OPUS Vol. IX Issue II

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2009 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

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OPUS

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies Volume IX Issue II | Fall 2018 Editors-in-Chief Rachel Lim Alexa Montemayor Khirad Siddiqui Layout & Design Directors Sophia Meifang Wang Sydney Liang Grace Park Programming & Communications Directors Alyce Cho Freya Chen Staff Writers Ellie Harrison Anastasia Knight

Faculty Mentor Dr. Adina R. Schick Special Thanks NYU Steinhardt Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Gigliana Melzi Judson Simmons Melanie Marich

Contributing Writers Kerry F. Luo Shira Richards-Rachlin

3

Contents 05 Letter from the Editors

06 Literature Reviews

08 Eleanor Harrison The Effects of Equine-Assisted Activities on Physical, Cognitive and Socioemotional Development 12 Anastasia Ferin Knight Racial Implicit Bias in the Plea Bargaining Process 15 Kerry F. Luo Culturally Responsive Storybook Sharing Styles and Language Proficiency of Latinx Children 18 Shira Richards-Rachlin The Effects of Parental Behavior on Mutism Symptomatology 21 Khirad Siddiqui Mechanisms of Community Policing in High-Crime Communities

24 Biographies

4

Letter From the Editors

New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, was established in 2009. OPUS provides Applied Psychology undergraduate students with a forum for sharing their independent work. This publication is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the United States.

We are thrilled to present our Fall 2018 issue. The themes of the Fall 2018 issue reflect the diverse clinical and research interests of our contributing writers and senior staff writers, and demonstrate a desire to understand the nuances of psychological phenomena in order to improve the lives of a range of groups, thus embodying the ethos of Applied Psychology.

Our issue this semester begins with a piece by Eleanor Harrison discussing the ways in which equine-assisted activities affect the development of individuals in key physical, cognitive, and socioemotional arenas. We also have two pieces in this issue focusing on children and developmental areas of psychology. First, Kerry Luo’s literature review examines the development of storybook sharing styles and language proficiency of Latinx children within the U.S. schooling system.

Additionally, Shira Richards-Rachlin explores how parental behavior may either exacerbate or alleviate some of the symptomatology of children with selective mutism.

This issue of OPUS also has multiple pieces examining criminal justice. Anastasia Knight’s literature review dissects the ways in which racial implicit biases affect the decisions made through a central part of the criminal justice system known as the plea bargaining process. Further, Khirad Siddiqui’s piece focuses on the framework of community policing and its implementation in different communities through its core mechanisms, such as the use of inclusive language and shared information.

We would like to thank our enthusiastic and talented writers for their scholarly contributions, as well as Sophia Meifang Wang, Sydney Liang, Grace Park, Alyce Cho and Freya Chen, the OPUS administrative staff, for their hard work and commitment to the journal. We are also grateful to Dr. Gigliana Melzi, the Director of Undergraduate Studies in Applied Psychology, and Judson Simmons, the OPUS advisor, for their continuous support of OPUS. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Adina Schick, our faculty mentor, for her guidance and dedication to OPUS, without which this issue would not be possible.

Best wishes and thank you for reading,

Rachel Lim

Alexa Montemayor

Khirad Siddiqui 5

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2

Equine Assisted Activities

The Effects of Equine-Assisted Activities on Physical, Cognitive and Socioemotional Development Eleanor Harrison

Over the past few decades, alternative therapies have been used to treat individuals with a variety of disorders and diseases (Malchiodi, 2013). One of these forms of treatments is equine-assisted activities, which includes therapeutic horseback riding and equine-facilitated psychotherapy (Professional Association of Therapeutic Horsemanship [PATH], 2018).

Therapeutic horseback riding (TR) teaches horsemanship skills to improve motor skills, as well as help the rider create an empathetic bond with the horse (All, Loving, & Crane, 1999; Bracher, 2000; Drnach, O’Brien, & Kreger, 2010). Similarly, equine-facilitated psychotherapy (EFP), involves a mental health professional working in collaboration with an equine professional and a client to address the client’s psychotherapy goals (PATH, 2018). Since both equine-assisted activities focus on many areas of development (e.g., physical, cognitive, and socioemotional), they are effective in improving a wide variety of emotions, skills, and behaviors, including mood, focus, posture, motor skills, sedentary behavior, and reactions to sensory input — all of which are notably difficult for individuals with different disorders (e.g., schizophrenia, cerebral palsy, autism spectrum disorder, and mood disorders; Bass, Duchowny, & Llabre, 2009; Corring, Lundberg, & Rudnick, 2013; Gabriels et al., 2012; Zadnikar & Kastrin, 2011). To better understand the specific ways in which these equine-assisted activities work, this literature review sought to explore the question: how do equineassisted activities influence an individual’s physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development?

Therapeutic Horseback Riding

Therapeutic horseback riding (TR), one of the many equine-assisted activities, primarily focuses on the didactic teaching of horsemanship skills (e.g., steering, grooming, posting, etc.), with the purpose of positively contributing to the rider’s cognitive, physical, emotional, and social wellbeing (PATH, 2018). Of the physical changes seen in individuals following therapeutic riding interventions, the most positive are improved posture and motor skills (Bass et al., 2009). During TR, individuals are taught the correct riding posture, which subsequently contributes to better overall posture (Bass et al., 2009; Bracher, 2000). When horseback riding, individuals must maintain a strong upright posture to effectively stay on the horse; sitting up straight with one’s shoulders back and chest out exerts effort on the shoulder, back, and core muscles, and allows the rider to balance better than when slouched or slumped over (Bertoti, 1988; Biery & Kauffman, 1989; Zadnikar & Kastrin, 8 | Literature Reviews

2011). This improved posture has, in turn, been shown to reduce joint and muscle pain over time, especially as the individual ages, leading to improved health outcomes (Kitazaki & Griffin, 1997).

Moreover, TR has been particularly effective in improving the motor skills of those with cerebral palsy, autism spectrum disorder, or multiple sclerosis (Bass et al., 2009; Gabriels et al., 2012). These individuals often have difficulties with activities requiring fine motor skills that include small muscle movements, and gross motor skills that include large muscle movements (Matson, Matson, & Beighley, 2011). By engaging in behaviors such as pulling on the reins and standing up on the saddle, therapeutic riding allows riders to practice both sets of motor skills (Bass et al., 2009; Hawkins, Ryan, Cory & Donaldson, 2014).

In addition to the physical benefits of therapeutic horseback riding, completion of therapeutic horseback riding sessions is also correlated with decreased irritability and hyperactivity, as well as an overall increase in positive mood (Gabriels et al., 2012; Gabriels et al., 2015). This may be related to the decrease in sedentary behavior and physical activation associated with horseback riding, since physical activity is associated with decreased negative affect (Bass et al., 2009; Gapin, Labban, & Etnier, 2011). Furthermore, TR has been shown to improve riders’ attention, focus, and reactions to sensory input (Bass et al., 2009; Gabriels et al., 2012; Gabriels et al., 2015). In particular, therapeutic horseback riding benefits individuals with sensory sensitivities, by improving their reactions to sensory input (Bass et al., 2009; Gabriels et al., 2015). This is because therapeutic horseback riding provides opportunities for highly sensitive individuals to practice tolerance, as there are a lot of new sounds, sights, smells, and textures associated with horseback riding (Gabriels et al., 2012; Ward, Whalon, Rusnak, Wendell, & Paschall, 2013). While being exposed to these new stimuli, riders are simultaneously expected to pay attention to and focus on the TR instructor to learn riding skills (Lanning, Baier, Ivey-Hatz, Krenek, & Tubbs, 2014). This improved attention and focus has also been shown to transfer to school and home settings (Lanning et al., 2014; Ward et al., 2013). Teachers and parents perceive children who participate in therapeutic horseback riding as having improved social communication, greater tolerance to new experiences, and improved reactions to sensory input, compared to their counterparts who did not receive this intervention (Bass et al., 2009; Lanning et al., 2014; Ward et al., 2013). This shows that therapeutic horseback riding generates positive outcomes

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 outside of the therapeutic horseback riding setting.

Additionally, for individuals with socioemotional difficulties, TR can aid in the development of key skills such as self-confidence and self-esteem (Burgon, 2003; Corring et al., 2013; Fox et al., 1984). For example, children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) who undergo TR experience increases in self-confidence and self-esteem (Burgon, 2003; Corring et al., 2013; Cuypers, De Ridder, & Strandheim, 2011; Fox et al., 1984). It is also linked with increased selfconfidence, self-efficacy, motivation, and volition in children, which can appear in this context as increased eagerness to mount the horse (Burgon, 2003; Corring et al., 2013; Cuypers et al., 2011; Fox et al., 1984). Research demonstrates that, as riders interact with the horse during TR sessions (e.g., through caretaking practices such as grooming the horse), they develop greater empathy, both towards horses and humans, which is, in turn, associated with improved affective understanding and perspective taking (Cuypers et al., 2011). As such, individuals who traditionally have difficulty with social skills, such as those with schizophrenia and ASD, learn to begin initiating and maintaining social interactions by working with their horse, and thus develop socioemotional skills which they can transfer into their interpersonal relationships (Burgon, 2003; Corring et al., 2013).

Equine-Facilitated Psychotherapy

While TR uses horseback riding as the primary therapeutic modality, equine-facilitated psychotherapy (EFP), which is another form of equine-assisted activity, primarily focuses on the use of the horse as a metaphor within mental health treatment (PATH, 2018). In EFP, the horse is used as a guide within the therapeutic interaction, and participants use interactions between different horses (e.g., two horses fighting) or between a horse and a human (e.g., a horse approaching a human seemingly spontaneously) as to portray how people interact with each other in the real world (Rothe, Vega, Torres, Soler, & Pazos, 2004). Since horses are social and prey animals, they look to other beings as well as cues within their environment to assist them in navigating their reactions to different stimuli (Lentini & Knox, 2009). As a result, equine-facilitated psychotherapy uses these reactions as the basis for the therapy sessions, wherein clients apply these as metaphors of stimuli in their own lives that they may be consciously or subconsciously reacting to (Karol, 2007). Moreover, as horses are intuitive animals that use minute expressions and body language to communicate with each other and with humans, within the context of equine-facilitated psychotherapy, their interactions are described in parallel to human interactions in order to develop emotional growth and encourage deeper understanding of the self and relationships with others (Brandt, 2004; Carpenter, 1997). As such, this type of therapy can be used to address behavioral issues, uplift mood, and improve communication needs (Rothe et al., 2004).

Equine-facilitated psychotherapeutic interventions have been developed to specifically address behavioral, social

Equine Assisted Activities

and communicative challenges (Ewing, MacDonald, Taylor, & Bowers, 2007; Vidrine, Owen-Smith, & Faulkner, 2002).

Following completion of equine-facilitated psychotherapy interventions, children and adolescents display improvement in mood, and report being happier and overall more content than they were prior to completion of the sessions (Kern et al., 2011; Lentini & Knox, 2015). Equine-facilitated psychotherapy is also related to increases in positive behaviors (e.g., petting the horse in a kind way), decreases in negative behaviors (e.g., physical aggression), as well as improvements in general problem behavior areas (e.g., repetitive or stereotyped behavior patterns; Nelson et al., 2011; Trotter, Chandler, Goodwin-Bond, & Casey, 2008). Furthermore, equine-facilitated psychotherapy has been helpful in reducing the severity of symptoms of different psychopathologies, such as challenges with communication and social interaction (Kern et al., 2011). When clients participate in equine-facilitated psychotherapy, the horse’s behavior provides a reason and means for communication between the client and clinician (Lentini & Knox, 2015). As such, clients tend to perceive higher levels of social support and have increased levels of social interaction following their participation in EFP (Hauge, Kvalem, Berget, Enders-Slegers, & Braastad, 2014; Nelson et al., 2011).

Conclusion

Equine assisted activities have many known benefits for the individuals that they serve, particularly in relation to socioemotional, physical, and cognitive development (Burgon, 2003; Hauge et al., 2014; Lentini & Knox, 2015). Therapeutic horseback riding supports the individual’s physical and cognitive development, with both the clients themselves as well as participants’ parents and teachers reporting positive effects (Bass et al., 2009; Gabriels et al., 2012; Lanning et al., 2014). Conversely, equine-facilitated psychotherapy focuses more on the individual’s socioemotional development, with clients reporting emotional growth as well as higher levels of socialization (Brandt, 2004; Nelson et al., 2011). However, equine-assisted activities are a relatively new field of study.

As such, there is limited research surrounding the efficacy of these activities with any specific population, and the small sample sizes for the studies that have been conducted limit their generalizability. Future research should examine how different factors in equine-assisted activities (e.g., the horse used and the quality of the instructor) influence the physical, cognitive and socioemotional changes mentioned in this paper. While this is a burgeoning field with limited research, it is quickly gaining in popularity, and more research will help to cement the legitimacy and efficacy of both therapeutic horseback riding and equinefacilitated psychotherapy.

Literature Reviews | 9

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and implications for rehabilitation therapy. Journal of

Rehabilitation Therapy, 65(3), 49-57.

Bass, M. M., Duchowny, C. A., & Liabre, M. M. (2009). The

effect of therapeutic horseback riding on social

functioning in children with Autism. Journal of

Autism and Developmental Disorders, 39(1), 1261- 1267.

Bertoti, D. B. (1988). Effect of therapeutic horseback riding on

posture in children with cerebral palsy. Physical

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Biery, M. J. & Kauffman, N. (1989). The effects of therapeutic

horseback riding on balance. Adapted Physical

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Bracher, M. (2000). Therapeutic horse riding: What has this to

do with occupational therapists? British Journal of

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Brandt, K. (2004). A language of their own: An interactionist

approach to human-horse communication. Society &

Animals, 12(4), 299-316.

Burgon, H. (2003). Case studies of adults receiving horse riding therapy. Anthrozoös, 16(3), 263-276.

Corring, D., Lundberg, E., & Rudnick, A. (2013). Therapeutic

horseback riding for ACT patients with schizophrenia. Community Mental Health Journal, 49(1), 121-126.

Cuypers, K., De Ridder, K., & Strandheim, A. (2011). The effect

of therapeutic horseback riding on 5 children with

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Medicine, 17(10), 901-908.

Drnach, M., O’Brien, P. A., & Kreger, A. (2010). The effects of

a 5-week therapeutic horseback riding program on

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case study. The Journal of Alternative and

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Ewing, C. A., MacDonald, P. M., Taylor, M., & Bowers, M. J.

(2007). Equine-facilitated learning for youth with

severe emotional disorders: A quantitative and

qualitative study. Child Youth Care Forum, 36(1), 59- 72.

Gabriels, R. L., Agnew, J. A., Holt, K. D., Shoffner, A.,

Zhaoxing, P., Ruzzano, S … Mesibov, G. (2012). Pilot

study measuring the effects of therapeutic horseback

riding on school-age children and adolescents with

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N., & Mesibov, G. (2015). Randomized control trial of

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adolescents with autism spectrum disorder. Journal

of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent

Psychiatry, 54(7), 541-549.

10 | Literature Reviews

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Gapin, J. I., Labban, J. D., & Etnier, J. L. (2011). The effects of

physical activity on attention deficit hyperactivity

disorder symptoms: The evidence. Preventative

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Hauge, H., Kvalem, I. L., Berget, B., Enders-Slegers, M.J., &

Braastad, B. O. (2014). Equine assisted activities and

the impact on perceived social support, self-esteem

and self-efficacy among adolescents – an intervention study. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 19(1), 1–21.

Hawkins, B. L., Ryan, J. B., Cory, A. L., & Donaldson, M. C.

(2014). Effects of equine-assisted therapy on motor

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Karol, J. (2007). Applying a traditional individual

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psychotherapy (EFP): Theory and method. Clinical

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Grannemann, B. D., Knox, K. R., & Trivedi, M. H.

(2011). Prospective trial of equine-assisted activities in

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Trotter, K. S., Chandler, C. K., Goodwin-Bond, D., & Casey, J.

(2008). A comparative study of the efficacy of

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Literature Reviews | 11

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2

Racial Bias in Plea Bargains

Racial Implicit Bias in the Plea Bargaining Process Anastasia Ferin Knight

The American criminal justice system disproportionately targets black adults, with their incarceration rates approximately five to seven times higher than their white counterparts (Kutateladze, Andiloro, & Johnson, 2016; Zeng, 2018). Research suggests that these incarceration disparities are not solely due to discrepancies in arrest rates, but are instead affected by the plea bargaining process that often takes place between arrest and incarceration (Edkins, 2010; Kutateladze et al., 2016; US Sentencing Commission 2010). A plea bargain is a legal deal in which a defendant waives their right to trial and pleads guilty, resulting in one of two outcomes: a criminal plea which includes a felony charge and results in a criminal record, or a non-criminal plea, which includes a misdemeanor charge or dropped charges altogether (Rousseau & Pezzulo, 2013). Plea bargains are central to the functioning of the legal system, as they offer a lower sentence than would be risked at trial, and without them, courts would be unable to operate due to the high number of cases which need to be processed. Thus, over 95% of criminal cases in the United States end with plea bargains (Heiner, 2015; Kutateladze & Lawson, 2018).

Due to the extensive use of plea bargains in the criminal justice system, it is important that those who control the plea bargaining process (i.e., defense attorneys and prosecutors) understand the implications of implicit biases for their decisions (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2004; Greenwald & Krieger, 2006; Heiner, 2015; Kang et al., 2011). Implicit biases, or unconscious perceptions, can be especially detrimental for black individuals utilizing the plea bargaining process due to the prevalence of racial profiling stemming from stereotypes and misrepresentations of black criminality (Kutateladze & Lawson, 2018; Rousseau & Pezzullo, 2014; Rudman, 2004).

Since prosecutors offer plea bargains based on their perceptions of clients, this can translate into significant discrepancies in the process of offering a plea bargain (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2003; Greenwald & Krieger, 2006; Johnson, 2003; Kang et al., 2011; Lizotte, 1978; Smith & Levinson, 2011). For example, research indicates that race is a significant predictor for receiving a more severe and/or extended sentence when using the plea bargaining process (Johnson, 2003), and yet this differential treatment is less prominent if a defendant goes to court, suggesting that defense attorneys and prosecutors implicit biases shape plea bargain outcomes (Johnson, 2003; Kutateladze et al., 2016). Thus, this literature review explored the question: how do the racial implicit biases of defense attorneys and prosecutors influence the plea bargaining process?

12 | Literature Reviews

Effects of Implicit Bias on Plea Bargains

The implicit biases that defense attorneys and prosecutors hold have a more significant influence on the outcomes of plea bargain deals than those of judges, which makes them crucial to understand (Johnson, 2003; Kutateladze et al., 2014). These biases are often more consequential for prosecutors because they are usually only presented with the basic demographics of the defendant (e.g., their race, socioeconomic status, and the crime committed) when offering a guilty plea (Kutateladze, Andiloro, Johnson, & Spohn, 2014). As such, without information on the context surrounding the defendant’s crime, prosecutors might make sweeping generalizations about defendants and base their perceptions on stereotypes and implicit biases, as opposed to contextual and factual information (Kutateladze et al., 2014). Furthermore, existing stereotypes of black adults can support defense attorneys and prosecutors’ racial implicit biases, such that they may unconsciously view a black defendant as a threat regardless of the context of the case (Kutateladze et al., 2016; Rudman, 2004; Smith & Levinson, 2011). Thus, a racially biased prosecution lawyer may perceive a black defendant as more dangerous and their crime as more severe, making them more likely to offer a poor quality plea that includes a criminal charge (Kutateladze et al., 2016; Rudman, 2004; Smith & Levinson, 2011).

Although most defense attorneys believe in the legal system’s duty to act fairly and offer equal legal representation (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2004), research suggests that they still display implicit preferences for white defendants over black ones (Smith & Levinson, 2011). Thus, when defense attorneys recommend that their clients accept or decline plea bargains, they are more likely to recommend that their white clients accept better quality pleas with less jail time (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2004; Rousseau & Pezzullo, 2013; Smith & Levinson, 2011). Due to these implicit preferences for white defendants, black defendants are over three times more likely to be persuaded to accept a plea resulting in jail time (Edkins, 2010; Kramer, Wolbransky, & Heilbrun, 2007; Kutateladze et al., 2014; Kutateladze et al., 2016; Rousseau & Pezzullo, 2013).

Further, public defenders are a type of defense attorney assigned to clients who cannot otherwise afford legal representation, and have been found to accept longer prison sentences than private defense attorneys, despite utilizing the same legal arguments (Edkins, 2010; Lizotte, 1978). The most notable difference in a public defender and a private defense attorney’s caseload is the race of their clientele, since public defenders primarily represent

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 minority clients, suggesting that there are indirect connections between a client’s race, the type of legal representation they receive, and their subsequent plea bargain outcomes (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2003; Kramer et al., 2007; Lizotte, 1978).

This can also have a cyclical effect, such that many black defendants who are persuaded to accept these pleas end up in prisons with stark racial disparities, further perpetuating general stereotypes about black criminality and thus influencing the decisions of future cases (Eisenberg & Johnson, 2004; Johnson, 2003; Kutateladze et al., 20143). With the combined effects of disparities in type of legal representation, stereotypes about black criminality, and implicit preferences for white defendants, plea bargains can act as a form of guaranteed sentencing for black defendants when implicit biases are unmitigated and unchallenged (Edkins, 2010; Kutateladze et al., 2014; Kutateladze & Lawson, 2018; Lizotte, 1978).

Conclusion

There is limited research exploring the plea bargaining process, and even fewer studies investigating how mental processes such as implicit bias affect defense attorneys and prosecutors’ decisions to offer plea bargains (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2004; Greenwald & Krieger, 2006; Kang et al., 2011). However, current research suggests that defense attorneys negotiate more severe plea bargains for their minority clients due to the impact of racial implicit biases on their decision making processes, resulting in higher rates of criminal pleas with fewer charge reductions and more prison time for black defendants (Edkins, 2010; Eisenberg & Johnson, 2003; Kramer et al., 2007; Kutateladze et al., 2016; Kutateladze & Lawson, 2018; Smith & Levinson, 2011). Research on the implicit biases that affect plea bargain offers has the potential to lead to improvements in how a defendant’s case is reviewed, and inform recommendations for mandated sensitivity and bias training for legal officials (Eisenberg & Johnson, 2003; Kang et al., 2011; Kutateladze et al., 2016; Kutateladze & Lawson, 2018). Future research should explore how factors such as criminal records, a lack of private counsel, and socioeconomic status, may affect black individuals’ plea options compared to their white counterparts, especially since early research has indicated that these extralegal factors have a strong influence on minority overrepresentation in rates of incarceration (Edkins, 2010; Kramer et al., 2007; Kutateladze et al., 2016; Kutateladze & Lawson, 2018; Rousseau & Pezzullo, 2013; Smith & Levinson, 2011).

Racial Bias in Plea Bargains

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 Testimony to the US Sentencing Commission Regarding

Proposed Amendments to Sentencing Guidelines, US

Sentencing Commission (2010) (Testimony of

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Zeng, Z. (2018, February). Jail inmates in 2016. Retrieved from https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ji16.pdf.

14 | Literature Reviews

Racial Bias in Plea Bargains

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2

Book Sharing and Latinx Children

Culturally Responsive Storybook Sharing Styles and Language Proficiency of Latinx Children Kerry F. Luo

Latinx children in the United States, despite having unique linguistic strengths associated with bilingualism, are disadvantaged in the U.S. early education system due to limited English skills and cultural differences (Hoff, 2013; Uchikoshi, 2005). Latinx caregivers often use a sole narrator storybook sharing style where the caregiver is the primary storyteller, which differs culturally from European-American caregivers who value a co-constructive style where the caregiver builds the story with the child (Caspe, 2009; Hammer, Nimmo, Cohen, Draheim, & Johnson, 2005). As academic outcomes (including literacy and language proficiency skills such as reading comprehension, vocabulary, and narrative ability) are partly predicted by storybook reading styles used at home (Bitetti & Hammer, 2016; Bus, Van, & Pellegrini, 1995), and given that U.S. schools promote the co-constructive style, it is worth examining the influence of book sharing styles on Latinx children’s emergent literacy and language skills (Caspe, 2009; Melzi, 2000). This literature review thus posed the following question: how do storybook sharing styles used at home impact language proficiency of Latinx children who attend U.S. schools?

The Co-Constructive Style

Researchers and educators in the United States promote the use of a co-constructive book sharing style, where the parent scaffolds the storytelling process by alternating between reading the text and asking inference (e.g., “Why do you think the character feels sad?”) and prediction (e.g., “What do you think will happen next?”) questions (Caspe, 2009; Hammer et al., 2005).

This style is valued by European-American parents, who tend to view storytelling as an academic pursuit for logical reasoning (Caspe, 2009; Hammer et al., 2005; Melzi, 2000). At the same time, the co-constructive style is favored by U.S. schools, as it promotes the comprehension and logical sequencing skills that are linked to academic success. Moreover, receptive vocabulary (i.e., the ability to recognize and understand words by listening to speech or seeing print) are fostered through reading the text to the child, while asking questions promote expressive vocabulary (i.e., the ability to produce new words; Hammer et al., 2005; Sénéchal, 1997).

However, the collaborative nature of the co-constructive approach is inconsistent with the value that Latinx households place on distinguishing between the roles of storyteller and listener within parent-child interactions (Bloome, Katz, Solsken, Willett, & Wilson-Keenan, 2000; Caspe, 2009). Latinx parents tend to view book sharing as a social rather than academic

activity, and, thus, do not typically ask the type of inferential and predictive questions that teachers ask during storybook reading (Caspe, 2009; Hammer et al., 2005). Given the benefits of the coconstructive style for child outcomes, countless interventions have sought to train Latinx parents to adopt this style of academic questioning. Yet, findings suggest that this is not an effective approach for Latinx families. In fact, the questions asked tend to come off as forced and basic (e.g., the caregiver may ask several labelling questions, such as “What is this?”; Caspe, 2009), and interestingly, they contribute to lower printrelated literacy outcomes. This suggests that the co-constructive style’s effectiveness depends on the caregiver’s familiarity and comfort with traditional U.S. story sharing methods (Caspe, 2009; Hammer et al., 2005).

The Sole Narrator Style

Caregivers from Latinx backgrounds are more likely to use a sole narrator approach when reading to their children, taking on the primary storyteller role while the child takes on an active listener role and speaks minimally (Caspe, 2009; Melzi & Caspe, 2005; Melzi, Schick, & Kennedy, 2011). Encouraging the child’s position as the observant audience is reflective of both a cultural hierarchy, where parents are experts from whom children should learn, as well as a community model, where the parents’ purpose is not to teach academically but to engage the child in a family-building practice that strengthens and promotes socio-emotional development (Bloome et al., 2000; Cline & Edwards, 2013; Melzi et al., 2011). For Latinx households, storybook sharing is a socio-emotional process between caregivers and their children that builds upon the familial bond when children are taught to trust their caregivers as expert storytellers, which stems from a longstanding tradition of parents transmitting respect and loyalty to their families through oral narratives (Caspe, 2009; Cline & Edwards, 2013; Melzi, 2000). Latinx parents value the emotional quality of book sharing by expressing sensitivity to their children’s engagement in the book reading, which is a process of emotional responsiveness that relates to better outcomes in language and emergent literacy (Cline & Edwards, 2013).

During storybook sharing, Latinx parents narrate the story with rich descriptions and evaluations while requesting that the child not interrupt (e.g., when the child begins to ask a question, the mother tells the child to wait until she finishes telling the story), which is effective in fostering aspects of sociocognitive development such as keen observation skills, Literature Reviews | 15

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 sustained attention, and self-regulation (Caspe, 2009; Melzi & Caspe, 2005; Melzi et al., 2011). When children apply these skills to book-reading interactions and listen to their caregivers tell the story melodically, they may increase their awareness of language structure (i.e., the composition of letters and words) and the way that language sounds, which promotes print-related literacy skills (Caspe, 2009).

Closely listening to caregivers’ melodic storytelling also allows the child to understand how parts of a book come together to form one powerful story that consists of rich emotional descriptions (Caspe, 2009; Melzi & Caspe, 2005). Through parents’ modeling of rich storytelling, Latinx children observe subjective evaluation (i.e., the storyteller describes how they feel about the story and explains why the story is meaningful), and learn to emphasize evaluation skills through emotional descriptions while deemphasizing a story’s organizational aspects (e.g., the chronological sequence of events; Melzi, 2000; Uchikoshi, 2005).

As the United States education system values logical sequencing and comprehension over socioemotional aspects of narrative, Latinx children are less likely to align with EuropeanAmerican standards, and might appear to be performing behind their European-American peers in school (Hoff, 2013; Melzi, 2000, Uchikoshi, 2005). Therefore, while U.S. teachers predominantly use European-American modes of storybook sharing, there is a missed opportunity for Latinx children to exhibit their literacy capacities in the classroom (Hoff, 2013; Uchikoshi, 2005).

Conclusion

The co-constructive style, despite being widely supported by U.S. schools, contributes to lower literacy outcomes for Latinx children when their caregivers are asked to adopt techniques that are unfamiliar to them (Caspe, 2009; Hammer et al., 2005; Sénéchal, 1997). A sole narrator approach is more culturally relevant for Latinx caregivers, and thus elicits increased child literacy outcomes through the socioemotional process of caregivers teaching their children to intently observe (Caspe, 2009; Cline & Edwards, 2013; Melzi, 2000; Melzi & Caspe, 2005; Melzi et al., 2011). However, U.S. schools continue to promote the co-constructive style without consideration for Latinx modes of storybook sharing. Therefore, further research should explore strategies for how educators, researchers and policy makers can take a strengths-based approach and capitalize on the book sharing styles Latinx children are exposed to at home.

It is also important to note that Latinx individuals come from a multitude of cultural and historical backgrounds, and Latinx households in the U.S. have varying value systems, beliefs, and degrees of connectedness to their Latinx culture, all of which influences their book sharing styles and general literacy practices (Melzi, 2000). As such, claims about parents’ book sharing styles and child outcomes cannot be generalized to the whole Latinx community (Caspe, 2009; Hammer et al., 16 | Literature Reviews

Book Sharing and Latinx Children

2005). Future research should seek to capture variations of book sharing styles within Latinx cultures and family structures as to inform literacy interventions that focus on expanding the various skills that Latinx caregivers already have (Hammer et al., 2005). A strengths-based, culturally responsive understanding of language and literacy practices is ultimately needed to shape more equitable ways of educating Latinx children that support the power of their caregivers and families.

References Bitetti, D., & Hammer, C. S. (2016). The home literacy

environment and the English narrative development

of Spanish–English bilingual children. Journal of

Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 59(5), 1159- 1171.

Bloome, D., Katz, L., Solsken, J., Willett, J., & Wilson-Keenan,

J. (2000). Interpellations of family/community and

classroom literacy practices. The Journal of

Educational Research, 93(3), 155-163.

Bus, A. G., Van, M. H., & Pellegrini, A. D. (1995). Joint book

reading makes for success in learning to read: A meta-

analysis on intergenerational transmission of literacy.

Review of Educational Research, 65(1), 1-21.

Caspe, M. (2009). Low-income Latino mothers’ booksharing

styles and children’s emergent literacy development.

Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 24(3), 306-324.

Cline, K. D., & Edwards, C. P. (2013). The instructional and

emotional quality of parent–child book reading and

early Head Start children’s learning outcomes. Early

Education & Development, 24(8), 1214-1231.

Hammer, C. S., Nimmo, D., Cohen, R., Draheim, H. C., &

Johnson, A. A. (2005). Book reading interactions

between African American and Puerto Rican Head

Start children and their mothers. Journal of Early

Childhood Literacy, 5(3), 195-227.

Hoff, E. (2013). Interpreting the early language trajectories

of children from low-SES and language minority

homes: Implications for closing achievement gaps.

Developmental Psychology, 49(1), 4-14.

Melzi, G. (2000). Cultural variations in the construction of

personal narratives: Central American and European

American mothers’ elicitation styles. Discourse

Processes, 30(2), 153-177.

Melzi, G., & Caspe, M. (2005). Variations in maternal narrative

styles during book reading interactions. Narrative

Inquiry, 15(1), 101-125.

Melzi, G., Schick, A. R., & Kennedy, J. L. (2011). Narrative

elaboration and participation: Two dimensions of

maternal elicitation style. Child Development, 82(4), 1282-1296.

Sénéchal, M. (1997). The differential effect of storybook

reading on preschoolers’ acquisition of expressive and

receptive vocabulary. Journal of Child Language, 24(1), 123-138.

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2

Book Sharing and Latinx Children

Uchikoshi, Y. (2005). Narrative development in bilingual

kindergarteners: Can Arthur help? Developmental

Psychology, 41(3), 464-478.

Literature Reviews | 17

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2

Parental Behavior and SM

The Effects of Parental Behavior on Selective Mutism Symptomatology Shira Richards-Rachlin

Selective Mutism (SM) is a rare childhood anxiety disorder, occurring in 1% of children under five-years-old, characterized by a lack of speech in multiple settings (e.g., unfamiliar settings) where speech is normally expected (Muris, Henriks & Bot, 2015; Wong, 2010). Symptoms of SM include an inhibited and silent presentation outside comfortable social situations, where failure to speak is due to anxiety, rather than a lack of knowledge surrounding the language (Carpenter, Puliafico, Kurtz, Pincus, & Comer, 2014). For example, children with SM typically withhold speech at school or with unfamiliar adults, but engage fully at home with parents and siblings (Wong, 2010).

Since parents serve a critical role in their children’s development, many experts agree that parental behaviors influence the symptomology presentation and severity in children with SM (Cunningham, McHolm, Boyle, & Patel, 2004). More specifically, parental behaviors that reinforce children’s verbal or non-verbal behaviors may encourage children to either speak or remain silent in unfamiliar social situations (Alyanak et al., 2013; Wong, 2010). Due to little psychoeducation or knowledge surrounding SM, parents may unintentionally reinforce their children’s silent behaviors in unfamiliar settings by responding inappropriately to children’s non-verbal behaviors (Alyanak et al., 2013; Wong, 2010). Thus, to better treat those with SM, it is important to study the link between parental behavior and SM symptoms in children, as parents model behaviors which children may adopt (Alyanak et al., 2013; Carpenter et al., 2014; Cohan, Chavira, & Stein, 2006; Manassis et al., 2003; Wong, 2010). Therefore, this literature review aimed to answer the following question: how does parental behavior reinforce the symptoms of children with Selective Mutism?

Family Context

To understand the influence of parental behavior on children’s SM symptoms, it is necessary to first examine the family context in which a child interacts with his or her parents, since this is the environment in which certain messages, behaviors, and values are modeled and taught by parents (Bronfrenbrenner, 1977). Family contexts may result in parental behaviors that influence the severity and frequency of a child’s verbalization (Cunningham et al., 2004). Research shows that certain family contexts characterized by trauma, stress, or little parental support, may lead to children withholding speech as a protective or coping factor (Manassis et al., 2003; Wong, 2010).

Additionally, family transitions, another type of family context 18 | Literature Reviews

characterized by a recent change in family structure, are more difficult for children with SM because change may indicate new threats in the environment (Cohan et al., 2006). Thus, these children receive signals for anxiety-reducing physiological responses, including decreased verbalization or inhibited behaviors (Cohan et al., 2006; Manassis et al., 2003; Wong, 2010). Because coping behaviors are reinforced and modeled by parents, if a parent ignores anxiety inducing situations (e.g., social situations), the child learns to do the same (Cunningham et al., 2004; Wong, 2010). How a parent responds to stressful changes or times of unease in the home has the potential to both diminish and increase a child’s anxiety in social situations, as the child often follows the parent’s lead in times of stress (Alyanak et al., 2013; Cunningham et al., 2004; Wong, 2010).

Furthermore, parents of children with SM report a greater number of stressful life events than parents of children with other or no anxiety disorders (Capozzi et al., 2017). These reported household events may activate the child’s adaptive response to decrease anxiety (Wong, 2010). In this population specifically, a child decreases verbalization in order to adjust to environmental stresses and cope with their anxiety (Alyanak et al., 2013; Capozzi et al., 2017). Without parent-induced buffers (e.g., bringing a child to therapy) to protect an anxious child from stress in the home environment or increased language expectations outside of the home, a child’s nonverbal behaviors are positively reinforced by a temporary reduction in anxiety (Alyanak et al., 2013; Yeganeh, Beidel, & Turner, 2006). Parents who are unaware of the appropriate anxiety management tools (e.g., due to lack of psychoeducation or knowledge about SM) in these times of heightened anxiety, may unintentionally leave their child to cope by him- or herself, and thus reinforcing nonverbalization (Manassis et al., 2003).

Parental Adjustment

Parents may also reinforce non-verbalization through their different parenting styles, including their sensitivity and ability to adjust to their child’s needs, which may influence the behaviors they use to encourage or discourage a shy or anxious child to verbalize (Cunningham et al., 2004). Parental sensitivity encompasses the ways in which parents adapt their behavior to meet their child’s needs; extreme insensitivity, and, conversely, extreme sensitivity may both contribute to the development of SM symptoms (Alyanak et al., 2013; Yeganeh et al., 2006). Parents who set appropriate expectations for their children’s verbalization (e.g., by only accepting verbal

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 responses when communicating with their children), help their children reduce avoidant behaviors because they discourage nonverbal behavior (Manassis et al., 2003; Yeganeh et al., 2006).

In contrast, parents who are overly sensitive (e.g., parents who ‘rescue’ their child from needing to speak by speaking for him or her) may support inhibited behaviors by allowing their child to respond nonverbally; therefore, reinforcing him or her to stay silent (Wong, 2010; Yeganeh et al., 2006). Additionally, insensitive parents may set unrealistic goals for their child’s verbal responses (e.g., asking many open-ended questions); in doing so however, this increases the child’s anxiety (Carpenter et al., 2014; Cunningham et al., 2004).

When parents do not adjust their behavior towards a child presenting with SM symptoms, the symptoms may persist, leading to worse outcomes (e.g., complete silence at school, refusal to talk to peers) in both symptom, severity and duration (Carpenter et al., 2014). As children exhibit more SM symptoms (i.e., less verbalization), parents must alter their own behavior by asking questions and/or waiting for answers to adjust to their child’s verbal and nonverbal needs, thus encouraging speech (Carpenter et al., 2014; Cohan et al., 2006). A parent who does not adjust may expect too little or too much speech from the child, which could result in parents asking a large number of questions to increase the child’s chances of being verbal (Carpenter et al., 2014; Cohan et al., 2006; Wong, 2010; Yeganeh et al., 2006).

Parental Anxiety and Control

In addition to the influence of family context and parental adjustment, parental behaviors that reinforce SM symptoms in children may also result from parental psychopathology (Wong, 2010). Parents of children exhibiting SM symptoms report higher rates of anxiety, emotional withdrawal, and shyness compared to other parents (Alyanak et al., 2013). Additionally, high incidences of SM are reported in parents with social phobia histories, suggesting both a genetic and a modeled behavioral response in the child (Manassis et al., 2003; Wong, 2010). Parents who are withdrawn or suffer from untreated social anxiety not only model these maladaptive behaviors for their children (e.g., by avoiding social situations), but they may also fail to recognize the symptoms in their child; therefore, allowing their child to further escape anxious situations by withholding speech (Wong, 2010). When parents model ineffective problem solving and/or few to no calming strategies, the child is reinforced to stay silent as a coping mechanism (Cunningham et al., 2004).

Furthermore, a parent suffering from anxiety may use overly-controlling behaviors and give few opportunities for his or her child to feel independent (Edison et al., 2011; Wong, 2010). For example, parents with anxiety disorders give less psychological autonomy to children (e.g., less freedom to explore independently), leading the child to rely heavily on his or her parent (Wong, 2010; Yeganeh et al., 2006). Without psychological autonomy, the child’s feeling of competence is

Parental Behavior and SM

lowered, and his or her ability to cope with anxiety is negatively affected, resulting in less verbalization (Yeganeh et al., 2006). As such, when the child leaves his or her parent, he or she does not know how to cope in anxiety-provoking situations where speech is required (Cunningham, et al., 2004).

Controlling behaviors may also result from an overprotective parenting style. Parents of children with SM report higher levels of overprotective parenting characterized by controlling, anxious, and demanding parental attitudes and behaviors compared to parents of children without SM (Alyanak et al., 2013; Cunningham et al., 2004). As a result, overprotective parenting may lead to behaviorally inhibited symptoms in children, which manifest as shyness, anxiety, and emotional withdrawal from new stimuli or situations (Cunningham et al., 2004). Overly-controlling parents may have children who are unhealthily dependent on them, exhibiting separation anxiety or general anxiety when making independent choices, and subsequently fear strangers or new situations (Wong, 2010). Without a parent present, the child displays behaviorally inhibited symptoms such as withdrawal and visible anxiety, lowering the likelihood of verbal speech, and therefore reinforcing silence (Cunningham et al., 2004; Muris et al., 2015).

Conclusion

Although research on SM is sparse, current studies show that different parental behaviors have the potential to influence children’s SM symptoms by either reinforcing or discouraging their verbalization (Muris et al., 2015; Yeganeh et al., 2006). Thus, understanding the effects of parental reinforcement and modeling is crucial to helping families display alternative responses to non-verbal behaviors (Cunningham et al., 2004). However, when studying SM, it is hard to differentiate environmental influences (i.e., parental behaviors) from genetic factors (i.e., inherited anxiety) which poses a limitation in this research. While this paper generally explored the influence of parental behaviors on their children’s symptomatology, further research can focus on the prevalence of behavior inhibition characteristics in children with SM, as this will give clinicians and researchers a better understanding of personality traits that predict SM symptoms. Understanding how parental behaviors reinforce or discourage children’s symptoms can inform future research on interventions focusing on family functioning as a protective factor against developing SM symptoms, parental psychoeducation, as well as effective parenting strategies to model appropriate behaviors for coping with anxiety.

Literature Reviews | 19

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 References Alyanak, B., Kılınçaslan, A., Sözen Harmancı, H., Karakoç

Demirkaya, S., Yurtbay, T., & Ertem Vehid, H. (2013).

Parental adjustment, parenting attitudes and emotional

and behavioral problems in children with selective mutism. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 27(1), 9-15.

Bronfrenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecology of

human development. American Psychologist, 32(7), 513-531.

Capozzi, F., Manti, F., Di Trani, M., Romani, M., Vigliante, M., &

Sogos, C. (2017). Children’s and parent’s psychological

profiles in Selective Mutism and Generalized Anxiety

Disorder: A clinical study. European Child & Adolescent

Psychiatry, 27(6), 775-783.

Carpenter, A., Puliafico, A., Kurtz, S., Pincus, D., & Comer, J.

(2014). Extending Parent–Child Interaction Therapy

for early childhood internalizing problems: New

advances for an overlooked population. Clinical Child

and Family Psychology Review, 17(4), 340-356.

Cohan, S., Chavira, D., & Stein, M. (2006). Practitioner review:

Psychosocial interventions for children with Selective

Mutism: A critical evaluation of the literature from 1990-2005. Journal of Child Psychology and

Psychiatry, 47(11), 1085-1097.

Cunningham, C., McHolm, A., Boyle, M., & Patel, S. (2004).

Behavioral and emotional adjustment, family

functioning, academic performance, and social

relationships in children with Selective Mutism.

Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45(8), 1363-1372.

Edison, S. C., Evans, M. A., McHolm, A. E., Cunningham, C.

E., Nowakowski, M. E., Boyle, M., & Schmidt, L. A.

(2011). An investigation of control among parents of

selectively mute, anxious, and non-anxious children.

Child Psychiatry and Human Development, 42(3), 270– 290.

Elizur, Y., & Perednik, R. (2003). Prevalence and description of

Selective Mutism in immigrant and native families: A

controlled study. Journal of the American Academy of

Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 42(12), 1451-1459.

Manassis, K., Fung, D., Tannock, R., Sloman, L., Fiksenbaum,

L., & McInnes, A. (2003). Characterizing Selective

Mutism: Is it more than social anxiety? Depression

and Anxiety, 18(1), 153-161.

Muris, P., Hendriks, E., & Bot, S. (2016). Children of few words:

Relations among Selective Mutism, behavioral

inhibition, and (social) anxiety symptoms in 3- to 6-year-olds. Child Psychiatry and Human Development, 47(1), 94-101.

Wong, P. (2010). Selective mutism: A review of etiology,

comorbidities, and treatment. Psychiatry, 7(3), 23-31.

Yeganeh, R., Beidel, D., & Turner, S. (2006). Selective mutism:

More than social anxiety? Depression and Anxiety, 23(1), 117-123.

20 | Literature Reviews

Parental Behavior and SM

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2

Mechanisms of Community Policing

Mechanisms of Community Policing in High-Crime Communities Khirad Siddiqui

In recent years, a new law enforcement strategy known as community policing has emerged in an attempt to increase police effectiveness in high-crime neighborhoods (Crowl, 2017; Tyler, 1997). Community policing encompasses a theoretical framework of different police behaviors and practices that can span from attending community events to educating citizens on the role of police as allies (Greene, 2000). A unifying factor for these mechanisms is the goal of building closer relationships between police and citizens to create positive perceptions of police (Weisburd & Eck, 2004).

Community policing responds to the needs of highcrime communities, where citizen perceptions of police have been persistently negative for decades (Reisig & Parks, 2000; Thomas & Hyman, 1977; Tyler, 1990, 1997). In fact, citizens in high-crime communities are far more likely to express dissatisfaction with police and to doubt their fairness than those in low-crime communities (Reisig & Parks, 2000). This is due in part to perceptions of police as unfairly punishing lower-income individuals, people of color, or otherwise marginalized groups (Reisig & Parks, 2000; Weitzer, 1999). Considering this historical context, proponents of the community policing framework posit that generating positive perceptions of police increases citizen willingness to comply with their policies (Tyler, 1997). However, there is no unified structure for community policing, resulting in the development of distinct versions across multiple police units (Kennedy & Moore, 1995). Since police units have labeled such a wide array of disjointed practices as community policing, this paper explores mechanisms that adhere to the main tenet of the community policing theoretical framework: that crime reduction should be accomplished through the generation of positive citizen perceptions of police in high-crime communities (Murphy, Hinds, & Fleming, 2008; Weisburd & Eck, 2004). Thus, this paper aimed to answer the following question: how do the mechanisms of community policing impact citizen perceptions of police in high-crime communities?

Inclusive Language

One of the most widely-implemented mechanisms is the use of inclusive language, which is defined as explicit communication to citizens that is fair, clear, and explanatory (e.g., an officer using the native language of non-English speakers or explaining that they are making traffic stops because they are worried about citizen safety; Huq, Tyler, & Schulhofer, 2011; Mazerolle, Bennett, Antrobus, & Eggins, 2012; Murphy, 2009; Tyler & Fagan, 2008). This is especially important in

communities with low perceptions of police fairness, since inclusive language can clarify why police are intervening in specific situations (Murphy, 2009; Tyler & Fagan, 2008).

Inclusive language is widely utilized by police units because of its relative simplicity; it is less difficult and costly to implement changes in an officer’s language than to implement mechanisms that require organizational or hierarchical shifts (Mazerolle et al., 2012). When police use inclusive language, citizens are more willing to assist officers because they gain clarity and a sense of justice from the officers themselves (Huq et al., 2011). The sense of justice that citizens gain from inclusive language and their subsequent willingness to help officers can in turn generate more positive perceptions of police, further highlighting how the theoretical framework of community policing manifests in real-world applications (Mazerolle et al., 2012).

Strategic Partnerships

Another commonly used community policing mechanism is strategic partnerships between police units and community agencies (Crowl, 2017; Greene, 2000; Schnebly, 2008). Police units can partner with informal groups such as Neighborhood Watch, where police and citizens meet regularly and work together to reduce crime, ensuring that the community feels actively involved in combating crime (Greene, 2000).

However, partnerships do not have to be with informal citizen groups, as some police units cite the benefits of integrating with the community more formally and choose to partner with municipalities (Schnebly, 2008).

More formal partnerships can involve implementing “community-police stations,� which are physical bases that often resemble phone booths, and are staffed by police officers, usually near areas of high crime (Pate, Wyckoff, Skogan, & Sherman, 1986). These stations allow police officers to become available, visible through the windows, and integrated into their community, which subsequently makes it easier for citizens to maintain contact with them (Pate et al., 1986). Strategic partnerships mainly promote fear reduction, which is defined as reducing citizen levels of fear about police officers and rates of crime in their communities, as a primary method to generate more positive perceptions of police (Bennet, 1991; Crowl, 2017).

For example, placing community-police stations next to highcrime areas can reduce citizen fear of crime in the surrounding area, while simultaneously physically integrating officers into the community can further reduce citizen fear of officers (Pate et Literature Review | 21

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2018, Volume 9, Issue 2 al., 1986). For these reasons, formal and informal partnerships are valuable in shifting perceptions of police, most often through fear-reduction (Bennet, 1991; Crowl, 2017).

Shared Information

A final mechanism of community policing is that of shared information between police and citizens (Murphy et al., 2008). While traditional modes of policing do not typically share information on crime with any outside agencies, police units can choose to share information on crime with the communities they are operating in through a variety of methods (e.g., an email list summarizing recent crimes in the surrounding area, or a verified police account live-tweeting an emergency; Greene, 2000). Actively sharing information involves citizens on issues that traditional police units would typically resolve internally, gradually making citizens view police as part of their communities and viewing them more favorably (Schnebly, 2008).

Sharing information combines the goals of the previous mechanisms of inclusive language and citizen partnerships, since it aims to both communicate openly with citizens and to involve them in decision-making processes (Huq et al., 2011; Murphy et al., 2008; Schnebly, 2008). Sharing information with citizens can accomplish the main goals of community policing, which are to increase positive perceptions of police, increase police availability, and integrate police into their communities (Schnebly, 2008; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003).

Conclusion

While this paper discusses three popular community policing mechanisms that have been effective in the highcrime communities they were intended for, the popularity of the community policing framework has grown so rapidly in recent years that many police units are now implementing these and other mechanisms in lower-crime communities as well (Reisig & Parks, 2000; Scheider, Rowell, & Bezdikian, 2003).

However, the historical inception of the community policing theoretical framework came as a response to the specific needs of high-crime communities (Weisburd & Eck, 2004). Thus, it is necessary to better understand the future implementations of these mechanisms in high-crime communities and the potential responses to the changing needs of their citizens.

Additionally, it is also important to understand the efficacy of community-policing mechanisms in lower-crime communities, especially since the mechanisms were not conceived with these settings in mind. It is difficult to determine whether mechanisms aimed at increasing police visibility or police relations with citizens would be equally effective in lowercrime communities that may already have high police presence and integration, and instead might require interventions tailored to different needs. Finally, much of the research on the effectiveness of community policing peaked during the first wave of implementation, which has resulted in a lack of contemporary research on mechanisms such as strategic partnerships. Further 22 | Literature Reviews

Mechanisms of Community Policing

research should thus provide more current studies on strategic partnerships, as well as study the effectiveness of community policing programs in low-crime communities to elucidate more meaningful information on the factors that contribute to the success of community policing, while keeping in mind the differences that setting and pre-existing rates of crime may pose.

References Bennett, T. (1991). The effectiveness of a police-initiated fear reducing strategy. The British Journal of Criminology, 31(1), 1-14.

Crowl, J. (2017). The effect of community policing on fear and

crime reduction, police legitimacy and job satisfaction:

An empirical review of the evidence. Police Practice

and Research, 18(5), 449-462.

Greene, J. (2000). Community policing in America: Changing

the nature, structure, and function of the police.

Criminal Justice, 3(3), 299-370.

Huq, A. Z., Tyler, T. R., & Schulhofer, S. J. (2011). Why does

the public cooperate with law enforcement? The

influence of the purposes and targets of policing.

Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 17(1), 419–450.

Kennedy, D. M., & Moore, M. (1995). Underwriting the risky

investment in community policing: What social science

should be doing to evaluate community policing.

Justice System Journal, 17(1), 271-289 Mazerolle, L., Bennett, S., Antrobus, E., & Eggins, E. (2012).

Procedural justice, routine encounters and citizen

perceptions of police: Main findings from the

Queensland Community Engagement Trial (QCET).

Journal of Experimental Criminology, 8(4), 343-367.

Murphy, K. (2009). Public satisfaction with police: The

importance of procedural justice and police

performance in police-citizen encounters. The

Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 42(1), 159–178.

Murphy, K., Hinds, L., & Fleming, J. (2008). Encouraging public

cooperation and support for police. Policing & Society, 18(2), 136-155.

Pate, A., Wycoff, M. A., Skogan, W. G., & Sherman, L. W. (1986).

Reducing fear of crime in Houston and Newark.

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Reisig, M. D., & Parks, R. B. (2000). Experience, quality of life,

and neighborhood context: A hierarchical analysis of

satisfaction with police. Justice Quarterly, 17(3), 607 630.

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Rachel Lim

Alexa Montemayor

Rachel Lim is a senior in the Applied Psychology undergraduate program. She is a member of the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD) research team, where she has had the opportunity to work with teachers and children in early childhood classrooms in New York City. In her time at New York University (NYU), Rachel has gained various research experiences. As a past extern at the NYU Family Translational Research Group (FTRG), she coded videos of teen relationship interactions to examine patterns of dominance and coercion. Rachel was also an intern at the NYU Child Study Center, where she was involved in the development of research protocols for gaining normative and clinical data through Internet-based research methods.

Rachel’s research interests are in early childhood education and developmental psychology.

Currently, she is pursuing an Honors thesis on teachers’ instructional support in early childhood classrooms and its implications for children’s learning.

Alexa Montemayor is a senior in the Applied Psychology undergraduate program with a minor in Sociology. She is a research assistant on the Researching Inequity in Society Ecologically (RISE) team, led by Dr. Shabnam Javdani and Dr. Sukhmani Singh. As a part of the RISE team, Alexa is also a member of the data collection team in the Resilience, Opportunity, Safety, Education, Strength (ROSES) study, a community-based program that is being implemented and evaluated as a part of a New York University study. The goal of the ROSES study is to learn more about the needs of girls who are at-risk for involvement or are involved with the juvenile justice system and to understand how the system can better work for these individuals. Alexa recently joined the additional Phase 1 project on ROSES, for which she is creating a qualitative coding scheme to identify common themes in juvenile justice system stakeholders’ perceptions of the legal system in New York City and the way that girls interact with the system. Alexa is also a volunteer at Bellevue Hospital where she routinely screens children and adolescents in the psychiatry department. Alexa hopes to continue her work in social justice and will be pursuing a masters degree in social work.

Editor-in-Chief r.lim@nyu.edu

26 | Biographies

Editor-in-Chief am7129@nyu.edu

Khirad Siddiqui Editor-in-Chief khirad.siddiqui@nyu.edu

Khirad Siddiqui is a senior in the Applied Psychology undergraduate program. Her primary research interests are discrimination, criminal justice, and prison reform. She began her research with the Fair Housing Justice Center on a project about housing discrimination against Muslim-Americans, and then transitioned to a role on the New York University (NYU) Publicolor/PaintClub team to research an intervention in schools around New York. She has been working as a Juvenile Justice Advocate with the Resilience, Opportunity, Safety, Education, Strength (ROSES) team for the past year, which has allowed her to work directly with girls who are involved in the juvenile justice system. Currently, she is pursuing an Honors thesis on the justifications that parents give for filing legal petitions against their children.

She also serves as the President of the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Club and works as an NYU Presidential Intern.

Alyce Cho

Communication Director alyce.cho@nyu.edu Alyce Cho is a senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology. Her primary area of interest is in child development and special education. Currently, she is a research assistant at the Center for Research on Culture Development and Education (CRCDE) exploring spatial skills of Korean and U.S. Children, as well as child and parent interaction in play. She plans to pursue her interests in special education by furthering her education in special education law.

Biographies | 27

Sophia Meifang Wang Layout & Design Director sophia.m.wang@nyu.edu

Sophia Meifang Wang is a junior in the Applied Psychology and Global Public health program, with a minor in web programming and applications. She is currently a lab assistant at the Global Mental Health and Stigma Institute, for which she investigates the impact of stigma in multicultural settings for individuals with mental illness. She is also working at Pfizer as an epidemiology research associate in the World Wide Safety group. During her time at Pfizer, she determined the prevalence of different obstetrical outcomes in South Africa through conducting literature reviews. Sophia is interested in reducing health outcome inequities in a global context. She is also passionate about leveraging research to support user-centered designs. Interested in exploring the intersection between technology and research, she will be pursuing an internship in consumer research in the coming summer.

28 | Biographies

Kerry F. Luo | Contributing Writer kl2563@nyu.edu Kerry F. Luo is a senior in the Applied Psychology program with a Creative Writing minor. She is a member of the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD) team transcribing data, conducting direct child assessments, and volunteering in lower elementary classrooms. Over the past three years, she has worked directly with youth in a variety of settings such as correctional facilities, creative writing workshops, and afterschool programs. Kerry is interested in how school settings influence socioemotional development for multicultural populations and wants to focus her career on culturally competent mental health care and advocacy for children and adolescents.

Shira Richards-Rachlin | Contributing Writer srr400@nyu.edu Shira Richards-Rachlin is a senior in the Applied Psychology program. Her fieldwork at Kurtz Psychology as well as internships at the Child Study Center and the Child Mind Institute have exposed her to multiple clinical settings treating children with Selective Mutism, Oppositional Defiant Disorder, and Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder. Shira is looking forward to attending graduate school for social work to broaden her clinical lens, and she hopes to one day work at Bellevue Hospital assessing and diagnosing children in the emergency room.

Ellie Harrison | Senior Staff Writer egh268@nyu.edu Ellie Harrison is a senior in the Applied Psychology program, minoring in education and animal studies. She currently works as a therapeutic horseback riding instructor with GallopNYC and is an advocate for the Resilience, Opportunity, Safety, Education, Strength (ROSES) program, which is concerned with juvenile justice for girls. She is also president of New York University’s Psi Chi, the international honors society of psychology. Next year, she will be teaching special education in New York City public schools through the Teach for America program.

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Anastasia Knight | Senior Staff Writer afk307@nyu.edu Anastasia Knight is a senior at New York University (NYU) studying Applied Psychology. Currently, she is an advocate on the Resilience, Opportunity, Safety, Education, Strength (ROSES) team at NYU, advocating for system-involved girls to assist them in accessing their resources and challenging negative narratives. She has also interned with The Fortune Society, an organization based in Long Island City which provides formerly incarcerated individuals with access to job training, education, employment opportunities, meals, and Alternative to Incarceration programs. In the future, she wants to pursue policy consulting, in hopes of making a difference in how businesses and local governments navigate inclusion and accessibility.

30 | Biographies

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