 2012). Lastly, both men

the emotional distress of being oppressed (Sibley,

and women would benefit from interventions that

Overall, & Duckitt, 2007). Benevolent sexism,

elucidate on the differences between benevolent

compared to hostile sexism, is easier for women

sexism and politeness (e.g., opening a door for a

to justify because it is disguised with positive

woman because she is a woman vs. opening a door

stereotypes and seemingly provides personal

for a woman to partake in a kind, civil act; Barreto

benefits (e.g., personal protection and idealization

& Ellemers, 2005; Becker & Wright, 2011; Connelly &

from men; Connelly & Heesacker, 2012). Therefore,

Heesacker, 2012).

through system justification, women often perceive

It is important to note that the empirical work

benevolent sexism as fair, and thus have fewer

on benevolent sexism has several limitations. Since

difficulties in perpetuating gender inequality

most of the reviewed research is correlational,

through the endorsement of benevolent sexist

one cannot establish that the endorsement

beliefs held by themselves or others.

of benevolent sexism causes an increase in

CONCLUSION Benevolent sexism has various intrapersonal

financial dependence on male partners or the endorsement of hostile sexism. In addition, many studies measure benevolent sexist attitudes

and interpersonal manifestations that have

with self-report methods, which are vulnerable

conditioned some women to physically, mentally,

to social desirability bias and errors in self-

and emotionally rely on male partners or family

observation (Tourangeau & Yan, 2007). Finally,

members, making it extremely difficult for them

the reviewed studies mostly utilize samples of

to resist this oppressive ideology. While women

white, heterosexual undergraduate students,

who do not fit traditional gender stereotypes are

and therefore their results are not generalizable

undeniably punished with hostile sexism, women

to diverse populations that may have different

who adhere to these stereotypes, which are rooted

attitudes and practices with regard to gender

in benevolent sexism, are rewarded with adoration

relations. Most of the research on benevolent

(Glick & Fiske, 2001). Thus, certain women do not

sexism is also conducted in cultures with low to

feel the need to challenge a complementary view

medium levels of gender inequality, indicating that

of societal gender roles. In addition, through the

many members of these populations tend to view

cognitive process of system justification, women

sexism in general as a negative ideology.

are able to legitimize benevolent sexism even

Future research should further examine

though it promotes their own subjugation (Becker

benevolent sexism’s manifestations in today’s

& Wright, 2011; Connelly & Heesacker, 2012).

society and how it contributes to gender

Through endorsing benevolent sexism, society

inequality—for example, exploring the role

YI: BENEVOLENT SEXISM | 55 of benevolent sexism in non-heterosexual relationships. Benevolent sexism may affect women who identify as lesbians differently, because their sexual orientation is considered a significant deviation from the traditional gender roles established by society. Researchers should also aim to expand their work on benevolent sexism in a variety of cultures to better understand its impact on different social and political systems. As future studies build upon the current knowledge of benevolent sexism, society can become more informed on its negative consequences and find effective ways to challenge the rampant gender inequality that exists today.

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BIOGRAPHIES

60 | BIOGRAPHIES Vera Stiefler Johnson | Editor-in-Chief vera.stieflerjohnson@nyu.edu Vera Stiefler Johnson is a senior in the NYU Applied Psychology program.

She currently works as the Assistant Data Coordinator in Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E.) Team, which advances research and knowledge to improve the lives of traditionally marginalized populations, focusing on urban poverty, courtinvolved women and youth, and those at high risk for court involvement, through the rigorous application of translational, interdisciplinary research paradigms. Her Honors thesis, which stemmed from her work with the C.O.R.E. Team, seeks to evaluate the reliability, exploratory factor structure, and construct validity of the Silencing the Self Scale in juvenile justiceinvolved adolescent girls. Having grown up in diverse countries such as Vietnam, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Denmark, and China, she has developed a strong interest in the issues facing women across cultures and hopes to ultimately use an applied psychology foundation to address gender stratification and oppression.

Samantha Pratt | Editor-in-Chief sjp435@nyu.edu Samantha Pratt is a senior in the Applied Psychology department, with a minor in Creative Writing and a minor in Global and Urban Education Studies. She is a Teach For America Equity Fellow and, upon graduation, will be serving as a 2015 Corps Member for the Miami-Dade Region.

Additionally, she is a peer supervisor on Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s research team where she is involved in the R. O. S. E. S project. Previously, she served as an interventionist for the project for which she received training to implement a studied intervention strategy with at risk adolescent girls who had involvement with the juvenile justice system. In the past she was also a volunteer at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center as well as a part of Dr. Niobe Way’s research team where she worked with qualitative data regarding female adolescents and the impact of various gender norms influenced by parent and peer interactions. Her research interests in child development and adolescent risk factors were inspired by various internships at the Children’s Aid Society, the Gesell Institute of Human Development, Education Pioneers, and Jumpstart.

Amelia Chu | Layout Director ameliachu@nyu.edu Amelia is a first semester senior in the Applied Psychology Program with a minor in Anthropology and Business Studies. She currently holds an internship at the Michael Cohen Group where she has contributed to projects including the ABCD Total Learning Initiative and Project UMIGO, a U.S. Department of Education’s Ready to Learn program. Her research interests include Human-Computer Interactions, User Experience methods and childhood education strategies, particularly those that involve interactive technologies. Amelia is also currently the Vice President of Communications of the NYU Inter-Residence Hall Council.

STAFF | 61 Christie Kim | Layout Director & Contributing Writer christiekim@nyu.edu Christie Kim is a junior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Web Programming and Applications. She is currently an Intake Counselor at The Door, a comprehensive social service agency committed to empowering young people in New York City. She is also a research assistant for Dr. Selcuk Sirinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Meta-Analysis of the Immigrant Paradox (MAP) project, and will soon begin on a second project on mental health and help-seeking in Turkey. She previously served on the Helpline for the National Eating Disorders Association, providing information, referrals, and support to sufferers and their loved ones. She hopes to pursue graduate studies in counseling psychology.

Minhee Lee | Treasurer ml4470@nyu.edu Minhee Lee is a freshman in the Applied Psychology program at Steinhardt.

From a young age, human interactions and the way humans perceive experiences have captivated her. In high school, she was captain of the track and cross country team and served as the events coordinator of the Gay Straight Alliance. Her interests are childhood development, sociology, and trauma studies. Along with holding the treasurer position in OPUS, she is a part of the University Hall Student Council as the Floor Representative.

She is pursuing a minor in American Sign Language and hopes to become a child psychologist whose work is inclusive of deaf children.

Regina Yu | Event Coordinator & Publicity Chair reginayu@nyu.edu Regina Yu is a junior in the Applied Psychology program at NYU with a minor in politics. She is currently working as an intake counselor at The Door, a Manhattan-based organization that provides young people with an expansive array of services, resources, and support. Regina has always been fascinated by psychology and plans to use her undergraduate studies in pursuit of a career in law. She hopes to work in international law with a special interest regarding human rights and social justice. Reginaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s research passions include social welfare, education, and child development.

62 | BIOGRAPHIES Kaya Mendelsohn | Editor-in-Training kayamendelsohn@nyu.edu Kaya Mendelsohn is a junior in the NYU Applied Psychology program, minoring in Creative Writing. She runs a blog that facilitates discussion and exploration around internet fandom and its interaction with feminism.

Her blog has reached out to and surveyed over 1000 people on personal experience within fandom communities. She has also worked with Alcanse, an organization in her hometown of Santa Cruz, California, that helps at-risk youth find employment, enjoying the experience of working one-on-one with clients. She hopes to combine her passions for internet communities, feminism, and the adolescent experience in her future work with applied psychology.

Hope White | Editor-in-Training & Senior Staff Writer hope.white@nyu.edu Hope White is a junior in the Applied Psychology program. She is currently a research assistant on Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s Community Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E.) team and the President of the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Club. Previously, Hope worked as an Extern at NYU’s Family Translational Research Group and was a counselor at the NYU Child Study Center’s Summer Program for Kids, a therapeutic camp for children with ADHD and related disorders. She has also worked on the Child Study Center’s Parent-Child Interaction Therapy Team as a Team Coordinator. In the future, she intends to pursue a Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology.

Devonae Robinson | Editor-in-Training & Junior Staff Writer devonae.robinson@nyu.edu Devonae Robinson is a junior in the Applied Psychology program at Steinhardt. She is currently a member of Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s research team, R.O.S.E.S., and also serves on the e-board of the Minority Pre-Law Association. Prior to her work with R.O.S.E.S. she held an internship with Brooklyn’s District Attorney Office, worked with America Reads, and volunteered with Publicolor to explore her interest in both children as well as the legal system. Other interests include domestic violence, cognitive distortions following sexual abuse, and alternative sentencing within the juvenile justice.

AUTHORS | 63 Ahmed Alif | Contributing Writer ana337@nyu.edu Ahmed Alif is a senior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in American Sign Language. He also has a concentration in Biology through the 4-year Barnard Intercollegiate program.He has designed several studies, as an undergraduate student serving as the Principal Investigator for 3 projects. His research focuses on the undocumented immigrants’ psychological distress and academic performance, and how familial and immigration policies influence undocumented parents’ participation in the U.S economy. His research is funded by the Steinhardt Creative Projects grant, and DURF. His advocacy has led ETS to put forth a clear outline of acceptable documents that undocumented, refugee/asylee students can provide to take exams such as the GRE and MCAT. This fall, he will be starting his graduate studies in Advanced Clinical Social Work- Health, Mental Health and Disabilities, with a minor in Law at Columbia University. Eventually, he intends to pursue his doctoral studies in Psychology and Social Intervention.

Shelby Bambino | Contributing Writer shelby.bambino@nyu.edu Shelby Bambino is a senior in the Applied Psychology program and will be graduating this May, 2015. While at NYU Shelby has been involved with research on Dr. Cappella’s team looking at social interventions in low income schools, after-school settings, and communities. Additionally, Shelby is highly involved within the Applied Psychology Department as she co-facilitated a New Student Seminar Course, served as a Summer Orientation Leader, and is currently working on a Psych Café Presentation.

Beyond the field of Applied Psychology, Shelby is also involved in Residential Life at NYU as she has served as a Resident Assistant for 2 years and is a member of the National Residential Hall Honorary. Post graduation Shelby will be attending the University of San Diego where she will be getting her Masters in Marriage and Family Therapy. She is excited about the upcoming adventure and looks forward to becoming a trained clinician. In her free time Shelby enjoys outdoor adventures particularly hiking, and water sports, as well as cooking and baking.

Mary Murphy Corcoran | Contributing Writer m.murphycorcoran@nyu.edu Mary Murphy Corcoran is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. She is currently a member on Dr. Grossman’s research team, which focuses on the risk and protective factors of suicidality regarding lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) individuals aged 15-21. Additionally, some of her other psychology-related interests are in bipolar disorder and schizophrenia. After graduation, she intends to pursue a Phd in clinical psychology, with the goal of having her own private practice one day.

64 | BIOGRAPHIES Anthea Chan | Contributing Writer anthea.chan@nyu.edu Anthea Chan, also known as Andy, is a junior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology. She is currently interning at the Mayor’s Office to Combat Domestic Violence where she is helping to plan a Cyber Safety and Technology forum. She will be conducting a study in the fall on the effectiveness of the forum in training case managers in safety planning and risk assessment in regards to cyber abuse. She is also on Dr. Alisha Ali’s Advocacy and Social Action Research Group, where she is learning about a safety measure for victims of domestic violence and other social issues.

With Dr. Selcuk Sirin’s research team, she is assisting with the Meta-Analysis of the Immigrant Paradox (MAP) project and will soon start data analysis for a study on mental health in Turkey.

Edward Chan | Contributing Writer ec1901@nyu.edu Edward Chan is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. He is currently working at multiple non-profit organizations including The Door, The Mayor’s Office to Combat Domestic Violence, and Upward Bound. He is also a research assistant for Dr. Joshua Aronson. His primary academic and professional goal is to one day start his own non-profit organization that caters to a variety of services ranging from counseling to housing. After graduating from NYU, he plans to go to graduate school to pursue a doctoral degree in counseling psychology.

Emil Hafeez | Contributing Writer enh231@nyu.edu Emil is an internal transfer from CAS since Fall 2013, and originally from Bethesda, Maryland. At NYU, CUNY, NYULMC’s CSC, and NYU’s Peace and Conflict Lab respectively, he’s enjoyed time on projects involving health interventions for diabetes, social cognition in persons with ADHD, social learning in persons with Autism, and political conflict narratives across international boundaries. His interests tend to lie within and scaffold from political conflict narratives, social justice issues, qualitative analyses, and writing and reading contemporary poetry. His spare time generally consists of seconds, minutes, and hours.

STAFF | 65 Bryan Nelson | Contributing Writer bsn227@nyu.edu Bryan Nelson is a junior in the College of Arts and Sciences, studying psychology and mathematics. He has worked with data from the Framingham Heart Study at Boston University and currently works as a clinical research intern in the Eating and Weight Disorders Program at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, where he is working on several projects about appearance and performance- enhancing drug (APED) users. At NYU, Bryan is conducting several studies with Ahmed Alif, Professor Sumie Okazaki, and Professor Hirokazu Yoshikawa, examining stress levels in the undocumented immigrant population. He recently won the behavioral science division at the 2014 Sigma Xi International Research Conference and has had his work supported by the NYU Dean’s Undergraduate Research Fund.

Jacqueline Yi | Contributing Writer jacqueline.yi@nyu.edu Jacqueline Yi is a junior in the Applied Psychology program. She currently works as an advocate for juvenile justice involved girls in Dr. Javdani’s R.O.S.E.S intervention. She is also a research assistant on Dr. Javdani’s Community Oppression Research and Engagement (C.O.R.E) team and Dr. Suzuki’s Holocaust survivor research lab. This past year, she has interned for the Anxiety and Mood Disorders Center at the Child Mind Institute, specifically working with children with selective mutism and conducting research on treatment effectiveness. Jacqueline’s research interests include stereotyping, youth’s psychological well-being, and effective strategies for working with oppressed populations.

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