NYU OPUS Vol.XIII Issue I

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies

Volume XIII Issue I | Fall 2022

Editors-in-Chief

Freda Hasselbring

Janet Gu Maya Shapiro

Literature Reviews

Freda Hasselbring Huihui Huang Interview Lee Hatcher

Movie Review

Christopher Wu

Cover Art Design

Maya Shapiro

Layout & Design Directors

Chloe Carlson Sydney Liang Grace Park Faculty Mentor Dr. Adina R. Schick

Special Thanks

Erica Rodriguez Department of Applied Psychology NYU Steinhardt

Contents

Letter from the Editors

06

Literature Reviews

07 Freda Hasselbring

Identifying and Integrating the Funds of Knowledge of Ethno-Culturally Diverse Children in Early Childhood Classrooms 14 Huihui Huang

Help-seeking Barriers Among Asian International Students: Language and Stigma

Interview

19 Lee Hatcher

05 Positive Stereotypes within the LGBTQIA+ Community

23

Movie Review

24 Christopher Wu

The Psychology of Inequality: Parasite

Biographies

Letter From the Editors

New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, was established in 2009. OPUS provides Applied Psychology undergraduate students with a forum for sharing their independent work. This publication is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the United States.

We are thrilled to present our 2021-2022 issue! Specifically, this issue reflects the clinical and research interests of our contributing writers, demonstrating a desire to understand the psychological well-being of historically marginalized communities and to spread awareness regarding social justice. With the publication of this issue, we hope to improve the lives of those underrepresented groups, thus, embodying the ethos of Applied Psychology.

In the first section, Literature Reviews, Freda Hasselbring examines efforts among educators in early childhood classrooms to identify and integrate the unique strengths of ethno-culturally diverse children and families. Next, Huihui Huang’s piece focuses on language and stigma barriers, hindering access to and utilization of mental health services among Asian international students. The following section, Interview, features Lee Hatcher’s piece on his interview with Dr. Benjamin T. Blankenship, a clinical psychologist whose work focuses on positive stereotypes and the implications of these stereotypes specifically for LGBTQ+ community members’ developmental outcomes. The final section, Film Review, contains Christopher Wu’s analysis of Bong Joon-ho’s film Parasite in which Christopher examines the significance of sociocultural factors in relation to individual behavior and psychological well-being.

Thank you so much to our enthusiastic and talented writers for their scholarly contributions, patience, and dedicated efforts to their pieces. We would also like to thank Sydney Liang and Grace Park, the OPUS administrative staff, for their hard work and commitment to the journal. The editors would like to express our gratitude to Dr. Adina Schick and Dr. Linnie Green, the co-directors of Undergraduate Studies in Applied Psychology, and Erica Rodriguez, the OPUS advisor for their continuous support of OPUS. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Adina Schick, our faculty mentor, for her guidance, wit, and dedication to OPUS, without which this issue would not be possible.

Best, OPUS Editors

LITERATURE REVIEWS

Identifying and Integrating the Funds of Knowledge of Ethno-Culturally Diverse Children in Early Childhood Classrooms

Freda Hasselbring

The United States has seen a progressive rise in ethnocultural diversity over the past several decades, and this trend has increased diversity among preschool and kindergarten students (Souto-Manning & Mitchell, 2010). The rising ethnocultural diversity in early childhood classrooms, however, has not been reflected in classroom curricula and practices. Thus, many ethno-culturally diverse children are first confronted with the values, practices, and expectations of the dominant culture during their introduction to the American school system (Souto-Manning & Michell, 2010). As these dominant culture expectations reflect the practices of white, middle-class families of European descent, children of Latino background and African heritage experience a disconnect within their home and school learning environments due to differing cultural and linguistic socialization (Lovelace & Wheeler, 2006). Cultural discontinuity between home and school environments can be detrimental to school-related outcomes for ethno-culturally diverse children (e.g., loss of school interest, academic underperformance, development of a negative self-concept; Lahman & Park, 2004; Pappamihiel 2004), because students must adapt to new expectations and unfamiliar patterns of linguistic interaction (Lovelace & Wheeler, 2006). Additionally, ethno-culturally diverse children may experience stress associated with the need to assimilate to norms of the dominant culture and the corresponding standards for early education (e.g., direct eye contact, speaking only when called upon, raising hands, sitting quietly; Espinosa, 2005; Lahman & Park, 2004; Lovelace & Wheeler, 2006). By contrast, home-school cultural continuity (facilitated by educators serving as cultural mediators) has the potential to support early development and academic achievement by forging important relationships and reinforcing students’ cultural understanding in both contexts (Lovelace & Wheeler, 2006).

In recent years, early childhood classrooms have become increasingly standardized, reflecting a growing prioritization of early academic achievement and more skills-based approaches to teaching in contrast to previously emphasized child-directed exploration (Cavanaugh et al., 2017). This standardization constitutes another way that dominant culture values are prioritized in the classroom with early indicators and assessments of academic achievement playing to the strengths of children from white, middle-class families, which further exacerbates home-school cultural discontinuity and impedes children’s academic performance (Miller & Almon, 2009). Moreover, as a result of such discontinuity, negative consequences experienced by minority children (i.e., academic underperformance, loss of school interest and motivation) often perpetuate deficit-

based perspectives that attribute the learning outcomes of diverse learners to individual-level dispositions, rather than classroom-level inadequacies (Gonzalez et al., 1995; Gunn et al., 2021; Llopart & Esteban-Guitart, 2016; Melzi et al., 2018). Thus, minority children and families, when judged against dominant group cultural values and standards, are devalued by the education system (Bronfenbrenner, 1985).

In response to these deficit-based perspectives, the Funds of Knowledge framework was developed by Moll and colleagues (1992) to highlight the unique skill sets and domains of knowledge that ethno-culturally diverse children have at their disposal. Funds of Knowledge (FoK) refer to “historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge and skills essential for household or individual functioning and well being” (Moll et al., 1992, p. 133). FoK include various forms of cultural capital spanning social, linguistic, familial, navigational, and resistance domains (Llopart & Esteban-Guitart, 2016). Specific FoK for ethno-culturally diverse families include their home language, values, traditions, and cultural practices (Melzi et al., 2018). The FoK approach seeks to center ethnoculturally diverse children and families as valuable intellectual resources that may be used to co-construct classroom curricula and practices that are more representative of children’s cultural identities (Llopart & Esteban-Guitart, 2016). For example, integrating familial and student FoK in the classroom may involve learning about a culturally-relevant community tradition or inviting caregivers to share a talent with students (Hedges, 2011; Hensley, 2005). Application of the FoK framework and integration of student or family cultural practices in this way may help to address the discrepancy between the educational values of ethno-culturally diverse parents and the prioritized values of standardized early childhood classrooms (Llopart & Esteban-Guitart, 2016; Navarro-Cruz & Luschei, 2020). By identifying and incorporating children’s FoK into classroom curricula and activities, educators can bolster language and literacy achievement among young children by fostering homeschool cultural congruence (Melzi et al., 2018). Highlighting the value of children’s cultural knowledge and skill sets provides opportunities for these children to thrive in atmospheres that may otherwise dismiss their academic potential (Amaro-Jimenez & Semingson, 2011). Doing so within the early developmental years is especially critical as preschool and kindergarten mark a child’s first experiences within the educational system and set the stage for future academic achievement through the development of foundational skills, school motivation, and selfefficacy (Espinosa, 2005; Lahman & Park, 2004; Souto-Manning & Michell, 2010).

The FoK framework necessitates applying a sociocultural approach to early childhood development in order to conceptualize a child’s strengths and learning in terms of the social relationships they have with important others in their life (i.e., caregivers, educators). This understanding of early childhood development is intimately associated with theory, research, and practice aiming to foster home-school cultural continuity to support early academic achievement (Melzi et al., 2018). Specifically, this approach and associated work may allow educators to emphasize children’s cultural competencies through classroom practices such as oral storytelling and wordless picture book narrative interactions to support early language and literacy skills. Thus, the question is raised: How can early childhood educators (PreK-2) identify & integrate ethnoculturally diverse children’s FoK into classroom instruction to support language and literacy development?

Identifying Children’s Funds of Knowledge

Methodological and practice-based approaches to accessing children’s FoK highlight interactions with caregivers, children, and colleagues (Gilde & Volman, 2021; Gonzalez et al., 1995; Hensley, 2005). Within these interactions, research has highlighted theoretical frameworks that should guide educator’s approaches to communicating about and expressing value toward an individual’s cultural identity (Chen et al., 2009; Hedges & Cullen, 2012). In their seminal work on FoK in Latino households, Gonzalez and colleagues (1995) touched on the importance of teacher-parent relationships and interactions that offer an understanding of the child’s home life experiences. Literature highlights the long-held practice of home or community visits, which allow educators to directly immerse themselves in the cultural environment of their students, taking on the role of ethnographic researchers participating in systematic inquiry, while simultaneously engaging and empowering parents (Gonzalez et al., 1995; Hensley, 2005). Socio-political and economic contexts that may arise from these discussions may in turn reveal household FoK by giving educators a sense of a local community’s history and the specific skills families have developed in response to their social environments (Gonzalez et al., 1995).

When home visits are not accessible to educators, direct interactions with parents at school events, open houses, and community events can also serve as an opportunity for learning about familial FoK (Hedges, 2011). In planning these events, school administrators should pay careful attention to the way that they are accommodating parents to address language, cultural, and socioeconomic barriers to parent engagement (University of the State of New York, n.d.; Melzi et al., 2018). This may include providing frequent opportunities and alternatives for communication in the caregiver’s preferred language and communication method (e.g., class visits, email, phone call, text message; University of the State of New York, n.d.). Through these interactions, educators may learn of familial FoK including household and domestic tasks, occupations or interests, talents,

leisure activities, holiday traditions, community experiences, and language or educational values (Hedges, 2011; Hensley, 2005).

Literature highlighting parental interactions as opportunities for identifying FoK also stress the importance of educators building trusting and respect-based relationships with family members in their role as critically-conscious, ethnographic researchers (Chen et al., 2009; Gilde & Volman, 2021; Gunn et al., 2021). In their work on adopting culturally responsive teaching practices, Chen and colleagues (2009) refer to a responsive anti-bias pedagogy in which educators actively aim to combat institutional bias in the classroom and through caregiver interactions. This pedagogy begins with the educator raising self-awareness of their own biases, identity, and cultural beliefs through continual “self-study,” which involves selfevaluation of one’s own current practices, but also planning for future action to increase consciousness in one’s exchanges with parents and students (Chen et al., 2009). Other literature has highlighted several pedagogical competencies of importance in caregiver interactions such as paying attention, sharing personal vulnerability or experience, flexibility, trust, responsibility, and thinking along (i.e., taking on the role as a learner while the caregiver takes on the role as the intellectual resource; Gilde & Volman, 2021).

While direct exchanges with caregivers are critical to gaining an understanding of a student’s home environment and experiences, some literature has pointed out limitations of relying on parent-based interactions to establish student-based FoK. These include barriers contributing to the inaccessibility of home visits (Gilde & Volman, 2021) and limiting the ability of caregivers to engage directly with educators, such as work schedules, lack of understanding or trust of the school system, and language or culture barriers (Melzi et al., 2018). An additional concern is that household FoK identified from teacher-parent interactions may only partially reveal child FoK. Due to their experiences within several intersecting social spheres, children have additional FoK that may be distinct from those of the family, reflecting personal interests, popular culture, community involvement, and peer relationships (Gilde & Volman, 2021; Hedges, 2011). Esteban-Guitart and Moll (2014) provided a reconceptualized understanding of Funds of Knowledge in their definition of Funds of Identity (FoI): the “historically accumulated, culturally developed, and socially distributed resources that are essential for a person’s self-definition, self-expression, and self-understanding” (p. 37). This framework may more accurately reflect the cultural and social competencies of school-age children within both family and independent contexts by capturing the FoK children obtain through additional social contexts. Thus, teachers may have increasing success in identifying FoK/FoI by directly engaging with children in their classrooms.

Educators may access FoK/FoI through direct exchanges with students including child-directed play, classroom activities, and sustained conversations with children. Play in early

childhood learning environments allows children to observe and participate in social interactions, while practicing skills and expanding applications of existing knowledge. Play-based interactions in a social context, thus, provide a window into a child’s pre-existing FoK/FoI that may be first established in the home environment, but fostered within the school environment (Hedges, 2011). Children’s personal interests and extensive knowledge of popular culture are readily accessible to educators as they engage children in play within these social contexts (Hedges, 2011). However, beyond student interests, these interactions also importantly allow educators to identify areas of early conceptual knowledge (Johnson et al., 2004). Similarly, engaging with students during classroom lesson-based activities is another important method of identifying student interests and strengths. This may include eliciting student responses to culturally-relevant learning materials (e.g., books, pictures, presentations) or activities, facilitating engaging classroom discussions, and employing activities that task students with sharing something with the class (e.g., interviewing a family member and presenting their findings; Gilde & Volman, 2021; Hensley, 2005). Finally, previous work highlights the importance of one-on-one sustained conversations with individual children that involve educators expressing value for and partaking in the student’s interest and experiences (Gunn et al., 2021; Souto-Manning & Mitchell, 2010). Thus, direct exchanges with children can be used to identify student FoK/FoI that, when incorporated into instructional content or teaching practices, can simultaneously motivate the child and build on their preexisting conceptual competencies.

When interacting with children directly to identify their FoK, literature underscores the importance of adopting emotionand care-based frameworks alongside culturally responsive teaching practices in order to convey value for the child’s lived experiences, building trust in the process. These frameworks emphasize the importance of educators truly understanding the student as an individual, refuting the deficit model, practicing engagement and intent listening in conversations, and taking an active interest in the student’s lives (Gunn et al., 2021). Literature establishing the place of action-research in culturally responsive teaching describe the process of socializing children toward their role as valued experts and intellectual resources within conversations and taking a “humble stance” to model “respect for diversity, for cultural difference, and for multiple perspectives” in the classroom (Souto-Manning & Mitchell, 2010, p. 274). Just as teachers should take on the role of a “learner” in parent-teacher exchanges, they should continue in this role when attempting to identify the FoK/FoI of children through child-directed encounters.

Finally, teachers may identify the unique competencies that children hold through school-based exchanges (i.e., with peers or colleagues), or by invoking their own FoK/FoI. Schoolbased FoK are unique because they reflect not only children’s familial FoK, but also the acquired skill sets children develop from interactions in their social school environment (Hedges,

Identifying Funds of Knowledge in Diverse Student Populations

2011). For example, peer interests and activities may influence a child’s individual FoK/FoI (Hedges, 2011); consequently, interacting with these expressed interests directly and noticing classroom dynamics between students may provide insight into a child’s strengths. Educators may also look for FoK/FoI directly by communicating with colleagues, including the previous teacher for a child or classroom (Gilde & Volman, 2021). These conversations may afford understanding of activities enjoyed by students and shared groups interests (Gilde & Volman, 2021). The educator’s own FoK/FoI, interests, language, and experience also influence children’s behavior through bi-directional exchanges during classroom activities (Hedges & Cullen, 2012; Hedges et al., 2011; Hughes & Pollard, 2006). Thus, educators may identify the cultural skill sets that children hold by broadly surveying the classroom environment for patterns of student interest among peers, directly communicating with colleagues, and reflecting on how their own knowledge is being represented to children through curriculum and activities.

Integrating Children’s Funds of Knowledge

While identifying the Fok/FoI of ethno-culturally diverse children is a critical first step in building more responsive, culturally-conscious classrooms, it is not until educators integrate these findings in meaningful ways that the school environment can support children’s unique competencies and cultural identities, positioning them for success. Literaturebased themes for integrating FoK/FoI include parental or community member classroom involvement as well as teacherfacilitated classroom activities (Gilde & Volman, 2021; Llopart & Esteban-Guitart, 2016). Both methods of integrating FoK/ FoI, when applied intentionally, work to support children’s preexisting strengths and reinforce their unique cultural identities, while forging critical home-school connections.

Much of the literature surrounding the integration of FoK/ FoI relies upon adult relationships with influential individuals in a child’s life, including caregivers and community members. These approaches are culturally responsive, beginning with the investigation of familial/community FoK through parental interactions and resulting in the construction of directed opportunities for classroom involvement that are highly reflective of these identified skills and identities (Hensley, 2005; Llopart & Esteban-Guitart, 2016; Souto-Manning & Mitchell, 2010). For example, an educator may first probe a caregiver’s background, talents, or occupation-based knowledge through conversation, and may then make efforts to incorporate these themes directly into her classroom practices in several ways (e.g., inviting parents to the classroom to present this knowledge or lead students in a culturally-relevant activity, incorporating culturally-relevant themes into curricular planning; Hensley, 2005). Hensley (2005) describes how these efforts to increase school-based parent engagement can have cyclical effects, noting that when value is outwardly expressed toward familial FoK/FoI in the classroom context, children and family members feel pride for their own cultural backgrounds, promoting further

self-disclosure of FoK/FoI that educators may utilize to support children’s learning to an even greater extent.

While the integration of familial and student FoK/FoI through engagement of caregivers within the classroom has important implications for the development of positive selfconcepts among ethno-culturally diverse children (Hensley, 2005), these interactions are not always accessible particularly for low-income and ethnic minority families (due to barriers such as time constraints or language differences; McWayne et al., 2019). Thus, research has pivoted to focus on ways that educators can integrate FoK/FoI through indirect engagement of caregiver strengths and knowledge outside of the context of the classroom. Teacher practices for doing so include teacher-organized field trips or class projects with home-based components oriented toward identified familial strengths (Hensley, 2005). Teachers may encourage students to collaborate with family members on self-expressive, student-authored assignments surrounding their cultural identity, home practices, and life experiences (Taylor et al., 2008). Teachers may directly support the integration of familial strengths in the context of school work by constructing at-home projects and assignments that feature familial FoK, allowing for caregiver involvement (e.g., through native language translations, oral storytelling at home, sharing of cultural artifacts; Taylor et al., 2008). These opportunities allow for the engagement of caregivers and community members and, thus, the integration of FoK/FoI when barriers such as work schedules, language differences, or discomfort with the school environment prevent direct involvement in the classroom.

The literature details how teacher-facilitated classroom activities also position educators to integrate Fok/FoI as such activities offer the flexibility, space, and time to meaningfully engage with the strengths and identities of ethno-culturally diverse children. Educators may structure lessons and activities in part or entirely around identified FoK/FoI, providing children the opportunity to serve as knowledgeable experts in the classroom setting (Gilde & Volman, 2021). Classroom activities that integrate FoK/FoI, thus, may bolster academic competencies (e.g., language, literacy skills) because they allow ethno-culturally diverse children to apply cultural/ linguistic knowledge and draw real-world connections to their cultural identities (Gunn et al., 2020). Research has specifically implicated creative, self-expressive classroom activities involving art and storytelling for the support of language and literacy skills among diverse learners. These include child-directed play (e.g., sociodramatic play, pretend free play; Hedges et al., 2011; Riojas-Cortez, 2001) and narrative interactions (Gunn et al., 2021; Melzi et al., 2018).

While engaging children in play-based interactions may facilitate the identification of children’s Fok/FoI, these interactions are also promising means of engaging students to build upon existing strengths through the integration of childdirected play and teacher-guided learning processes (AlleeHerndon & Roberts, 2021; Riojas-Cortez, 2001). Educators may provide resources, prompts, and structure within the context of

the social learning environment to support children in engaging with their knowledge and cultural identities with other peers through purposeful play (Allee-Herndon & Roberts, 2021). In these interactions, educators take on the role of facilitators, but also active participants, engaging “reciprocally with children in play through language interactions, scaffolding concept development, and enhancing the play experience during teachable moments” (Allee-Herndon & Roberts, 2021, p. 55). In her work featuring sociodramatic play within bilingual preschool classrooms, Riojas-Cortez (2001) outlined a taxonomy of 12 FoK that children commonly draw upon during play, including themes of child interest and home or community socialization (e.g., child care, household care, family values and traditions, family entertainment, friendship, travel/geography, popular TV culture, education, economics, scientific knowledge). FoK within play, however, are also often related to familial occupational and land-based knowledge (e.g., ranching and farming, construction), reflecting that children’s historicallyaccumulated, acquired knowledge (utilized in their play) spans generations. With this privileged information, educators have the opportunity, not only to engage directly with these concepts in conversation or free play (e.g., providing FoK-informed prompts and props), but to integrate these topics into formal curricular planning and guided sociodramatic play activities that target language and literacy development (Cavanaugh et al., 2017; Riojas-Cortez, 2001).

Lastly, past literature has underscored the role of book reading and narrative interactions as creative, engaging classroom activities that facilitate the integration of children’s FoK/FoI in targeted ways to support language and literacy development. Culturally responsive teaching frameworks emphasize the importance of featuring multicultural literature as well as promoting “culturally responsive print-rich environments” in early childhood classrooms that allow children to see representation and feel supported in their cultural identity (Gunn et al., 2021, p. 267). With the use of appropriate materials and the facilitation of supportive environments, educators can then tailor classroom narrative practices to children’s cultural and linguistic FoK. Oral storytelling, for example, provides an opportunity to do so with the use of culturally-relevant stories and sharing techniques paralleling those practiced at home (Melzi et al., 2018). Thus, through the use of classroom activities that support student engagement, motivation, and co-construction of culturally-relevant classroom activities, educators may move beyond their initial identification of FoK and toward the utilization of these skill sets to promote academic achievement among ethno-culturally diverse children.

Discussion

Much of the existing literature emphasizes the importance of early childhood educators engaging caregivers, children, and colleagues in direct interactions in order to identify the Funds of Knowledge held by ethno-culturally diverse children (Gilde & Volman, 2021; Gonzalez et al., 1995; Hensley, 2005). Within these interactions, research advises that educators adopt

culturally responsive teaching pedagogies in order to refute institutional bias, forge strong home-school partnerships, and express value toward children’s cultural identities (Chen et al., 2009; Gunn et al., 2020). The literature details how educators can then utilize this valuable information to support early academic achievement (i.e., language and literacy skills) by integrating FoK/FoI into classroom curricula and practices (Gilde & Volman, 2021). Themes related to the integration of FoK/FoI include engagement of caregivers within the classroom setting and at home as well as the facilitation of classroom activities that center FoK/FoI through thematic planning or opportunities for student engagement (e.g., purposeful play, oral storytelling).

The Funds of Knowledge framework carries with it important theoretical implications as it lends itself to the researcher acknowledging the sociocultural context of ethnoculturally diverse learners, framing their unique strengths and knowledge domains as originating from their diverse ethno-cultural backgrounds— not in spite of them. Practically, this framework establishes tangible ways that educators can learn about their student’s communities and identities more intimately so as to best position children for future academic success. Furthermore, by identifying and integrating FoK, educators can more effectively bridge home-school cultural continuity with a greater appreciation for the inherent value within the multi-lingual, ethno-culturally diverse backgrounds of their students. Through its emphasis on centering the lived experiences and identities of minority families, the Funds of Knowledge approach calls for future research using appropriate methodology to highlight the experiences of ethno-culturally diverse parents and learners in the shifting American school system (i.e., participatory action research, qualitative firsthand accounts, interviews). Importantly, this research should privilege the perspectives of marginalized communities in efforts to establish and meet the educational, socioemotional, and psychological needs of children in these communities. Thus, this research may inform future school interventions and policy aiming to engage school leadership (i.e., educators, administrators, district leaders) in constructing supportive, affirming school environments for ethno-culturally diverse children in early childhood and beyond.

Identifying Funds of Knowledge in Diverse Student Populations

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Identifying Funds of Knowledge in Diverse Student Populations

Help-seeking Barriers Among Asian International Students: Language and Stigma

Huihui Huang

Asian international students are the largest international student group in the United States, but not enough attention has been paid to their adjustment challenges (Institute of International Education, 2020). Although they experience great psychological challenges during their adjustment to the U.S., they seek fewer mental health services than U.S. students and international students from other regions (Xiong & Yang, 2021). One reason for the underutilization of these services is that Asian international students tend to hold negative attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help, contributing to significant stigma barriers (Arora et al., 2016; Xiong & Yang, 2021). In addition, Asian international students face language barriers when using their non-native language to communicate with healthcare providers (Zhao et al., 2021). Understanding these obstacles can help mental health professionals and institutions provide services that are more accessible to Asian international students (Britt et al., 2008). Therefore, the current review explored the following research question: How do language and stigma barriers prevent Asian international students from seeking mental health help?

Language Barriers to Mental Healthcare Seeking Patterns

Asian international students are often subject to language discordant encounters in therapy sessions, in which therapists and Asian international students do not share the same native language (Zhao et al., 2021). The linguistic minority identity makes Asian international students feel uncomfortable and less linguistically confident, which results in increased health communication anxiety before and during therapy sessions (Li et al., 2016; Zhao et al., 2021). As such, when mental health professionals cannot provide therapeutic services using the same language as Asian clients, the clients are less likely to attend therapy sessions and are more likely to drop out of therapy, demonstrating the importance of language-match between the Asian international student population and their mental health providers (Flaskerud & Liu, 1990; Presley & Day, 2019). Although there has been an increasing number of linguistically competent services in recent years, language mismatch remains a significant barrier for Asian international students because of inadequate resources and the difficulties of getting connected to these services (Ma et al., 2021; Zhao et al., 2021).

Apart from client-therapist language mismatch, limited English language proficiency has also resulted in Asian international students using fewer mental health services (Kang et al., 2010). When Asian international students cannot articulate their thoughts and feelings in proficient English to therapists, their internal struggles may not be thoroughly understood (Li

et al., 2016). Such interference not only hampers the actual communication, but also promotes students’ self-doubt about their ability to progress in therapy sessions (Li et al., 2016). Moreover, the concern over being judged by therapists for their poor English proficiency also impedes the rapport-building process, further limiting the effectiveness of the treatments (Williams et al., 2018; Willis-O’Connor et al., 2016). As a result, low language proficiency remains a significant barrier to the Asian international student population who underutilize inclusive resources of their linguistic needs and identities.

Stigma Barriers to Mental Healthcare Seeking Patterns

Another factor associated with mental health help-seeking is stigma (Arnado & Bayod, 2020; Saykeo & Lawrence, 2018). More specifically, social stigma can impact Asian international students’ perceptions of seeking professional psychological help (Saykeo & Lawrence, 2018). Asian societies influenced by Confucian philosophies often view people with mental health problems as being “weak” and “incompetent” (Han & Pong, 2015; Saykeo & Lawrence, 2018). Consequently, Asian international students, fearing the social judgment of those labels, tend to deny their need for professional psychological help (Arnado & Bayod, 2020). Similarly, Asian international students from Southeast cultures, such as China, may experience concern that seeking professional psychological help will bring shame not only to themselves, but also to their families (Han & Pong, 2015; Saykeo & Lawrence, 2018). Accordingly, they tend to be particularly intent on concealing their mental illnesses to “save face” or avoid embarrassment in public settings (Saykeo & Lawrence, 2018).

To maintain social harmony, Asian international students adopt avoidant coping strategies that shift their attention away from their mental health needs (Saykeo & Lawrence, 2018).

Furthermore, Asian international students are likely to internalize social stigma, which perpetuates barriers to seeking professional help (Arnado & Bayod, 2020). Although Asian international students no longer live in an environment that stigmatizes help-seeking behaviors, their strong adherence to traditional cultural values can lead to a lower frequency of seeking professional psychological help (Leong & Lau, 2001; Shea & Yeh, 2008). When Asian international students internalize stigmatized beliefs about help-seeking behaviors, they perceive higher levels of social stigma from others and are more sensitive to perceived discrimination around mental illness (Lee et al., 2014). Influenced by internalized stigma, these students tend to refuse or delay help-seeking until the mental health problems escalate out of control, contributing to worse mental health outcomes in the long term (Amatya et al., 2018).

Barriers in Asian

Conclusion

Language and stigma barriers are two significant impediments to mental health help-seeking by Asian international students (Arnado & Bayod, 2020; Ma et al., 2021). Notably, though, most of the research has focused on Chinese or Korean students, limiting the generalizability of the findings (Lee et al., 2014; Li et al., 2016; Ma et al., 2021). Future studies should investigate the within-group differences among Asian international students from various regions with diverse cultural values. These values may lead to different reactions to professional help and informal help, which may inform more specific and culturally-appropriate strategies to increase mental health utilization among Asian international students of diverse cultural backgrounds (Frey & Roysircar, 2006). Overall, however, there is a need for stigma reduction and language support in mental health practices to encourage Asian international students to seek professional psychological help (Shea et al., 2019). Many stigma reduction intervention programs have been developed in schools and communities to improve individuals’ attitudes and awareness of mental illness and help-seeking. Going forward, university officers and mental health professionals should put more resources into addressing the structural barriers preventing Asian international students from utilizing counseling services (Kim et al., 2019). More intervention programs should be developed to eliminate the barriers and increase the utilization of mental health services by Asian international students.

References

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Help-Seeking Barriers in Asian Students

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INTERVIEW

Positive Stereotypes within the LGBTQIA+ Community

Lee Hatcher

Stereotypes are a way of condensing our social world. According to the American Psychological Association (American Psychological Association, 2022b), stereotypes are generalizations about the features and attributes of people within a group or social category. Specifically, positive stereotypes are stereotypes associated with a group of individuals that may characterize a group in a seemingly beneficial way (American Psychological Association, 2022a; Blankenship, 2021). For instance, positive stereotypes often characterize men who identify as gay as exceedingly financially successful (Morrison & Bearden, 2008). This typecast might seem advantageous, however, gay men may feel externally pressured to attain financial success due to higher societal expectations in education, occupation, and yearly income. (Morrison & Bearden, 2008). Moreover, research suggests that such societal expectations for financial success due to these positive stereotypes are associated with negative psychological outcomes, such as deteriorating mental health and depressive symptoms (Ross et al., 2018). Thus, despite the seemingly favorable nature of these generalizations, positive stereotypes often have negative implications for the groups they characterize, particularly when stereotypes contribute to stigma: negative attitudes toward the characteristics of an individual, which could be regarded as a mental, physical, or social deficiency (American Psychological Association, 2022c).

Perceptions of the positive stereotypes associated with gay men were first documented in Andrew Tobias’ 1973 memoir, in which he speaks about his own experience of positive stereotypes placed upon gay men and considers how the pressure of said stereotypes pushed him to assume the role of the “Best Little Boy in the World” (Tobias, 1973). Being gay and fearing he would not meet others’ expectations, Tobias sought success in educational, financial, and physical realms to compensate for his minority sexual identity. Decades later, after reading Tobias’ memoir, Pachankis and Hatzenbuehler (2013) found that many gay men face similar societal expectations due to positive stereotypes and, therefore, strive to become independently successful. This pursuit of success among gay men facing external pressure to perform has been coined the “Best Little Boy in the World Hypothesis” (Pachankis & Hatzenbuehler 2013).

The “Best Little Boy in the World Hypothesis” offered a new theoretical narrative for understanding how positive stereotypes affect gay men, emphasizing expectations placed on these individuals for educational and financial attainment. However, this hypothesis is limited in its investigation of how positive stereotypes affect other aspects of gay men’s lives (e.g., interpersonal relationships, intrinsic values) or the lives of other members of the LGBTQIA+ community (e.g., lesbian women,

bisexual individuals). Research suggests that expectations stemming from positive stereotypes may influence LGBTQIA+ individuals in nuanced ways, depending on their identity. For example, Prince (1994) discussed how external perceptions from a heteronormative world influence career choices for those in the lesbian and gay community, but noted that gay men are more likely to be uncertain and dissatisfied with their career choices, despite having financial and professional success. Additionally, he noted that gay men are “unduly viewed as pathological for normal reactions” to significant career change, despite actually having much inner turmoil (Prince, 1996, p. 277). Exploration of these nuances could extend the “Best Little Boy in the World Hypothesis” further and explain the consequent mental health issues that arise for members of the LGBTQIA+ community. The negative mental health consequences owing to external and internalized stigma from positive stereotypes need to be further researched and urgently addressed.

Based on the framework previously mentioned, more recent research has sought to understand the role that external factors such as stigma play in shaping achievement-related intrinsic values (i.e., sense of purpose, self-worth, growth) held by members of the LGBTQIA+ community, which influence their own perceptions of success and achievement (Blankenship & Steward, 2021). Dr. Benjamin T. Blankenship, a psychology professor at James Madison University, has sought to broaden the scope of the “Best Little Boy in the World Hypothesis” by studying both men and women who identify as sexual minorities, focusing on how internalized stigma influences both extrinsic contingencies and intrinsic values, such as individuals’ sense of self-worth, life aspirations, and work values. In his recent study, he digs deeper into the origin of positive stereotypes afflicting the LGBTQIA+ community and their implications for individuals in later life (Blankenship & Stewart, 2021). The findings of Blankenship’s work with other LGBTQIA+ populations are consistent with previous studies detailing that positive stereotypes create internalized stigma, which in turn contributes to extrinsic repercussions, such as seeking out financial or educational success. Blankenship’s work has, thus, expanded the conversation surrounding the impacts of positive stereotypes on intrinsic values and externalizing behavior in other LGBTQIA+ populations, including lesbians and bisexuals. To further understand the individual impact of positive stereotypes associated with the LGBTQIA+ community and the implications of his work for future research and practice, Dr. Blankenship was interviewed in early September of 2021.

Could you summarize your work?

A previous study [(Pachankis & Hatzenbuehler, 2013)] that I looked at, found that [gay men] have higher rates of what they called extrinsic aspirations. And what that means is, wanting status, money, good appearance, all these things that they have control over. The theory behind it was that because they could lose status, they could lose the acceptance of others, potentially, by coming out. They understood that from a very young age. They learned to stake their self-esteem on things that they have control over. So no one can take away my status, my wealth, or my appearance, even if I come out and others disapprove of my sexual identity. In my extension of this work, I had two goals in mind. Number one, I wanted to see if this same process happened for not just gay men. I wanted to look at gay men, lesbians, and bisexual people. In the future, I want to do some work with trans and gender minorities as well. Then I also looked at what the mechanism is, and why this happens psychologically. I examined what’s called internalized stigma which is the extent to which sexual minorities feel negatively about their sexual orientation status. I found that what was driving this, like drive for status, appearance, wealth, etc, was that the higher the more internalized stigma these participants had, the more likely they learned to engage with these weapons of thinking about themselves, these values, and aspirations.

In your study did you come across surprising cross-group differences? Could you explain them?

I found similar patterns as expected, [the] same thing happens with lesbian women, and with bisexual people across the board. And I found the strongest and most robust effects with bisexual people, which was surprising. My hypothesis about that is that because bisexual people have this dual stigma, in mainstream society, they get marginalized for their same-sex orientation, and same-sex attraction. But within the LGBTQIA+ community, they get marginalized for their other opposite-sex orientation. So the whole stigma is further emphasized and further expands that effect of [it]. “Well, if people don’t accept me for whatever the status is that I can’t control, at least I can control how I feel about myself with these other things.” So that’s where I think that that comes up. But future research will be needed [to explore] the reason.

Among the LBGTQIA+ community- what has been the general response to your research?

When I presented this [at] conferences, usually sexual minority men or women come up and say, “That makes total sense. It clicked for me. That’s why I’m pursuing a Ph.D. You know, all these things about myself, which aren’t me.” [And I think] I hope you’re not looking for a therapist. Because that’s not what I do. But I think people do read about it. And that’s why I wanted to get this out into the public eye- not just keep it behind the ivory tower, closed doors.

Because I think [if] a lot of people read about this, they might know more about themselves and understand a little bit

about why they have the patterns they have or why they do the behaviors that they perform.

What kind of impact do these findings have on the LGBTQIA+ community?

I think it’s important that we, as a society, look at what we’re driving people to do, through stigma through prejudice, and discrimination. If we are stigmatizing this group of people and driving them to not want to do things, like help their communities, or build strong social connections with others, that can have really bad negative repercussions if that’s the case. If you look at it from a larger scale, as a society, what are we driving this group of individuals to prioritize as a result? I think that the whole cliché that money can’t buy you happiness is demonstrating that societal stigma, prejudice, and discrimination are driving people to seek things out in their life that could be less rewarding, and less fulfilling than they could otherwise be looking for. So I think that’s why this is important to examine.

Conclusion

Blankenship’s research provides a more comprehensive understanding of the “Best Little Boy in the Word Hypothesis,” elucidating the ways in which positive stereotypes affect people within the LGBTQIA+ community. Specifically, this interview offers insight into how both external and internalized stigma drive LGBTQIA+ individuals to seek external validation through success in socially-respected domains, such as their physical appearance, wealth, and social class. Importantly, however, Blankenship’s work only briefly considers how policymakers, advocates, and other stakeholders in social change can implement these findings to create a more inclusionary, equitable, and less stigma-ridden world for the LGBTQIA+ community. Thus, future research should more directly identify feasible methods of combating positive stereotypes surrounding the LGBTQIA+ community and the resulting stigma. Additionally, researchers should continue this work, taking an intersectional approach to account for multiple sources of stigma faced by LGBTQIA+ individuals, owing to racial-ethnic, gender, and socioeconomic identities. Dr. Blankenship’s study marks a small step forward, contributing to a larger body of work that can be put into action to reduce the impact of positive stereotypes on the LGBTQIA+ community.

Interview with Dr.

References

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American Psychological Association. (2022c). Stigma. In APA Dictionary of Psychology. https://dictionary.apa.org/stigma

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Ross, L. E., Salway, T., Tarasoff, L. A., MacKay, J. M., Hawkins, B. W., & Fehr, C. P. (2018). Prevalence of depression and anxiety among bisexual people compared to gay, lesbian, and heterosexual individuals: A systematic review and metaanalysis. Journal of Sex Research, 55, 435–456.

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MOVIE REVIEW

The Psychology of Inequality: Parasite

Christopher Wu

The Kim family rushes home under the onslaught of a heavy night storm to find their basement apartment flooded. Waist high in the muddy brown sewage water, they desperately try to save what little belongings they have, but to no avail. They have lost everything and are forced to spend the night in a crowded shelter. Parasite follows the story of a poor family, the Kims, as they struggle to survive in a society in which they comprise part of the underclass. Never having received higher education, they are forced to work low-paying odd jobs that offer just enough for them to subsist in a basement apartment in South Korea’s slums. Their fortunes appear to change for the better, however, when the Kim family’s son, Kim Ki-woo, receives an opportunity to tutor the daughter of the wealthy Park family. Through a series of elaborate schemes, as well as quite a few instances of fraud, he manages to secure employment with the Parks for the rest of his family.

Parasite functions as a form of shock art designed to reveal the dehumanization caused by society’s contempt and scorn of its poor, uneducated, and working class. Film critic Eileen Jones (2019, para. 5) states, “Parasite actually crystallizes the experience of being an underclass family grasping at a chance to ‘make it,’ and portrays it in such a way as to hurt you.” Indeed, as the Kims suffer indignity after indignity, it does hurt. The film portrays the world of South Korea along with all of its wealth and its poverty, exploring how a typical working poor family like the Kims navigate and interact with the socioeconomic realities of their environment, how they attempt to shape it, and how those societal conditions end up shaping their own actions and attitudes. Using Parasite’s depiction of the relationship between socioeconomic status and psychosocial condition as a microcosm of how it manifests in the real world, this paper aims to explore the nature and ramifications of this relationship through theories of psychological development, alienation, and social hierarchy.

Ecological Systems Theory

In order to meaningfully analyze the Kim family’s behaviors in relation to their socioeconomic realities, it is necessary to emphasize the environmental factors that influence psychological development. For this, the ecological systems theory presents a framework consisting of five social systems of increasing breadth with which an individual interacts throughout their development. These systems, in turn, shape the course of that individual’s development (Bronfenfrenner, 1992). Through this framework, focusing on the role of the macrosystem of broad sociocultural contexts, the Kim family’s behaviors can be explained not as the result of any intrinsic

dispositions, but rather as an inevitable consequence of living in a capitalist society, shaped by the pervasive and hegemonic macrosystem of capitalist ideology and values.

The hyper-capitalist macrosystem of South Korea establishes a value system that encourages competitive over collaborative labor. Workers compete for wages, for employment, and for opportunity, and are thus prevented from developing class solidarity. More broadly, as societies develop and progress towards modernized capitalism, their social value orientation, or their preferences toward allocating resources between the self and others, shifts towards the self. People become increasingly likely to be categorized as competitive rather than prosocial on assessments of social value orientation, seeking to not only maximize personal gain, but relative gain compared to others (Shahrier et al., 2016; van Lange et al., 1997). Among capitalist nations, liberal market economies, even more so than coordinated market economies, are oriented towards competition and market fundamentalism, producing societies oriented more towards self-interest and less towards egalitarianism and universalism (i.e., concern for the welfare of others; Hall & Gingerich, 2004; Schwartz, 2007).

The Kims display their competitive and pro-self value orientations as they deliberately sabotage and frame the Park family’s previous household servants in order to take their place when they get fired. Later, when the previous housekeeper is shown begging the Kims for a favor, Chung-sook, the Kim family mother, despite being in a similar position to the housekeeper just a few weeks prior – unemployed and desperate – denies any connection with the former housekeeper and refuses her request. Thus, she, along with the rest of her family, rejects the idea of solidarity with a fellow struggling worker, showing themselves to be alienated from their class as they display pro-self rather than prosocial behavior. Through the framework of the ecological systems theory, the Kims’ sabotage of the previous household servants only reflects the influences and teachings of a capitalist macrosystem. Intra-class competition over supposedly scarce resources is encouraged, while the current socio-economic system, along with its social hierarchy and material disparity, is legitimized as the end result of competition. Not once did the Kims question why others in the working class must lose their livelihoods in order for them to survive, even as they witness the excesses and surpluses that people like the Parks take for granted.

The ramifications of development under this type of macrosystem cannot be understated. South Korea has one of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development’s lowest unionization and collective bargaining coverage rates, at

11.6% and 14.8%, respectively (OECD, 2022). Similarly, South Korea has one of the OECD’s highest proportions of temporary workers, at 26.1%, who face poorer wages and benefits than their regularly employed counterparts (OECD, 2022). While, in the past, labor organizing might have been the target of violent, militant, and deadly crackdowns by the South Korean government, in the modern day, this simply is not the case (Song, 1999). Rather, these issues can be seen as a reflection of the competitive, pro-self values imprinted upon society by a capitalist macrosystem, values that inhibit class solidarity. A relationship between workers that is rooted in competition rather than solidarity is incompatible with the idea of unionizing, and such a relationship sees the economic state of temporary workers not as a systemic issue, but rather as just a natural result of being outcompeted. Under a capitalist macrosystem, the working class becomes atomized, incapable of organizing, alienated from each other, and their collective societal power is reduced.

Alienation

In addition to becoming alienated from their class, the conditions of their development have also afflicted the Kims with a more individual form of alienation. Seeman (1959) identified alienation as having five composite parts: a sense of powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation, and self-estrangement. Though he never specified causation in his theory of alienation, research regarding the cognitive impacts of social class has linked poverty with several facets of what Seeman considered to be alienation. For example, while the upper class tended towards egocentric cognitive patterns, focusing on the self and its internal goals and motivations, lower-class individuals tended towards deterministic cognitive patterns, focusing on external social forces (Kraus et al., 2012). Because those from lower-class backgrounds have access to fewer resources, they are more aware of the forces and threats that can drastically affect their material conditions. Thus, they perceive their lives to be perpetually constrained by these external forces, leading to a reduced personal sense of control, exemplifying the powerlessness facet of alienation (Kraus et al., 2012). After the Kims had all their possessions destroyed by a flood, Ki-taek, the Kim family’s father, tells his son, “You know what kind of plan never fails? No plan. No plan at all. You know why? Because life cannot be planned… It doesn’t matter what will happen next” (Bong, 2019). Ki-taek no longer believes he has the power to pursue the outcomes that he seeks, his internal locus of control having largely been shattered and replaced by an external one after realizing his powerlessness to protect his family in the face of natural disaster.

Then, there is self-estrangement: the inability to live for oneself, the seeking of external rather than intrinsic motivation, the lack of personal authenticity (Seeman, 1959). Unlike upperclass individuals whose access to abundant resources enables them to pursue personal goals and interests, those from lowerclass backgrounds must engage in extrinsically motivated, alienated labor in order to survive— one form of the self-

estrangement facet of alienation (Kraus et al., 2012). This facet is clearly on display throughout the entirety of the film, but manifests itself most prominently when the Kim family is tasked with preparing for the Park son’s birthday party the day after the flood. The iconic dead look on Ki-taek’s face reveals everything. Are the Kims really nothing more than servants to the whims of a family that holds them in utter contempt?

These forms of alienation have broad implications ranging from the physical, to the psychological, and the sociopolitical. While the powerlessness facet of alienation is a risk factor for disease, self-estrangement through alienated labor is linked with increased allostatic load and decreased cognitive function (Seeman et al., 2020; Wallerstein, 1992). Meanwhile, in the realm of politics, it is well established that political participation in many nations around the world is positively associated with income. That is, lower income individuals tend to vote at a much lower rate than higher income individuals. While a lack of accessibility is often attributed as the cause, another explanation lies in the perceived lack of political efficacy, a supposed inability to control political and social institutions, among low income individuals, or alternatively, the alienation of powerlessness (my vote doesn’t matter) and meaninglessness (voting doesn’t matter; Kraus et al., 2015). Thus, one potential avenue for systemic change becomes less likely to yield results as poverty and alienation create self-perpetuating cycles.

Hierarchy

However, poverty, in itself, is not the only environmental factor affecting the Kims’ psychological development. Their poverty in relation to others, or their position in their society’s social hierarchy, plays an important role as well. The social dominance theory explores the roles of individual psychological factors and societal factors in the formation of social hierarchy. According to this theory, hierarchy is maintained through institutional discrimination, individual discrimination, and behavioral asymmetry between dominant and subordinate groups, and is justified by a range of legitimizing myths (Sidanius et al., 2004). While Parasite does explore the formation of this hierarchy as an aspect of class relations under capitalism, more meaningfully, it also explores hierarchy as an aspect of globalization and how it is reflected through social indicators of class. Everything from the Park mother’s tendencies to inject her speech with English phrases, the Parks’ belief in the superior quality of American products, to their decision to serve solely western dishes during the Park son’s birthday suggests that they might share a similar reverence for America that their son has for Native Americans.

Driven by US-led economic globalization, English proficiency in South Korea became linked with social prestige and economic prosperity (Park & Abelmann, 2004). The culture of English became something people aspired to partake in. Those who lacked the means to do so, unable to afford the expensive tutoring and study abroad programs driving the burgeoning English education market, were met with further disadvantage

and discrimination as the demand for English-only schools and English-only immersion communities, dubbed “English Villages,” grew (Park, 2009). In fact, the gatekept nature of English proficiency in itself served to further entrench English as a class signifier, pushing the social value of English beyond its practical applications (Park & Abelmann, 2004). The Kims reveal they are aware of both the existence and significance of this implicit cultural hierarchy as the son feigns proficiency in English and the daughter fabricates an educational history studying abroad in the US, hoping to impress the Park family with a marker of supposed social prestige. In this way, Parasite reveals and critiques not only the economic stratification of South Korea, but also its resulting social and cultural stratification.

The phenomenon of “English Fever” in South Korea establishes that although social class is often closely tied to income, they are not indistinguishable from one another, and that hierarchies based on class signifiers besides economic status do exist and are quite prevalent throughout society. These hierarchies, independent of the effects of material deprivation, have poignant effects on personal health and societal health disparities. A series of studies known as the Whitehall studies revealed how mortality from a wide range of diseases increased as social class, measured by employment grade in the British Civil Service, decreased. Despite universal access to healthcare and a stable job, these health disparities persisted even after adjusting for high-risk health behaviors. The explanation lies in the chronic psychosocial stress generated from low social status increasing allostatic load and reducing the body’s ability to fight disease (Marmot et al., 1991). Thus, poverty, as a correlate of social class rather than as an independent economic state, impacts health not only through limiting material resources, but also by limiting cultural resources, or cultural capital, through its innate ability to create hierarchy.

Conclusion

Parasite presents its criticisms and insights into the realities of poverty, the structures that enable it, and the social phenomena that arise from it. In doing so, it reveals the poverty so often veiled behind tales of prosperity in South Korea and many other nations beyond. Thus, it asks the question of whether a system that produces so much poverty, desperation, and inequality is acceptable, keeping in mind their profound psychological, physiological, and social impacts. If the answer to this question is that it is not, then Parasite challenges the victims of this system to act, though not with the cynical nihilism and defeatism of Kitaek, nor with the delusional individualist optimism of Ki-woo. Rather, it presents a challenge to act collectively, with a sense of solidarity that threatens systems the world over.

The Psychology of Inequality: Parasite

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BIOGRAPHIES

Freda Hasselbring

Editor-in-Chief flh228@nyu.edu

Freda Hasselbring is a senior double majoring in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health on the pre-medical track at NYU. She has been a part of the Home School Connections research lab since the spring of 2021 and is currently working on her honors thesis with Dr. Schick. Her research interests include the development of emotional self-regulation skills, creativity & imagination, and empathy among pre and elementary school students. She is also interested in protective factors influencing the school readiness for low-income, multilingual, and immigrant youth. Following graduation, she intends to pursue clinical and research opportunities before attending medical school.

Janet Gu

Editor-in-Chief xg768@nyu.edu

Janet Gu is a senior majoring in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health. She is currently working on her honors thesis with Dr. Sirin. The goal of the study is to establish a new framework for racial teasing and to identify it as a unique construct and its significance in relation to developmental outcomes. Her research interests focus around the impacts of various social contexts on the development and psychological outcome in people of color. After graduation, she will be attending Columbia University to pursue an Ed. M. degree in psychological counseling.

Maya Shapiro

Editor-in-Chief mjs1159@nyu.edu

Maya Shapiro is a senior in Applied Psychology minoring in Digital Art and Design. She is a volunteer ESL tutor for EConnected; a nonprofit helping connect students to tutors remotely. She enjoys story telling, and has illustrated two children’s books for Psychotherapist and LCSW Eugene Roginsky through the publishing company “Magic of Story Press.” Post graduation, Maya wants to combine her love of psychology and design by pursuing a career in digital marketing and branding.

Chloe Carlson

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Chloe is a sophomore in Applied Psychology with a strong interest in the effects of media on the mind. While pursuing a minor in Media, Culture, and Communication, she hopes to assist in the creation of more psychology related media in order to raise mental health awareness and educate others.

Sydney Liang

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Sydney is a senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Media, Culture, and Communication. She is currently a research assistant at the Play and Language Lab, which examines how children interact with their environment as well as how social and cultural factors influence children’s development. Previously, she has interned at various organizations ranging from nonprofits to multinational companies. She plans on continuing to explore various career paths which highlight the intersection between psychology, research, and communication before pursuing higher education.

Grace Park

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Grace is a senior in Applied Psychology minoring in Nutrition and Dietetics. She is also completing her accelerated master’s degree in Counseling for Mental Health and Wellness at NYU. Grace is interested in raising awareness of mental health in minority communities and hopes to help such populations by providing culturally competent care. Previously, she was a research assisstant at The Listening Project which aims to train middle school students and teachers in a semi-structured method of interviewing with the goal of enhancing listening skills, empathy, trust, academic engagement and achievement.

Lee Hatcher

Contributing Writer

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Lee is a junior majoring in Applied Psychology,with two minors in American Sign Language and French Studies. He works as a behavioral technician alongside therapists supporting children and currently is researching diversity within PhD scholarship opportunities. Lee hopes to transition into an accelerated masters program in Mental Health and Wellness Counseling, after which he plans to take a gap semester in Paris before pursuing doctoral studies .

Huihui Huang

Contributing Writer

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Huihui is a senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Media, Culture, and Communication. She is interested in raising mental health awareness among Chinese international students and was, therefore, motivated to establish Mood Psychology at NYU, a student club that focuses on international students’ mental health. She has worked in several labs, including The Listening Project, The Culture and Relationships Lab, and The Chinese Families Lab. Upon graduation, Huihui will be pursuing graduate studies in Public Health and Social Work to improve access to healthcare for marginalized populations through multilevel interventions.

Christopher Wu

Contributing Writer

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Christopher is a sophomore majoring in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health, while working towards a minor in Sociology. He is a research assistant at Polygeia, a global health think tank, studying the implementation and effectiveness of nurse leadership in low-income countries through a partnership with Nursing for All. He is interested in the relationship between poverty and health outcomes and intends to pursue a graduate education in Public Health.