NYU OPUS Vol. XIV Issue I

Page 5

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org 2
The

OPUS

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies

Volume XIV Issue I | Spring 2023

Editors-in-Chief

Nicole Quinn Chow

Su-Yue Amy Wang

Contributing Writers

Gianna Rose Boccieri

Adam Goldstein

Lee Hatcher

Haruka Kokaze

Suebin Lee

Yuyi Lin

SoYoung (Bella) Park

Jenny Yu

Olive (Qianyu) Zhou

Creative Director

Nicole Quinn Chow

Layout & Design Coordinators

Shirley Cajamarca

Rebecca Wu

Faculty Mentor

Dr. Adina R. Schick

Special Thanks

Bethanie Railling

Dr. Linnie Green

Department of Applied Psychology

NYU Steinhardt

3

Letter from the Editors

Human Development & Well-Being

07 Yuyi Lin

Structural Forces at the Playground: An Interview With Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa

11 SoYoung Park, Suebin Lee, and Olive Zhou

Fostering Music Engagement of Young Children Displaying Autistic Symptoms

19 Jenny Yu

Benefits of Mindfulness-Based Meditation for College Students

Trauma & Recovery

25 Adam Goldstein

Finding Connection Through Adversity: A Discussion on Trauma and Acute Stress With Dr. Anthony Mancini

28 Haruka Kokaze

Social Support and the PTSD Symptoms of Japanese Earthquake Survivors

LGBTQ+ Mental Health

33 Lee Hatcher

Gender Affirmation and Depressive Symptoms

37 Gianna Boccieri

LGBTQ+ College Students and Mental Health Stigma

05 06
Contents
24
4
32 Biographies 49

Letter from the Editors

Welcome to the 2022-2023 issue of New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies (OPUS)! First established in 2009, OPUS provides Applied Psychology undergraduate students with a forum to share their independent work. This publication is entirely written, edited, and designed by undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the United States.

This issue examines a range of psychological phenomena and social issues, and is divided into three parts. The first section - Human Development and Well-Being - begins with Yuyi Lin’s interview with community psychologist Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa, whose work focuses on the influence of early education on children’s development. Next, SoYoung Park, Suebin Lee, and Olive Zhou investigate how improvisational music therapists foster music engagement for young children displaying autistic symptoms. Finally, Jenny Yu’s literature review introduces the benefits of mindfulness-based meditation for college students.

The following section - Trauma and Recovery - features Adam Goldstein’s interview with Dr. Anthony Mancini, a clinical psychologist whose interests lie in the adaptive functions of psychological distress and how trauma and acute stress can foster social interaction. Then, Haruka Hokaze’s literature review specifically analyzes how social support can mitigate the PTSD symptoms of Japanese earthquake survivors.

The last section - LGBTQ+ Mental Health - is comprised of Lee Hatcher’s literature review exploring how gender affirmation can improve transgender youths’ depressive symptoms, and Gianna Boccieri’s study, which examines the relation between mental health stigma and the well-being and help-seeking behaviors of LGBTQ+ college students.

Thank you so much to our talented writers for their scholarly contributions, persistence, and commitment. We would also like to thank the Layout & Design Coordinators, Rebecca Wu and Shirley Cajamarca, for their hard work and enthusiasm in the creation of this issue. We are also incredibly grateful to our OPUS advisor, Bethanie Railling, for her brilliant advice and refreshing candor. Lastly, we would like to thank the Co-Directors of Undergraduate Studies in Applied Psychology, Dr. Adina Schick and Dr. Linnie Green, for their continuous support and encouragement. In particular, this issue would not have been possible without our faculty mentor Dr. Schick’s unrelenting patience, sharp wit, and dedicated guidance.

We hope the current issue can bring you new perspectives on many important topics in psychology today.

Best,

5
Nicole Quinn Chow Su-Yue Amy Wang

Structural Forces at the Playground: An Interview With Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa Yuyi

Early childhood education is key to supporting children’s development of emergent numeracy and literacy skills, socialemotional skills, and motor abilities (Rey-Guerra et al., 2022). However, vast racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic disparities affect access to and quality of early childhood education, resulting in starkly different long-term outcomes (Chaudry et al., 2021). In order to better understand what defines high-quality early childhood education and address the barriers that prevent each child from being given equal access, Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa, the Courtney Sale Ross Professor of Globalization and Education at the Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, as well as the Co-Director of the Global TIES for Children Center at New York University, was interviewed. Dr. Yoshikawa is a community and developmental psychologist who examines the effects of poverty reduction policies and early childhood programs on children’s development. He has also authored several books on early childhood education policy and immigration reform, and served on current President Joe Biden’s Unity Task Force on Education in 2020.

What inspired you to work in early childhood education?

In one of my first psychology classes, I just happened to come across an article that was a 10-year follow up of an early childhood program, and it had affected some parents’ economic well-being and their kids’ development. I thought it was interesting that a program early in life could have 10-year follow up effects so that got me into this whole field. It led me to get a research assistant position on a project with Head Start programs in Staten Island and write a Master’s thesis that was related to the topic.

What do you think is the key ingredient to educate and engage with a child?

Fostering kids’ excitement, agency, and motivation. Essentially, making learning fun is the key task for teachers of kids this age, [as well as] supporting kids’ enthusiasm and engagement in learning and play-based activities in the classroom. Through these activities, kids can learn many skills that could be social, early language, [and] early quantitative [reasoning].

Given your work on family engagement in early learning opportunities in home settings and in early childhood education centers, what are your thoughts on how family engagement and early childhood education work hand in hand to support a child’s emergent numeracy and literacy, social-emotional functioning, and motor development?

I think all the adults and older kids involved in young kids’ lives can really make a difference. And I wouldn’t leave out peers either, because kids are learning a great deal from their peers and friends at this age. Families, childcare centers, preschools, and larger communities need to be working together to enrich opportunities for this kind of learning. We also have to think about the larger stresses that affect families whether they be experiences of poverty or discrimination. We need the kinds of structural interventions to support families to support their kids. And that means reducing the larger structural forces that create inequality in families’ economic lives as well as their interpersonal and social lives.

How can childhood programs be adapted to fit the needs of a child based on their cultural background and social situation?

Culturally-responsive teaching is one place to start in the classroom. I think that teachers should reflect the cultural and linguistic backgrounds of the families they’re serving so we should have a diverse teaching workforce. That means also that they should be well supported both in terms of things like compensation, so that they’re not economically struggling themselves - we know that many in the early childhood workforce are actually struggling to make ends meet - but also supporting their ability to serve diverse children and foster, for example, multilingual development, recognizing that kids comes from multiple language backgrounds in classrooms. I think that also goes for kids of varying skill levels and ability levels and so we need to train teachers to be able to engage in inclusive teaching practices of kids of varying ability levels. Teachers should be really getting to know the communities and the families of the kids they serve, and that can mean doing things that might be a little unorthodox. This might be home visits to families to really get to know them from the perspective of their own neighborhoods and communities, making sure that communication is two way reciprocal forms of learning, that teachers are understanding the kinds of socialization, practices, and knowledge that the households have, that the respect for cultures of the families can be reflected in teachers’ curiosity and learning about the kinds of ways that children are learning at home. All of those approaches are examples of culturally-responsive practices.

[In response to how teachers cater to a large classroom filled with different students of different needs], some people say it’s harder to teach preschoolers than to teach older kids, because kids are just figuring out various fundamentals about how to interact with other kids and how to understand other kids’ motivations and preferences and working out things like building friendships. I think that one key is that the class size

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shouldn’t be too large. That’s why we have standards in the U.S. and other countries that try to keep class sizes to a manageable level. Many other countries I work in, sometimes those class sizes are way too large so those are things we should try to pay attention to. Working with kids in small groups can often increase that ability to engage with individual kids, so one common practice is that you’re not working with the entire class at the same time all the time, but you’re often splitting kids up into pairs or allowing them to engage with other kids freely in small groups when they’re working on something like a construction or a game or an activity. Those are the activities that make it easier for teachers to pick up on individual kids’ needs, their opinions, their preferences, their ideas, allow each child the agency to have some form of control and autonomy over how they learn. And once teachers learn that that form of agency is really important, I think that can change their world view of how they teach in the classroom.

How can adults help children reconcile with and understand social inequalities?

Children are learning about the patterns of inequality in society from these micro level interactions in classrooms to later understanding that in schools, kids with certain backgrounds are overrepresented in certain contexts, and so they start learning what we would call societal inequality and how that plays out in settings like schools, but also in their neighborhoods and homes. What you raise is a huge issue that we have to tackle from a lot of different directions. We have to tackle the larger issues such as racism, white supremacy, and segregation in order to ultimately tackle how these factors affect parents, adults, kids, and youth. These factors play out in where people live, whether they can accumulate assets in their lifetime and not keep struggling economically, affect the stress levels that people experience and children’s development. We have to tackle these structural forces in order to then think about how to support family well-being and children’s development. One thing I make a pitch for is that students in applied psychology learn about issues in inequality from all the other social sciences because anthropology, economics, social psychology, political science have a great deal to say about what are these structural forces, how do they affect neighborhoods, communities, family, housing, healthcare, education, and ultimately child and youth development. I myself learned a lot from other disciplines and used those perspectives in my work when I think about inequality and child development because inequality forms from the structural level all the way down to the child level.

What do you think still needs to be improved in terms of access to early childhood education now?

One relatively ignored factor in early childhood education is the role of racism in affecting children’s opportunities in this earliest phase of education. The anthropologist Jennifer Adair has written a good book called Segregation by Experience that outlines how Black and Brown children are often denied the

autonomy of having some say in how, with whom, and with what they learn in a classroom. Their bodies are more subject to control in the name of behavioral management or discipline or classroom management. She’s observed across multiple preschool systems that Black and Brown children are more often have to deserve free play and display certain kinds of behaviors to then receive a reward of free play rather than thinking about opportunities for playful learning as being things that they can have some from freedom in, as micro as choosing who you can work on something with, or you can go on to another group to tell them how excited you are about a particular idea or about something you’re making. Those kinds of choices are restricted more for Black and Brown children. This notion of children’s agency and how they can be stifled because of these larger structural forces like racism are not understood well enough in the early childhood space. [We] may perhaps be ignoring the fact that Black and Brown kids are more likely to be expelled or suspended from a school classroom, but also that the everyday interactions between students and teachers can be greatly impacted by these forces. And so I think that poses this notion of how all children should have access to high quality learning experiences. That is one of the biggest challenges where structural forces are actually affecting kids at an everyday level within classrooms.

Conclusion

In this interview, Dr. Yoshikawa discusses the benefits of early childhood education for children’s development, while acknowledging the underlying structural forces that affect the quality of education and extent that children benefit from their education. That is, the degree to which children benefit from early childhood education varies according to their demographics, including race, gender, and socioeconomic status. For instance, children of color are more likely to be denied time for free play and subject to exclusionary school discipline (Skiba, 2002). Not only does this limit their time in the classroom to reap the benefits of early childhood education, but these patterns of differential treatment may lead children of color to internalize harmful societal narratives about themselves (Wolf & Kupchik, 2017). Dr. Yoshikawa is a proponent of culturally-responsive pedagogy in early childhood education programs. In other words, curricula and pedagogy should be tailored to children’s needs to foster their excitement, agency, and motivation to learn (Chaudry et al., 2021). This, in turn, can strengthen higher-order thinking skills within learning content and enhance warm, responsive teacher-child relationships - two important components of quality early education (Yoshikawa et al., 2013).

Early childhood education has the capacity to boost children’s development through nurturing and maintaining positive peer and teacher engagement in learning spaces. Although quality of and access to this education may be hindered by larger structural forces, research has shown that such barriers may be addressed through culturally-responsive teaching and

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8 | Human Development & Well-Being

policies, along with providing more support and assistance to familiessuch barriers may be addressed through culturallyresponsive teaching and policies, along with providing more support and assistance to families (Fass, 2009; Gay, 2000). Given positive impacts of high-quality early childhood education, it is important that such policy and interventions be adopted to enable equal access and support at the playground and beyond.

Human Development & Well-Being | 9
An Interview With Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa

References

Chaudry, A., Morrisey, T., Weiland, C., & Yoshikawa, H. (2021). Cradle to kindergarten: A new plan to combat inequality. Russell Sage Foundation.

Fass, S. (2009). Paid leave in the states: A critical support for low-wage workers and their families. National Center for Children in Poverty, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University. NCCP. https://www.nccp.org/ publication/paid-leave-in-the-states/

Gay, G. (2018). Culturally responsive teaching theory, research, and practice. Teachers College Press, Teachers College, Columbia University.

Rey-Guerra, C., Maldonado-Carreño, C., Ponguta, L. A., Nieto, A. M., & Yoshikawa, H. (2022). Family engagement in early learning opportunities at home and in early childhood education centers in Colombia. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 58, 35–46. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. ecresq.2021.08.002

Skiba, R. J., Michael, R. S., Nardo, A. C., & Peterson, R. L. (2002). The color of discipline: sources of racial and gender disproportionality in school punishment. The Urban Review, 34(4), 317–342. https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1021320817372

Wolf, K. C., & Kupchik, A. (2017). School suspensions and adverse experiences in adulthood. Justice Quarterly, 34(3), 407-430. https://doi.org/10.1080/07418825.2016.1168475

Yoshikawa, H., Weiland, C., Brooks-Gunn, J., Burchinal, M., Espinosa, L., Gormley, W. T., Ludwig, J., Magnuson, K., Phillips, D., & Zaslow, M. (2013). Investing in our future: The evidence base on preschool. (ED579818). ERIC. https:// files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED579818.pdf

10 | Human Development & Well-Being OPUS (2023) 14:1

Fostering Music Engagement of Young Children Displaying Autistic Symptoms

SoYoung Park, Suebin Lee, and Olive Zhou

Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is a developmental disorder that can hinder one’s ability to comprehend emotions, build social skills, and respond flexibly to changes and transitions (Jadhav & Schaepper, 2021). According to the World Health Organization (2022), approximately 1% of children are diagnosed with ASD. Notably, however, many children displaying symptoms of autism do not receive a formal diagnosis during the formative early childhood years (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2022). Nevertheless, the prevalence of ASD among young children has led to a focus on early identification and intervention (National Institutes of Health, 2021; U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2020).

One intervention that young children displaying autistic symptoms might benefit from is music therapy, particularly Improvisational Music Therapy (IMT), which has been used to address social communication, engagement, and socialemotional connections (American Music Therapy Association [AMTA], n.d.; Carpente et al., 2022; Geretsegger et al., 2012; Geretsegger et al., 2015; Kim et al., 2008; Kim et al., 2009). Specifically, the client’s music engagement, defined as therapistfacilitated involvement in the music-making process, is essential to achieving therapeutic goals in IMT, and is, to some extent, contingent on the music therapist’s skills (Aigen, 2013; Bieleninik et al., 2017; Birnbaum, 2014; Bruscia, 1988; Geretsegger, 2015; Kim et al., 2009). Yet, few studies have explored the role of IMT music therapists in fostering the music engagement of children displaying autistic symptoms.

Social Engagement and IMT

Many early signs of autism relate to difficulties with social engagement (i.e., the ability to engage, interact, or initiate social interactions; Kiely & Flacker, 2003; Thompson et al., 2013). For example, children displaying autistic symptoms typically experience difficulties in joint attention, turn-taking, understanding of social cues, and other basic social skills (Silveira-Zaldivar et al., 2021). These challenges increase the risk of developing anxiety, depression, and social isolation, and also interfere with academic attainment and relationship and employment maintenance (Silveira-Zaldivar et al., 2021). Therefore, deficits in social interactions – especially social skills and social competence – are key targets of early interventions for children displaying autistic symptoms (Landa, 2007; SilveiraZaldivar et al., 2021; Vernon et al., 2012).

Typically, training in social skills includes initiating interactions, responding, maintaining eye contact, recognizing emotions, and understanding body language (Bellini & Peters, 2008; White et al., 2006). Nevertheless, explicit social skill

training has been found to produce limited beneficial outcomes for children with autism (Bellini & Peters, 2008; LaGasse, 2017; Weiss & Harris, 2001). By contrast, social skills training implicitly embedded in alternative forms of therapy, such as IMT, has been found to be more effective. In IMT, clients and therapists engage in musical dialogue, which closely mimics social communication, as clients actively participate in the process of music-making through attentive, interactive, and reciprocal musical interactions (LaGasse, 2017; Mayer-Benarous et al., 2021; Nordoff-Robbins Center for Music Therapy, n.d.). What makes IMT especially effective for children displaying symptoms of autism is its improvisational aspect. The flexibility inherent in musical features (e.g., rhythm, tempo, motion, and expression) can reflect the children’s here-and-now behaviors, allowing therapists to identify and focus on children’s individual needs (Aigen, 2001; AMTA, 2015; Pavlicevic, 2000; Sacks, 2008). This client-centered approach fosters children’s engagement in the sessions, which, in turn, helps them gain important social skills such as responsiveness, adaptability, organization, and attention (Kim et al., 2008; Kim et al, 2009; Nordoff-Robbins Center for Music Therapy, n.d.; Pavlicevic, 2000; Perkins et al., 2020).

IMT and Therapeutic Alliance Created by Music Engagement

The beneficial outcomes of music engagement in IMT are not only a result of the improvisation but also of the therapeutic alliance, which is defined as the collaborative relationship between therapist and client (Aigen, 2013; American Psychological Association., n.d.; Birnbaum, 2014; Kim et al., 2008; Lee & Kim, 2021; Pavlicevic, 2000). In IMT, the therapeutic alliance is achieved through clinicians and clients creating music collaboratively and spontaneously with various instruments to build interconnectedness (Bruscia, 1987; Carpente et al., 2022; Geretsegger et al., 2012; Pavlicevic 2000; Ritholz, 2014; Sacks, 2008). The greater the clients’ music engagement, the stronger the therapeutic alliance between the therapist and client, as music allows the client and the therapist to connect on an interpersonal level (Aigen, 2001; Pacliveciv, 2000; Sacks, 2008). Ultimately, the strength of the therapeutic alliance and the level of music engagement depend on the music therapist’s initiative and guidance (Aigen, 2013; Lee & Kim, 2021; Silverman, 2019). In other words, music therapists are responsible for encouraging and facilitating clients’ music engagement while also challenging them to meet their clinical goals. This is only possible once a strong therapeutic alliance is established, where clients feel safe being challenged by their therapists (Aigen, 2013).

Several studies highlight client empowerment as one of the

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ways to reach this therapeutic relationship while also challenging clients to meet their goals (Daveson, 2001; Hirsch & Meckes, 2000; Magill, 2009; Rolvsjord, 2009). Empowerment in music therapy not only comes from the music-making process itself, but also when therapists help clients recognize their potential by providing positive affirmation, respect, and hope (Rolvsjord, 2009). As therapists use music to help clients engage, they also empower clients to feel less helpless or discouraged from past negative experiences and stigmatization of their symptoms (Magill, 2009). Characterized by validating interpersonal connections and mutual music engagement between therapist and client, empowerment in music therapy sessions encourages clients’ participation and helps foster positive attitude and cognitive restructuring (Daveson, 2001). In turn, clients gain a sense of control, which can facilitate an improvement in their social skills, and, ultimately, help them meet their clinical goals (Hirsch & Meckes, 2000).

Current Study

Taken together, past research has shown that IMT is an effective intervention for young children displaying signs of autism (Kim et al., 2008; LaGasse, 2017; Reschke-Hernandez, 2011; Wigram & Gold, 2006). Although previous studies have focused on IMT for children of various ages (Bieleninik et al., 2017; Dekker et al., 2022; Geretsegger et al., 2012; Geretsegger et al., 2015; LaGasse, 2016; Mayer-Benarous et al., 2021; Mössler et al., 2020; Vasa et al., 2021; Whipple, 2004; White et al., 2007; Wigram & Gold, 2006), as of now, few studies have explored the use of IMT with preschoolers. There is also a lack of empirical research examining the benefits of IMT for young children displaying signs of autism (Geretsegger et al., 2014; Whipple, 2004). Most importantly, there has been limited focus on the perspectives of music therapists regarding the ways they support the music engagement of young children who are displaying signs of autism. To address these gaps, the current qualitative study explored the following question: How do IMT music therapists foster the music engagement of young children displaying autistic symptoms?

Participants

Method

Four music therapists, recruited via the Nordoff-Robbins Center for Music Therapy, participated in the current study. All participants had clients between the ages of two and five displaying symptoms of ASD. Two of the therapists were enrolled in graduate programs in music therapy, while the other two participants had a Master’s degree in music therapy. Each of the therapists had at least two years of experience in the field of music therapy. Three therapists were East Asian and one was multiracial. All self-identified as women, and all were in their twenties.

Procedure

Semi-structured interviews with nine open-ended

questions were held with each therapist. Some key questions included “How do you recognize music engagement?” and “How important is music engagement in your music therapy sessions with your client?” (See Appendix for the full list of interview questions.) Follow-up questions were asked based on therapists’ answers during the interview. All interviews were held at the Nordoff Robbins Center for Music Therapy. Interviews ranged in length from 45 to 60 minutes and were audio-recorded.

Transcription and Coding

The audio recordings were initially transcribed using the website Trint, and were later reviewed by researchers, sentence by sentence, to avoid misinterpretation and mistranscription. Then, using grounded theory (i.e., thematic analysis), researchers independently read the transcripts to highlight key themes. The researchers then convened to review and discuss the themes. Ultimately, three common major themes were identified, with the inter-rater reliability at 80%.

Results

Three main themes demonstrating how music therapists foster music engagement for young children displaying autistic symptoms emerged from the data: the flexibility of improvised music, empowerment and creation of a safe space, and the involvement of co-therapist and parents.

Theme 1: Flexibility of Improvised Music

All four therapists described the flexibility of improvised music during IMT sessions as a critical element in supporting children’s music engagement. In contrast to pre-composed music that has strict form and structure, improvised music allowed therapists to reflect on children’s physical and emotional behaviors at the moment, by using musical elements like the chord scale and loudness. For example, when a child got distracted by the air conditioner controller in the room and rushed to observe it in detail, the therapist played the piano with an ascending scale to match the child running toward the object. Likewise, when the child stopped and looked at the air conditioner controller, the therapist paused until he rushed back, at which point the therapist resumed playing on a descending scale. In response to these improvisations, children became more musically engaged in the sessions. For example, they played with more instruments, moved or sang along with the therapist’s improvised music, and interacted with different objects in the therapy space to bidirectionally create more improvised music with the therapist. Music was also improvised to match the children’s emotional intensity. One therapist specifically mentioned using “melodic contour” (i.e., by controlling the volume or the level of pressure against the piano keys) to capture the implied emotion in children’s language and communication. For example, the therapist would play the keys softer when the child said, “This is a gift for mom” to match her tender emotions and kindness to her mother, but played the keys stronger when the child said, “I wonder where the object that I’m looking for is at” to match

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her frustration and irritation. In general, therapists utilized flexible musical elements like tone, pitch, and loudness to help the children engage in the session. The therapist’s attempt to match the children’s emotions through music not only helped validate their feelings but also allowed space for the children to be more musically engaged. The children added new words to the song, stomped to the beat, and played instruments to maintain or change the mood of the music, which helped them stay invested in the creation of the music. Therapists, thus, used the flexible nature of improvised music to engage the children in the sessions.

Theme 2: Creation of Safe Space and Empowerment

A second theme that emerged from the data was the importance of creating a safe space and empowering the children to make them feel confident in engaging musically. For example, one music therapist stated the following:

...There’s no right or wrong music. Every music is how they respond to that thing and that moment. So, I think music engagement is really helping them to realize — to focus on what they are doing right now at the moment instead of worrying about what the outcome will be after doing this.

Using this frame of nonjudgmental music-making, therapists were able to create a “container” of validation and acceptance for the children, freeing them from criticisms of their behaviors in the session. This increased the therapeutic alliance between the therapists and the children, allowing them to feel safe to explore a variety of issues using unfamiliar instruments to create unconventional tunes, thereby better connecting with their emotions.

Furthermore, the validation and acceptance in the therapy environment helped to foster music engagement. All four therapists reported that they encouraged musical initiative by empowering the children to gain a sense of control over their music-making, such as by giving them numerous choices of instruments, musical styles, lyrics, rhythm, and beat. One of the therapists described how her method of using the child’s own words in the improvised songs allowed the child to feel empowered, stating that “...in music, using [the client’s] own language [improvisationally] is very empowering for [her] selfdevelopment [because] she’s actually taking more independence and autonomy over the musical environment that is [hers].” Through these interactions, therapists were able to give children the confidence to take initiative, leading them to be more engaged in the music-making process.

Theme 3: Collaboration With Co-therapists and Parents

Therapists also reported that their facilitation of music engagement was often done in collaboration with co-therapists and/or the children’s parents. Three therapists highlighted the importance of collaboration between music therapists when discussing a child’s music engagement. For example, at times co-therapists contributed unique perspectives related to a child’s

music engagement, based on factors such as their closer physical proximity to the child. As one co-therapist stated: [As a co-therapist] I think I have to negotiate with the primary [therapist] because the primary therapist thinks the child is a one or two [on a music engagement scale], but I don’t think so. […] For example, he sings something but it’s so easy to miss because [the primary therapist] cannot hear sometimes while playing the piano.

Importantly, the collaboration between music therapists is characterized by their joint efforts to create the most personalized session to foster and assess children’s music engagement. Moreover, two of the music therapists mentioned parents’ role in helping to foster children’s music engagement. Some therapists noted that they invited caregivers to join, especially when children demonstrated separation anxiety, and found that parents provided support and encouragement, which the therapists could then build on to foster more music engagement. For example, when parents were encouraged to not only be physically present, but to sing along and participate in the music-making, therapists were better able to encourage the children to engage with the music. Moreover, some of the therapists elicited ideas from parents, regarding topics to discuss with the children or areas to work on, which, too, resulted in a greater ability to foster children’s music engagement.

Discussion

The current study aimed to explore how IMT music therapists foster the music engagement of young children displaying autistic symptoms. Three themes emerged from interviews with music therapists: (1) the use of improvisational music as a flexible tool to encourage music engagement, (2) the importance of creating a safe therapy space to empower children during IMT sessions, and (3) working in collaboration with a cotherapist and/or a child’s parents. Each of these factors was seen as an important contributor to facilitating the music engagement of young children displaying symptoms of autism.

Findings were aligned with past research that has shown how the dynamic elements of music (e.g., volume, duration, tempo, and pitch) can be used to mirror children’s physical and emotional behaviors (Aigen, 2001; Pacliveciv, 2000). In turn, as previous work has shown (Aigen, 2001; Pacliveciv, 2000; Sacks, 2008), the fluid and communicative nature of music can foster increased music engagement and facilitate greater therapeutic relationships. Likewise, in accordance with previous literature (e.g., Kim et al, 2009; Perkins et al., 2020), results highlighted that creating a safe environment encouraged children’s music engagement during IMT sessions. Findings of the current study also demonstrated that music engagement in IMT sessions supported children’s sense of autonomy and independence. Therapists shared that children who were musically engaged were able to take control of the session by initiating the musicmaking and actively collaborating with their music therapists. Notably, one of the therapists described music engagement as

Engagement of Young Children Human Development & Well-Being | 13
Music

a prerequisite for interaction and improvement in developing social skills — one of the main clinical goals for these children. By using what is already known about the effectiveness of music and human emotion, young clients improved their autistic symptoms and social skills through music engagement in IMT sessions. Lastly, as indicated in previous research, cotherapists’ and parents’ involvement in IMT sessions was critical for children displaying autistic symptoms (Aigen, 2013; Lee & Kim, 2021; Silverman, 2019). Importantly, the current findings showed that a collaboration between music therapists and parents helps facilitate children’s music engagement during IMT sessions, improving the therapeutic alliances and supporting social skills (Aigen, 2013; Lee & Kim, 2021; Silverman, 2019). Extending past findings, however, the current results highlighted that the client-therapist relationship was influenced by other indirect relationships, such as those between primary therapists and co-therapists. The current study showed the significance of the diverse perspectives shared by primary and co-therapists in fostering the music engagement in children displaying autistic symptoms. These findings have important implications for music therapists seeking to promote children’s music engagement as a means of fostering their social engagement skills.

Notably, the current study was exploratory in nature. Future research should build on these findings using larger sample sizes, including a greater number of music therapists, and exploring additional factors that might play a role in how music therapists foster the music engagement of young children displaying symptoms of autism (e.g., severity of symptoms, race/ethnicity of clients and therapists). Nevertheless, findings of the current study contribute to the ongoing research in the field of music therapy, and highlight how music therapists might use IMT as a therapeutic option for young children displaying autistic symptoms.

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References

Aigen, K. S. (2001). Popular musical styles in Nordoff-Robbins clinical improvisation. Music Therapy Perspectives, 19(1), 31-44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mtp/19.1.31

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Semi-Structured Interview Questions

Q0. Can you describe the goals of music therapy for your clients and their diagnoses?

Q1. During your sessions with your client, what do you generally notice as a common pattern that comes up during the sessions?

Q2. How do you recognize music engagement in your sessions?

Q3. How do you personally define music engagement?

Q4. How would you describe your client’s music engagement in your sessions? Q5. How important is music engagement in your music therapy sessions with your client?

Q6. How important is music engagement for your client’s personal experience with music therapy?

Q7. Do you have any previous experience with autistic clients in this age group that could be helpful for us to know about music engagement?

Q8. Is there anything else you would like to share about this topic?

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Appendix

Benefits of Mindfulness-Based Meditation for College Students

Jenny Yu

College is a transformational period that brings new experiences and challenges to students (Burgstahler & Stenson, 2019; Falsafi, 2016; Shearer et al., 2016; Vidic, 2021). They are required to adjust to changes, adapt to new roles and lifestyles, manage multiple responsibilities, and maintain interpersonal relationships (Crowley et al., 2020; Falsafi, 2016; Shearer et al., 2016; Vidic, 2021), along with navigating academic tasks and achieving academic success (Tadese et al., 2022; Tentama & Abdillah, 2019). However, the demanding and stressful nature of college life, along with limited access to support from parents and old friends, often results in overall poor mental health among students (Falsafi, 2016; Shearer et al., 2016; Vidic, 2021). For example, recent research has highlighted an increase in depressive symptoms and anxiety among college students (Goodwin et al., 2022; Mayo Clinic, 2022), which, in turn, result in poor academic performance (Mihăilescu et al., 2016; Owens et al., 2012). Notably, recent work has suggested that mindfulnessbased meditation is beneficial for improving college students’ academic performance and psychological functioning (Flett et al., 2018; Lin & Mai, 2018; Parmentier et al., 2019; Quach et al., 2016; Vidic, 2021). Therefore, this literature review explored the following research question: How does practicing mindfulnessbased meditation benefit college students cognitively and psychologically?

Cognitive Benefits

When engaging in mindfulness-based meditation, the practitioner must focus attention on the present in a nonjudgmental way (Kabat-Zinn, 2003; Kabat-Zinn et al., 1992). Thus, it is not surprising that it is effective in improving concentration through reducing mind-wandering (Beck et al., 2017; Bennike et al., 2017; Mrazek et al., 2013; Rahl et al., 2017). Those who regularly practice mindfulness-based meditation tend to develop an enhanced awareness of their surrounding environment and better attentional monitoring abilities (Bennike et al., 2017; Mrazek et al.; 2013; Rahl et al., 2017; Wang et al., 2017). By sharpening these abilities, mindfulness-based meditation also fosters better working memory (Mrazek et al., 2013; Quach et al., 2016; Youngs et al., 2021). As a result, more cognitive resources can be freed up from processing irrelevant information to better engage in tasks at hand, which is related to higher quality of information processing (Mrazek et al., 2013; Quach et al., 2016).

In particular, mind-wandering during lectures is common among college students, especially with the distractions resulting from the presence of smartphones and other electronic devices (Stothart et al., 2015; Sumuer & Kasikci, 2022; Unsworth &

McMillan, 2017). Mind-wandering prevents college students from fully engaging with course material and interferes with their information processing, which, in turn, compromises their absorption of lecture content (Klinger, 2013; Sumuer & Kasikci, 2022; Wammes et al., 2016). With better attention control abilities, college students are more able to refocus their attention on tasks at hand effectively with improved concentration and higher engagement (Bennike et al., 2017; Kerrigan et al., 2017; Mrazek et al.; 2013). At the same time, improved working memory as a result of mindfulness-based meditation also allows college students to more effectively absorb the lecture content, and hence achieve better academic performance (Bóo et al., 2020; Mrazek et al., 2013; Quach et al., 2016).

Psychological Benefits

In addition to improving task performance, mindfulnessbased meditation also helps people curb rumination, which is the process of having repeated thoughts about past negative experiences (Desrosiers et al., 2013; Edenfield & Saeed, 2012; Kropp & Sedlmeier, 2019; Shahar et al., 2010; Parmentier et al., 2019). Enhanced attention control can reduce rumination by helping people recognize their fixation on past negative events and redirect their attention toward other things (Burg & Michalak, 2010; Deng et al., 2014; Desrosiers et al., 2013; Parmentier et al., 2019; Shahar et al., 2010). Furthermore, enhanced attention control also facilitates cognitive reappraisal (i.e., reframing experiences and assigning them new meaning), which increases people’s awareness of their negative thoughts (Cerna et al., 2019; Desrosiers et al., 2013; Parmentier et al., 2019). It helps people recognize instances where they are selfblaming for failures and prompt them to intentionally seek out positive alternative ways to reinterpret negative events (Desrosiers et al., 2013; Garland et al., 2015; Parmentier et al., 2019). In addition, mindfulness-based meditation asks them to be less judgmental and more accepting of their feelings, thereby developing self-compassion, or the ability to treat themselves with understanding and care (Diedrich et al., 2016; Kropp & Sedlmeier, 2019; Shearer et al., 2016; Van Dam et al., 2013).

Cultivation of healthy emotional responses is particularly important to college students as they are transitioning from high school to adulthood (Falsafi, 2016; Schulenberg et al., 2004; Vidic, 2021). This transition involves being exposed to new experiences and challenges, along with abrupt changes in environment and social networks (Dutta et al., 2018; Falsafi, 2016; Schulenberg et al., 2004). These abrupt changes often bring great pressure and make college students more prone to experiencing negative emotions as a result of failing to make adjustments

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(Dutta et al., 2018; Falsafi, 2016). Under these circumstances, mindfulness-based meditation serves as an effective practice for college students to cultivate adaptive emotional responses to negative events to better navigate through stressful life (Cerna et al., 2019; Desrosiers et al., 2013; Dvořáková et al., 2017; Falsafi, 2016; Parmentier et al., 2019). As a result of their mindfulnessbased meditation, college students can better identify when they use maladaptive coping strategies to respond to negative events, such as academic or relationship failures, and try to correct it by either switching to other more enjoyable activities or finding positive way to interpret the events (Cerna et al., 2019; Desrosiers et al., 2013; Parmentier et al., 2019; Shearer et al., 2016).

Conclusion

Practicing mindfulness-based meditation offers a variety of benefits to help college students adapt to stressful college life, such as improving academic performance and psychological functioning (Bóo et al., 2020; Cerna et al., 2019; Falsafi, 2016; Parmentier et al., 2019). The improved attention control abilities can be transferred to higher engagement in academic settings and to more flexibility in response to negative events (Bóo et al., 2020; Desrosiers et al., 2013; Parmentier et al., 2019; Quach et al., 2016). The techniques of mindfulness-based meditation are relatively easy to grasp, so college students can learn them on their own, using trainings that are publicly available online (Falsafi, 2016; Fish & Saul, 2019; Flett et al., 2018; Lattie et al., 2019). Another benefit of mindfulness-based meditation is that it relieves negative emotions and cultivates healthier responses without necessitating the supervision of trained professionals (Falsafi, 2016; Parmentier et al., 2019; Fish & Saul, 2019; Flett et al., 2018). Furthermore, mindfulness-based meditation is not time-consuming, as it can typically be completed in as little as 15 minutes a day, and can be done while walking or engaging in basic household tasks (Burgstahler & Stenson, 2019; Cerna et al., 2020; Falsafi, 2016; Hofmann & Gómez, 2017; Owens & Bunce, 2022; Vidic, 2021). Therefore, college students can easily integrate mindfulness-based meditation into their life by utilizing their fragmented time to practice (Burgstahler & Stenson, 2019; Falsafi, 2016; Owens & Bunce, 2022).

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Finding Connection Through Adversity: A Discussion on Trauma and Acute Stress With Dr. Anthony Mancini

Traditionally, trauma has been associated with a host of negative outcomes, such as persistent fatigue, sleep disorders, emotional dysregulation, and cognitive distortions (Center for Substance Abuse Treatment U.S., 2014). Yet, in recent years, researchers exploring psychological trauma have begun to highlight some of the adaptive outcomes resulting from a traumatic experience, such as the development of psychological resilience (Atkinson et al., 2009), increased empathy (Greenberg et al., 2018), and posttraumatic growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2009). For the past 17 years, Clinical Psychologist Dr. Anthony Mancini, a researcher and professor at Pace University, has been investigating the adaptive functions psychological distress can have, namely how trauma and acute stress can foster social interaction. In other words, Dr. Mancini argues that under certain circumstances, the psychological stress and trauma experienced during adverse events can be a driving force in promoting social connection, leading to increased resiliency and psychosocial gains (Mancini, 2019). To better understand the nuances of trauma and stress responses, Dr. Mancini was interviewed about his recent research.

What made you start studying stress/trauma responses?

It was primarily George Bonanno, who was a professor in the Columbia PhD program. He did, at the time, very contrarian and skeptical research that challenged the assumptions about how people respond to trauma and loss. He was really a pioneer in that, and so I learned a lot from him, and thus I became interested in research. Eventually, he took me on and, actually, I was his first doctoral student – he took me on as a post-doc in his lab. I didn’t feel inherently pulled toward that [trauma and loss], but he made it really interesting. His work excited my interest and that was primarily what pushed me in that direction.

What is your favorite aspect of your research? What excites you about it?

So, I started by looking at the range of responses to trauma, that’s the work I did with George. And you end up with what he describes as prototypical patterns: most people are resilient, of course, they do fine, even through terrible events. Some struggle and get better. Some don’t get better, and they struggle with chronic distress. So I was interested in those patterns.

In the process of my research, I did a study on the Virginia Tech campus shootings, and we found a pattern of people who improved from before to after the shootings. About 10-15% of the sample showed a dramatic reduction in depression and anxiety. So that was very counterintuitive, and it turns out it was linked with the social environment. They clearly developed new social

resources as a result of the event, and this benefited, presumably, their psychological functioning. So I wanted to understand that better, and I was very much interested in the way that we react to stress, worry, tragedy, and disaster, in seeking out other people. I think that is a natural human tendency, and I think it has beneficial effects.

It tells us something important about human beings, and so that’s part of my interest. It touches on deeper questions about being human – our relationships with others, removing some of the noise and distraction and seeing to what ultimately matters. So that’s part of my curiosity in this kind of response, which I describe as “psychosocial gains from adversity.” It’s interesting that we assume stress will harm us, but it can have these paradoxical benefits.

And it works particularly at a group level, where people are now more willing to interact with each other. There’s kind of a shared sense of experience that they can use to relate to one another, perhaps to overcome barriers that may have existed before. I think it demonstrates some of the adaptive consequences of acute stressors.

How do you hope the work that you’re doing will impact the fields of psychology, mental health, counseling, etc? What do you hope, if someone were to read some of your work, to take from it and understand if they were going to put it into their own research or clinical practices?

I would say a more complex and nuanced understanding of the impact of trauma and acute stress – one that takes into account these surprising beneficial effects on social behavior and that considers the ways that stress has beneficial effects on people. There is an assumption about trauma, which is a very loaded word, that it dominates our lives, that it has all these subtle and not-so-subtle manifestations and that it’s a primary force in our psychological health, and I have very serious questions about if that’s true. So I think that viewing trauma in the round or in a more complex way, so that it’s understood to be a basic part of human experience that virtually everyone is going to go through in one way or another and that it doesn’t inherently scar us. So just to see it in a richer way, which again, is not to dispute that it can have serious negative consequences, it’s just to think of it in a slightly more complicated way.

As a final question, do you have any next steps for where you’re looking to go with your research?

I’m continuing to explore the circumstances that encourage people to interact under stress, and the nature of the stressor that can stimulate social behavior and the kinds of stressors that

Trauma & Recovery | 25

don’t. It’s obvious that stress takes a variety of forms, and I think some tend to impel us towards others, others don’t. It’s certainly not my belief that stress is always good; we want some of it but we don’t want too much. So trying to better understand that link is important, and I’m actively trying to look at what the qualities and dimensions of stress are. Is it uncertainty? Is it stress in relation to other people? There’s a bunch of dimensions you can look at that might help to illuminate that link.

I’m also curious about the environment that people are in. Are there environments that tend to encourage that kind of behavior? I suspect there are. So I am interested in things that happen outside of people, that happen outside of their thoughts and preoccupations - things that aren’t strictly speaking psychological variables, but that exist in the world itself - and does that affect your propensity to interact with other people. How does that play a role in your own well-being or psychological functioning?

Conclusion

Dr. Mancini highlights the necessity of a more comprehensive understanding of trauma and acute stress’s impacts on psychological functioning. Rather than attributing a solely negative connotation to words like “trauma” and “stress,” he argues that adverse experiences should be viewed as expected parts of the human experience that can surely be detrimental, but may also be beneficial. For instance, a significant subset of trauma survivors develop an enhanced sense of resilience (Neuner, 2023), suggesting that under certain conditions, trauma and acute stress might result in adaptive outcomes for some individuals. Dr. Mancini’s research on the complexity of trauma does not delegitimize survivors’ experiences; rather, it suggests that, along with the negative outcomes, trauma and acute stress may result in psychological growth and the development of greater resilience. While the complexities of how trauma and acute stress impact psychological functioning remain, Dr. Mancini has been making great strides toward closing that gap. His innovative research challenges popular beliefs about these constructs and serves as a reminder that, especially in psychology, almost nothing is as one-sided as it might appear.

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Trauma & Recovery | 27 An Interview With Dr. Anthony Mancini
References

Social Support and the PTSD Symptoms of Japanese Earthquake Survivors

Haruka Kokaze

Each year, Japan experiences more than 1,500 earthquakes (World Vision, 2019). The 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake, with approximately 6,000 and 18,000 fatalities respectively, were amongst the most devastating, and have served as wake-up calls to the nation’s readiness and response to natural disasters (Goodwin et al., 2015; Uemoto et al., 2011). The majority of the research into the earthquakes tends to place emphasis on earthquake-resistant technological advancements in urban planning, rather than on mitigating psychological distress, such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), after traumatic earthquake experiences (The Government of Japan, 2019). Yet, many survivors of the Great East Japan Earthquake and the Great Hanshin Earthquake continue to face psychological distress stemming from the traumatic experiences (Shigemura et al., 2021; The Japan Times, 2020, 2022). As a result, recent research in Japan has begun to explore how factors such as social support from different sources can help reduce the severity of PTSD symptoms of earthquake survivors (Honda et al., 2019; Kino et al., 2021). This paper, thus, explored the following research question: How does social support at the individual- and community-levels help mitigate the PTSD symptoms of Japanese earthquake survivors?

Effect of Social Support at the Individual-Level

Social support at the individual level includes assistance from family and friends related to managing psychological distress during challenging times, and can help mitigate PTSD symptoms (e.g., hyperarousal) after experiencing a disaster (American Psychological Association [APA], n.d.b; Goodwin et al., 2015; Matsuyama et al., 2016). Immediate family and other relatives are the first place Japanese people go to for emotional support during times of need (Goto & Wilson, 2003). In times of distress, receiving emotional social support from immediate family and other relatives helps Japanese individuals to feel more encouraged and reassured (Ikeda, 2015). It is, thus, not surprising that research conducted in Japan has found that survivors of earthquakes and other natural disasters caused by earthquakes (e.g., tsunamis) who received social support from immediate family and other relatives soon after a traumatic experience were less likely to develop PTSD symptoms (Hikichi et al., 2016; Kino et al., 2021; Kwon et al., 2001; Teramoto et al., 2015). In turn, survivors with social support from their immediate family and other relatives were more likely to overcome their newly arisen challenges, such as adapting to temporary housing (Matsuyama et al., 2016).

Like family members, friends also play a significant role in an individual’s social support network (Hamamura,

2012). While immediate family and other relatives are often the primary source of social support for Japanese people, they also turn to close friends during difficult times (Harada et al., 2018). The evaluative support that friends provide through encouraging words can inspire those in crisis to carry on with their healing process (Ikeda, 2015). In fact, studies have shown that survivors of Japanese earthquakes who received social support from friends were more likely to cope with their PTSD symptoms (e.g., feeling isolated), than those who did not have social support from their friends (Kino et al., 2021; Kwon et al., 2001).

Effect of Social Support at the Community-Level

Social support at the community-level can also aid in the management of PTSD symptoms during difficult times (American Psychological Association [APA], n.d.b; Hikichi et al., 2016; Matsuyama et al., 2016). Similar to social support at the individual-level, community-level social support, including support from residents who live nearby, as well as from government agencies and programs, can lessen PTSD symptoms after a disaster by providing a larger scale of assistance to survivors (Matsuyama et al., 2016; Pike et al., 2021). Since Japan is a collectivist culture, Japanese people place a great emphasis on community-level social support in order to uphold their close social ties and promote group solidarity (Hikichi et al., 2016). This level of social support, often categorized as informational support, encourages the community to use its available resources and recover together as a society, building community resilience (Goodwin et al., 2015; Ikeda, 2015). Community resilience can help alleviate feelings of isolation and loneliness, which are prevalent PTSD symptoms (Hikichi et al., 2016; Matsuyama et al., 2016).

Furthermore, providing mutual assistance and instrumental support, such as exchanging information on where to gain food and water post earthquakes, ultimately enhance community resilience, helping mitigate survivors’ PTSD symptoms after experiencing a disaster (Ikeda, 2015; Kawachi & Berkman, 2014; Kino et al., 2021; Pike et al., 2021). As a result, survivors of earthquakes in Japan who relocated temporarily to prefabricated dwellings in affected areas due to losing their housing to earthquakes or tsunamis were less likely to develop PTSD, as they gained a robust social support system from living in communal housing where a tight-knit network of survivors and a sense of belonging and purpose were fostered (Kino et al., 2021; Koyama et al., 2014).

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Conclusion

Overall, research on the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake and the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake suggests that both individual-level and community-level social support are beneficial for Japanese earthquake survivors. More specifically, these forms of social support help to mitigate or address PTSD symptoms resulting from the trauma (Honda et al., 2019; Koyama et al., 2014; Teramoto et al., 2015). As the Japanese government postulated that there is 70% chance of Tokyo being struck again by an earthquake similar in magnitude to the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake (The World, 2012), there should be a greater focus on developing prevention and intervention systems that draw on individual-level and community-level social supports to address future earthquake survivors’ development of PTSD symptoms (Kino et al., 2021).

Future studies should concentrate on how populations that depend significantly on their immediate families, such as the elderly, whose numbers are rising quickly in Japan, can benefit most from individual-level social support (Oe et al., 2017). To further understand the power of community-level social support, future disaster-related mental health crisis prevention studies should also explore how social support from international organizations (e.g., American Red Cross) might alleviate PTSD symptom development among natural disaster survivors in Japan. Finally, more research should examine how salient Japanese values (e.g., thinking of others before themselves) influence people’s provision of social support and, in turn, affect the development of PTSD symptoms (Sasaki et al., 2019).

Japan showed extraordinary resilience after the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake; with an increase in social support research, the nation can further improve its capacity to heal and recover as a whole.

Trauma & Recovery | 29
Social Support and PTSD Symptoms

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Trauma & Recovery | 31 Social Support and PTSD Symptoms

Gender Affirmation and Depressive Symptoms Lee Hatcher

The suicide rate for transgender youth between the ages of 10 and 21 is approximately 45%, roughly nine times the suicide rate of the general U.S. population (James et al., 2016; Johns et al., 2019). Further, research has found that a majority of transgender youth have reported suicidal ideations (Austin et al., 2016; Price- Feeny et al., 2019), most often as a result of exposure to victimization, discrimination, and harassment (Austin et al., 2018; Bockting et al., 2013; Johns et al., 2019). The high suicide rates point to increased rates of depression in the transgender youth population (Clark et al., 2014; Olsen et al., 2016). In fact, transgender youth report higher rates of depressive moods than their cisgender counterparts (i.e., 86% vs. 56%; Price-Feeny et al., 2019). Given these statistics, it is crucial to identify protective factors that reduce depressive symptoms for transgender youth (Hass et al., 2014; Johns et al., 2018).

Research has shown that gender affirmations (i.e., the interpersonal confirmation of one’s gender from outside sources; Sevelius, 2017) are pivotal for a transgender person’s development through transition (Doyle, 2022), because they are related to lower depressive systems as well as lower anxiety and overall psychological distress (King & Gamarel, 2021). Gender affirmation includes peer and adult acceptance of a youth’s gender identity, using the correct names and pronouns of a transgender youth, and actively acknowledging a youth’s gender identity (Larry et al., 2002; McGuire et al., 2016; Pollitt et al., 2019). Recent research suggests that gender affirmation supports self-esteem and self-perception, which in turn lowers depressive symptoms (Arcelus et al., 2016; McGuire et al., 2016; Torres, 2020). As such, this review examined how gender affirmations mitigate depressive symptoms among transgender youth through self-esteem and self-perception.

Self-Esteem

Depressive symptoms such as loss of interest in activities, feelings of sadness and hopelessness, and tiredness can result from low self-esteem (Arcelus et al., 2016; Romijnders et al., 2017). Low self-esteem, or confidence in one’s own worth and abilities, affects many aspects of life and can lead to thoughts of death or suicide (Arcelus et al., 2016; Romijnders et al., 2017). Transgender youth report lower self-esteem overall than their non-transgender peers. Further, transgender youth believe that increasing their levels of confidence, self-determination, and feelings of empowerment led to an increase in their self-esteem, which, in turn, served as a mechanism for greater self-accept of their gender identity and expression (Romijnders et al., 2017). This suggests that positive self-esteem might mitigate depressive symptoms through self-acceptance (Romijnders et al., 2017).

Depressive symptoms, as triggered by low self-esteem, can be alleviated by gender affirmations from different social groups, such as friends, family, and figures of authority (Kia et al., 2021; Marraccini et al., 2022; Price & Green, 2021). Affirmations such as preferred pronoun usage and active acknowledgment of their gender identity from adult figures bolster the self-esteem of transgender youth (Kia et al., 2021; Mariccini et al., 2021; Price & Green, 2021). Those whose chosen name is used by authority figures like parents and teachers have more positive mental health outcomes; they experience higher self-esteem, decreased depressive symptoms, and fewer suicidal ideations (Pollitt et al., 2019; Russel et al., 2017). In fact, research has shown that when a youth who is transgender has at least one adult in their life who affirms their gender identity, their risk of suicide is reduced by 33% (Price & Green, 2021).

Similarly, factors that positively impact self-esteem can be significantly increased via gender affirmations (Price & Green, 2021). For example, transgender youth feel safer when a trusted adult affirms their gender identity (Kia et al., 2021; Mariccini et al., 2021; Price & Green, 2021). A greater sense of safety raises self-esteem and, in turn, lowers depressive symptoms (Kia et al., 2021; Marraccini et al., 2022; Price & Green, 2021). Moreover, an affirming body image - having a perception of one’s body that matches the gender that they identify with - can positively impact the self-esteem of transgender youth (McGuire et al., 2016). Body image (i.e., how one perceives their physical appearance) has been shown to be a significant factor in depressive symptoms for all youth but is particularly more prominent for transgender youth (Smolak et al., 2001).

Moreover, a negative body image (i.e., how one perceives their physical appearance) has been shown to be a particularly strong predictor of depressive symptoms for transgender youth (Smolak et al., 2001). Therefore, puberty suppressors that extend the period of prepubescence for transgender youth by blocking the onset of puberty can be particularly important in allowing transgender youth more time to decide the next steps of their gender transition. Puberty suppressors have been shown to raise self-esteem and lower negative thoughts about body image via gender affirmations from peers and adults, thereby improving mental health outcomes (Turban et al., 2020; van der Miesen et al., 2018). At the same time, additional medical interventions that support an affirming body image - having a perception of one’s body that matches the gender that they identify withcan positively impact the self-esteem of transgender youth via promoting gender affirmations, as well (McGuire et al., 2016).

LGBTQ+ Mental Health | 33

Self-Perception

Another element that can impact depressive symptoms is self-perception, a person’s view of their mental or physical attributes. Self-perception answers the question, “Who am I?” (Torres, 2020). Because of the lack of congruence between their gender identity and how they are perceived socially, answering this question is much more difficult for transgender youth as compared to cisgender youth (Rijn et al., 2012). As a result, they are more unsure of their personhood (Rijn et al., 2012), and their negative self-perception leads to increased depressive symptoms such as suicidal thoughts (Rijn et al., 2012; Durwood et al., 2017; Kuper et al., 2018). Yet, negative self-perception, like selfesteem, can be mitigated by gender affirmations from different social groups (Kia et al., 2021; Price & Green, 2021).

One way to bolster self-perception is by having at least one accepting and gender-affirming peer (Kia et al., 2021; Price & Green, 2021). Through actions such as using the correct name or pronouns, the protective support provided by peers helps to raise transgender youth’s self-perception (Kia et al., 2021; Price & Green, 2021). Furthermore, peers’ affirmation of gendered clothing choices positively impacts transgender youth’s body image (McGuire et al., 2016). This improved positive body image can help boost self-perception, thus improving transgender youth’s mental health by lowering depressive symptoms and suicidal ideations (Kia et al., 2021; McGuire et al., 2016; Price & Green, 2021).

In addition to peers, supportive parents can bolster the selfperception of transgender youth (Grossman et al., 2021; Johns et al., 2018). Parental support through gender affirmations raises the self-perception of transgender youth by easing the perceived burden of being transgender (e.g., feeling embarrassed about having to deal with being transgender in public; Simons et al., 2013) and, thus, lowers depressive symptoms (Grossman et al., 2021; Johns et al., 2018). In fact, transgender youth who have parents who are gender affirming reduce depressive symptoms so much that transgender youth report the same level of selfperception as their cisgender counterparts, and demonstrate a marked improvement in their overall mental health (Alanko & Lund, 2020).

Conclusion

The literature on gender affirmations for transgender youth indicates that gender affirmations promote better selfesteem and self-perception (Boza & Perry, 2014; Durwood et al.; Kaplan et al., 2016; Kia et al., 2021; Kota et al., 2020; Kuper et al., 2018; Marraccini et al., 2022; Moody & Smith, 2013; Price & Green, 2021; Turban et al., 2020; Veale et al., 2017; Zeluf et al., 2018). In turn, improving self-esteem and self-perception helps to alleviate depressive symptoms for transgender youth (Rijn et al., 2012; Grannis et al., 2021; Hayden, 2020; Kuper et al., 2018; McGuire et al., 2016). The importance of gender affirmations for supporting the mental health of transgender youth cannot be understated. Thus, prevention and intervention efforts should be aimed at ways of educating the general public about

the simple everyday actions they can take, such as using correct names and pronouns. Future research should also examine more closely the effects of political and social actions that promote gender affirmations on the well-being of transgender youth. This could glean more knowledge regarding how to best support transgender youth.

OPUS (2023) 14:1 34 | LGBTQ+ Mental Health

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36 | LGBTQ+ Mental Health OPUS (2023) 14:1

LGBTQ+ College Students and Mental Health Stigma

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) people are at an increased risk for mental health problems as compared to heterosexual and cisgender people (Gmelin et al., 2022; Price-Feeney et al., 2020; Semlyen et al., 2016; Wanta et al., 2019). For instance, lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals are twice as likely to have depression, anxiety, and substance use issues than their heterosexual counterparts (Gmelin et al., 2022; Semlyen et al., 2016; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Association, 2016), and transgender individuals are four times as likely to be diagnosed with anxiety, personality disorders, schizophrenia, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than their cisgender counterparts (Price-Feeney et al., 2020; Wanta et al., 2019). The minority stress theory posits that the disproportionate mental health issues LGBTQ+ people face are due to stressors from hostile social environments, such as homophobia, prejudice, discrimination, and stigma (Meyer, 2003). In particular, LGBTQ+ young adults in college are an at-risk population and are more likely to be depressed or to have attempted suicide than their heterosexual counterparts (Alessi et al., 2017; Greathouse et al., 2018; Lipson et al., 2022). Despite the mental health challenges they face, LGBTQ+ college students avoid seeking treatment, which can be explained by the mental health stigma, but little research has been done on how the stigma impacts them (Martin, 2010; O’Connor et al., 2018).

LGBTQ+ College Students

College students face many stressors that can negatively impact their mental health, including academic stress, transition to college related stress, financial stress, and relationship stressors that make them at-risk for mental health issues (Hurst et al., 2012). Considering that 75% of lifetime mental disorders will onset between ages 18-25, which increases lifetime prevalence and comorbidity with additional mental disorders, these stressors compound college students’ risk of mental health issues (Kessler et al., 2005; Kessler et al., 2007; Suvisaari et al., 2008; Wittchen et al., 1998). Recently, in the United States, college students’ mental health issues have been increasing (LeViness et al., 2020; Lipson et al., 2022), and this has been further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, with college students reporting increased symptoms of anxiety, difficulty concentrating, increased concerns about academic performance, and increased depressive thoughts (Son et al., 2020; Wang et al., 2020).

LGBTQ+ college students are disproportionately impacted by the stressors that college students face, and, therefore, report using their college counseling services for more frequent and prolonged periods than heterosexual college students (Reeves

et al., 2018). For example, LGBTQ+ college students are nearly four times more likely to be depressed, experience feelings of hopelessness, or have attempted suicide than their heterosexual college counterparts (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2021; Greathouse et al., 2018; Hurst et al., 2012; Price-Feeney et al., 2020; The Trevor Project, 2022). One reason for the disproportionate issues that LGBTQ+ college students face is that they experience dual stressors, as they have to deal with stressors exclusive to their queer identity (e.g., microaggressions, discrimination, and sexual stigma) and also the stressors of being a college student (e.g., academic, financial, and relationship stress; Alessi et al., 2017; Hurst et al., 2012). Furthermore, negative campus climates that are not accepting of queer students and perpetuate homophobia and transphobia increase the negative well-being of LGBTQ+ college students (Thacker Darrow et al., 2022).

Despite the disproportionate mental health struggles that they face, factors such as positive social support (e.g., family and friends that support their queer identity, being friends with LGBTQ+ individuals; Doty et al., 2010; McDonald, 2018) and identity self-awareness (i.e. a belief that one’s sexual identity increases one’s awareness of one’s own feelings and strengths; Amador et al., 1991; Knight et al., 2018; Meyer, 2015, p. 210; Pistella et al., 2023) have been shown to protect against this increased risk (Poteat et al., 2015; Wilkerson et al., 2016; Williams et al., 2005). Additionally, recent literature highlights how LGBTQ+ college students are resilient and able to thrive in the face of homophobia and transphobia (Hill et al., 2020; Nicolazzo, 2016; Riggle & Rotosky, 2011; Singh et al., 2014). Although these protective factors exist, LGBTQ+ college students note a number of barriers to treatment, such as long waitlists, not feeling comfortable going, and their university not having LGBTQ+ counseling centers (The Trevor Project, 2022).

Mental Health Stigma

One of the most notable barriers to treatment is the mental health stigma (i.e., the negative views toward a person or group of people who have been diagnosed with or perceived to have mental health issues, mental disorders, and/or mental illnesses; American Psychiatric Association, 2020; Dudley, 2000; Goffman, 1964). Research has shown that the stigma surrounding mental health leads to decreased likelihood to seek treatment or stay with treatment (Yanos et al., 2020), and is a potential reason for the under-reporting of mental disorders (Bharadwaj et al., 2017). For example, mental disorders are reported less than physical health conditions, such as diabetes or cardiovascular disease (Bharadwaj et al., 2017). College students report that they avoid

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seeking treatment due to a fear of being judged, discriminated against, or being treated differently by classmates and university faculty/staff (Eisenberg et al., 2009; Martin, 2010).

It is important to distinguish the two types of mental health stigma – public stigma and self-stigma – since they have different impacts on individuals (Corrigan, 2004; Corrigan & Penn, 1999). Public stigma refers to the negative stereotypes about mental illness held by people in society (e.g., people with mental illnesses are crazy and dangerous), which creates feelings of shame and a lack of seeking treatment for people with mental health issues (Corrigan, 2004; Corrigan & Penn, 1999; Corrigan & Shapiro, 2010; New Freedom Commission on Mental Health, 2003; Parcesepe & Cabassa, 2012; Walker et al., 2008). On the other hand, self-stigma refers to when an individual who identifies with the stigmatized group internalizes and believes the negative stereotypes (Corrigan, 2004; Corrigan & Penn, 1999). Research has shown that self-stigma is more strongly associated with lower help-seeking behaviors than public stigma and significantly prolongs recovery for individuals with mental illnesses (Oexle et al., 2018; Ritsher et al., 2003; Yu et al., 2022). Although there is limited research focusing on LGBTQ+ college students, existing literature does show that internalized self-stigma in LGBTQ+ individuals is associated with negative attitudes towards the self and lower feelings of safety and contentment (O’Connor et al., 2018; Pistella et al., 2023). Additionally, it has been demonstrated that low self-awareness about their sexual/gender identity is associated with less coping and resiliency to minority stressors due to a decrease in social adjustment and well-being (Meyer, 2015; Pistella et al., 2023). Despite LGBTQ+ college students’ greater risks for mental health issues (Alessi et al., 2017; Greathouse et al., 2018), few studies have looked at how the mental health stigma influences their psychological well-being and help-seeking behaviors (O’Connor et al., 2018).

Current Study

Few studies have focused on the personal experiences of LGBTQ+ college students and how mental health stigma influences their psychological well-being and help-seeking behaviors. The research that has been done has focused on the dual stigma experienced by LGBTQ+ adults with severe mental health issues, highlighting how they feel out of place in both queer communities and mental health settings based on the intersection of their identities (O’Connor et al., 2018). Although these findings are substantial and begin to explore the influences of the mental health stigma, they do not take into account the experiences of LGBTQ+ college students, who are unique atrisk population due to the intersection of being a queer college student (Alessi et al., 2017; Greathouse et al., 2018; Reeves et al., 2018). Therefore, this qualitative study explored the following research question: How does the stigma surrounding mental health issues relate to the well-being and help-seeking behaviors of LGBTQ+ college students?

Participants

Method

Participants included seven college students (N = 7) from New York University (NYU) that self-identify as LGBTQ+ individuals and were recruited through social media and by word of mouth. Requirements for participation included: being currently enrolled in a college/university and identifying as a member of the LGBTQ+ community. Six participants disclosed their race/ethnicity (see Fig. 1 for full breakdown) and the majority identified as White. All participants identified as one or more of the LGBTQ+ identities: queer (4), lesbian (4), gay (2), bisexual (1), and asexual (1). The following gender identities were represented: cisgender woman (4), genderqueer (2), and transgender (1) with pronouns of she/her (4), she/they (2), and he/him (1). All participants reported their degree tracks with a majority completing their Bachelor’s degree (see Fig. 2 for full breakdown). The mean age of the participants was 21 years old.

Procedure

This study was conducted using an open-ended survey through Google Forms (see Appendix A) where participants were first asked demographic questions such as age, race/ethnicity, gender identity, and sexual identity. For questions asking about gender, sexual, and race/ethnicity identity, participants were asked to write all identities they associated with in their own words. Participants were then asked about their experience as an LGBTQ+ college student and if the mental health stigma has had an influence on their psychological well-being and help-seeking behaviors (e.g., “How do you believe the stigma surrounding mental health influences your well-being as an LGBTQ+ college student?”). An open-ended survey was used since discussions of stigma and one’s gender and sexual identity can be very sensitive topics and this method allowed for more participant comfort. Participants were also made aware that participation in the survey is voluntary and that responses to every question were not required.

Coding

Results were coded using a thematic grounded theory approach by analyzing one participant’s response (14.3%) at the sentence level and creating themes that emerged within the data related to the research question. These themes were then examined on the next participant’s response to check for alignment and were re-evaluated if new themes emerged. All data was then coded by one researcher.

Results & Discussion

This study aimed to address the gaps in the literature surrounding how the mental health stigma impacts LGBTQ+ college students’ well-being and help-seeking behaviors. Thematic analysis led to the emergence of four major themes: campus environment, social support, self-awareness, and exposure to prejudice. While results did indicate that the mental health stigma has impacts on the well-being and help-seeking

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behaviors of LGBTQ+ college students, it also indicated that each theme was able to have a dual impact on stigma: the themes that emerged either had a positive or negative influence on the mental health stigma depending on the participant’s experience. The findings of this study build upon previous research on college students and LGBTQ+ people individually by providing a unique understanding of how the mental health stigma impacts individuals when these identities intersect.

Theme 1: Campus Environment

Analysis of the data indicated that the campus views and attitudes toward queer students and mental health issues have an impact on the well-being, help-seeking behaviors, and mental health stigma of LGBTQ+ college students. Four participants noted that they do not believe that mental health stigma has much of an impact on them as LGBTQ+ students due to their supportive campus environment. Participants stated that the campus’s openness to LGBTQ+ students and discussions about mental health helps to encourage a sense of community and promotes seeking treatment. For example, one participant stated that the faculty’s attitudes toward seeking treatment largely influenced them to utilize their campus counseling resources.

On the other hand, five participants indicated that they perceive a lack of support or inadequate resources from their college campus. Four of these participants noted feeling that the campus does not view mental health issues as one of their top concerns and instead advances a “just grit your teeth and get through it” mentality, with one participant directly stating this as a barrier to treatment. Two participants noted that some faculty members are unsupportive and do “not accept mental health concerns as a legitimate reason to ask for an extension or take time off.” In relation to LGBTQ+ college students, one participant said:

I think that in order to fight the very common feeling of not being able to seek help that is shared among LGBTQ student[s] is for the university to show more of an effort to give services for students. I really haven’t seen much.

Although the participants had differing experiences with campus environment, these findings are in line with previous research that highlights how campuses can provide either a positive or negative environment for their LGBTQ+ students (Ellis, 2009; Evans et al., 2017; Horn & Szalacha, 2009; Longerbeam et al., 2007; Thacker Darrow et al., 2022). Previous research has shown that classroom climate, residence hall environment, and faculty attitudes can promote either positive or negative experiences depending on the campus’ support of LGBTQ+ college students (Evans et al., 2017; Stevens, 2004; Tetreault et al., 2013). The findings of this study expand upon previous research (e.g., Evans et al., 2017), but also indicate that campus environment can act as a protective or risk factor for mental health stigma and overall well-being and help-seeking behaviors of LGBTQ+ college students.

Theme 2: Social Support

In participants’ responses, six mentioned the theme of social support in some capacity. For this study, social support was defined as one’s social network, such as family, friends, and support groups, that helps them to cope with stressors (APA, n.d. -b). Of these participants, three noted that having family members who are supportive of both their queer identity and mental health issues increased their help-seeking behaviors and reduced the impacts of stigma, with two participants noting the same influences from their friends with similar identities. Two participants indicated that they had unsupportive family members who did not take mental health seriously, which was noted as a big barrier to accessing and seeking treatment. Interestingly, one participant highlighted that when they are with less accepting social groups (i.e., family), they feel the influence of the mental health stigma more than when they are with more accepting social support (i.e., queer community).

These findings further expand upon previous research that highlights how social support can reduce mental health issues and suicidality while increasing self-esteem and wellbeing (Doty et al., 2010; McDonald, 2018; Poteat et al., 2015; Wilkerson et al., 2016; Williams et al., 2005). The results of this study are able to demonstrate the dual impact social support can have on LGBTQ+ students’ well-being and help-seeking, but also how it can help to mitigate the influences from the mental health stigma.

Theme 3: Self-Awareness

For the purposes of this paper, self-awareness was defined as one’s awareness of their mental health issues (e.g., need for treatment) and queer identity (e.g., comfortability with sexuality; Amador et al., 1991; Meyer, 2015). Four participants highlighted that their psychology classes have frequent discussions about mental health and this has made them “hyper-aware” of their struggles, the mental health stigma, and when it is necessary to seek treatment. For example, one participant stated that they do not feel like the mental health stigma has much of an influence on their well-being due to their psychology major. Additionally, one participant stated that they do not feel their mental health and LGBTQ+ identity “intertwined” in any way due to their comfortability with their sexuality and, therefore, they felt not impacted by the mental health stigma. This was a unique finding that highlights how one’s self-awareness about their own sexual and/or gender identity can reduce the impacts of the mental health stigma. Additionally, another participant communicated that they “sometimes feel invalidated” about their identity but their comfortability with their sexual orientation has been a protective factor for their well-being.

In line with previous research, these findings support that self-awareness about one’s mental health issues and/ or mental disorders is a protective factor against the mental health stigma (Amador et al., 1991; Knight et al., 2018; Meyer, 2015). Furthermore, these findings also indicate how selfawareness about one’s sexual and/or gender identity and their

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comfortability with that identity can decrease internalized selfstigma and increase positive attitudes toward themselves and their safety, which also protects against the mental health stigma (Pistella et al., 2023). The finding of education being a protective factor does support previous findings of knowledge mitigating the mental health stigma (Martin, 2010), but these results highlight the protective role higher education and/or studying psychology has for LGBTQ+ students.

Theme 4: Exposure to Prejudice

Four participants stated incidences of exposure to prejudice, which includes stereotypes, discrimination, and judgment about being queer and/or having mental health issues that perpetuate feelings of shame and guilt (APA, n.d. -a). These participants expressed that these exposures made them feel invalidated and socially isolated, which had negative impacts on their wellbeing. Three participants highlighted moments of being forced to be resilient due to their family, community, and/or university not supporting their mental health struggles, which created barriers to help-seeking. One participant, in particular, noted they gained resiliency in the face of these situations but was also forced to self-advocate for treatment at a young age, which they noted had negative influences on their well-being.

These findings expand upon the minority stress theory on how exposure to prejudice negatively impacts LGBTQ+ people and individuals with mental disorders (Eisenberg et al., 2009; Feinstein et al., 2012; Herek, 2004; Meyer, 2003; Walch et al., 2016; Yang & Mak, 2017) and highlights the unique ways it influences LGBTQ+ college students in terms of their well-being and help-seeking behaviors. An interesting concept of “forced resiliency” emerged surrounding mental health prejudices, which is different than the previous research that demonstrated how LGBTQ+ individuals are resilient in the face of sexual/ gender identity prejudices, such as homophobia and transphobia (Hill et al., 2020; Nicolazzo, 2016; Riggle & Rotosky, 2011; Singh et al., 2014). This topic of “forced resiliency” may be important for future research to consider when working with LGBTQ+ people and people with mental health struggles considering the differing stigmas they face surrounding their identities (Feinstein et al., 2012; Herek, 2004; Meyer, 2003; Yang & Mak, 2017).

Conclusion

The current study sheds light on the impacts of the mental health stigma on an at-risk, marginalized community which has previously been under-researched. The results of this study indicate that the mental health stigma does have an impact on LGBTQ+ college students’ well-being and help-seeking behaviors, but protective factors, such as self-awareness and social support, help to negate the impact and vice versa. These findings highlight the experiences of queer students, a population of increasing research concern, and can help college campuses better understand the needs of their queer students. Most notably, the importance of a supportive campus environment and adequate resources provided to queer college students,

such as LGBTQ+ centers, clubs, and counseling centers, were demonstrated as protective factors against the mental health stigma. Furthermore, the protective and risk factors against mental health stigma presented in this study can help to inform mental health professionals more about LGBTQ+ college students and create targeted treatments to address the unique stressors they face as a marginalized community and college students. Moreover, findings regarding the implications of the mental health stigma on individuals allow researchers, mental health professionals, and policymakers to better develop ways to mitigate these influences. Lastly, these findings can help to oppose the anti-LGBTQ+ laws and policies currently circulating since they focus on the experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals and the impacts of their mental health.

Due to the limited research on this specific population, the researcher chose to focus on the experiences of LGBTQ+ college students at New York University to gain an initial understanding of the impacts of the mental health stigma. To further advance the findings on this topic, future research may explore how the experiences of queer students at other colleges are similar or different from these preliminary results. Additionally, the majority of participants in this sample were in a psychology-related field and further research should be conducted with a wider range of areas of study to examine how different educational pathways play a role on the impact of the mental health stigma. Although the sample size of the current study did not permit this, future research could examine how different mental disorder diagnoses potentially relate to the mental health stigma. Additionally, considering how gender minorities are at a greater risk for mental health issues than sexual minorities (Wanta et al., 2019), future research should examine how the mental health stigma impacts the separate LGBTQ+ identities individually to discern differences in experiences, if any. Moreover, various cultures hold more traditional views on mental health and LGBTQ+ people, which can have an impact on well-being and helpseeking behaviors (Department of Health and Human Services, 2001), and, therefore, future research should examine how race/ ethnicity and culture have an influence on the mental health stigma. Lastly, to explore this finding of “forced resiliency” more, future research should examine if LGBTQ+ individuals also feel like their resiliency in the face of sexual/gender prejudices is “forced” since previous research does not mention it. This will be most successfully conducted using qualitative measures since it is based on the participants’ experiences that will be difficult to capture using quantitative measures.

Critical Reflexivity

I am a self-identifying bisexual, cisgender woman that has struggled with mental health issues in my life and am in a unique position to understand this community’s struggle with stigma regarding our sexual identity and mental health. Additionally, my identity as a White, cisgender woman may put me in a position where I could misinterpret the responses of my BIPOC and transgender participants since I cannot fully understand

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their experiences of oppression and discrimination. To help with this issue, open-ended surveys were used to allow participants to explain their own experiences. While analyzing the data, I focused only on the participant’s responses and experiences while putting my own aside. I did this by acknowledging that my own experiences will not be the same for everyone and that the participant’s experiences are the most important. This helped to code the data objectively and not misconstrue any of the participant’s experiences.

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OPUS (2023) 14:1 44 | LGBTQ+ Mental Health
LGBTQ+ College Students and Mental Health Stigma
LGBTQ+ Mental Health | 45
org/10.1037/cou0000637

Figure 1

Participant Demographics: Race/Ethnicity

14:1 46 | LGBTQ+ Mental Health
OPUS (2023)
White 66.7% Chinese 16.7% Biracial 16.7%

Figure 2

Participant Demographics: Degree Tracks

LGBTQ+ Mental Health | 47 0 1 2 3 4
Bachelor's in Applied Psychology Bachelor's in Social Work Bachelor's in Education Studies Master's in Counseling for Mental Health & Wellness
Number of Participants
Degree Track

Appendix A

LGBTQ+ College Student Open-Ended Survey Questions

Demographic Questions

1. What is your age?

2. What college/university do you attend?

3. What is your college major/program?

4. What is your current year in college?

5. What pronouns do you use/prefer?

6. What term(s) best describe your gender identity? List all that apply.

7. What term(s) best describe your LGBTQ+ identity? List all that apply.

8. What term(s) best describe your racial/ethnic identity? List all that apply.

Mental Health Stigma Questions

1. What is your experience like as an LGBTQ+ college student in terms of your mental well-being?

2. How has your queer identity impacted the way you think about mental health, if at all?

3. Have you ever been diagnosed with a mental health disorder? List all that apply, if applicable.

4. What messages about mental health have you received from your community/family/school/university?

5. How do you think these messages have impacted your opinions on seeking professional help, if at all?

6. Please describe a time in college when you have been exposed to the stigma surrounding your sexual/gender identity, if applicable.

7. Please describe a time in college when you have been exposed to the mental health stigma, if applicable.

8. How do you believe the stigma surrounding mental health influences your well-being as an LGBTQ+ college student, if at all?

9. Is there anything else you would like to add about mental health stigma, your experience as an LGBTQ+ college student, or how the mental health stigma influences your well-being as an LGBTQ+ college student?

10. If you feel comfortable being contacted for potential follow-up, please leave your email.

OPUS (2023) 14:1 48 | LGBTQ+ Mental Health

Nicole Quinn Chow is a senior double-majoring in Applied Psychology and Art History (‘23). She works as a research assistant at the Families and Children Experiencing Success Lab, which focuses on supporting youths with behavioral difficulties and their families. Her research interests lie in child development and clinical interventions. She is currently working on her honors thesis under the mentorship of Dr. Anil Chacko, which explores access to treatment for children with ADHD. In the future, she aspires to become a clinical psychologist to improve children’s mental health.

syw320@nyu.edu

Su-Yue Amy Wang is a senior in Applied Psychology (‘23) with minors in Teacher Education and Mathematics. She works as a research assistant with the Researching Inequity in Society Ecologically (RISE) Lab and is currently completing her honors thesis on exclusionary school discipline under Dr. Shabnam Javdani’s mentorship. Her research interests include addressing inequalities within education and disrupting the school-toprison pipeline, and she will be pursuing a PhD in social psychology after graduation.

50 | Biographies
Editors-in-Chief

Layout & Design Coordinators

sjc725@nyu.edu

Shirley Cajamarca is a junior majoring in Applied Psychology (‘24) with a strong desire to explore different career paths. She joined OPUS because she believes in the importance of encouraging and supporting undergraduate students to showcase their excellent work. She values the amazing community that OPUS has created and wishes to continue working with the team. Shirley remains optimistic and excited about her future.

rw2602@nyu.edu

Rebecca Wu is a senior in Applied Psychology (‘23) minoring in Economics. She is a research assistant at the SMART Beginnings Lab, which focuses on the school readiness of children from low income families. She plans to pursue a Master’s degree in user experience design, which connects her interests in psychology and design.

Biographies | 51

Contributing

grb341@nyu.edu

Gianna Rose Boccieri is a senior in an accelerated Master’s program earning a BS in Applied Psychology (‘23) and an MA in Counseling for Mental Health and Wellness (‘24). She also minors in American Sign Language and concentrates in Child and Adolescent Mental Health Studies. She works as a research assistant on the ARCADIA for Suicide Prevention team and has been a Steinhardt Peer Mentor since 2021. In the future, she hopes to work with LGBTQ+ youth and individuals who have lost loved ones to suicide through her counseling practice and research.

Contributing

afg4614@nyu.edu

Adam Goldstein is a sophomore studying Global Public Health and Applied Psychology (‘25). Originally a native New Yorker, Adam left NYC to attend American University in Washington D.C., but transferred to NYU for the Spring ‘23 semester. Since starting at NYU, Adam has joined OPUS as a contributing writer, is a member of NYU’s Active Minds chapter, and is a student worker at the School of Global Public Health’s undergraduate office. With a passion for mental health awareness and treatment, Adam is eager to explore the intersection of public health and psychology to address the mental health epidemic on a population level.

Contributing

glh279@nyu.edu

Lee Hatcher is a senior earning a combined degree in Applied Psychology (‘23) with a Master’s in Mental Health and Wellness Counseling (‘24). His minor is in American Sign Language but has two other focuses: French Studies and Child and Adolescent Mental Health. He is currently researching diversity within PhD scholarship opportunities and hopes to publish more of his work.

52 | Biographies

Contributing Writer

hk2851@nyu.edu

Haruka Kokaze is a senior enrolled in an accelerated program with a BS in Applied Psychology (‘23) and an MA in Counseling for Mental Health and Wellness (‘24). Her dream is to become a transnational psychologist for Japanese and Japanese Americans across the U.S. and Japan. Her curiosity in multicultural psychology comes from living in diverse cities and witnessing how mainstream mental health practices and resources are often not functional for non-Western populations. She is also a research assistant at various labs affiliated with Columbia University and NYU.

Suebin Lee

Contributing Writer

sl7622@nyu.edu

Suebin Lee is a senior in the accelerated Master’s program with a BS in Applied Psychology (‘23) and an MA in Counseling for Mental Health and Wellness (‘24). She is a 1.5-generation Korean-American who grew up in NYC after immigrating from South Korea. In the past, she volunteered in the Korean-American community to help foster cultural identities and at the Nordoff-Robbins Center for Music Therapy to explore the field of creative arts therapy. Currently, she is working towards obtaining an LMHC licensure in NY to provide bilingual services for underserved immigrant populations.

Contributing Writer

yl9060@nyu.edu

Yuyi Lin is a sophomore on the Pre-Health track in Applied Psychology (‘25) with a minor in Chemistry. In the past, she has coded for a WEIRD meta-analysis examining demographic representation within school psychology publications and advocated for girls and gender expansive youth who are at-risk for involvement or are involved in the juvenile justice system. Currently, she is a clinical research assistant at NYU Langone working in preventative diabetes and runs a Theravada Buddhism camp for Burmese American youth. In the future, she hopes to combine her interests in nutrition and education into a career pursuing medicine.

Biographies | 53

SoYoung (Bella) Park

Contributing Writer

sp5562@nyu.edu

SoYoung (Bella) Park is a senior in B.S./M.A. for Applied Psychology (‘23) and Counseling for Mental Health and Wellness (‘24) with a minor in Sociology. During her undergraduate years, she explored her interests in psychology through research, clinical, and leadership roles at Rory Meyers College of Nursing, The Psychology Times, ABRA & CARA Retreat, Kurtz Psychology Consulting PC, and APUG Club. SoYoung hopes to provide bilingual services to international students and Asian American young adults to help them navigate their multicultural identity through research and counseling.

Contributing Writer

jy2865@nyu.edu

Jenny Yu is a senior in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health (Fall ‘23) with a minor in Data Science. Currently, she works as a research assistant at Culture, Emotion, and Health Lab at NYU Steinhardt, working for projects related to emotion regulation. She also works as a research assistant at IDEAS lab at NYU Langone, participating in both a qualitative research project targeting Chinese Americans smokers with Type II diabetes and a quantitative project for Covid-19 data analysis. In the future, she plans to study biostatistics and work in the field of healthcare.

Olive (Qianyu) Zhou

Contributing Writer

qz990@nyu.edu

Olive (Qianyu) Zhou is a senior earning a BS in Applied Psychology (’23) at New York University. She minors in Nutrition and Urban Design & Architecture Studies. Currently, she works as a research assistant at the NYU Advocacy and Community-Based Trauma Studies (ACTS) Lab, participating in projects related to domestic violence. She also volunteers as a filmer at NYU Nordoff-Robbins Center for Music Therapy. She will continue to study counseling at UPenn. In the future, she hopes to become a novelist, photographer, and a therapist.

54 | Biographies

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